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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism + +Author: Bertrand Russell + +Release Date: December 19, 2005 [EBook #17350] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BOLSHEVISM *** + + + + +Produced by Thierry Alberto, Jeannie Howse and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net + + + + + +Character set for HTML: ISO-8859-1 + + +</pre> + + +<div class="tr"> +<p class="noin">Transcriber's Note:</p> +<p class="noin">A number of obvious typographical errors have been +corrected in this text. For a complete list, please +see the bottom of this document.</p> +<p class="noin">Corrections listed in the existing Errata at the +end of this book have been applied to the text, and shown with <span class="errata" title=""like this"">popups</span>.</p> +</div> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<hr /> +<br /> +<br /> + +<h1>The Practice and Theory<br /> +of Bolshevism</h1> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<h2>Bertrand Russell</h2> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<h5>LONDON: GEORGE ALLEN & UNWIN LTD.<br /> +RUSKIN HOUSE, 40 MUSEUM STREET, W.C. 1</h5> + +<br /> +<br /> +<hr /> +<br /> +<br /> + +<h4><i>First published November 1920</i></h4> +<h4><i>Reprinted February 1921</i></h4> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<h4>(<i>All rights reserved</i>)</h4> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a name="PREFACE" id="PREFACE"></a><hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>PREFACE<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">ToC</a></span></h3> +<br /> + +<p>The Russian Revolution is one of the great +heroic events of the world's history. It is +natural to compare it to the French Revolution, but +it is in fact something of even more importance. +It does more to change daily life and the structure +of society: it also does more to change men's beliefs. +The difference is exemplified by the difference between +Marx and Rousseau: the latter sentimental and +soft, appealing to emotion, obliterating sharp outlines; +the former systematic like Hegel, full of hard +intellectual content, appealing to historic necessity +and the technical development of industry, suggesting +a view of human beings as puppets in the grip of +omnipotent material forces. Bolshevism combines the +characteristics of the French Revolution with those +of the rise of Islam; and the result is something +radically new, which can only be understood by a +patient and passionate effort of imagination.</p> + +<p>Before entering upon any detail, I wish to state, +as clearly and unambiguously as I can, my own +attitude towards this new thing.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span>By far the most important aspect of the Russian +Revolution is as an attempt to realize Communism. +I believe that Communism is necessary to the +world, and I believe that the heroism of Russia +has fired men's hopes in a way which was essential +to the realization of Communism in the future. +Regarded as a splendid attempt, without which +ultimate success would have been very improbable, +Bolshevism deserves the gratitude and admiration +of all the progressive part of mankind.</p> + +<p>But the method by which Moscow aims at establishing +Communism is a pioneer method, rough and +dangerous, too heroic to count the cost of the opposition +it arouses. I do not believe that by this +method a stable or desirable form of Communism +can be established. Three issues seem to me possible +from the present situation. The first is the ultimate +defeat of Bolshevism by the forces of capitalism. +The second is the victory of the Bolshevists accompanied +by a complete loss of their ideals and a +régime of Napoleonic imperialism. The third is +a prolonged world-war, in which civilization will go +under, and all its manifestations (including Communism) +will be forgotten.</p> + +<p>It is because I do not believe that the methods +of the Third International can lead to the desired +goal that I have thought it worth while to point out +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span>what seem to me undesirable features in the present +state of Russia. I think there are lessons to be +learnt which must be learnt if the world is ever to +achieve what is desired by those in the West who +have sympathy with the original aims of the Bolsheviks. +I do not think these lessons can be learnt +except by facing frankly and fully whatever +elements of failure there are in Russia. I think +these elements of failure are less attributable to +faults of detail than to an impatient philosophy, +which aims at creating a new world without sufficient +preparation in the opinions and feelings of ordinary +men and women.</p> + +<p>But although I do not believe that Communism +can be realized immediately by the spread of Bolshevism, +I do believe that, if Bolshevism falls, it will +have contributed a legend and a heroic attempt +without which ultimate success might never have +come. A fundamental economic reconstruction, +bringing with it very far-reaching changes in ways +of thinking and feeling, in philosophy and art +and private relations, seems absolutely necessary if +industrialism is to become the servant of man instead +of his master. In all this, I am at one with the +Bolsheviks; politically, I criticize them only when +their methods seem to involve a departure from their +own ideals.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span>There is, however, another aspect of Bolshevism +from which I differ more fundamentally. Bolshevism +is not merely a political doctrine; it is also +a religion, with elaborate dogmas and inspired +scriptures. When Lenin wishes to prove some +proposition, he does so, if possible, by quoting texts +from Marx and Engels. A full-fledged Communist +is not merely a man who believes that land and +capital should be held in common, and their produce +distributed as nearly equally as possible. He is a man +who entertains a number of elaborate and dogmatic +beliefs—such as philosophic materialism, for example—which +may be true, but are not, to a scientific +temper, capable of being known to be true with any +certainty. This habit, of militant certainty about +objectively doubtful matters, is one from which, +since the Renaissance, the world has been gradually +emerging, into that temper of constructive and +fruitful scepticism which constitutes the scientific +outlook. I believe the scientific outlook to be +immeasurably important to the human race. If a +more just economic system were only attainable by +closing men's minds against free inquiry, and plunging +them back into the intellectual prison of the middle +ages, I should consider the price too high. It cannot +be denied that, over any short period of time, dogmatic +belief is a help in fighting. If all Communists become +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span>religious fanatics, while supporters of capitalism +retain a sceptical temper, it may be assumed that +the Communists will win, while in the contrary case +the capitalists would win. It seems evident, from +the attitude of the capitalist world to Soviet Russia, +of the Entente to the Central Empires, and of England +to Ireland and India, that there is no depth of +cruelty, perfidy or brutality from which the present +holders of power will shrink when they feel themselves +threatened. If, in order to oust them, nothing short +of religious fanaticism will serve, it is they who are +the prime sources of the resultant evil. And it is +permissible to hope that, when they have been dispossessed, +fanaticism will fade, as other fanaticisms +have faded in the past.</p> + +<p>The present holders of power are evil men, and +the present manner of life is doomed. To make the +transition with a minimum of bloodshed, with a +maximum of preservation of whatever has value in +our existing civilization, is a difficult problem. It is +this problem which has chiefly occupied my mind +in writing the following pages. I wish I could think +that its solution would be facilitated by some slight +degree of moderation and humane feeling on the part +of those who enjoy unjust privileges in the world +as it is.</p> + +<p>The present work is the outcome of a visit to +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span>Russia, supplemented by much reading and discussion +both before and after. I have thought it best to +record what I saw separately from theoretical considerations, +and I have endeavoured to state my impressions +without any bias for or against the Bolsheviks. +I received at their hands the greatest kindness and +courtesy, and I owe them a debt of gratitude for +the perfect freedom which they allowed me in my +investigations. I am conscious that I was too short +a time in Russia to be able to form really reliable +judgments; however, I share this drawback with +most other westerners who have written on Russia +since the October Revolution. I feel that Bolshevism +is a matter of such importance that it is +necessary, for almost every political question, to +define one's attitude in regard to it; and I have +hopes that I may help others to define their attitude, +even if only by way of opposition to what I have +written.</p> + +<p>I have received invaluable assistance from my secretary, +Miss D.W. Black, who was in Russia shortly +after I had left. The chapter on Art and Education +is written by her throughout. Neither is responsible +for the other's opinions.</p> + +<p class="right">BERTRAND RUSSELL</p> +<p><i>September, 1920.</i></p> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a name="toc" id="toc"></a><hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>CONTENTS</h3> +<br /> + +<div class="centered"> +<table border="0" cellpadding="1" cellspacing="1" width="80%" summary="Table of Contents"> + <tr> + <td width="5%"> </td> + <td width="85%"> </td> + <td class="tdr" width="10%"><span style="font-size: 70%;">PAGE</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdc" colspan="3" style="line-height: 2em;"><a href="#PART_I">PART I</a><br /> + THE PRESENT CONDITION OF RUSSIA</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">I.</td> + <td class="tdl" style="font-size: 80%;">WHAT IS HOPED FROM BOLSHEVISM</td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#I">15</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">II.</td> + <td class="tdl" style="font-size: 80%;">GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS</td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#II">24</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">III.</td> + <td class="tdl" style="font-size: 80%;">LENIN, TROTSKY AND GORKY</td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#III">36</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">IV.</td> + <td class="tdl" style="font-size: 80%;">ART AND EDUCATION</td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#IV">45</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">V.</td> + <td class="tdl" style="font-size: 80%;">COMMUNISM AND THE SOVIET CONSTITUTION</td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#V">72</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">VI.</td> + <td class="tdl" style="font-size: 80%;">THE FAILURE OF RUSSIAN INDUSTRY</td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#VI">81</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">VII.</td> + <td class="tdl" style="font-size: 80%;">DAILY LIFE IN MOSCOW</td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#VII">92</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">VIII.</td> + <td class="tdl" style="font-size: 80%;">TOWN AND COUNTRY</td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#VIII">99</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">IX.</td> + <td class="tdl" style="font-size: 80%;">INTERNATIONAL POLICY</td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#IX">106</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdc" colspan="3" style="line-height: 2em;"><a href="#PART_II">PART II</a><br /> + BOLSHEVIK THEORY</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">I.</td> + <td class="tdl" style="font-size: 80%;">THE MATERIALISTIC THEORY OF HISTORY</td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#II_I">119</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">II.</td> + <td class="tdl" style="font-size: 80%;">DECIDING FORCES IN POLITICS</td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#II_II">128</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">III.</td> + <td class="tdl" style="font-size: 80%;">BOLSHEVIK CRITICISM OF DEMOCRACY</td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#II_III">134</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">IV.</td> + <td class="tdl" style="font-size: 80%;">REVOLUTION AND DICTATORSHIP</td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#II_IV">146</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">V.</td> + <td class="tdl" style="font-size: 80%;">MECHANISM AND THE INDIVIDUAL</td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#II_V">157</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">VI.</td> + <td class="tdl" style="font-size: 80%;">WHY RUSSIAN COMMUNISM HAS FAILED</td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#II_VI">165</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">VII.</td> + <td class="tdl" style="font-size: 80%;">CONDITIONS FOR THE SUCCESS OF COMMUNISM</td> + <td class="tdr"><a href="#II_VII">178</a></td> + </tr> +</table> +</div> + + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<hr /> +<br /> + +<h2><a name="PART_I" id="PART_I"></a>PART I</h2> + +<h3>THE PRESENT CONDITION +OF RUSSIA</h3> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a name="I" id="I"></a><hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>I<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">ToC</a></span></h3> + +<h3>WHAT IS HOPED FROM BOLSHEVISM</h3> +<br /> + +<p>To understand Bolshevism it is not sufficient +to know facts; it is necessary also to enter +with sympathy or imagination into a new spirit. +The chief thing that the Bolsheviks have done +is to create a hope, or at any rate to make +strong and widespread a hope which was formerly +confined to a few. This aspect of the movement +is as easy to grasp at a distance as it is in Russia—perhaps +even easier, because in Russia present +circumstances tend to obscure the view of the distant +future. But the actual situation in Russia can +only be understood superficially if we forget the +hope which is the motive power of the whole. One +might as well describe the Thebaid without mentioning +that the hermits expected eternal bliss as +the reward of their sacrifices here on earth.</p> + +<p>I cannot share the hopes of the Bolsheviks any +more than those of the Egyptian anchorites; I +regard both as tragic delusions, destined to bring +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span>upon the world centuries of darkness and futile +violence. The principles of the Sermon on the +Mount are admirable, but their effect upon average +human nature was very different from what was +intended. Those who followed Christ did not learn +to love their enemies or to turn the other cheek. +They learned instead to use the Inquisition and the +stake, to subject the human intellect to the yoke +of an ignorant and intolerant priesthood, to degrade +art and extinguish science for a thousand years. +These were the inevitable results, not of the teaching, +but of fanatical belief in the teaching. The +hopes which inspire Communism are, in the main, +as admirable as those instilled by the Sermon on +the Mount, but they are held as fanatically, and +are likely to do as much harm. Cruelty lurks in +our instincts, and fanaticism is a camouflage for +cruelty. Fanatics are seldom genuinely humane, +and those who sincerely dread cruelty will be slow +to adopt a fanatical creed. I do not know whether +Bolshevism can be prevented from acquiring universal +power. But even if it cannot, I am persuaded +that those who stand out against it, not from love +of ancient injustice, but in the name of the free +spirit of Man, will be the bearers of the seeds of +progress, from which, when the world's gestation +is accomplished, new life will be born.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span>The war has left throughout Europe a mood of +disillusionment and despair which calls aloud for a +new religion, as the only force capable of giving +men the energy to live vigorously. Bolshevism +has supplied the new religion. It promises glorious +things: an end of the injustice of rich and poor, +an end of economic slavery, an end of war. It +promises an end of the disunion of classes which +poisons political life and threatens our industrial +system with destruction. It promises an end to +commercialism, that subtle falsehood that leads +men to appraise everything by its money value, +and to determine money value often merely by +the caprices of idle plutocrats. It promises a world +where all men and women shall be kept sane by +work, and where all work shall be of value to the +community, not only to a few wealthy vampires. +It is to sweep away listlessness and pessimism +and weariness and all the complicated miseries of +those whose circumstances allow idleness and whose +energies are not sufficient to force activity. In +place of palaces and hovels, futile vice and useless +misery, there is to be wholesome work, enough but +not too much, all of it useful, performed by men +and women who have no time for pessimism and +no occasion for despair.</p> + +<p>The existing capitalist system is doomed. Its +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span>injustice is so glaring that only ignorance and +tradition could lead wage-earners to tolerate it. +As ignorance diminishes, tradition becomes weakened, +and the war destroyed the hold upon men's +minds of everything merely traditional. It may +be that, through the influence of America, the +capitalist system will linger for another fifty years; +but it will grow continually weaker, and can never +recover the position of easy dominance which it +held in the nineteenth century. To attempt to +bolster it up is a useless diversion of energies which +might be expended upon building something new. +Whether the new thing will be Bolshevism or something +else, I do not know; whether it will be better +or worse than capitalism, I do not know. But +that a radically new order of society will emerge, +I feel no doubt. And I also feel no doubt that +the new order will be either some form of Socialism +or a reversion to barbarism and petty war such as +occurred during the barbarian invasion. If Bolshevism +remains the only vigorous and effective competitor +of capitalism, I believe that no form of +Socialism will be realized, but only chaos and destruction. +This belief, for which I shall give reasons +later, is one of the grounds upon which I oppose +Bolshevism. But to oppose it from the point of +view of a supporter of capitalism would be, to my +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span>mind, utterly futile and against the movement of +history in the present age.</p> + +<p>The effect of Bolshevism as a revolutionary hope +is greater outside Russia than within the Soviet +Republic. Grim realities have done much to kill +hope among those who are subject to the dictatorship +of Moscow. Yet even within Russia, the +Communist party, in whose hands all political power +is concentrated, still lives by hope, though the +pressure of events has made the hope severe and +stern and somewhat remote. It is this hope that +leads to concentration upon the rising generation. +Russian Communists often avow that there is little +hope for those who are already adult, and that +happiness can only come to the children who have +grown up under the new régime and been moulded +from the first to the group-mentality that Communism +requires. It is only after the lapse of a +generation that they hope to create a Russia that +shall realize their vision.</p> + +<p>In the Western World, the hope inspired by +Bolshevism is more immediate, less shot through with +tragedy. Western Socialists who have visited Russia +have seen fit to suppress the harsher features of +the present régime, and have disseminated a +belief among their followers that the millennium +would be quickly realized there if there were no +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span>war and no blockade. Even those Socialists who +are not Bolsheviks for their own country have +mostly done very little to help men in appraising +the merits or demerits of Bolshevik methods. By +this lack of courage they have exposed Western +Socialism to the danger of becoming Bolshevik +through ignorance of the price that has to be paid +and of the uncertainty as to whether the desired +goal will be reached in the end. I believe that the +West is capable of adopting less painful and more +certain methods of <span class="errata" title=""teaching"">reaching</span> Socialism than those +that have seemed necessary in Russia. And I +believe that while some forms of Socialism are +immeasurably better than capitalism, others are +even worse. Among those that are worse I reckon +the form which is being achieved in Russia, not +only in itself, but as a more insuperable barrier to +further progress.</p> + +<p>In judging of Bolshevism from what is to be seen +in Russia at present, it is necessary to disentangle +various factors which contribute to a single result. +To begin with, Russia is one of the nations that +were defeated in the war; this has produced a set +of circumstances resembling those found in Germany +and Austria. The food problem, for example, +appears to be essentially similar in all three countries. +In order to arrive at what is specifically Bolshevik, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span>we must first eliminate what is merely characteristic +of a country which has suffered military disaster. +Next we come to factors which are Russian, which +Russian Communists share with other Russians, but +not with other Communists. There is, for example, +a great deal of disorder and chaos and waste, which +shocks Westerners (especially Germans) even when +they are in close political sympathy with the Bolsheviks. +My own belief is that, although, with +the exception of a few very able men, the Russian +Government is less efficient in organization than +the Germans or the Americans would be in similar +circumstances, yet it represents what is most efficient +in Russia, and does more to prevent chaos than any +possible alternative government would do. Again, +the intolerance and lack of liberty which has been +inherited from the Tsarist régime is probably to +be regarded as Russian rather than Communist. +If a Communist Party were to acquire power in +England, it would probably be met by a less irresponsible +opposition, and would be able to show +itself far more tolerant than any government can +hope to be in Russia if it is to escape assassination. +This, however, is a matter of degree. A great part +of the despotism which characterizes the Bolsheviks +belongs to the essence of their social philosophy, +and would have to be reproduced, even if in +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span>a milder form, wherever that philosophy became +dominant.</p> + +<p>It is customary among the apologists of Bolshevism +in the West to excuse its harshness on the +ground that it has been produced by the necessity +of fighting the Entente and its mercenaries. Undoubtedly +it is true that this necessity has produced +many of the worst elements in the present state +of affairs. Undoubtedly, also, the Entente has +incurred a heavy load of guilt by its peevish and +futile opposition. But the expectation of such +opposition was always part of Bolshevik theory. +A general hostility to the first Communist State +was both foreseen and provoked by the doctrine +of the class war. Those who adopt the Bolshevik +standpoint must reckon with the embittered hostility +of capitalist States; it is not worth while to +adopt Bolshevik methods unless they can lead to +good in spite of this hostility. To say that capitalists +are wicked and we have no responsibility for +their acts is unscientific; it is, in particular, contrary +to the Marxian doctrine of economic determinism. +The evils produced in Russia by the +enmity of the Entente are therefore to be reckoned +as essential in the Bolshevik method of transition +to Communism, not as specially Russian. I am +not sure that we cannot even go a step further. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span>The exhaustion and misery caused by unsuccessful +war were necessary to the success of the Bolsheviks; +a prosperous population will not embark by such +methods upon a fundamental economic reconstruction. +One can imagine England becoming Bolshevik +after an unsuccessful war involving the loss of India—no +improbable contingency in the next few years. +But at present the average wage-earner in England +will not risk what he has for the doubtful gain +of a revolution. A condition of widespread misery +may, therefore, be taken as indispensable to the +inauguration of Communism, unless, indeed, it were +possible to establish Communism more or less peacefully, +by methods which would not, even temporarily, +destroy the economic life of the country. +If the hopes which inspired Communism at the start, +and which still inspire its Western advocates, are +ever to be realized, the problem of minimizing +violence in the transition must be faced. Unfortunately, +<span class="errata" title="(missing text)">violence is in itself delightful to most really vigorous</span> +revolutionaries, and they feel no interest in the +problem of avoiding it as far as possible. Hatred +of enemies is easier and more intense than love of +friends. But from men who are more anxious to +injure opponents than to benefit the world at large +no great good is to be expected.</p> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a name="II" id="II"></a><hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>II<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">ToC</a></span></h3> + +<h3>GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS</h3> +<br /> + +<p>I entered Soviet Russia on May 11th and +recrossed the frontier on June 16th. The +Russian authorities only admitted me on the express +condition that I should travel with the British +Labour Delegation, a condition with which I was +naturally very willing to comply, and which that +Delegation kindly allowed me to fulfil. We were +conveyed from the frontier to Petrograd, as well +as on subsequent journeys, in a special <i>train de luxe</i>; +covered with mottoes about the Social Revolution +and the Proletariat of all countries; we were received +everywhere by regiments of soldiers, with the +Internationale being played on the regimental band +while civilians stood bare-headed and soldiers at +the salute; congratulatory orations were made by +local leaders and answered by prominent Communists +who accompanied us; the entrances to the carriages +were guarded by magnificent Bashkir cavalry-men +in resplendent uniforms; in short, everything was +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span>done to make us feel like the Prince of Wales. +Innumerable functions were arranged for us: banquets, +public meetings, military reviews, etc.</p> + +<p>The assumption was that we had come to testify +to the solidarity of British Labour with Russian +Communism, and on that assumption the utmost +possible use was made of us for Bolshevik propaganda. +We, on the other hand, desired to ascertain +what we could of Russian conditions and Russian +methods of government, which was impossible in the +atmosphere of a royal progress. Hence arose an +amicable contest, degenerating at times into a game +of hide and seek: while they assured us how splendid +the banquet or parade was going to be, we tried to +explain how much we should prefer a quiet walk +in the streets. I, not being a member of the Delegation, +felt less obligation than my companions did +to attend at propaganda meetings where one knew +the speeches by heart beforehand. In this way, I +was able, by the help of neutral interpreters, mostly +English or American, to have many conversations +with casual people whom I met in the streets or +on village greens, and to find out how the whole +system appears to the ordinary non-political man +and woman. The first five days we spent in Petrograd, +the next eleven in Moscow. During this +time we were living in daily contact with important +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span>men in the Government, so that we learned the +official point of view without difficulty. I saw also +what I could of the intellectuals in both places. +We were all allowed complete freedom to see +politicians of opposition parties, and we naturally +made full use of this freedom. We saw Mensheviks, +Social Revolutionaries of different groups, and +Anarchists; we saw them without the presence of +any Bolsheviks, and they spoke freely after they +had overcome their initial fears. I had an hour's +talk with Lenin, virtually <i>tête-à-tête</i>; I met Trotsky, +though only in company; I spent a night in the +country with Kamenev; and I saw a great deal of +other men who, though less known outside Russia, +are of considerable importance in the Government.</p> + +<p>At the end of our time in Moscow we all felt a +desire to see something of the country, and to get +in touch with the peasants, since they form about +85 per cent, of the population. The Government +showed the greatest kindness in meeting our wishes, +and it was decided that we should travel down the +Volga from Nijni Novgorod to Saratov, stopping +at many places, large and small, and talking freely +with the inhabitants. I found this part of the time +extraordinarily instructive. I learned to know more +than I should have thought possible of the life and +outlook of peasants, village schoolmasters, small +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span>Jew traders, and all kinds of people. Unfortunately, +my friend, Clifford Allen, fell ill, and my time was +much taken up with him. This had, however, one +good result, namely, that I was able to go on with +the boat to Astrakhan, as he was too ill to be moved +off it. This not only gave me further knowledge +of the country, but made me acquainted with +Sverdlov, Acting Minister of Transport, who was +travelling on the boat to organize the movement +of oil from Baku up the Volga, and who was one of +the ablest as well as kindest people whom I met in +Russia.</p> + +<p>One of the first things that I discovered after +passing the Red Flag which marks the frontier of +Soviet Russia, amid a desolate region of marsh, +pine wood, and barbed wire entanglements, was +the profound difference between the theories of +actual Bolsheviks and the version of those theories +current among advanced Socialists in this country. +Friends of Russia here think of the dictatorship of +the proletariat as merely a new form of representative +government, in which only working men and women +have votes, and the constituencies are partly occupational, +not geographical. They think that "proletariat" +means "proletariat," but "dictatorship" +does not quite mean "dictatorship." This is the +opposite of the truth. When a Russian Communist +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span>speaks of dictatorship, he means the word literally, +but when he speaks of the proletariat, he means the +word in a Pickwickian sense. He means the "class-conscious" +part of the proletariat, <i>i.e.</i>, the Communist +Party.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> He includes people by no means proletarian +(such as Lenin and Tchicherin) who have +the right opinions, and he excludes such wage-earners +as have not the right opinions, whom he classifies +as lackeys of the <i>bourgeoisie</i>. The Communist who +sincerely believes the party creed is convinced that +private property is the root of all evil; he is so +certain of this that he shrinks from no measures, +however harsh, which seem necessary for constructing +and preserving the Communist State. +He spares himself as little as he spares others. He +works sixteen hours a day, and foregoes his Saturday +half-holiday. He volunteers for any difficult or +dangerous work which needs to be done, such as +clearing away piles of infected corpses left by Kolchak +or Denikin. In spite of his position of power and +his control of supplies, he lives an austere life. He +is not pursuing personal ends, but aiming at the +creation of a new social order. The same motives, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>however, which make him austere make him also +ruthless. Marx has taught that Communism is +fatally predestined to come about; this fits in with +the Oriental traits in the Russian character, and +produces a state of mind not unlike that of the +early successors of Mahomet. Opposition is crushed +without mercy, and without shrinking from the +methods of the Tsarist police, many of whom are +still employed at their old work. Since all evils are +due to private property, the evils of the Bolshevik +régime while it has to fight private property will +automatically cease as soon as it has succeeded.</p> + +<p>These views are the familiar consequences of +fanatical belief. To an English mind they reinforce +the conviction upon which English life has been +based ever since 1688, that kindliness and tolerance +are worth all the creeds in the world—a view which, +it is true, we do not apply to other nations or to +subject races.</p> + +<p>In a very novel society it is natural to seek for +historical parallels. The baser side of the present +Russian Government is most nearly paralleled by +the Directoire in France, but on its better side it is +closely analogous to the rule of Cromwell. The +sincere Communists (and all the older members of +the party have proved their sincerity by years of +persecution) are not unlike the Puritan soldiers +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span>in their stern politico-moral purpose. Cromwell's +dealings with Parliament are not unlike Lenin's +with the Constituent Assembly. Both, starting from +a combination of democracy and religious faith, +were driven to sacrifice democracy to religion enforced +by military dictatorship. Both tried to compel +their countries to live at a higher level of morality +and effort than the population found tolerable. +Life in modern Russia, as in Puritan England, is in +many ways contrary to instinct. And if the Bolsheviks +ultimately fall, it will be for the reason for +which the Puritans fell: because there comes a +point at which men feel that amusement and ease +are worth more than all other goods put together.</p> + +<p>Far closer than any actual historical parallel is +the parallel of Plato's Republic. The Communist +Party corresponds to the guardians; the soldiers +have about the same status in both; there is in +Russia an attempt to deal with family life more or +less as Plato suggested. I suppose it may be assumed +that every teacher of Plato throughout the world +abhors Bolshevism, and that every Bolshevik regards +Plato as an antiquated <i>bourgeois</i>. Nevertheless, the +parallel is extraordinarily exact between Plato's +Republic and the régime which the better Bolsheviks +are endeavouring to create.</p> + +<p>Bolshevism is internally aristocratic and externally +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span>militant. The Communists in many ways resemble +the British public-school type: they have all the +good and bad traits of an aristocracy which is young +and vital. They are courageous, energetic, capable +of command, always ready to serve the State; on +the other hand, they are dictatorial, lacking in +ordinary consideration for the plebs. They are +practically the sole possessors of power, and they +enjoy innumerable advantages in consequence. Most +of them, though far from luxurious, have better +food than other people. Only people of some political +importance can obtain motor-cars or telephones. +Permits for railway journeys, for making purchases +at the Soviet stores (where prices are about one-fiftieth +of what they are in the market), for going +to the theatre, and so on, are, of course, easier to +obtain for the friends of those in power than for +ordinary mortals. In a thousand ways, the Communists +have a life which is happier than that of the +rest of the community. Above all, they are less +exposed to the unwelcome attentions of the police +and the extraordinary commission.</p> + +<p>The Communist theory of international affairs is +exceedingly simple. The revolution foretold by +Marx, which is to abolish capitalism throughout the +world, happened to begin in Russia, though Marxian +theory would seem to demand that it should begin +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span>in America. In countries where the revolution has +not yet broken out, the sole duty of a Communist +is to hasten its advent. Agreements with capitalist +States can only be make-shifts, and can never amount +on either side to a sincere peace. No real good can +come to any country without a bloody revolution: +English Labour men may fancy that a peaceful +evolution is possible, but they will find their mistake. +Lenin told me that he hopes to see a Labour Government +in England, and would wish his supporters +to work for it, but solely in order that the futility +of Parliamentarism may be conclusively demonstrated +to the British working man. Nothing will +do any real good except the arming of the proletariat +and the disarming of the <i>bourgeoisie</i>. Those who +preach anything else are social traitors or deluded +fools.</p> + +<p>For my part, after weighing this theory carefully, +and after admitting the whole of its indictment of +<i>bourgeois</i> capitalism, I find myself definitely and +strongly opposed to it. The Third International is +an organization which exists to promote the class-war +and to hasten the advent of revolution everywhere. +My objection is not that capitalism is less +bad than the Bolsheviks believe, but that Socialism +is less good, not in its best form, but in the only +form which is likely to be brought about by war. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span>The evils of war, especially of civil war, are certain +and very great; the gains to be achieved by victory +are problematical. In the course of a desperate +struggle, the heritage of civilization is likely to be +lost, while hatred, suspicion, and cruelty become +normal in the relations of human beings. In order +to succeed in war, a concentration of power is +necessary, and from concentration of power the +very same evils flow as from the capitalist concentration +of wealth. For these reasons chiefly, I +cannot support any movement which aims at world +revolution. The damage to civilization done by +revolution in one country may be repaired by the +influence of another in which there has been no +revolution; but in a universal cataclysm civilization +might go under for a thousand years. But while +I cannot advocate world revolution, I cannot escape +from the conclusion that the Governments of the +leading capitalist countries are doing everything to +bring it about. Abuse of our power against Germany, +Russia, and India (to say nothing of any other +countries) may well bring about our downfall, and +produce those very evils which the enemies of Bolshevism +most dread.</p> + +<p>The true Communist is thoroughly international. +Lenin, for example, so far as I could judge, is not +more concerned with the interests of Russia than +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span>with those of other countries; Russia is, at the +moment, the protagonist of the social revolution, +and, as such, valuable to the world, but Lenin would +sacrifice Russia rather than the revolution, if the +alternative should ever arise. This is the orthodox +attitude, and is no doubt genuine in many of the +leaders. But nationalism is natural and instinctive; +through pride in the revolution, it grows again even +in the breasts of Communists. Through the Polish +war, the Bolsheviks have acquired the support of +national feeling, and their position in the country +has been immensely strengthened.</p> + +<p>The only time I saw Trotsky was at the Opera +in Moscow. The British Labour Delegation were +occupying what had been the Tsar's box. After +speaking with us in the ante-chamber, he stepped +to the front of the box and stood with folded arms +while the house cheered itself hoarse. Then he +spoke a few sentences, short and sharp, with military +precision, winding up by calling for "three cheers +for our brave fellows at the front," to which the +audience responded as a London audience would +have responded in the autumn of 1914. Trotsky +and the Red Army undoubtedly now have behind +them a great body of nationalist sentiment. The +reconquest of Asiatic Russia has even revived what +is essentially an imperialist way of feeling, though +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span>this would be indignantly repudiated by many of +those in whom I seemed to detect it. Experience +of power is inevitably altering Communist theories, +and men who control a vast governmental machine +can hardly have quite the same outlook on life as +they had when they were hunted fugitives. If the +Bolsheviks remain in power, it is much to be feared +that their Communism will fade, and that they will +increasingly resemble any other Asiatic Government—for +example, our own Government in India.</p> + +<br /> +<hr style='width: 15%;' /> +<br /> + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See the article "On the rôle of the Communist Party +in the Proletarian Revolution," in <i>Theses presented to the +Second Congress of the Communist International, Petrograd-Moscow, +18 July, 1920</i>—a valuable work which I possess +only in French.</p></div> +<br /> +</div> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a name="III" id="III"></a><hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>III<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">ToC</a></span></h3> + +<h3>LENIN, TROTSKY AND GORKY</h3> +<br /> + +<p>Soon after my arrival in Moscow I had an hour's +conversation with Lenin in English, which he +speaks fairly well. An interpreter was present, +but his services were scarcely required. Lenin's +room is very bare; it contains a big desk, some +maps on the walls, two book-cases, and one comfortable +chair for visitors in addition to two or three +hard chairs. It is obvious that he has no love of +luxury or even comfort. He is very friendly, and +apparently simple, entirely without a trace of <i>hauteur</i>. +If one met him without knowing who he was, one +would not guess that he is possessed of great power +or even that he is in any way eminent. I have +never met a personage so destitute of self-importance. +He looks at his visitors very closely, and screws up +one eye, which seems to increase alarmingly the +penetrating power of the other. He laughs a great +deal; at first his laugh seems merely friendly and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span>jolly, but gradually I came to feel it rather grim. +He is dictatorial, calm, incapable of fear, extraordinarily +devoid of self-seeking, an embodied theory. +The materialist conception of history, one feels, +is his life-blood. He resembles a professor in his +desire to have the theory understood and in his +fury with those who misunderstand or disagree, +as also in his love of expounding, I got the impression +that he despises a great many people and +is an intellectual aristocrat.</p> + +<p>The first question I asked him was as to how far +he recognized the peculiarity of English economic and +political conditions? I was anxious to know whether +advocacy of violent revolution is an indispensable +condition of joining the Third International, although +I did not put this question directly because others +were asking it officially. His answer was unsatisfactory +to me. He admitted that there is little +chance of revolution in England now, and that the +working man is not yet disgusted with Parliamentary +government. But he hopes that this result may be +brought about by a Labour Ministry. He thinks +that, if Mr. Henderson, for instance, were to become +Prime Minister, nothing of importance would be +done; organized Labour would then, so he hopes +and believes, turn to revolution. On this ground, +he wishes his supporters in this country to do +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span>everything in their power to secure a Labour majority +in Parliament; he does not advocate abstention +from Parliamentary contests, but participation with +a view to making Parliament obviously contemptible. +The reasons which make attempts at violent revolution +seem to most of us both improbable and +undesirable in this country carry no weight with +him, and seem to him mere <i>bourgeois</i> prejudices. +When I suggested that whatever is possible in England +can be achieved without bloodshed, he waved aside +the suggestion as fantastic. I got little impression +of knowledge or psychological imagination as regards +Great Britain. Indeed the whole tendency of Marxianism +is against psychological imagination, since +it attributes everything in politics to purely material +causes.</p> + +<p>I asked him next whether he thought it possible +to establish Communism firmly and fully in a country +containing such a large majority of peasants. He +admitted that it was difficult, and laughed over the +exchange the peasant is compelled to make, of food +for paper; the worthlessness of Russian paper struck +him as comic. But he said—what is no doubt true—that +things will right themselves when there are +goods to offer to the peasant. For this he looks +partly to electrification in industry, which, he says, +is a technical necessity in Russia, but will take ten +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span>years to complete.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> He spoke with enthusiasm, as +they all do, of the great scheme for generating +electrical power by means of peat. Of course he +looks to the raising of the blockade as the only +radical cure; but he was not very hopeful of this +being achieved thoroughly or permanently except +through revolutions in other countries. Peace +between Bolshevik Russia and capitalist countries, +he said, must always be insecure; the Entente might +be led by weariness and mutual dissensions to conclude +peace, but he felt convinced that the peace +would be of brief duration. I found in him, as in +almost all leading Communists, much less eagerness +than existed in our delegation for peace and the +raising of the blockade. He believes that nothing +of real value can be achieved except through world +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span>revolution and the abolition of capitalism; I felt that +he regarded the resumption of trade with capitalist +countries as a mere palliative of doubtful value.</p> + +<p>He described the division between rich and poor +peasants, and the Government propaganda among +the latter against the former, leading to acts of +violence which he seemed to find amusing. He +spoke as though the dictatorship over the peasant +would have to continue a long time, because of the +peasant's desire for free trade. He said he knew +from statistics (what I can well believe) that the +peasants have had more to eat these last two years +than they ever had before, "and yet they are against +us," he added a little wistfully. I asked him what +to reply to critics who say that in the country he has +merely created peasant proprietorship, not Communism; +he replied that that is not quite the truth, +but he did not say what the truth is.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> + +<p>The last question I asked him was whether +resumption of trade with capitalist countries, if it +took place, would not create centres of capitalist +influence, and make the preservation of Communism +more difficult? It had seemed to me that the more +ardent Communists might well dread commercial +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span>intercourse with the outer world, as leading to an +infiltration of heresy, and making the rigidity of the +present system almost impossible. I wished to +know whether he had such a feeling. He admitted +that trade would create difficulties, but said they +would be less than those of the war. He said that +two years ago neither he nor his colleagues thought +they could survive against the hostility of the world. +He attributes their survival to the jealousies and +divergent interests of the different capitalist nations; +also to the power of Bolshevik propaganda. He said +the Germans had laughed when the Bolsheviks +proposed to combat guns with leaflets, but that the +event had proved the leaflets quite as powerful. +I do not think he recognizes that the Labour and +Socialist parties have had any part in the matter. +He does not seem to know that the attitude of British +Labour has done a great deal to make a first-class +war against Russia impossible, since it has confined +the Government to what could be done in a hole-and-corner +way, and denied without a too blatant +mendacity.</p> + +<p>He thoroughly enjoys the attacks of Lord Northcliffe, +to whom he wishes to send a medal for Bolshevik +propaganda. Accusations of spoliation, he +remarked, may shock the <i>bourgeois</i>, but have an +opposite effect upon the proletarian.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span>I think if I had met him without knowing who he +was, I should not have guessed that he was a great +man; he struck me as too opinionated and narrowly +orthodox. His strength comes, I imagine, from his +honesty, courage, and unwavering faith—religious +faith in the Marxian gospel, which takes the place +of the Christian martyr's hopes of Paradise, except +that it is less egotistical. He has as little love of +liberty as the Christians who suffered under Diocletian, +and retaliated when they acquired power. Perhaps +love of liberty is incompatible with whole-hearted +belief in a panacea for all human ills. If so, I cannot +but rejoice in the sceptical temper of the Western +world. I went to Russia a Communist; but contact +with those who have no doubts has intensified +a thousandfold my own doubts, not as to Communism +in itself, but as to the wisdom of holding a creed so +firmly that for its sake men are willing to inflict +widespread misery.</p> + +<p>Trotsky, whom the Communists do not by any +means regard as Lenin's equal, made more impression +upon me from the point of view of intelligence and +personality, though not of character. I saw too +little of him, however, to have more than a very +superficial impression. He has bright eyes, military +bearing, lightning intelligence and magnetic personality. +He is very good-looking, with admirable +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span>wavy hair; one feels he would be irresistible to +women. I felt in him a vein of gay good humour, +so long as he was not crossed in any way. I thought, +perhaps wrongly, that his vanity was even greater +than his love of power—the sort of vanity that one +associates with an artist or actor. The comparison +with Napoleon was forced upon one. But I had no +means of estimating the strength of his Communist +conviction, which may be very sincere and profound.</p> + +<p>An extraordinary contrast to both these men was +Gorky, with whom I had a brief interview in Petrograd. +He was in bed, apparently <span class="errata" title=""dying"">very ill</span> and obviously +heart-broken. He begged me, in anything I +might say about Russia, always to emphasize what +Russia has suffered. He supports the Government—as +I should do, if I were a Russian—not because he +thinks it faultless, but because the possible alternatives +are worse. One felt in him a love of the Russian +people which makes their present martyrdom almost +unbearable, and prevents the fanatical faith by +which the pure Marxians are upheld. I felt him the +most lovable, and to me the most sympathetic, of +all the Russians I saw. I wished for more knowledge +of his outlook, but he spoke with difficulty and was +constantly interrupted by terrible fits of coughing, +so that I could not stay. All the intellectuals whom +I met—a class who have suffered terribly—expressed +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span>their gratitude to him for what he has done on their +behalf. The materialistic conception of history is +all very well, but some care for the higher things of +civilization is a relief. The Bolsheviks are sometimes +said to have done great things for art, but I could not +discover that they had done more than preserve +something of what existed before. When I questioned +one of them on the subject, he grew impatient, +and said: "We haven't time for a new art, any +more than for a new religion." Unavoidably, +although the Government favours art as much as +it can, the atmosphere is one in which art cannot +flourish, because art is anarchic and resistant to +organization. Gorky has done all that one man +could to preserve the intellectual and artistic life +of Russia. I feared that he was dying, and that, +perhaps, it was dying too. <span class="errata" title=""I hope I was mistaken in both respects."">But he recovered, and I hope it +will recover also.</span></p> + +<br /> +<hr style='width: 15%;' /> +<br /> + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Electrification is desired not merely for reorganizing +industry, but in order to industrialize agriculture. In <i>Theses +presented to the Second Congress of the Communist International</i> +(an instructive little book, which I shall quote as <i>Theses</i>), +it is said in an article on the Agrarian question that Socialism +will not be secure till industry is reorganized on a new basis +with "general application of electric energy in all branches +of agriculture and rural economy," which "alone can give +to the towns the possibility of offering to backward rural +districts a technical and social aid capable of determining +an extraordinary increase of productivity of agricultural +and rural labour, and of engaging the small cultivators, +in their own interest, to pass progressively to a collectivist +mechanical cultivation" (p. 36 of French edition).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> In <i>Theses</i> (p. 34) it is said: "It would be an irreparable +error ... not to admit the gratuitous grant of part of the +expropriated lands to poor and even well-to-do peasants."</p></div> +<br /> +</div> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a name="IV" id="IV"></a><hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>IV<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">ToC</a></span></h3> + +<h3>ART AND EDUCATION</h3> +<br /> + +<p>It has often been said that, whatever the inadequacy +of Bolshevik organization in other fields, +in art and in education at least they have made +great progress.</p> + +<p>To take first of all art: it is true that they began +by recognizing, as perhaps no other revolutionary +government would, the importance and spontaneity +of the artistic impulse, and therefore while they controlled +or destroyed the counter-revolutionary in all +other social activities, they allowed the artist, whatever +his political creed, complete freedom to continue +his work. Moreover, as regards clothing and rations +they treated him especially well. This, and the +care devoted to the upkeep of churches, public +monuments, and museums, are well-known facts, to +which there has already been ample testimony.</p> + +<p>The preservation of the old artistic community +practically intact was the more remarkable in view +of the pronounced sympathy of most of them with +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span>the old régime. The theory, however, was that art +and politics belonged to two separate realms; but +great honour would of course be the portion of those +artists who would be inspired by the revolution.</p> + +<p>Three years' experience, however, have proved +the falsity of this doctrine and led to a divorce +between art and popular feeling which a sensitive +observer cannot fail to remark. It is glaringly +apparent in the hitherto most vital of all Russian +arts, the theatre. The artists have continued to +perform the old classics in tragedy or comedy, and +the old-style operette. The theatre programmes +have remained the same for the last two years, and, +but for the higher standard of artistic performance, +might belong to the theatres of Paris or London. +As one sits in the theatre, one is so acutely conscious +of the discrepancy between the daily life of the +audience and that depicted in the play that the +latter seems utterly dead and meaningless. To +some of the more fiery Communists it appears that +a mistake has been made. They complain that +<i>bourgeois</i> art is being preserved long after its time, +they accuse the artists of showing contempt for their +public, of being as untouched by the revolutionary +mood as an elderly <i>bourgeoise</i> bewailing the loss of her +personal comfort; they would like to see only the +revolutionary mood embodied in art, and to achieve +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span>this would make a clean sweep, enforcing the writing +and performance of nothing but revolutionary plays +and the painting of revolutionary pictures. Nor can +it be argued that they are wrong as to the facts: it +is plain that the preservation of the old artistic +tradition has served very little purpose; but on the +other hand it is equally plain that an artist cannot +be drilled like a military recruit. There is, fortunately, +no sign that these tactics will be directly +adopted, but in an indirect fashion they are already +being applied. An artist is not to blame if his +temperament leads him to draw cartoons of leading +Bolsheviks, or satirize the various comical aspects—and +they are many—of the Soviet régime. To force +such a man, however, to turn his talent only against +Denikin, Yudenitch and Kolchak, or the leaders of +the Entente, is momentarily good for Communism, +but it is discouraging to the artist, and may prove +in the long run bad for art, and possibly for Communism +also. It is plain from the religious nature +of Communism in Russia, that such controlling of +the impulse to artistic creation is inevitable, and +that propaganda art alone can flourish in such an +atmosphere. For example, no poetry or literature +that is not orthodox will reach the printing press. +It is so easy to make the excuse of lack of paper +and the urgent need for manifestoes. Thus there may +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span>well come to be a repetition of the attitude of the +mediæval Church to the sagas and legends of the +people, except that, in this case, it is the folk tales +which will be preserved, and the more sensitive and +civilized products banned. The only poet who +seems to be much spoken of at present in Russia is +one who writes rough popular songs. There are +revolutionary odes, but one may hazard a guess that +they resemble our patriotic war poetry.</p> + +<p>I said that this state of affairs may in the long +run be bad for art, but the contrary may equally +well prove to be the truth. It is of course discouraging +and paralysing to the old-style artist, and it is +death to the old individual art which depended on +subtlety and oddity of temperament, and arose very +largely from the complicated psychology of the idle. +There it stands, this old art, the purest monument +to the nullity of the art-for-art's-sake doctrine, like +a rich exotic plant of exquisite beauty, still apparently +in its glory, till one perceives that the roots are +cut, and that leaf by leaf it is gradually fading +away.</p> + +<p>But, unlike the Puritans in this respect, the Bolsheviks +have not sought to dig up the roots, and +there are signs that the paralysis is merely temporary. +Moreover, individual art is not the only +form, and in particular the plastic arts have shown +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span>that they can live by mass action, and flourish under +an intolerant faith. Communist artists of the future +may erect public buildings surpassing in beauty the +mediæval churches, they may paint frescoes, organize +pageants, make Homeric songs about their heroes. +Communist art will begin, and is beginning now, +in the propaganda pictures, and stories such as those +designed for peasants and children. There is, for +instance, a kind of Rake's Progress or "How she +became a Communist," in which the Entente leaders +make a sorry and grotesque appearance. Lenin +and Trotsky already figure in woodcuts as Moses +and Aaron, deliverers of their people, while the +mother and child who illustrate the statistics of the +maternity exhibition have the grace and beauty of +mediæval madonnas. Russia is only now emerging +from the middle ages, and the Church tradition in +painting is passing with incredible smoothness into +the service of Communist doctrine. These pictures +have, too, an oriental flavour: there are brown +Madonnas in the Russian churches, and such an one +illustrates the statistics of infant mortality in India, +while the Russian mother, broad-footed, in gay +petticoat and kerchief, sits in a starry meadow +suckling her baby from a very ample white breast. +I think that this movement towards the Church +tradition may be unconscious and instinctive, and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span>would perhaps be deplored by many Communists, +for whom grandiose bad Rodin statuary and the +crudity of cubism better express what they mean by +revolution. But this revolution is Russian and not +French, and its art, if all goes well, should inevitably +bear the popular Russian stamp. It is would-be +primitive and popular art that is vulgar. Such at +least is the reflection engendered by an inspection +of Russian peasant work as compared with the +spirit of <i>Children's Tales</i>.</p> + +<p>The Russian peasant's artistic impulse is no +legend. Besides the carving and embroidery which +speak eloquently to peasant skill, one observes +many instances in daily life. He will climb down, +when his slowly-moving train stops by the wayside, +to gather branches and flowers with which he will +decorate the railway carriage both inside and out, he +will work willingly at any task which has beauty +for its object, and was all too prone under the old +régime to waste his time and his employer's material +in fashioning small metal or wooden objects with his +hands.</p> + +<p>If the <i>bourgeois</i> tradition then will not serve, there +is a popular tradition which is still live and passionate +and which may perhaps persist. Unhappily it has +a formidable enemy in the organization and development +of industry, which is far more dangerous to art +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span>than Communist doctrine. Indeed, industry in its +early stages seems everywhere doomed to be the +enemy of beauty and instinctive life. One might +hope that this would not prove to be so in Russia, the +first Socialist State, as yet unindustrial, able to draw +on the industrial experience of the whole world, were +it not that one discovers with a certain misgiving +in the Bolshevik leaders the rasping arid temperament +of those to whom the industrial machine is +an end in itself, and, in addition, reflects that these +industrially minded men have as yet no practical +experience, nor do there exist men of goodwill to +help them. It does not seem reasonable to hope that +Russia can pass through the period of industrialization +without a good deal of mismanagement, involving +waste resulting in too long hours, child labour and +other evils with which the West is all too familiar. +What the Bolsheviks would not therefore willingly +do to art, the Juggernaut which they are bent on +setting in motion may accomplish for them.</p> + +<p>The next generation in Russia will have to consist +of practical hard-working men, the old-style artists +will die off and successors will not readily arise. A +State which is struggling with economic difficulties +is bound to be slow to admit an artistic vocation, +since this involves exemption from practical work. +Moreover the majority of minds always turn +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span>instinctively to the real need of the moment. A man therefore +who is adapted by talent and temperament to +becoming an opera singer, will under the pressure of +Communist enthusiasm and Government encouragement +turn his attention to economics. (I am here +quoting an actual instance.) The whole Russian +people at this stage in their development strike one +as being forced by the logic of their situation to make +a similar choice.</p> + +<p>It may be all to the good that there should be +fewer professional artists, since some of the finest +work has been done by men and groups of men to +whom artistic expression was only a pastime. They +were not hampered by the solemnity and reverence +for art which too often destroy the spontaneity of +the professional. Indeed a revival of this attitude +to art is one of the good results which may be hoped +for from a Communist revolution in a more advanced +industrial community. There the problem of education +will be to stimulate the creative impulses towards +art and science so that men may know how to employ +their leisure hours. Work in the factory can never +be made to provide an adequate outlet. The only +hope, if men are to remain human beings under +industrialism, is to reduce hours to the minimum. +But this is only possible when production and organization +are highly efficient, which will not be the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span>case for a long time in Russia. Hence not only does +it appear that the number of artists will grow less, +but that the number of people undamaged in their +artistic impulses and on that account able to create +or appreciate as amateurs is likely to be deplorably +small. It is in this damaging effect of industry on +human instinct that the immediate danger to art +in Russia lies.</p> + +<p>The effect of industry on the crafts is quite obvious. +A craftsman who is accustomed to work with his +hands, following the tradition developed by his +ancestors, is useless when brought face to face with +a machine. And the man who can handle the machine +will only be concerned with quantity and utility in the +first instance. Only gradually do the claims of beauty +come to be recognized. Compare the modern motor +car with the first of its species, or even, since the +same law seems to operate in nature, the prehistoric +animal with its modern descendant. The same +relation exists between them as between man and +the ape, or the horse and the hipparion. The +movement of life seems to be towards ever greater +delicacy and complexity, and man carries it forward +in the articles that he makes and the society that he +develops. Industry is a new tool, difficult to handle, +but it will produce just as beautiful objects as did the +mediæval builder and craftsman, though not until +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span>it has been in being for a long time and belongs to +tradition.</p> + +<p>One may expect, therefore, that while the crafts +in Russia will lose in artistic value, the drama, +sculpture and painting and all those arts which have +nothing to do with the machine and depend entirely +upon mental and spiritual inspiration will receive an +impetus from the Communist faith. Whether the +flowering period will be long or short depends partly +on the political situation, but chiefly on the rapidity +of industrial development. It may be that the +machine will ultimately conquer the Communist +faith and grind out the human impulses, and Russia +become during this transition period as inartistic +and soulless as was America until quite recent years. +One would like to hope that mechanical progress +will be swift and social idealism sufficiently strong +to retain control. But the practical difficulties are +almost insuperable.</p> + +<p>Such signs of the progress of art as it is possible +to notice at this early stage would seem to bear out +the above argument. For instance, an attempt is +being made to foster the continuation of peasant +embroidery, carving, &c., in the towns. It is done +by people who have evidently lost the tradition +already. They are taught to copy the models which +are placed in the Peasant Museum, but there is no +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span>comparison between the live little wooden lady who +smiles beneath the glass case, and the soulless staring-eyed +creature who is offered for sale, nor between +the quite ordinary carved fowl one may buy and the +amusing life-like figure one may merely gaze at.</p> + +<p>But when one comes to art directly inspired by +Communism it is a different story. Apart from the +propaganda pictures already referred to, there are +propaganda plays performed by the Red Army in +its spare moments, and there are the mass pageant +plays performed on State occasions. I had the good +fortune to witness one of each kind.</p> + +<p>The play was called <i>Zarevo</i> (The Dawn), and was +performed on a Saturday night on a small stage in a +small hall in an entirely amateur fashion. It represented +Russian life just before the revolution. It was +intense and tragic and passionately acted. Dramatic +talent is not rare in Russia. Almost the only comic +relief was provided by the Tsarist police, who made +one appearance towards the end, got up like comic +military characters in a musical comedy—just as, in +mediæval miracle plays, the comic character was +Satan. The play's intention was to show a typical +Russian working-class family. There were the old +father, constantly drunk on vodka, alternately +maudlin and scolding; the old mother; two sons, +the one a Communist and the other an Anarchist; +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span>the wife of the Communist, who did dressmaking; +her sister, a prostitute; and a young girl of <i>bourgeois</i> +family, also a Communist, involved in a plot with the +Communist son, who was of course the hero of the +play.</p> + +<p>The first act revealed the stern and heroic Communist +maintaining his views despite the reproaches +of father and mother and the nagging of his wife. +It showed also the Anarchist brother (as might be +expected from the Bolshevik hostility to Anarchism) +as an unruly, lazy, ne'er-do-well, with a passionate +love for Sonia, the young <i>bourgeoise</i>, which was likely +to become dangerous if not returned. She, on the +other hand, obviously preferred the Communist. It +was clear that he returned her love, but it was not +quite clear that he would wish the relation to be +anything more than platonic comradeship in the +service of their common ideal. An unsuccessful +strike, bringing want and danger from the police, +together with increasing jealousy on the part of the +Anarchist, led up to the tragic dénouement. I was +not quite definite as to how this was brought about. +All violent action was performed off the stage, and +this made the plot at times difficult to follow. But +it seemed that the Anarchist in a jealous rage forged +a letter from his brother to bring Sonia to a rendezvous, +and there murdered her, at the same time +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span>betraying his brother to the police. When the latter +came to effect his arrest, and accuse him also, as +the most likely person, of the murder, the Anarchist +was seized with remorse and confessed. Both +were therefore led away together. Once the plot is +sketched, the play calls for no comment. It had not +great merit, though it is unwise to hazard a judgment +on a play whose dialogue was not fully interpreted, +but it was certainly real, and the link between +audience and performers was established as it never +seemed to be in the professional theatre. After the +performance, the floor was cleared for dancing, and +the audience were in a mood of thorough enjoyment.</p> + +<p>The pageant of the "World Commune," which +was performed at the opening of the Third International +Congress in Petrograd, was a still more +important and significant phenomenon. I do not +suppose that anything of the kind has been staged +since the days of the mediæval mystery plays. It +was, in fact, a mystery play designed by the High +Priests of the Communist faith to instruct the people. +It was played on the steps of an immense white +building that was once the Stock Exchange, a building +with a classical colonnade on three sides of it, with +a vast flight of steps in front, that did not extend the +whole width of the building but left at each side a +platform that was level with the floor of the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span>colonnade. In front of this building a wide road ran from +a bridge over one arm of the river to a bridge over +the other, so that the stretches of water and sky on +either side seemed to the eye of imagination like the +painted wings of a gigantic stage. Two battered +red columns of fantastic design, that were once light +towers to guide ships, stood on either side midway +between the extremities of the building and the +water, but on the opposite side of the road. These +two towers were beflagged and illuminated and +carried the limelight, and between and behind them +was gathered a densely packed audience of forty or +fifty thousand people. The play began at sundown, +while the sky was still red away to the right and the +palaces on the far bank to the left still aglow with +the setting sun, and it continued under the magic +of the darkening sky. At first the beauty and grandeur +of the setting drew the attention away from the +performers, but gradually one became aware that on +the platform before the columns kings and queens +and courtiers in sumptuous conventional robes, and +attended by soldiers, were conversing in dumb show +with one another. A few climbed the steps of a small +wooden platform that was set up in the middle, and +one indicated by a lifted hand that here should be +built a monument to the power of capitalism over +the earth. All gave signs of delight. Sentimental +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span>music was heard, and the gay company fell to waltzing +away the hours. Meanwhile, from below on the +road level, there streamed out of the darkness on +either side of the building and up the half-lit steps, +their fetters ringing in harmony with the music, the +enslaved and toiling masses coming in response to +command to build the monument for their masters. +It is impossible to describe the exquisite beauty of the +slow movement of those dark figures aslant the broad +flight of steps; individual expressions were of course +indistinguishable, and yet the movement and attitude +of the groups conveyed pathos and patient endurance +as well as any individual speech or gesture in the +ordinary theatre. Some groups carried hammer +and anvil, and others staggered under enormous +blocks of stone. Love for the ballet has perhaps +made the Russians understand the art of moving +groups of actors in unison. As I watched these +processions climbing the steps in apparently careless +and spontaneous fashion, and yet producing so graceful +a result, I remembered the mad leap of the archers +down the stage in <i>Prince Igor</i>, which is also apparently +careless and spontaneous and full of wild and irregular +beauty, yet never varies a hair-breadth from one +performance to the next.</p> + +<p>For a time the workers toiled in the shadow in their +earthly world, and dancing continued in the lighted +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span>paradise of the rulers above, until presently, in sign +that the monument was complete, a large yellow +disc was hoisted amid acclamation above the highest +platform between the columns. But at the same +moment a banner was uplifted amongst the people, +and a small figure was seen gesticulating. Angry +fists were shaken and the banner and speaker disappeared, +only to reappear almost immediately in +another part of the dense crowd. Again hostility, +until finally among the French workers away up on +the right, the first Communist manifesto found favour. +Rallying around their banner the <i>communards</i> ran +shouting down the steps, gathering supporters as +they came. Above, all is confusion, kings and queens +scuttling in unroyal fashion with flying velvet robes +to safe citadels right and left, while the army prepares +to defend the main citadel of capitalism with its +golden disc of power. The <i>communards</i> scale the +steps to the fortress which they finally capture, haul +down the disc and set their banner in its place. The +merry music of the <i>Carmagnole</i> is heard, and the +victors are seen <span class="errata" title=""waving triumphant hands and"">expressing their delight by</span> dancing +first on one foot and then on the other, like +marionettes. Below, the masses dance with them in +a frenzy of joy. But a pompous procession of +Prussian legions is seen approaching, and, amid +shrieks and wails of despair, the people are driven +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span>back, and their leaders set in a row and shot. Thereafter +came one of the most moving scenes in the +drama. Several dark-clad women appeared carrying +a black pall supported on sticks, which they set in +front of the bodies of the leaders so that it stood out, +an irregular pointed black shape against the white +columns behind. But for this melancholy monument +the stage was now empty. Thick clouds of +black smoke arose from braziers on either side and +obscured the steps and the platform. Through the +smoke came the distant sound of Chopin's <i>Marche +Funèbre</i>, and as the air became clearer white figures +could be dimly seen moving around the black pall in +a solemn dance of mourning. Behind them the +columns shone ghostly and unreal against the glimmering +mauve rays of an uncertain and watery dawn.</p> + +<p>The second part of the pageant opened in July +1914. Once again the rulers were feasting and the +workers at toil, but the scene was enlivened by the +presence of the leaders of the Second International, a +group of decrepit <span class="errata" title=""professional"">professorial</span> old men, who waddled +in in solemn procession carrying tomes full of international +learning. They sat in a row between the +rulers and the people, deep in study, spectacles on +nose. The call to war was the signal for a dramatic +appeal from the workers to these leaders, who refused +to accept the Red Flag, but weakly received patriotic +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span>flags from their respective governments. Jaurès, +elevated to be the symbol of protest, towered above +the people, crying in a loud voice, but fell back +immediately as the assassin's shot rang out. Then +the people divided into their national groups and the +war began. It was at this point that "God Save +the King" was played as the English soldiers marched +out, in a comic manner which made one think of it +as "<i>Gawd</i> save the King." Other national anthems +were burlesqued in a similar fashion, but none quite +so successfully. A ridiculous effigy of the Tsar with +a knout in his hand now occupied the symbolic +position and dominated the scene. The incidents +of the war which affected Russia were then played. +Spectacular cavalry charges on the road, marching +soldiers, batteries of artillery, a pathetic procession +of cripples and nurses, and other scenes too numerous +to describe, made up that part of the pageant devoted +to the war.</p> + +<p>Then came the Russian Revolution in all its +stages. Cars dashed by full of armed men, red +flags appeared everywhere, the people stormed +the citadel and hauled down the effigy of the Tsar. +The Kerensky Government assumed control and +drove them forth to war again, but soon they returned +to the charge, destroyed the Provisional Government, +and hoisted all the emblems of the Russian Soviet +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span>Republic. The Entente leaders, however, were seen +preparing their troops for battle, and the pageant +went on to show the formation of the Red Army +under its emblem the Red Star. White figures with +golden trumpets appeared foretelling victory for the +proletariat. The last scene, the World Commune, +is described in the words of the abstract, taken from +a Russian newspaper, as follows:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Cannon shots announce the breaking of the blockade +against Soviet Russia, and the victory of the World Proletariat. +The Red Army returns from the front, and passes in +triumphant review before the leaders of the Revolution. At +their feet lie the crowns of kings and the gold of the bankers. +Ships draped with flags are seen carrying workers from the +west. The workers of the whole world, with the emblems +of labour, gather for the celebration of the World Commune. +In the heavens luminous inscriptions in different languages +appear, greeting the Congress: "Long live the Third International! +Workers of the world, unite! Triumph to the +sounds of the hymn of the World Commune, the 'International'."</p></div> + +<p>Even so glowing an account, however, hardly +does it justice. It had the pomp and majesty of +the Day of Judgment itself. Rockets climbed the +skies and peppered them with a thousand stars, +fireworks blazed on all sides, garlanded and beflagged +ships moved up and down the river, chariots bearing +the emblems of prosperity, grapes and corn, travelled +slowly along the road. The Eastern peoples came +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span>carrying gifts and emblems. The actors, massed upon +the steps, waved triumphant hands, trumpets sounded, +and the song of the International from ten thousand +throats rose like a mighty wave engulfing the whole.</p> + +<p>Though the end of this drama may have erred on +the side of the grandiose, this may perhaps be forgiven +the organizers in view of the occasion for which +they prepared it. Nothing, however, could detract +from the beauty and dramatic power of the opening +and of many of the scenes. Moreover, the effects +obtained by movement in the mass were almost +intoxicating. The first entrance of the masses +gave a sense of dumb and patient force that was +moving in the extreme, and the frenzied delight of +the dancing crowd at the victory of the French +<i>communards</i> stirred one to ecstasy. The pageant +lasted for five hours or more, and was as exhausting +emotionally as the Passion Play is said to be. I +had the vision of a great period of Communist art, +more especially of such open-air spectacles, which +should have the grandeur and scope and eternal +meaning of the plays of ancient Greece, the mediæval +mysteries, or the Shakespearean theatre. In building, +writing, acting, even in painting, work would be +done, as it once was, by groups, not by one hand or +mind, and evolution would proceed slowly until +once again the individual emerged from the mass.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span>In considering Education under the Bolshevik +régime, the same two factors which I have already +dealt with in discussing art, namely industrial development +and the communist doctrine, must be taken into +account. Industrial development is in reality one +of the tenets of Communism, but as it is one which in +Russia is likely to endanger the doctrine as a whole +I have thought it better to consider it as a separate +item.</p> + +<p>As in the matter of art, so in education, those who +have given unqualified praise seem to have taken the +short and superficial view. It is hardly necessary +to launch into descriptions of the crèches, country +homes or palaces for children, where Montessori +methods prevail, where the pupils cultivate their +little gardens, model in plasticine, draw and sing and +act, and dance their Eurythmic dances barefoot on +floors once sacred to the tread of the nobility. I saw +a reception and distributing house in Petrograd +with which no fault could be found from the point +of view of scientific organization. The children +were bright-eyed and merry, and the rooms airy and +clean. I saw, too, a performance by school children +in Moscow which included some quite wonderful +Eurythmic dancing, in particular an interpretation +of Grieg's <i>Tanz in der Halle des Bergkönigs</i> by the +Dalcroze method, but with a colour and warmth +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span>which were Russian, and in odd contrast to the +mathematical precision associated with most Dalcroze +performances.</p> + +<p>But in spite of the obvious merit of such institutions +as exist, misgivings would arise. To begin with, it +must be remembered that it is necessary first to +admit that children should be delivered up almost +entirely to the State. Nominally, the mother still +comes to see her child in these schools, but in actual +fact, the drafting of children to the country must +intervene, and the whole temper of the authorities +seemed to be directed towards breaking the link +between mother and child. To some this will seem +an advantage, and it is a point which admits of +lengthy discussion, but as it belongs rather to the +question of women and the family under Communism, +I can do no more than mention it here.</p> + +<p>Then, again, it must be remembered that the +tactics of the Bolsheviks towards such schools as +existed under the old régime in provincial towns +and villages, have not been the same as their tactics +towards the theatres. The greater number of these +schools are closed, in part, it would seem, from lack +of personnel, and in part from fear of counter-revolutionary +propaganda. The result is that, though +those schools which they have created are good and +organized on modern lines, on the whole there would +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span>seem to be less diffusion of child education than +before. In this, as in most other departments, the +Bolsheviks show themselves loath to attempt anything +which cannot be done on a large scale and +impregnated with Communist doctrine. It goes +without saying that Communist doctrine is taught +in schools, as Christianity has been taught hitherto, +moreover the Communist teachers show bitter hostility +to other teachers who do not accept the doctrine. +At the children's entertainment alluded to +above, the dances and poems performed had nearly +all some close relation to Communism, and a teacher +addressed the children for something like an hour +and a half on the duties of Communists and the +errors of Anarchism.</p> + +<p>This teaching of Communism, however necessary +it may appear for the building of the Communist +state of the future, does seem to me to be an evil in +that it is done emotionally and fanatically, with an +appeal to hate and militant ardour rather than to +constructive reason. It binds the free intellect and +destroys initiative. An industrial state needs not +only obedient and patient workers and artists, it +needs also men and women with initiative in scientific +research. It is idle to provide channels for scientific +research later if it is to be choked at the source. +That source is an enquiring and free intellect +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span>unhampered by iron dogma. Beneficial to artistic and +emotional development therefore, the teaching of +Communism as a faith may well be most pernicious +to the scientific and intellectual side of education, and +will lead direct to the pragmatist view of knowledge +and scientific research which the Church and the +capitalist already find it so convenient to adopt.</p> + +<p>But to come to the chief and most practical question, +the relation of education to industry. Sooner +or later education in Russia must become subordinate +to the needs of industrial development. That the +Bolsheviks already realize this is proved by the +articles of Lunacharsky which recently appeared in +<i>Le Phare</i> (Geneva). It was the spectre of industry +that haunted me throughout the consideration of +education as in the consideration of art, and what +I have said above of its dangers to the latter seems +to me also to apply here. Montessori schools belong, +in my view, to that stage in industrial development +when education is directed as much towards leisure +occupations as towards preparation for professional +life. Possibly the fine flower of useless scientific +enquiry belongs to this stage also. Nobody in +Russia is likely to have much leisure for a good many +years to come, if the Bolshevik programme of industrial +development is efficiently carried out. And +there seemed to me to be something pathetic and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span>almost cruel in this varied and agreeable education +of the child, when one reflected on the long hours of +grinding toil to which he was soon to be subject in +workshop or factory. For I repeat that I do not +believe industrial work in the early days of industry +can be made tolerable to the worker. Once again +I experienced the dread of seeing the ideals of the +Russian revolutionaries go down before the logic +of necessity. They are beginning to pride themselves +on being hard, practical men, and it seems quite +reasonable to fear that they should come to regard +this full and humane development of the child as a +mere luxury and ultimately neglect it. Worse still, +the few of these schools which already exist may +perhaps become exclusive to the Communists and +their children, or that company of Samurai which is +to leaven and govern the mass of the people. If so, +they will soon come to resemble our public schools, +in that they will prepare, in an artificial play atmosphere, +men who will pass straight to the position +of leaders, while the portion of the proletariat who +serve under them will be reading and writing, just +so much technical training as is necessary, and +Communist doctrine.</p> + +<p>This is a nightmare hypothesis, but the difficulties +of the practical problem seem to warrant its entertainment. +The number of people in Russia who can +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span>even read and write is extremely small, the need to +get them employed industrially as rapidly as possible +is very great, hence the system of education which +develops out of this situation cannot be very ambitious +or enlightened. Further it will have to continue +over a sufficiently long period of time to allow of +the risk of its becoming stable and traditional. In +adult education already the pupil comes for a short +period, learns Communism, reading and writing—there +is hardly time to give him much more—and +returns to leaven the army or his native village. +In achieving this the Bolsheviks are already doing a +very important and valuable work, but they cannot +hope for a long while to become the model of public +instruction which they have hitherto been represented +to be. And the conditions of their becoming so +ultimately are adherence to their ideals through a very +long period of stress, and a lessening of fanaticism +in their Communist teaching, conditions which, +unhappily, seem to be mutually incompatible.</p> + +<p>The whole of the argument set out in this chapter +may be summed up in the statement of one fact which +the mere idealist is prone to overlook, namely that +Russia is a country at a stage in economic development +not much more advanced than America in the +pioneer days. The old civilization was aristocratic +and exotic; it could not survive in the modern +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span>world. It is true that it produced great men, but +its foundations were rotten. The new civilization +may, for the moment, be less productive of individual +works of genius, but it has a new solidity and gives +promise of a new unity. It may be that I have +taken too hopeful a view and that the future evolution +of Russia will have as little connection with the +life and tradition of its present population as modern +America with the life of the Red Indian tribes. The +fact that there exists in Russia a population at a far +higher stage of culture, which will be industrially +educated, not exterminated, militates against this +hypothesis, but the need for education may make +progress slower than it was in the United States.</p> + +<p>One would not have looked for the millennium of +Communism, nor even for valuable art and educational +experiment in the America of early railroading +and farming days. Nor must one look for such +things from Russia yet. It may be that during the +next hundred years there, economic evolution will +obscure Communist ideals, until finally, in a country +that has reached the stage of present-day America, +the battle will be fought out again to a victorious +and stable issue. Unless, indeed, the Marxian scripture +prove to be not infallible, and faith and heroic +devotion show themselves capable of triumphing +over economic necessity.</p> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a name="V" id="V"></a><hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>V<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">ToC</a></span></h3> + +<h3>COMMUNISM AND THE SOVIET +CONSTITUTION</h3> +<br /> + +<p>Before I went to Russia I imagined that I +was going to see an interesting experiment in +a new form of representative government. I did +see an interesting experiment, but not in representative +government. Every one who is interested +in Bolshevism knows the series of elections, from +the village meeting to the All-Russian Soviet, by +which the people's commissaries are supposed to +derive their power. We were told that, by the recall, +the occupational constituencies, and so on, a new +and far more perfect machinery had been devised +for ascertaining and registering the popular will. +One of the things we hoped to study was the question +whether the Soviet system is really superior to +Parliamentarism in this respect.</p> + +<p>We were not able to make any such study, because +the Soviet system is moribund.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> No conceivable +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span>system of free election would give majorities to the +Communists, either in town or country. Various +methods are therefore adopted for giving the victory +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span>to Government candidates. In the first place, the +voting is by show of hands, so that all who vote against +the Government are marked men. In the second +place, no candidate who is not a Communist can +have any printing done, the printing works being +all in the hands of the State. In the third place, he +cannot address any meetings, because the halls all +belong to the State. The whole of the press is, of +course, official; no independent daily is permitted. +In spite of all these obstacles, the Mensheviks have +succeeded in winning about 40 seats out of 1,500 +on the Moscow Soviet, by being known in certain +large factories where the electoral campaign could +be conducted by word of mouth. They won, in fact, +every seat that they contested.</p> + +<p>But although the Moscow Soviet is nominally +sovereign in Moscow, it is really only a body of +electors who choose the executive committee of +forty, out of which, in turn, is chosen the Presidium, +consisting of nine men who have all the power. The +Moscow Soviet, as a whole, meets rarely; the Executive +Committee is supposed to meet once a week, +but did not meet while we were in Moscow. The +Presidium, on the contrary, meets daily. Of course, +it is easy for the Government to exercise pressure +over the election of the executive committee, and +again over the election of the Presidium. It must +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span>be remembered that effective protest is impossible, +owing to the absolutely complete suppression of free +speech and free Press. The result is that the Presidium +of the Moscow Soviet consists only of orthodox +Communists.</p> + +<p>Kamenev, the President of the Moscow Soviet, +informed us that the recall is very frequently employed; +he said that in Moscow there are, on an +average, thirty recalls a month. I asked him what +were the principal reasons for the recall, and he +mentioned four: drinking, going to the front (and +being, therefore, incapable of performing the duties), +change of politics on the part of the electors, and +failure to make a report to the electors once a fortnight, +which all members of the Soviet are expected +to do. It is evident that the recall affords opportunities +for governmental pressure, but I had no +chance of finding out whether it is used for this +purpose.</p> + +<p>In country districts the method employed is somewhat +different. It is impossible to secure that the +village Soviet shall consist of Communists, because, +as a rule, at any rate in the villages I saw, there are +no Communists. But when I asked in the villages +how they were represented on the Volost (the next +larger area) or the Gubernia, I was met always with +the reply that they were not represented at all. I +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span>could not verify this, and it is probably an overstatement, +but all concurred in the assertion that +if they elected a non-Communist representative he +could not obtain a pass on the railway and, therefore, +could not attend the Volost or Gubernia Soviet. +I saw a meeting of the Gubernia Soviet of Saratov. +The representation is so arranged that the town +workers have an enormous preponderance over the +surrounding peasants; but even allowing for this, +the proportion of peasants seemed astonishingly +small for the centre of a very important agricultural +area.</p> + +<p>The All-Russian Soviet, which is constitutionally +the supreme body, to which the People's Commissaries +are responsible, meets seldom, and has become +increasingly formal. Its sole function at present, so +far as I could discover, is to ratify, without discussion, +previous decisions of the Communist Party +on matters (especially concerning foreign policy) +upon which the constitution requires its decision.</p> + +<p>All real power is in the hands of the Communist +Party, who number about 600,000 in a population +of about 120 millions. I never came across a Communist +by chance: the people whom I met in the +streets or in the villages, when I could get into +conversation with them, almost invariably said they +were of no party. The only other answer I ever +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span>had was from some of the peasants, who openly +stated that they were Tsarists. It must be said +that the peasants' reasons for disliking the Bolsheviks +are very inadequate. It is said—and all I saw +confirmed the assertion—that the peasants are better +off than they ever were before. I saw no one—man, +woman, or child—who looked underfed in the villages. +The big landowners are dispossessed, and the +peasants have profited. But the towns and the army +still need nourishing, and the Government has nothing +to give the peasants in return for food except paper, +which the peasants resent having to take. It is a +singular fact that Tsarist roubles are worth ten +times as much as Soviet roubles, and are much +commoner in the country. Although they are illegal, +pocket-books full of them are openly displayed in +the market places. I do not think it should be +inferred that the peasants expect a Tsarist restoration: +they are merely actuated by custom and dislike +of novelty. They have never heard of the blockade; +consequently they cannot understand why the +Government is unable to give them the clothes and +agricultural implements that they need. Having +got their land, and being ignorant of affairs outside +their own neighbourhood, they wish their own village +to be independent, and would resent the demands of +any Government whatever.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span>Within the Communist Party there are, of course, +as always in a bureaucracy, different factions, though +hitherto the external pressure has prevented disunion. +It seemed to me that the personnel of the +bureaucracy could be divided into three classes. +There are first the old revolutionists, tested by years +of persecution. These men have most of the highest +posts. Prison and exile have made them tough and +fanatical and rather out of touch with their own +country. They are honest men, with a profound +belief that Communism will regenerate the world. +They think themselves utterly free from sentiment, +but, in fact, they are sentimental about Communism +and about the régime that they are creating; they +cannot face the fact that what they are creating is +not complete Communism, and that Communism is +anathema to the peasant, who wants his own land +and nothing else. They are pitiless in punishing corruption +or drunkenness when they find either among +officials; but they have built up a system in which +the temptations to petty corruption are tremendous, +and their own materialistic theory should persuade +them that under such a system corruption must be +rampant.</p> + +<p>The second class in the bureaucracy, among whom +are to be found most of the men occupying political +posts just below the top, consists of <i>arrivistes</i>, who +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span>are enthusiastic Bolsheviks because of the material +success of Bolshevism. With them must be reckoned +the army of policemen, spies, and secret agents, +largely inherited from the Tsarist times, who make +their profit out of the fact that no one can live except +by breaking the law. This aspect of Bolshevism is +exemplified by the Extraordinary Commission, a +body practically independent of the Government, +possessing its own regiments, who are better fed +than the Red Army. This body has the power of +imprisoning any man or woman without trial on +such charges as speculation or counter-revolutionary +activity. It has shot thousands without proper +trial, and though now it has nominally lost the +power of inflicting the death penalty, it is by no +means certain that it has altogether lost it in fact. +It has spies everywhere, and ordinary mortals live +in terror of it.</p> + +<p>The third class in the bureaucracy consists of men +who are not ardent Communists, who have rallied to +the Government since it has proved itself stable, +and who work for it either out of patriotism or +because they enjoy the opportunity of developing +their ideas freely without the obstacle of traditional +institutions. Among this class are to be found men +of the type of the successful business man, men with +the same sort of ability as is found in the American +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span>self-made Trust magnate, but working for success +and power, not for money. There is no doubt that +the Bolsheviks are successfully solving the problem +of enlisting this kind of ability in the public service, +without permitting it to amass wealth as it does +in capitalist communities. This is perhaps their +greatest success so far, outside the domain of war. +It makes it possible to suppose that, if Russia is +allowed to have peace, an amazing industrial development +may take place, making Russia a rival of the +United States. The Bolsheviks are industrialists in +all their aims; they love everything in modern +industry except the excessive rewards of the capitalists. +And the harsh discipline to which they are +subjecting the workers is calculated, if anything can, +to give them the habits of industry and honesty +which have hitherto been lacking, and the lack of +which alone prevents Russia from being one of the +foremost industrial countries.</p> + +<br /> +<hr style='width: 15%;' /> +<br /> + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> In <i>Theses</i> (p. 6 of French edition) it is said: "The +ancient classic subdivision of the Labour movement into +three forms (parties, trade unions, and co-operatives) has +served its time. The proletarian revolution has raised up +in Russia the essential form of proletarian dictatorship, +the <i>soviets</i>. But the work in the Soviets, as in the industrial +trade unions which have become revolutionary, must be +invariably and systematically directed by the party of the +proletariat, i.e. the Communist Party. As the organized +advanced guard of the working class, the Communist Party +answers equally to the economic, political and spiritual needs +of the entire working class. It must be the soul of the trade +unions, the soviets, and all other proletarian organizations.</p> + +<p>"The appearance of the Soviets, the principal historical +form of the dictatorship of the proletariat, in no way diminishes +the directing rôle of the party in the proletarian revolution. +When the German Communists of the 'Left' ... declare +that 'the party itself must also adapt itself more and more +to the Soviet idea and proletarianize itself,' we see there +only an insinuating expression of the idea that the Communist +Party must dissolve itself into the Soviets, so that +the Soviets can replace it.</p> + +<p>"This idea is profoundly erroneous and reactionary.</p> + +<p>"The history of the Russian Revolution shows us, at a +certain moment, the Soviets going against the proletarian +party and helping the agents of the bourgeoisie....</p> + +<p>"In order that the Soviets may fulfil their historic mission, +the existence of a Communist Party, strong enough not to +'adapt' itself to the Soviets but to exercise on them a decisive +influence, to force them <i>not to adapt themselves</i> to the bourgeoisie +and official social democracy, ... is on the contrary +necessary."</p></div> +<br /> +</div> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a name="VI" id="VI"></a><hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>VI<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">ToC</a></span></h3> + +<h3>THE FAILURE OF RUSSIAN INDUSTRY</h3> +<br /> + +<p>At first sight it is surprising that Russian +industry should have collapsed as badly as +it has done, and still more surprising that the +efforts of the Communists have not been more +successful in reviving it. As I believe that the +continued efficiency of industry is the main condition +for success in the transition to a Communist +State, I shall endeavour to analyse the causes of +the collapse, with a view to the discovery of ways +by which it can be avoided elsewhere.</p> + +<p>Of the fact of the collapse there can be no doubt. +The Ninth Congress of the Communist Party (March-April, +1920) speaks of "the incredible catastrophes +of public economy," and in connection with transport, +which is one of the vital elements of the problem, +it acknowledges "the terrible collapse of the transport +and the railway system," and urges the introduction +of "measures which cannot be delayed +and which are to obviate the complete paralysis of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span>the railway system and, together with this, the +ruin of the Soviet Republic." Almost all those who +have visited Russia would confirm this view of the +gravity of the situation. In the factories, in great +works like those of Putilov and Sornovo, very little +except war work is being done; machinery stands +idle and plant is becoming unusable. One sees +hardly any new manufactured articles in Russia, +beyond a certain very inadequate quantity of clothes +and boots—always excepting what is needed for the +army. And the difficulty of obtaining food is conclusive +evidence of the absence of goods such as are +needed by the peasants.</p> + +<p>How has this state of affairs arisen? And why +does it continue?</p> + +<p>A great deal of disorganization occurred before +the first revolution and under Kerensky. Russian +industry was partly dependent on Poland; the war +was conducted by methods of reckless extravagance, +especially as regards rolling-stock; under Kerensky +there was a tendency to universal holiday, under the +impression that freedom had removed the necessity +for work. But when all this is admitted to the full, +it remains true that the state of industry under the +Bolsheviks is much worse than even under Kerensky.</p> + +<p>The first and most obvious reason for this is that +Russia was quite unusually dependent upon foreign +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span>assistance. Not only did the machinery in the +factories and the locomotives on the railways come +from abroad, but the organizing and technical brains +in industry were mainly foreign. When the Entente +became hostile to Russia, the foreigners in Russian +industry either left the country or assisted counter-revolution. +Even those who were in fact loyal +naturally became suspect, and could not well be +employed in responsible posts, any more than Germans +could in England during the war. The native Russians +who had technical or business skill were little +better; they almost all practised sabotage in the +first period of the Bolshevik régime. One hears +amusing stories of common sailors frantically struggling +with complicated accounts, because no competent +accountant would work for the Bolsheviks.</p> + +<p>But those days passed. When the Government +was seen to be stable, a great many of those who +had formerly sabotaged it became willing to accept +posts under it, and are now in fact so employed, +often at quite exceptional salaries. Their importance +is thoroughly realized. One resolution at the above-mentioned +Congress says (I quote verbally the unedited +document which was given to us in Moscow):</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Being of opinion that without a scientific organization +of industry, even the widest application of compulsory +labour service, as the great labour heroism of the working +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span>class, will not only fail to secure the establishment of a +powerful socialist production, but will also fail to assist +the country to free itself from the clutches of poverty—the +Congress considers it imperative to register all able specialists +of the various departments of public economy and widely +to utilize them for the purpose of industrial organization.</p> + +<p>The Congress considers the elucidation for the wide masses +of the workers of the tremendous character of the economic +problems of the country to be one of the chief problems +of industrial and general political agitation and propaganda; +and of equal importance to this, technical education, and +administrative and scientific technical experience. The +Congress makes it obligatory on all the members of the party +mercilessly to fight that particular obnoxious form, the +ignorant conceit which deems the working class capable of +solving all problems without the assistance <i>in the most responsible +cases</i> of specialists of the bourgeois school, the management. +Demagogic elements who speculate on this kind of +prejudice in the more backward section of our working +classes, can have no place in the ranks of the party of Scientific +Socialism.</p></div> + +<p>But Russia alone is unable to supply the amount +of skill required, and is very deficient in technical +instructors, as well as in skilled workmen. One was +told, over and over again, that the first step in improvement +would be the obtaining of spare parts +for locomotives. It seems strange that these could +not be manufactured in Russia. To some extent +they can be, and we were shown locomotives which +had been repaired on Communist Saturdays. But +in the main the machinery for making spare parts +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span>is lacking and the skill required for its manufacture +does not exist. <span class="errata" title=""This"">Thus</span> dependence on the outside +world persists, and the blockade continues to do its +deadly work of spreading hunger, demoralization and +despair.</p> + +<p>The food question is intimately bound up with +the question of industry. There is a vicious circle, +for not only does the absence of manufactured goods +cause a food shortage in the towns, but the food +shortage, in turn, diminishes the strength of the +workers and makes them less able to produce goods. +I cannot but think that there has been some mismanagement +as regards the food question. For +example, in Petrograd many workers have allotments +and often work in them for eight hours after +an eight hours' day in their regular employment. +But the food produced in the allotments is taken +for general consumption, not left to each individual +producer. This is in accordance with Communist +theory, but of course greatly diminishes the incentive +to work, and increases the red tape and administrative +machinery.</p> + +<p>Lack of fuel has been another very grave source +of trouble. Before the war coal came mostly from +Poland and the Donetz Basin. Poland is lost to +Russia, and the Donetz Basin was in the hands of +Denikin, who so destroyed the mines before retreating +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span>that they are still not in working order. The result +is a practically complete absence of coal. Oil, which +is equally important in Russia, was also lacking until +the recent recovery of Baku. All that I saw on the +Volga made me believe that real efficiency has been +shown in reorganizing the transport of oil, and doubtless +this will do something to revive industry. But +the oil used to be worked very largely by Englishmen, +and English machinery is much needed for refining +it. In the meantime, Russia has had to depend +upon wood, which involves immense labour. Most +of the houses are not warmed in winter, so that +people live in a temperature below freezing-point. +Another consequence of lack of fuel was the bursting +of water-pipes, so that people in Petrograd, for the +most part, have to go down to the Neva to fetch +their water—a considerable addition to the labour +of an already overworked day.</p> + +<p>I find it difficult to believe that, if greater efficiency +had existed in the Government, the food and fuel +difficulties could not have been considerably alleviated. +In spite of the needs of the army, there are +still many horses in Russia; I saw troops of thousands +of horses on the Volga, which apparently belonged +to Kalmuk tribes. By the help of carts and sledges, +it ought to be possible, without more labour than +is warranted by the importance of the problem, to +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span>bring food and timber into Moscow and Petrograd. +It must be remembered that both cities are surrounded +by forests, and Moscow at least is surrounded by +good agricultural land. The Government has devoted +all its best energies hitherto to the two tasks of war +and propaganda, while industry and the food problem +have been left to a lesser degree of energy and intelligence. +It is no doubt probable that, if peace is +secured, the economic problems will receive more +attention than hitherto. But the Russian character +seems less adapted to steady work of an unexciting +nature than to heroic efforts on great occasions; it +has immense passive endurance, but not much active +tenacity. Whether, with the menace of foreign +invasion removed, enough day-by-day detailed energy +would exist for the reorganization of industry, is a +doubtful question, as to which only time can decide.</p> + +<p>This leads to the conclusion—which I think is +adopted by most of the leading men in Russia—that +it will be very difficult indeed to save the revolution +without outside economic assistance. Outside +assistance from capitalist countries is dangerous to +the principles of Communism, as well as precarious +from the likelihood of fresh causes of quarrel. But +the need of help is urgent, and if the policy of +promoting revolution elsewhere were to succeed, it +would probably render the nations concerned +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span>temporarily incapable of supplying Russian needs. It +is, therefore, necessary for Russia to accept the +risks and uncertainties involved in attempting to +make peace with the Entente and to trade with +America. By continuing war, Russia can do infinite +damage to us, especially in Asia, but cannot hope, +for many years, to achieve any degree of internal +prosperity. The situation, therefore, is one in which, +even from the narrowest point of view, peace is to +the interest of both parties.</p> + +<p>It is difficult for an outsider with only superficial +knowledge to judge of the efforts which have been +made to reorganize industry without outside help. +These efforts have chiefly taken the form of industrial +conscription. Workers in towns seek to escape +to the country, in order to have enough to eat; but +this is illegal and severely punished. The same +Communist Report from which I have already quoted +speaks on this subject as follows:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Labour Desertion.</i>—Owing to the fact that a considerable +part of the workers either in search of better food conditions +or often for the purposes of speculation, voluntarily leave +their places of employment or change from place to place, +which inevitably harms production and deteriorates the +general position of the working class, the Congress considers +one of the most urgent problems of Soviet Government +and of the Trade Union organization to be established as +the firm, systematic and insistent struggle with labour +desertion, The way to fight this is to publish a list of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span>desertion fines, the creation of a labour Detachment of Deserters +under fine, and, finally, internment in concentration camps.</p></div> + +<p>It is hoped to extend the system to the peasantry:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The defeat of the White Armies and the problems of +peaceful construction in connection with the incredible +catastrophes of public economy demand an extraordinary +effort of all the powers of the proletariat and the drafting +into the process of public labour of the wide masses of the +peasantry.</p></div> + +<p>On the vital subject of transport, in a passage of +which I have already quoted a fragment, the Communist +Party declares:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>For the most immediate future transport remains the +centre of the attention and the efforts of the Soviet Government. +The improvement of transport is the indispensable +basis upon which even the most moderate success in all +other spheres of production and first of all in the provision +question can be gained.</p> + +<p>The chief difficulty with regard to the improvement of +transport is the weakness of the Transport Trade Union, +which is due in the first case to the heterogeneity of the +personnel of the railways, amongst whom there are still a +number of those who belong to the period of disorganization, +and, secondly, to the fact that the most class-conscious and +best elements of the railway proletariat were at the various +fronts of the civil war.</p> + +<p>Considering wide Trade Union assistance to the railway +workers to be one of the principal tasks of the Party, and +as the only condition under which transport can be raised +to its height, the Congress at the same time recognizes the +inflexible necessity of employing exclusive and extraordinary +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span>measures (martial law, and so forth). Such necessity is +the result of the terrible collapse of the transport and the +railroad system and is to introduce measures which cannot +be delayed and which are to obviate the complete paralysis +of the railway system and, together with this, the ruin of +the Soviet Republic.</p></div> + +<p>The general attitude to the militarization of labour +is stated in the Resolution with which this section +of the Proceedings begins:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The ninth Congress approves of the decision of the Central +Committee of the Russian Communist Party on the mobilization +of the industrial proletariat, compulsory labour service, +militarization of production and the application of military +detachments to economic needs.</p> + +<p>In connection with the above, the Congress decrees that +the Party organization should in every way assist the Trade +Unions and the Labour Sections in registering all skilled +workers with a view of employing them in the various branches +of production with the same consistency and strictness as +was done, and is being carried out at the present time, in +relation to the commanding staff for army needs.</p> + +<p>Every skilled worker is to return to his particular trade +Exceptions, i.e. the retention of the skilled worker in any +other branch of Soviet service, is allowed only with the +sanction of the corresponding central and local authorities.</p></div> + +<p>It is, of course, evident that in these measures +the Bolsheviks have been compelled to travel a +long way from the ideals which originally inspired +the revolution. But the situation is so desperate +that they could not be blamed if their measures +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span>were successful. In a shipwreck all hands must +turn to, and it would be ridiculous to prate of individual +liberty. The most distressing feature of the +situation is that these stern laws seem to have produced +so little effect. Perhaps in the course of years +Russia might become self-supporting without help +from the outside world, but the suffering meantime +would be terrible. The early <span class="errata" title=""losses"">hopes</span> of the revolution +would fade more and more. Every failure of industry, +every tyrannous regulation brought about +by the desperate situation, is used by the Entente +as a justification of its policy. If a man is deprived +of food and drink, he will grow weak, lose his reason, +and finally die. This is not usually considered a +good reason for inflicting death by starvation. But +where nations are concerned, the weakness and +struggles are regarded as morally culpable, and are +held to justify further punishment. So at least it +has been in the case of Russia. Nothing produced +a doubt in our governing minds as to the rightness +of our policy except the strength of the Red Army +and the fear of revolution in Asia. Is it surprising +that professions of humanitarian feeling on the part +of English people are somewhat coldly received in +Soviet Russia?</p> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a name="VII" id="VII"></a><hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>VII<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">ToC</a></span></h3> + +<h3>DAILY LIFE IN MOSCOW</h3> +<br /> + +<p>Daily life in Moscow, so far as I could discover, +has neither the horrors depicted by +the Northcliffe Press nor the delights imagined by +the more ardent of our younger Socialists.</p> + +<p>On the one hand, there is no disorder, very little +crime, not much insecurity for those who keep clear +of politics. Everybody works hard; the educated +people have, by this time, mostly found their way +into Government offices or teaching or some other +administrative profession in which their education +is useful. The theatres, the opera and the ballet +continue as before, and are quite admirable; some +of the seats are paid for, others are given free to +members of trade unions. There is, of course, no +drunkenness, or at any rate so little that none of us +ever saw a sign of it. There is very little prostitution, +infinitely less than in any other capital. +Women are safer from molestation than anywhere +else in the world. The whole impression is one of +virtuous, well-ordered activity.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span>On the other hand, life is very hard for all except +men in good posts. It is hard, first of all, owing to +the food shortage. This is familiar to all who have +interested themselves in Russia, and it is unnecessary +to dwell upon it. What is less realized is that most +people work much longer hours than in this country. +The eight-hour day was introduced with a flourish +of trumpets; then, owing to the pressure of the +war, it was extended to ten hours in certain trades. +But no provision exists against extra work at other +jobs, and very many people do extra work, because +the official rates do not afford a living wage. This +is not the fault of the Government, at any rate as +regards the major part; it is due chiefly to war and +blockade. When the day's work is over, a great +deal of time has to be spent in fetching food and +water and other necessaries of life. The sight of +the workers going to and fro, shabbily clad, with the +inevitable bundle in one hand and tin can in the +other, through streets almost entirely empty of +traffic, produces the effect of life in some vast +village, rather than in an important capital city.</p> + +<p>Holidays, such as are common throughout all but +the very poorest class in this country, are very difficult +in Russia. A train journey requires a permit, +which is only granted on good reasons being shown; +with the present shortage of transport, this regulation +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span>is quite unavoidable. Railway queues are a common +feature in Moscow; it often takes several days to +get a permit. Then, when it has been obtained, +it may take several more days to get a seat in a train. +The ordinary trains are inconceivably crowded, far +more so, though that seems impossible, than London +trains at the busiest hour. On the shorter journeys, +passengers are even known to ride on the roof and +buffers, or cling like flies to the sides of the waggons. +People in Moscow travel to the country whenever +they can afford the time and get a permit, because +in the country there is enough to eat. They go to +stay with relations—most people in Moscow, in all +classes, but especially among manual workers, have +relations in the country. One cannot, of course, go +to an hotel as one would in other countries. Hotels +have been taken over by the State, and the rooms +in them (when they are still used) are allocated by +the police to people whose business is recognized as +important by the authorities. Casual travel is +therefore impossible even on a holiday.</p> + +<p>Journeys have vexations in addition to the slowness +and overcrowding of the trains. Police search +the travellers for evidences of "speculation," especially +for food. The police play, altogether, a much +greater part in daily life than they do in other +countries—much greater than they did, for example, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span>in Prussia twenty-five years ago, when there was +a vigorous campaign against Socialism. Everybody +breaks the law almost daily, and no one knows which +among his acquaintances is a spy of the Extraordinary +Commission. Even in the prisons, among +prisoners, there are spies, who are allowed certain +privileges but not their liberty.</p> + +<p>Newspapers are not taken in, except by very few +people, but they are stuck up in public places, where +passers-by occasionally glance at them.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> There is +very little to read; owing to paper shortage, books +are rare, and money to buy them is still rarer. One +does not see people reading, as one does here in +the Underground for example. There is practically +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span>no social life, partly because of the food shortage, +partly because, when anybody is arrested, the police +are apt to arrest everybody whom they find in his +company, or who comes to visit him. And once +arrested, a man or woman, however innocent, may +remain for months in prison without trial. While +we were in Moscow, forty social revolutionaries and +Anarchists were hunger-striking to enforce their +demand to be tried and to be allowed visits. I was +told that on the eighth day of the strike the Government +consented to try them, and that few could be +proved guilty of any crime; but I had no means of +verifying this.</p> + +<p>Industrial conscription is, of course, rigidly enforced. +Every man and woman has to work, and +slacking is severely punished, by prison or a penal +settlement. Strikes are illegal, though they sometimes +occur. By proclaiming itself the friend of +the proletarian, the Government has been enabled +to establish an iron discipline, beyond the wildest +dreams of the most autocratic American magnate. +And by the same professions the Government has led +Socialists from other countries to abstain from reporting +unpleasant features in what they have seen.</p> + +<p>The Tolstoyans, of whom I saw the leaders, are +obliged by their creed to resist every form of +conscription, though some have found ways of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span>compromising. The law concerning conscientious +objectors to military service is practically the same +as ours, and its working depends upon the temper +of the tribunal before which a man comes. Some +conscientious objectors have been shot; on the +other hand, some have obtained absolute exemption.</p> + +<p>Life in Moscow, as compared to life in London, is +drab, monotonous, and depressed. I am not, of +course, comparing life there with that of the rich +here, but with that of the average working-class +family. When it is realized that the highest wages +are about fifteen shillings a month, this is not surprising. +I do not think that life could, under any +system, be very cheerful in a country so exhausted +by war as Russia, so I am not saying this as a criticism +of the Bolsheviks. But I do think there might be +less police interference, less vexatious regulation, +and more freedom for spontaneous impulses towards +harmless enjoyments.</p> + +<p>Religion is still very strong. I went into many +churches, where I saw obviously famished priests in +gorgeous vestments, and a congregation enormously +devout. Generally more than half the congregation +were men, and among the men many were soldiers. +This applies to the towns as well as to the country. +In Moscow I constantly saw people in the streets +crossing themselves.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span>There is a theory that the Moscow working man +feels himself free from capitalist domination, and +therefore bears hardships gladly. This is no doubt +true of the minority who are active Communists, but +I do not think it has any truth for the others. The +average working man, to judge by a rather hasty +impression, feels himself the slave of the Government, +and has no sense whatever of having been liberated +from a tyranny.</p> + +<p>I recognize to the full the reasons for the bad state +of affairs, in the past history of Russia and the recent +policy of the Entente. But I have thought it better +to record impressions frankly, trusting the readers +to remember that the Bolsheviks have only a very +limited share of responsibility for the evils from +which Russia is suffering.</p> + +<br /> +<hr style='width: 15%;' /> +<br /> + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> The ninth Communist Congress (March-April, 1920) +says on this subject: "In view of the fact that the first +condition of the success of the Soviet Republic in all +departments, including the economic, is chiefly systematic +printed agitation, the Congress draws the attention of the +Soviet Government to the deplorable state in which our +paper and printing industries find themselves. The ever +decreasing number of newspapers fail to reach not only the +peasants but even the workers, in addition to which our +poor technical means render the papers hardly readable. +The Congress strongly appeals to the Supreme Council of +Public Economy, to the corresponding Trade Unions and +other interested institutions, to apply all efforts to raise the +quantity, to introduce general system and order in the printing +business, and so secure for the worker and peasant in +Russia a supply of Socialist printed matter."</p></div> +<br /> +</div> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a name="VIII" id="VIII"></a><hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>VIII<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">ToC</a></span></h3> + +<h3>TOWN AND COUNTRY</h3> +<br /> + +<p>The problem of inducing the peasants to feed +the towns is one which Russia shares with +Central Europe, and from what one hears Russia +has been less unsuccessful than some other countries +in dealing with this problem. For the Soviet +Government, the problem is mainly concentrated +in Moscow and Petrograd; the other towns +are not very large, and are mostly in the centre +of rich agricultural districts. It is true that in the +North even the rural population normally depends +upon food from more southerly districts; but the +northern population is small. It is commonly said +that the problem of feeding Moscow and Petrograd +is a transport problem, but I think this is only +partially true. There is, of course, a grave deficiency +of rolling-stock, especially of locomotives in good +repair. But Moscow is surrounded by very good +land. In the course of a day's motoring in the +neighbourhood, I saw enough cows to supply milk +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span>to the whole child population of Moscow, although +what I had come to see was children's sanatoria, +not farms. All kinds of food can be bought in the +market at high prices. I travelled over a considerable +extent of Russian railways, and saw a fair number +of goods trains. For all these reasons, I feel +convinced that the share of the transport problem +in the food difficulties has been exaggerated. Of +course transport plays a larger part in the shortage +in Petrograd than in Moscow, because food comes +mainly from south of Moscow. In Petrograd, most +of the people one sees in the streets show obvious +signs of under-feeding. In Moscow, the visible +signs are much less frequent, but there is no doubt +that under-feeding, though not actual starvation, is +nearly universal.</p> + +<p>The Government supplies rations to every one who +works in the towns at a very low fixed price. The +official theory is that the Government has a monopoly +of the food and that the rations are sufficient to sustain +life. The fact is that the rations are not sufficient, +and that they are only a portion of the food supply +of Moscow. Moreover, people complain, I do not +know how truly, that the rations are delivered irregularly; +some say, about every other day. Under +these circumstances, almost everybody, rich or +poor, buys food in the market, where it costs about +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span>fifty times the fixed Government price. A pound +of butter costs about a month's wages. In order to +be able to afford extra food, people adopt various +expedients. Some do additional work, at extra +rates, after their official day's work is over. For, +though there is supposed to be by law an eight-hours +day, extended to ten in certain vital industries, the +wage paid for it is not a living wage, and there is +nothing to prevent a man from undertaking other +work in his spare time. But the usual resource +is what is called "speculation," i.e., buying and +selling. Some person formerly rich sells clothes or +furniture or jewellery in return for food; the buyer +sells again at an enhanced price, and so on through +perhaps twenty hands, until a final purchaser is +found in some well-to-do peasant or <i>nouveau riche</i> +speculator. Again, most people have relations in the +country, whom they visit from time to time, bringing +back with them great bags of flour. It is illegal for +private persons to bring food into Moscow, and the +trains are searched; but, by corruption or cunning, +experienced people can elude the search. The food +market is illegal, and is raided occasionally; but as +a rule it is winked at. Thus the attempt to suppress +private commerce has resulted in an amount of +unprofessional buying and selling which far exceeds +what happens in capitalist countries. It takes up +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span>a great deal of time that might be more profitably +employed; and, being illegal, it places practically +the whole population of Moscow at the mercy of the +police. Moreover, it depends largely upon the stores +of goods belonging to those who were formerly +rich, and when these are expended the whole system +must collapse, unless industry has meanwhile been +re-established on a sound basis.</p> + +<p>It is clear that the state of affairs is unsatisfactory, +but, from the Government's point of view, it is not +easy to see what ought to be done. The urban and +industrial population is mainly concerned in carrying +on the work of government and supplying munitions +to the army. These are very necessary tasks, the +cost of which ought to be defrayed out of taxation. +A moderate tax in kind on the peasants would easily +feed Moscow and Petrograd. But the peasants take +no interest in war or government. Russia is so vast +that invasion of one part does not touch another +part; and the peasants are too ignorant to have +any national consciousness, such as one takes for +granted in England or France or Germany. The +peasants will not willingly part with a portion of +their produce merely for purposes of national defence, +but only for the goods they need—clothes, agricultural +implements, &c.—which the Government, owing to the +war and the blockade, is not in a position to supply.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span>When the food shortage was at its worst, the +Government antagonized the peasants by forced +requisitions, carried out with great harshness by +the Red Army. This method has been modified, +but the peasants still part unwillingly with their +food, as is natural in view of the uselessness of paper +and the enormously higher prices offered by private +buyers.</p> + +<p>The food problem is the main cause of popular +opposition to the Bolsheviks, yet I cannot see how +any popular policy could have been adopted. The +Bolsheviks are disliked by the peasants because they +take so much food; they are disliked in the towns +because they take so little. What the peasants want +is what is called free trade, i.e., de-control of agricultural +produce. If this policy were adopted, the +towns would be faced by utter starvation, not merely +by hunger and hardship. It is an entire misconception +to suppose that the peasants cherish any hostility +to the Entente. The <i>Daily News</i> of July 13th, in an +otherwise excellent leading article, speaks of "the +growing hatred of the Russian peasant, who is neither +a Communist nor a Bolshevik, for the Allies generally +and this country in particular." The typical Russian +peasant has never heard of the Allies or of this +country; he does not know that there is a blockade; +all he knows is that he used to have six cows but +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span>the Government reduced him to one for the sake of +poorer peasants, and that it takes his corn (except +what is needed for his own family) at a very low price. +The reasons for these actions do not interest him, +since his horizon is bounded by his own village. +To a remarkable extent, each village is an independent +unit. So long as the Government obtains the +food and soldiers that it requires, it does not interfere, +and <span class="errata" title=""leave"">leaves</span> untouched the old village communism, +which is extraordinarily unlike Bolshevism and +entirely dependent upon a very primitive stage of +culture.</p> + +<p>The Government represents the interests of the +urban and industrial population, and is, as it were, +encamped amid a peasant nation, with whom its +relations are rather diplomatic and military than +governmental in the ordinary sense. The economic +situation, as in Central Europe, is favourable to the +country and unfavourable to the towns. If Russia +were governed democratically, according to the will +of the majority, the inhabitants of Moscow and Petrograd +would die of starvation. As it is, Moscow and +Petrograd just manage to live, by having the whole +civil and military power of the State devoted to their +needs. Russia affords the curious spectacle of a +vast and powerful Empire, prosperous at the periphery, +but faced with dire want at the centre. Those +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span>who have least prosperity have most power; and it +is only through their excess of power that they are +enabled to live at all. The situation is due at bottom +to two facts: that almost the whole industrial +energies of the population have had to be devoted to +war, and that the peasants do not appreciate the +importance of the war or the fact of the blockade.</p> + +<p>It is futile to blame the Bolsheviks for an unpleasant +and difficult situation which it has been impossible +for them to avoid. Their problem is only soluble +in one of two ways: by the cessation of the war and +the blockade, which would enable them to supply the +peasants with the goods they need in exchange for +food; or by the gradual development of an independent +Russian industry. This latter method would be +slow, and would involve terrible hardships, but some +of the ablest men in the Government believe it to be +possible if peace cannot be achieved. If we force +this method upon Russia by the refusal of peace and +trade, we shall forfeit the only inducement we can +hold out for friendly relations; we shall render the +Soviet State unassailable and completely free to +pursue the policy of promoting revolution everywhere. +But the industrial problem is a large subject, +<span class="errata" title=""which is better reserved for a separate chapter"">which +has been already discussed in Chapter VI</span>.</p> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a name="IX" id="IX"></a><hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>IX<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">ToC</a></span></h3> + +<h3>INTERNATIONAL POLICY</h3> +<br /> + +<p>In the course of these chapters, I have had +occasion to mention disagreeable features +of the Bolshevik régime. But it must always be +remembered that these are chiefly due to the fact +that the industrial life of Russia has been paralysed +except as ministering to the wants of the Army, and +that the Government has had to wage a bitter and +doubtful civil and external war, involving the constant +menace of domestic enemies. Harshness, espionage, +and a curtailment of liberty result unavoidably from +these difficulties. I have no doubt whatever that +the sole cure for the evils from which Russia is suffering +is peace and trade. Peace and trade would put +an end to the hostility of the peasants, and would +at once enable the Government to depend upon +popularity rather than force. The character of the +Government would alter rapidly under such conditions. +Industrial conscription, which is now rigidly +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span>enforced, would become unnecessary. Those who +desire a more liberal spirit would be able to make +their voices heard without the feeling that they were +assisting reaction and the national enemies. The +food difficulties would cease, and with them the need +for an autocratic system in the towns.</p> + +<p>It must not be assumed, as is common with +opponents of Bolshevism, that any other Government +could easily be established in Russia. I think every +one who has been in Russia recently is convinced +that the existing Government is stable. It may +undergo internal developments, and might easily, but +for Lenin, become a Bonapartist military autocracy. +But this would be a change from within—not perhaps +a very great change—and would probably do little +to alter the economic system. From what I saw of +the Russian character and of the opposition parties, I +became persuaded that Russia is not ready for any +form of democracy, and needs a strong Government. +The Bolsheviks represent themselves as the Allies +of Western advanced Socialism, and from this point +of view they are open to grave criticism. For their +international programme there is, to my mind, +nothing to be said. But as a national Government, +stripped of their camouflage, regarded as the successors +of Peter the Great, they are performing a necessary +though unamiable task. They are introducing, as +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span>far as they can, American efficiency among a lazy +and undisciplined population. They are preparing to +develop the natural resources of their country by the +methods of State Socialism, for which, in Russia, +there is much to be said. In the Army they are +abolishing illiteracy, and if they had peace they +would do great things for education everywhere.</p> + +<p>But if we continue to refuse peace and trade, I do +not think the Bolsheviks will go under. Russia will +endure great hardships, in the years to come as before. +But the Russians are inured to misery as no Western +nation is; they can live and work under conditions +which we should find intolerable. The Government +will be driven more and more, from mere self-preservation, +into a policy of imperialism. The Entente +has been doing everything to expose Germany to a +Russian invasion of arms and leaflets, by allowing +Poland to engage in war and compelling Germany +to disarm. All Asia lies open to Bolshevik ambitions. +Almost the whole of the former Russian Empire in +Asia is quite firmly in their grasp. Trains are running +at a reasonable speed to Turkestan, and I saw cotton +from there being loaded on to Volga steamers. In +Persia and Turkey, revolts are taking place, with +Bolshevik support. It is only a question of a few +years before India will be in touch with the Red +Army. If we continue to antagonize the Bolsheviks, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span>I do not see what force exists that can prevent them +from acquiring the whole of Asia within ten years.</p> + +<p>The Russian Government is not yet definitely +imperialistic in spirit, and would still prefer peace +to conquest. The country is weary of war and +denuded of goods. But if the Western Powers insist +upon war, another spirit, which is already beginning +to show itself, will become dominant. Conquest will +be the only alternative to submission. Asiatic conquest +will not be difficult. But for us, from the +imperialist standpoint, it will mean utter ruin. And +for the Continent it will mean revolutions, civil wars, +economic cataclysms. The policy of crushing Bolshevism +by force was always foolish and criminal; +it has now become impossible and fraught with +disaster. Our own Government, it would seem, have +begun to realize the dangers, but apparently they +do not realize them sufficiently to enforce their view +against opposition.</p> + +<p>In the Theses presented to the Second Congress +of the Third International (July 1920), there is a +very interesting article by Lenin called "First +Sketch of the Theses on National and Colonial +Questions" (<i>Theses</i>, pp. 40-47). The following passages +seemed to me particularly illuminating:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The present world-situation in politics places on the order +of the day the dictatorship of the proletariat; and all the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span>events of world politics are inevitably concentrated round +one centre of gravity: the struggle of the international +bourgeoisie against the Soviet Republic, which inevitably +groups round it, on the one hand the Sovietist movements +of the advanced working men of all countries, on the other +hand all the national movements of emancipation of colonies +and oppressed nations which have been convinced by a bitter +experience that there is no salvation for them except in the +victory of the Soviet Government over world-imperialism.</p> + +<p>We cannot therefore any longer confine ourselves to +recognizing and proclaiming the union of the workers of +all countries. It is henceforth necessary to pursue the +realization of the strictest union of all the national and +colonial movements of emancipation with Soviet Russia, +by giving to this union forms corresponding to the degree +of evolution of the proletarian movement among the proletariat +of each country, or of the democratic-bourgeois movement +of emancipation among the workers and peasants of +backward countries or backward nationalities.</p> + +<p>The federal principle appears to us as a transitory form +towards the complete unity of the workers of all countries.</p></div> + +<p>This is the formula for co-operation with Sinn +Fein or with Egyptian and Indian nationalism. It +is further defined later. In regard to backward +countries, Lenin says, we must have in view:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The necessity of the co-operation of all Communists in +the democratic-bourgeois movement of emancipation in +those countries.</p></div> + +<p>Again:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The Communist International must conclude temporary +alliances with the bourgeois democracy of backward countries, +but must never fuse with it." The class-conscious proletariat +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span>must "show itself particularly circumspect towards the survivals +of national sentiment in countries long oppressed," and +must "consent to certain useful concessions."</p></div> + +<p>The Asiatic policy of the Russian Government was +adopted as a move against the British Empire, and +as a method of inducing the British Government +to make peace. It plays a larger part in the schemes +of the leading Bolsheviks than is realized by the +Labour Party in this country. Its method is not, +for the present, to preach Communism, since the +Persians and Hindoos are considered scarcely ripe +for the doctrines of Marx. It is nationalist movements +that are supported by money and agitators +from Moscow. The method of quasi-independent +states under Bolshevik protection is well understood. +It is obvious that this policy affords opportunities +for imperialism, under the cover of propaganda, and +there is no doubt that some among the Bolsheviks +are fascinated by its imperialist aspect. The importance +officially attached to the Eastern policy is +illustrated by the fact that it was the subject of the +concluding portion of Lenin's speech to the recent +Congress of the Third International (July 1920).</p> + +<p>Bolshevism, like everything Russian, is partly +Asiatic in character. One may distinguish two distinct +trends, developing into two distinct policies. On the +one side are the practical men, who wish to develop +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span>Russia industrially, to secure the gains of the Revolution +nationally, to trade with the West, and gradually +settle down into a more or less ordinary State. +These men have on their side the fact of the economic +exhaustion of Russia, the danger of ultimate revolt +against Bolshevism if life continues to be as painful +as it is at present, and the natural sentiment of +humanity that wishes to relieve the sufferings of the +people; also the fact that, if revolutions elsewhere +produce a similar collapse of industry, they will make +it impossible for Russia to receive the outside help +which is urgently needed. In the early days, when +the Government was weak, they had unchallenged +control of policy, but success has made their position +less secure.</p> + +<p>On the other side there is a blend of two quite +different aims: first, the desire to promote revolution +in the Western nations, which is in line with Communist +theory, and is also thought to be the only +way of obtaining a really secure peace; secondly, the +desire for Asiatic dominion, which is probably accompanied +in the minds of some with dreams of sapphires +and rubies and golden thrones and all the glories +of their forefather Solomon. This desire produces an +unwillingness to abandon the Eastern policy, although +it is realized that, until it is abandoned, peace with +capitalist England is impossible. I do not know +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span>whether there are some to whom the thought occurs +that if England were to embark on revolution we +should become willing to abandon India to the +Russians. But I am certain that the converse +thought occurs, namely that, if India could be taken +from us, the blow to imperialist feeling might lead us +to revolution. In either case, the two policies, of +revolution in the West and conquest (disguised as +liberation of oppressed peoples) in the East, work in +together, and dovetail into a strongly coherent +whole.</p> + +<p>Bolshevism as a social phenomenon is to be reckoned +as a religion, not as an ordinary political movement. +The important and effective mental attitudes to the +world may be broadly divided into the religious and +the scientific. The scientific attitude is tentative and +piecemeal, believing what it finds evidence for, and +no more. Since Galileo, the scientific attitude has +proved itself increasingly capable of ascertaining +important facts and laws, which are acknowledged +by all competent people regardless of temperament or +self-interest or political pressure. Almost all the +progress in the world from the earliest times is +attributable to science and the scientific temper; almost +all the major ills are attributable to religion.</p> + +<p>By a religion I mean a set of beliefs held as dogmas, +dominating the conduct of life, going beyond or +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span>contrary to evidence, and inculcated by methods which +are emotional or authoritarian, not intellectual. +By this definition, Bolshevism is a religion: that its +dogmas go beyond or contrary to evidence, I shall try +to prove in what follows. Those who accept Bolshevism +become impervious to scientific evidence, +and commit intellectual suicide. Even if all the +doctrines of Bolshevism were true, this would still +be the case, since no unbiased examination of them +is tolerated. One who believes, as I do, that the free +intellect is the chief engine of human progress, cannot +but be fundamentally opposed to Bolshevism, as +much as to the Church of Rome.</p> + +<p>Among religions, Bolshevism is to be reckoned +with Mohammedanism rather than with Christianity +and Buddhism. Christianity and Buddhism are +primarily personal religions, with mystical doctrines +and a love of contemplation. Mohammedanism and +Bolshevism are practical, social, unspiritual, +concerned to win the empire of this world. Their +founders would not have resisted the third of the +temptations in the wilderness. What Mohammedanism +did for the Arabs, Bolshevism may do for the +Russians. As Ali went down before the politicians +who only rallied to the Prophet after his success, so +the genuine Communists may go down before those +who are now rallying to the ranks of the Bolsheviks. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span>If so, Asiatic empire with all its pomps and splendours +may well be the next stage of development, +and Communism may seem, in historical retrospect, +as small a part of Bolshevism as abstinence from +alcohol is of Mohammedanism. It is true that, as a +world force, whether for revolution or for empire, +Bolshevism must sooner or later be brought by success +into a desperate conflict with America; and America +is more solid and strong, as yet, than anything that +Mohammed's followers had to face. But the doctrines +of Communism are almost certain, in the long +run, to make progress among American wage-earners, +and the opposition of America is therefore not likely +to be eternal. Bolshevism may go under in Russia, +but even if it does it will spring up again elsewhere, +since it is ideally suited to an industrial population +in distress. What is evil in it is mainly due to the +fact that it has its origin in distress; the problem +is to disentangle the good from the evil, and induce +the adoption of the good in countries not goaded +into ferocity by despair.</p> + +<p>Russia is a backward country, not yet ready for +the methods of equal co-operation which the West is +seeking to substitute for arbitrary power in politics +and industry. In Russia, the methods of the Bolsheviks +are probably more or less unavoidable; at +any rate, I am not prepared to criticize them in their +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span>broad lines. But they are not the methods appropriate +to more advanced countries, and our Socialists +will be unnecessarily retrograde if they allow the +prestige of the Bolsheviks to lead them into slavish +imitation. It will be a far less excusable error in +our reactionaries if, by their unteachableness, they +compel the adoption of violent methods. We have +a heritage of civilization and mutual tolerance which +is important to ourselves and to the world. Life +in Russia has always been fierce and cruel, to a far +greater degree than with us, and out of the war has +come a danger that this fierceness and cruelty may +become universal. I have hopes that in England +this may be avoided through the moderation of +both sides. But it is essential to a happy issue +that melodrama should no longer determine our +views of the Bolsheviks: they are neither angels +to be worshipped nor devils to be exterminated, but +merely bold and able men attempting with great +skill an almost impossible task.</p> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<hr /> +<br /> + +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span> +<h2><a name="PART_II" id="PART_II"></a>PART II</h2> + +<h3>BOLSHEVIK THEORY</h3> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a name="II_I" id="II_I"></a><hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>I<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">ToC</a></span></h3> + +<h3>THE MATERIALISTIC THEORY OF HISTORY</h3> +<br /> + +<p>The materialistic conception of history, as it +is called, is due to Marx, and underlies the +whole Communist philosophy. I do not mean, of +course, that a man could not be a Communist without +accepting it, but that in fact it is accepted by the +Communist Party, and that it profoundly influences +their views as to politics and tactics. The name +does not convey at all accurately what is meant +by the theory. It means that all the mass-phenomena +of history are determined by economic motives. +This view has no essential connection with materialism +in the philosophic sense. Materialism in the philosophic +sense may be defined as the theory that all +apparently mental occurrences either are really +physical, or at any rate have purely physical causes. +Materialism in this sense also was preached by +Marx, and is accepted by all orthodox Marxians. +The arguments for and against it are long and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span>complicated, and need not concern us, since, in fact, +its truth or falsehood has little or no bearing on +politics.</p> + +<p>In particular, philosophic materialism does not +prove that economic causes are fundamental in +politics. The view of Buckle, for example, according +to which climate is one of the decisive factors, is +equally compatible with materialism. So is the +Freudian view, which traces everything to sex. +There are innumerable ways of viewing history +which are materialistic in the philosophic sense +without being economic or falling within the Marxian +formula. Thus the "materialistic conception of +history" may be false even if materialism in the +philosophic sense should be true.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, economic causes might be at +the bottom of all political events even if philosophic +materialism were false. Economic causes operate +through men's <span class="errata" title=""desires"">desire</span> for possessions, and would +be supreme if this desire were supreme, even if desire +could not, from a philosophic point of view, be +explained in materialistic terms.</p> + +<p>There is, therefore, no logical connection either +way between philosophic materialism and what is +called the "materialistic conception of history."</p> + +<p>It is of some moment to realize such facts as this, +because otherwise political theories are both +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span>supported and opposed for quite irrelevant reasons, +and arguments of theoretical philosophy are employed +to determine questions which depend upon +concrete facts of human nature. This mixture +damages both philosophy and politics, and is therefore +important to avoid.</p> + +<p>For another reason, also, the attempt to base a +political theory upon a philosophical doctrine is +undesirable. The philosophical doctrine of materialism, +if true at all, is true everywhere and always; +we cannot expect exceptions to it, say, in Buddhism +or in the Hussite movement. And so it comes about +that people whose politics are supposed to be a +consequence of their metaphysics grow absolute +and sweeping, unable to admit that a general theory +of history is likely, at best, to be only true on the +whole and in the main. The dogmatic character of +Marxian Communism finds support in the supposed +philosophic basis of the doctrine; it has the fixed +certainty of Catholic theology, not the changing +fluidity and sceptical practicality of modern science.</p> + +<p>Treated as a practical approximation, not as an +exact metaphysical law, the materialistic conception +of history has a very large measure of truth. Take, +as an instance of its truth, the influence of industrialism +upon ideas. It is industrialism, rather than +the arguments of Darwinians and Biblical critics, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span>that has led to the decay of religious belief in the +urban working class. At the same time, industrialism +has revived religious belief among the +rich. In the eighteenth century French aristocrats +mostly became free-thinkers; now their descendants +are mostly Catholics, because it has become necessary +for all the forces of reaction to unite against the +revolutionary proletariat. Take, again, the emancipation +of women. Plato, Mary Wolstonecraft, and +John Stuart Mill produced admirable arguments, +but influenced only a few impotent idealists. The +war came, leading to the employment of women +in industry on a large scale, and instantly the arguments +in favour of votes for women were seen to +be irresistible. More than that, traditional sexual +morality collapsed, because its whole basis was the +economic dependence of women upon their fathers +and husbands. Changes in such a matter as sexual +morality bring with them profound alterations in +the thoughts and feelings of ordinary men and +women; they modify law, literature, art, and all +kinds of institutions that seem remote from economics.</p> + +<p>Such facts as these justify Marxians in speaking, +as they do, of "bourgeois ideology," meaning that +kind of morality which has been imposed upon the +world by the possessors of capital. Contentment +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span>with one's lot may be taken as typical of the virtues +preached by the rich to the poor. They honestly +believe it is a virtue—at any rate they did formerly. +The more religious among the poor also believed it, +partly from the influence of authority, partly from +an impulse to submission, what MacDougall calls +"negative self-feeling," which is commoner than +some people think. Similarly men preached the virtue +of female chastity, and women usually accepted +their teaching; both really believed the doctrine, +but its persistence was only possible through the +economic power of men. This led erring women to +punishment here on earth, which made further +punishment hereafter seem probable. When the +economic penalty ceased, the conviction of sinfulness +gradually decayed. In such changes we see the +collapse of "bourgeois ideology."</p> + +<p>But in spite of the fundamental importance of +economic facts in determining the politics and beliefs +of an age or nation, I do not think that non-economic +factors can be neglected without risks of errors which +may be fatal in practice.</p> + +<p>The most obvious non-economic factor, and the +one the neglect of which has led Socialists most +astray, is nationalism. Of course a nation, once +formed, has economic interests which largely determine +its politics; but it is not, as a rule, economic +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span>motives that decide what group of human beings +shall form a nation. Trieste, before the war, +considered itself Italian, although its whole prosperity +as a port depended upon its belonging +to Austria. No economic motive can account for +the opposition between Ulster and the rest of +Ireland. In Eastern Europe, the Balkanization +produced by self-determination has been obviously +disastrous from an economic point of view, +and was demanded for reasons which were in +essence sentimental. Throughout the war wage-earners, +with only a few exceptions, allowed +themselves to be governed by nationalist feeling, +and ignored the traditional Communist exhortation: +"Workers of the world, unite." According to +Marxian orthodoxy, they were misled by cunning +capitalists, who made their profit out of the slaughter. +But to any one capable of observing psychological +facts, it is obvious that this is largely a myth. Immense +numbers of capitalists were ruined by the +war; those who were young were just as liable to +be killed as the proletarians were. No doubt commercial +rivalry between England and Germany +had a great deal to do with causing the war; but +rivalry is a different thing from profit-seeking. +Probably by combination English and German +capitalists could have made more than they did out +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span>of rivalry, but the rivalry was instinctive, and its +economic form was accidental. The capitalists were +in the grip of nationalist instinct as much as their +proletarian "dupes." In both classes some have +gained by the war; but the universal will to war +was not produced by the hope of gain. It was +produced by a different set of instincts, and one +which Marxian psychology fails to recognize adequately.</p> + +<p>The Marxian assumes that a man's "herd," from +the point of view of herd-instinct, is his class, and +that he will combine with those whose economic +class-interest is the same as his. This is only very +partially true in fact. Religion has been the most +decisive factor in determining a man's herd throughout +long periods of the world's history. Even now a +Catholic working man will vote for a Catholic capitalist +rather than for an unbelieving Socialist. In +America the divisions in local elections are mainly +on religious lines. This is no doubt convenient +for the capitalists, and tends to make them religious +men; but the capitalists alone could not produce +the result. The result is produced by the fact that +many working men prefer the advancement of their +creed to the improvement of their livelihood. However +deplorable such a state of mind may be, it is +not necessarily due to capitalist lies.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span>All politics are governed by human desires. The +materialist theory of history, in the last analysis, +requires the assumption that every politically conscious +person is governed by one single desire—the +desire to increase his own share of commodities; +and, further, that his method of achieving this +desire will usually be to seek to increase the share +of his class, not only his own individual share. But +this assumption is very far from the truth. Men +desire power, they desire satisfactions for their +pride and their self-respect. They desire victory +over rivals so profoundly that they will invent a +rivalry for the unconscious purpose of making a victory +possible. All these motives cut across the pure +economic motive in ways that are practically important.</p> + +<p>There is need of a treatment of political motives +by the methods of psycho-analysis. In politics, as +in private life, men invent myths to rationalize their +conduct. If a man thinks that the only reasonable +motive in politics is economic self-advancement, he +will persuade himself that the things he wishes to +do will make him rich. When he wants to fight +the Germans, he tells himself that their competition +is ruining his trade. If, on the other hand, he is an +"idealist," who holds that his politics should aim +at the advancement of the human race, he will tell +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span>himself that the crimes of the Germans demand their +humiliation. The Marxian sees through this latter +camouflage, but not through the former. To desire +one's own economic advancement is comparatively +reasonable; to Marx, who inherited eighteenth-century +rationalist psychology from the British orthodox +economists, self-enrichment seemed the natural aim +of a man's political actions. But modern psychology +has dived much deeper into the ocean of insanity +upon which the little barque of human reason insecurely +floats. The intellectual optimism of a bygone +age is no longer possible to the modern student +of human nature. Yet it lingers in Marxism, making +Marxians rigid and Procrustean in their treatment of +the life of instinct. Of this rigidity the materialistic +conception of history is a prominent instance.</p> + +<p>In the next chapter I shall attempt to outline a +political psychology which seems to me more nearly +true than that of Marx.</p> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a name="II_II" id="II_II"></a><hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>II<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">ToC</a></span></h3> + +<h3>DECIDING FORCES IN POLITICS</h3> +<br /> + +<p>The larger events in the political life of the +world are determined by the interaction of +material conditions and human passions. The +operation of the passions on the material conditions +is modified by intelligence. The passions themselves +may be modified by alien intelligence guided +by alien passions. So far, such modification has +been wholly unscientific, but it may in time become +as precise as engineering.</p> + +<p>The classification of the passions which is most +convenient in political theory is somewhat different +from that which would be adopted in psychology.</p> + +<p>We may begin with desires for the necessaries +of life: food, drink, sex, and (in cold climates) +clothing and housing. When these are threatened, +there is no limit to the activity and violence that +men will display.</p> + +<p>Planted upon these primitive desires are a number +of secondary desires. Love of property, of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span>which the fundamental political importance is +obvious, may be derived historically and psychologically +from the hoarding instinct. Love of the +good opinion of others (which we may call vanity) +is a desire which man shares with many animals; +it is perhaps derivable from courtship, but has +great survival value, among gregarious animals, in +regard to others besides possible mates. Rivalry +and love of power are perhaps developments of +jealousy; they are akin, but not identical.</p> + +<p>These four passions—acquisitiveness, vanity, +rivalry, and love of power—are, after the basic +instincts, the prime movers of almost all that happens +in politics. Their operation is intensified and regularized +by herd instinct. But herd instinct, by its +very nature, cannot be a prime mover, since it +merely causes the herd to act in unison, without +determining what the united action is to be. Among +men, as among other gregarious animals, the united +action, in any given circumstances, is determined +partly by the common passions of the herd, partly +by imitation of leaders. The art of politics consists +in causing the latter to prevail over the former.</p> + +<p>Of the four passions we have enumerated, only +one, namely acquisitiveness, is concerned at all +directly with men's relations to their material conditions. +The other three—vanity, rivalry, and love +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span>of power—are concerned with social relations. I +think this is the source of what is erroneous in the +Marxian interpretation of history, which tacitly +assumes that acquisitiveness is the source of all +political actions. It is clear that many men willingly +forego wealth for the sake of power and glory, +and that nations habitually sacrifice riches to rivalry +with other nations. The desire for some form of +superiority is common to almost all energetic men. +No social system which attempts to thwart it can +be stable, since the lazy majority will never be a +match for the energetic minority.</p> + +<p>What is called "virtue" is an offshoot of vanity: +it is the habit of acting in a manner which others +praise.</p> + +<p>The operation of material conditions may be +illustrated by the statement (Myers's <i>Dawn of +History</i>) that four of the greatest movements of +conquest have been due to drought in Arabia, +causing the nomads of that country to migrate +into regions already inhabited. The last of these +four movements was the rise of Islam. In these +four cases, the primal need of food and drink was +enough to set events in motion; but as this need +could only be satisfied by conquest, the four secondary +passions must have very soon come into play. +In the conquests of modern industrialism, the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[131]</a></span>secondary passions have been almost wholly +dominant, since those who directed them had no need +to fear hunger or thirst. It is the potency of +vanity and love of power that gives hope for the +industrial future of Soviet Russia, since it enables +the Communist State to enlist in its service men +whose abilities might give them vast wealth in a +capitalistic society.</p> + +<p>Intelligence modifies profoundly the operation +of material conditions. When America was first +discovered, men only desired gold and silver; +consequently the portions first settled were not those +that are now most profitable. The Bessemer process +created the German iron and steel industry; +inventions requiring oil have created a demand +for that commodity which is one of the chief +influences in international politics.</p> + +<p>The intelligence which has this profound effect +on politics is not political, but scientific and technical: +it is the kind of intelligence which discovers +how to make nature minister to human passions. +Tungsten had no value until it was found to be +useful in the manufacture of shells and electric +light, but now people will, if necessary, kill each +other in order to acquire tungsten. Scientific +intelligence is the cause of this change.</p> + +<p>The progress or retrogression of the world depends, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[132]</a></span>broadly speaking, upon the balance between acquisitiveness +and rivalry. The former makes for progress, +the latter for retrogression. When intelligence +provides improved methods of production, these +may be employed to increase the general share +of goods, or to set apart more of the labour power +of the community for the business of killing its +rivals. Until 1914, acquisitiveness had prevailed, +on the whole, since the fall of Napoleon; the past +six years have seen a prevalence of the instinct of +rivalry. Scientific intelligence makes it possible to +indulge this instinct more fully than is possible +for primitive peoples, since it sets free more men +from the labour of producing necessaries. It is +possible that scientific intelligence may, in time, +reach the point when it will enable rivalry to exterminate +the human race. This is the most hopeful +method of bringing about an end of war.</p> + +<p>For those who do not like this method, there is +another: the study of scientific psychology and +physiology. The physiological causes of emotions +have begun to be known, through the studies of +such men as <span class="errata" title=""Caunon"">Cannon</span> (<i>Bodily Changes in Pain, +Hunger, Fear and Rage</i>). In time, it may become +possible, by physiological means, to alter the whole +emotional nature of a population. It will then +depend upon the passions of the rulers how this +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[133]</a></span>power is used. Success will come to the State +which discovers how to promote pugnacity to the +extent required for external war, but not to the +extent which would lead to domestic dissensions. +There is no method by which it can be insured that +rulers shall desire the good of mankind, and therefore +there is no reason to suppose that the power +to modify men's emotional nature would cause +progress.</p> + +<p>If men desired to diminish rivalry, there is an +obvious method. Habits of power intensify the +passion of rivalry; therefore a State in which power +is concentrated will, other things being equal, be +more bellicose than one in which power is diffused. +For those who dislike wars, this is an additional +argument against all forms of dictatorship. But +dislike of war is far less common than we used to +suppose; and those who like war can use the same +argument to support dictatorship.</p> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a name="II_III" id="II_III"></a><hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[134]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>III<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">ToC</a></span></h3> + +<h3>BOLSHEVIK CRITICISM OF DEMOCRACY</h3> +<br /> + +<p>The Bolshevik argument against Parliamentary +democracy as a method of achieving Socialism +is a powerful one. My answer to it lies rather in +pointing out what I believe to be fallacies in the +Bolshevik method, from which I conclude that +no swift method exists of establishing any desirable +form of Socialism. But let us first see what the +Bolshevik argument is.</p> + +<p>In the first place, it assumes that those to whom +it is addressed are absolutely certain that Communism +is desirable, so certain that they are willing, +if necessary, to force it upon an unwilling population +at the point of the bayonet. It then proceeds +to argue that, while capitalism retains its hold over +propaganda and its means of corruption, Parliamentary +methods are very unlikely to give a +majority for Communism in the House of Commons, +or to lead to effective action by such a majority even +if it existed. Communists point out how the people +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[135]</a></span>are deceived, and how their chosen leaders have +again and again betrayed them. From this they +argue that the destruction of capitalism must be +sudden and catastrophic; that it must be the work +of a minority; and that it cannot be effected constitutionally +or without violence. It is therefore, +in their view, the duty of the Communist party +in a capitalist country to prepare for armed conflict, +and to take all possible measure for disarming +the bourgeoisie and arming that part of +the proletariat which is willing to support the +Communists.</p> + +<p>There is an air of realism and disillusionment +about this position, which makes it attractive to +those idealists who wish to think themselves cynics. +But I think there are various points in which it +fails to be as realistic as it pretends.</p> + +<p>In the first place, it makes much of the treachery +of Labour leaders in constitutional movements, but +does not consider the possibility of the treachery +of Communist leaders in a revolution. To this the +Marxian would reply that in constitutional movements +men are bought, directly or indirectly, by +the money of the capitalists, but that revolutionary +Communism would leave the capitalists no money +with which to attempt corruption. This has been +achieved in Russia, and could be achieved +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[136]</a></span>elsewhere. But selling oneself to the capitalists is not +the only possible form of treachery. It is also +possible, having acquired power, to use it for one's +own ends instead of for the people. This is what +I believe to be likely to happen in Russia: the +establishment of a bureaucratic aristocracy, concentrating +authority in its own hands, and creating +a régime just as oppressive and cruel as that of +capitalism. Marxians never sufficiently recognize +that love of power is quite as strong a motive, and +quite as great a source of injustice, as love of money; +yet this must be obvious to any unbiased student +of politics. It is also obvious that the method of +violent revolution leading to a minority dictatorship +is one peculiarly calculated to create habits of +despotism which would survive the crisis by which +they were generated. Communist politicians are +likely to become just like the politicians of other +parties: a few will be honest, but the great majority +will merely cultivate the art of telling a plausible +tale with a view to tricking the people into entrusting +them with power. The only possible way by +which politicians as a class can be improved is the +political and psychological education of the people, +so that they may learn to detect a humbug. In +England men have reached the point of suspecting +a good speaker, but if a man speaks badly they +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[137]</a></span>think he must be honest. Unfortunately, virtue +is not so widely diffused as this theory would +imply.</p> + +<p>In the second place, it is assumed by the Communist +argument that, although capitalist propaganda +can prevent the majority from becoming +Communists, yet capitalist laws and police forces +cannot prevent the Communists, while still a minority, +from acquiring a supremacy of military power. +It is thought that secret propaganda can undermine +the army and navy, although it is admittedly +impossible to get the majority to vote at elections +for the programme of the Bolsheviks. This view +is based upon Russian experience, where the army +and navy had suffered defeat and had been brutally +ill used by incompetent Tsarist authorities. The +argument has no application to more efficient and +successful States. Among the Germans, even in +defeat, it was the civilian population that began +the revolution.</p> + +<p>There is a further assumption in the Bolshevik +argument which seems to me quite unwarrantable. +It is assumed that the capitalist governments will +have learned nothing from the experience of Russia. +Before the Russian Revolution, governments had +not studied Bolshevik theory. And defeat in war +created a revolutionary mood throughout Central +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[138]</a></span>and Eastern Europe. But now the holders of +power are on their guard. There seems no reason +whatever to suppose that they will supinely permit +a preponderance of armed force to pass into the +hands of those who wish to overthrow them, while, +according to the Bolshevik theory, they are still +sufficiently popular to be supported by a majority +at the polls. Is it not as clear as noonday that in +a democratic country it is more difficult for the +proletariat to destroy the Government by arms than +to defeat it in a general election? Seeing the +immense advantages of a Government in dealing +with rebels, it seems clear that rebellion could have +little hope of success unless a very large majority +supported it. Of course, if the army and navy +were specially revolutionary, they might effect an +unpopular revolution; but this situation, though +something like it occurred in Russia, is hardly to +be expected in the Western nations. This whole +Bolshevik theory of revolution by a minority is one +which might just conceivably have succeeded as +a secret plot, but becomes impossible as soon as +it is openly avowed and advocated.</p> + +<p>But perhaps it will be said that I am caricaturing +the Bolshevik doctrine of revolution. It is urged +by advocates of this doctrine, quite truly, that all +political events are brought about by minorities, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[139]</a></span>since the majority are indifferent to politics. But +there is a difference between a minority in which +the indifferent acquiesce, and a minority so hated +as to startle the indifferent into belated action. To +make the Bolshevik doctrine reasonable, it is necessary +to suppose that they believe the majority can +be induced to acquiesce, at least temporarily, in +the revolution made by the class-conscious minority. +This, again, is based upon Russian experience: +desire for peace and land led to a widespread support +of the Bolsheviks in November 1917 on the part +of people who have subsequently shown no love +for Communism.</p> + +<p>I think we come here to an essential part of +Bolshevik philosophy. In the moment of revolution, +Communists are to have some popular cry +by which they win more support than mere Communism +could win. Having thus acquired the +State machine, they are to use it for their own ends. +But this, again, is a method which can only be +practised successfully so long as it is not avowed. +It is to some extent habitual in politics. The +Unionists in 1900 won a majority on the Boer War, +and used it to endow brewers and Church schools. +The Liberals in 1906 won a majority on Chinese +labour, and used it to cement the secret alliance +with France and to make an alliance with Tsarist +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[140]</a></span>Russia. President Wilson, in 1916, won his majority +on neutrality, and used it to come into the war. +This method is part of the stock-in-trade of democracy. +But its success depends upon repudiating +it until the moment comes to practise it. Those +who, like the Bolsheviks, have the honesty to proclaim +in advance their intention of using power +for other ends than those for which it was given +them, are not likely to have a chance of carrying +out their designs.</p> + +<p>What seems to me to emerge from these considerations +is this: That in a democratic and politically +educated country, armed revolution in favour +of Communism would have no chance of succeeding +unless it were supported by a larger majority than +would be required for the election of a Communist +Government by constitutional methods. It is possible +that, if such a Government came into existence, +and proceeded to carry out its programme, it would +be met by armed resistance on the part of capital, +including a large proportion of the officers in the +army and navy. But in subduing this resistance +it would have the support of that great body of +opinion which believes in legality and upholds the +constitution. Moreover, having, by hypothesis, converted +a majority of the nation, a Communist Government +could be sure of loyal help from immense +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[141]</a></span>numbers of workers, and would not be forced, as +the Bolsheviks are in Russia, to suspect treachery +everywhere. Under these circumstances, I believe +that the resistance of the capitalists could be quelled +without much difficulty, and would receive little +support from moderate people. Whereas, in a +minority revolt of Communists against a capitalist +Government, all moderate opinion would be on the +side of capitalism.</p> + +<p>The contention that capitalist propaganda is +what prevents the adoption of Communism by +wage-earners is only very partially true. Capitalist +propaganda has never been able to prevent the +Irish from voting against the English, though +it has been applied to this object with great +vigour. It has proved itself powerless, over and +over again, in opposing nationalist movements which +had almost no moneyed support. It has been unable +to cope with religious feeling. And those +industrial populations which would most obviously +benefit by Socialism have, in the main, adopted it, +in spite of the opposition of employers. The plain +truth is that Socialism does not arouse the same +passionate interest in the average citizen as is roused +by nationality and used to be roused by religion. +It is not unlikely that things may change in this +respect: we may be approaching a period of economic +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[142]</a></span>civil wars comparable to that of the religious civil +wars that followed the Reformation. In such a +period, nationalism is submerged by party: British +and German Socialists, or British and German +capitalists, will feel more kinship with each other +than with compatriots of the opposite political camp. +But when that day comes, there will be no difficulty, +in highly industrial countries, in securing Socialist +majorities; if Socialism is not then carried without +bloodshed, it will be due to the unconstitutional +action of the rich, not to the need of revolutionary +violence on the part of the advocates of the proletariat. +Whether such a state of opinion grows up +or not depends mainly upon the stubbornness or +conciliatoriness of the possessing classes, and, conversely, +upon the moderation or violence of those +who desire fundamental economic change. The +majority which Bolsheviks regard as unattainable +is chiefly prevented by the ruthlessness of their +own tactics.</p> + +<p>Apart from all arguments of detail, there are two +broad objections to violent revolution in a democratic +community. The first is that, when once +the principle of respecting majorities as expressed +at the ballot-box is abandoned, there is no reason +to suppose that victory will be secured by the particular +minority to which one happens to belong. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[143]</a></span>There are many minorities besides Communists: +religious minorities, teetotal minorities, militarist +minorities, capitalist minorities. Any one of these +could adopt the method of obtaining power advocated +by the Bolsheviks, and any one would be +just as likely to succeed as they are. What restrains +these minorities, more or less, at present, is respect +for the law and the constitution. Bolsheviks tacitly +assume that every other party will preserve this +respect while they themselves, unhindered, prepare +the revolution. But if their philosophy of violence +becomes popular, there is not the slightest reason +to suppose that they will be its beneficiaries. They +believe that Communism is for the good of the +majority; they ought to believe that they can +persuade the majority on this question, and to +have the patience to set about the task of winning +by propaganda.</p> + +<p>The second argument of principle against the +method of minority violence is that abandonment +of law, when it becomes widespread, lets loose the +wild beast, and gives a free rein to the primitive +lusts and egoisms which civilization in some degree +curbs. Every student of mediæval thought must +have been struck by the extraordinarily high value +placed upon law in that period. The reason was +that, in countries infested by robber barons, law +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[144]</a></span>was the first requisite of progress. We, in the +modern world, take it for granted that most people +will be law-abiding, and we hardly realize what +centuries of effort have gone to making such an +assumption possible. We forget how many of the +good things that we unquestionably expect would +disappear out of life if murder, rape, and robbery +with violence became common. And we forget even +more how very easily this might happen. The +universal class-war foreshadowed by the Third International, +following upon the loosening of restraints +produced by the late war, and combined with a +deliberate inculcation of disrespect for law and +constitutional government, might, and I believe +would, produce a state of affairs in which it would +be habitual to murder men for a crust of bread, +and in which women would only be safe while armed +men protected them. The civilized nations have +accepted democratic government as a method of +settling internal disputes without violence. Democratic +government may have all the faults attributed +to it, but it has the one great merit that people are, +on the whole, willing to accept it as a substitute +for civil war in political disputes. Whoever sets +to work to weaken this acceptance, whether in +Ulster or in Moscow, is taking a fearful responsibility. +Civilization is not so stable that it cannot +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[145]</a></span>be broken up; and a condition of lawless violence +is not one out of which any good thing is likely to +emerge. For this reason, if for no other, revolutionary +violence in a democracy is infinitely dangerous.</p> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a name="II_IV" id="II_IV"></a><hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[146]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>IV<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">ToC</a></span></h3> + +<h3>REVOLUTION AND DICTATORSHIP</h3> +<br /> + +<p>The Bolsheviks have a very definite programme +for achieving Communism—a programme +which has been set forth by Lenin repeatedly, and +quite recently in the reply of the Third International +to the questionnaire submitted by the Independent +Labour Party.</p> + +<p>Capitalists, we are assured, will stick at nothing +in defence of their privileges. It is the nature of +man, in so far as he is politically conscious, to fight +for the interests of his class so long as classes exist. +When the conflict is not pushed to extremes, methods +of conciliation and political deception may be preferable +to actual physical warfare; but as soon as +the proletariat make a really vital attack upon the +capitalists, they will be met by guns and bayonets. +This being certain and inevitable, it is as well to be +prepared for it, and to conduct propaganda accordingly. +Those who pretend that pacific methods +can lead to the realization of Communism are false +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[147]</a></span>friends to the wage-earners; intentionally or unintentionally, +they are covert allies of the bourgeoisie.</p> + +<p>There must, then, according to Bolshevik theory, +be armed conflict sooner or later, if the injustices +of the present economic system are ever to be +remedied. Not only do they assume armed conflict: +they have a fairly definite conception of the +way in which it is to be conducted. This conception +has been carried out in Russia, and is to be +carried out, before very long, in every civilized +country. The Communists, who represent the class-conscious +wage-earners, wait for some propitious +moment when events have caused a mood of revolutionary +discontent with the existing Government. +They then put themselves at the head of the discontent, +carry through a successful revolution, and +in so doing acquire the arms, the railways, the +State treasure, and all the other resources upon +which the power of modern Governments is built. +They then confine political power to Communists, +however small a minority they may be of the whole +nation. They set to work to increase their number +by propaganda and the control of education. And +meanwhile, they introduce Communism into every +department of economic life as quickly as possible.</p> + +<p>Ultimately, after a longer or shorter period, +according to circumstances, the nation will be +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[148]</a></span>converted to Communism, the relics of capitalist institutions +will have been obliterated, and it will +be possible to restore freedom. But the political +conflicts to which we are accustomed will not reappear. +All the burning political questions of our +time, according to the Communists, are questions +of class conflict, and will disappear when the division +of classes disappears. Accordingly the State will +no longer be required, since the State is essentially +an engine of power designed to give the victory +to one side in the class conflict. Ordinary States +are designed to give the victory to the capitalists; +the proletarian State (Soviet Russia) is designed to +give the victory to the wage-earners. As soon +as the community contains only wage-earners, the +State will cease to have any functions. And so, +through a period of dictatorship, we shall finally +arrive at a condition very similar to that aimed +at by Anarchist Communism.</p> + +<p>Three questions arise in regard to this method +of reaching Utopia. First, would the ultimate +state foreshadowed by the Bolsheviks be desirable +<span class="errata" title=""by"">in</span> itself? Secondly, would the conflict involved +in achieving it by the Bolshevik method be so +bitter and prolonged that its evils would outweigh +the ultimate good? Thirdly, is this method likely +to lead, in the end, to the state which the Bolsheviks +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[149]</a></span>desire, or will it fail at some point and arrive at a +quite different result? If we are to be Bolsheviks, +we must answer all these questions in a sense favourable +to their programme.</p> + +<p>As regards the first question, I have no hesitation +in answering it in a manner favourable to Communism. +It is clear that the present inequalities of +wealth are unjust. In part, they may be defended +as affording an incentive to useful industry, but I +do not think this defence will carry us very far. +However, I have argued this question before in +my book on <i>Roads to Freedom</i>, and I will not spend +time upon it now. On this matter, I concede the +Bolshevik case. It is the other two questions that +I wish to discuss.</p> + +<p>Our second question was: Is the ultimate good +aimed at by the Bolsheviks sufficiently great to +be worth the price that, according to their own +theory, will have to be paid for achieving it?</p> + +<p>If anything human were absolutely certain, we +might answer this question affirmatively with some +confidence. The benefits of Communism, if it were +once achieved, might be expected to be lasting; +we might legitimately hope that further change +would be towards something still better, not towards +a revival of ancient evils. But if we admit, as we +must do, that the outcome of the Communist +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[150]</a></span>revolution is in some degree uncertain, it becomes necessary +to count the cost; for a great part of the cost +is all but certain.</p> + +<p>Since the revolution of October, 1917, the Soviet +Government has been at war with almost all the +world, and has had at the same time to face civil war +at home. This is not to be regarded as accidental, +or as a misfortune which could not be foreseen. +According to Marxian theory, what has happened +was bound to happen. Indeed, Russia has been +wonderfully fortunate in not having to face an +even more desperate situation. First and foremost, +the world was exhausted by the war, and in no +mood for military adventures. Next, the Tsarist +régime was the worst in Europe, and therefore +rallied less support than would be secured by any +other capitalist Government. Again, Russia is vast +and agricultural, making it capable of resisting +both invasion and blockade better than Great +Britain or France or Germany. The only other +country that could have resisted with equal success +is the United States, which is at present very far +removed from a proletarian revolution, and likely +long to remain the chief bulwark of the capitalist +system. It is evident that Great Britain, attempting +a similar revolution, would be forced by starvation +to yield within a few months, provided America +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[151]</a></span>led a policy of blockade. The same is true, though +in a less degree, of continental countries. Therefore, +unless and until an international Communist revolution +becomes possible, we must expect that any +other nation following Russia's example will have +to pay an even higher price than Russia has had +to pay.</p> + +<p>Now the price that Russia is having to pay is +very great. The almost universal poverty might +be thought to be a small evil in comparison with +the ultimate gain, but it brings with it other evils +of which the magnitude would be acknowledged +even by those who have never known poverty and +therefore make light of it. Hunger brings an absorption +in the question of food, which, to most +people, makes life almost purely animal. The +general shortage makes people fierce, and reacts +upon the political atmosphere. The necessity of +inculcating Communism produces a hot-house condition, +where every breath of fresh air must be +excluded: people are to be taught to think in a +certain way, and all free intelligence becomes taboo. +The country comes to resemble an immensely magnified +Jesuit College. Every kind of liberty is banned +as being "<i>bourgeois</i>"; but it remains a fact that +intelligence languishes where thought is not free.</p> + +<p>All this, however, according to the leaders of the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[152]</a></span>Third International, is only a small beginning of +the struggle, which must become world-wide before +it achieves victory. In their reply to the Independent +Labour Party they say:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>It is probable that upon the throwing off of the chains of +the capitalist Governments, the revolutionary proletariat +of Europe will meet the resistance of Anglo-Saxon capital +in the persons of British and American capitalists who will +attempt to blockade it. It is then possible that the revolutionary +proletariat of Europe will rise in union with the +peoples of the East and commence a revolutionary struggle, +the scene of which will be the entire world, to deal a final +blow to British and American capitalism (<i>The Times</i>, +July 30, 1920).</p></div> + +<p>The war here prophesied, if it ever takes place, +will be one compared to which the late war will +come to seem a mere affair of outposts. Those +who realize the destructiveness of the late war, +the devastation and impoverishment, the lowering +of the level of civilization throughout vast areas, +the general increase of hatred and savagery, the +letting loose of bestial instincts which had been curbed +during peace—those who realize all this will hesitate +to incur inconceivably greater horrors, even if they +believe firmly that Communism in itself is much to +be desired. An economic system cannot be considered +apart from the population which is to carry +it out; and the population resulting from such a +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[153]</a></span>world-war as Moscow calmly contemplates would +be savage, bloodthirsty and ruthless to an extent +that must make any system a mere engine of oppression +and cruelty.</p> + +<p>This brings us to our third question: Is the +system which Communists regard as their goal +likely to result from the adoption of their +methods? This is really the most vital question of +the three.</p> + +<p>Advocacy of Communism by those who believe in +Bolshevik methods rests upon the assumption that +there is no slavery except economic slavery, and +that when all goods are held in common there +must be perfect liberty. I fear this is a +delusion.</p> + +<p>There must be administration, there must be +officials who control distribution. These men, in +a Communist State, are the repositories of power. +So long as they control the army, they are able, as +in Russia at this moment, to wield despotic power +even if they are a small minority. The fact that +there is Communism—to a certain extent—does +not mean that there is liberty. If the Communism +were more complete, it would not necessarily mean +more freedom; there would still be certain officials +in control of the food supply, and these officials +could govern as they pleased so long as they retained +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[154]</a></span>the support of the soldiers. This is not mere theory: +it is the patent lesson of the present condition of +Russia. The Bolshevik theory is that a small +minority are to seize power, and are to hold it until +Communism is accepted practically universally, which, +they admit, may take a long time. But power is +sweet, and few men surrender it voluntarily. It is +especially sweet to those who have the habit of it, +and the habit becomes most ingrained in those +who have governed by bayonets, without popular +support. Is it not almost inevitable that men +placed as the Bolsheviks are placed in Russia, and +as they maintain that the Communists must place +themselves wherever the social revolution succeeds, +will be loath to relinquish their monopoly of power, +and will find reasons for remaining until some new +revolution ousts them? Would it not be fatally +easy for them, without altering economic structure, +to decree large salaries for high Government officials, +and so reintroduce the old inequalities of wealth? +What motive would they have for not doing so? +What motive is possible except idealism, love of +mankind, non-economic motives of the sort that +Bolsheviks decry? The system created by violence +and the forcible rule of a minority must necessarily +allow of tyranny and exploitation; and if human +nature is what Marxians assert it to be, why should +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[155]</a></span>the rulers neglect such opportunities of selfish +advantage?</p> + +<p>It is sheer nonsense to pretend that the rulers +of a great empire such as Soviet Russia, when they +have become accustomed to power, retain the proletarian +psychology, and feel that their class-interest +is the same as that of the ordinary working man. +This is not the case in fact in Russia now, however +the truth may be concealed by fine phrases. The +Government has a class-consciousness and a class-interest +quite distinct from those of the genuine +proletarian, who is not to be confounded with the +paper proletarian of the Marxian <span class="errata" title=""scheme"">schema</span>. In a +capitalist state, the Government and the capitalists +on the whole hang together, and form one class; +in Soviet Russia, the Government has absorbed the +capitalist mentality together with the governmental, +and the fusion has given increased strength to the +upper class. But I see no reason whatever to expect +equality or freedom to result from such a system, +except reasons derived from a false psychology +and a mistaken analysis of the sources of political +power.</p> + +<p>I am compelled to reject Bolshevism for two +reasons: First, because the price mankind must +pay to achieve Communism by Bolshevik methods +is too terrible; and secondly because, even after +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[156]</a></span>paying the price, I do not believe the result would +be what the Bolsheviks profess to desire.</p> + +<p>But if their methods are rejected, how are we +ever to arrive at a better economic system? This +is not an easy question, and I shall treat it in a +separate chapter.</p> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a name="II_V" id="II_V"></a><hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[157]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>V<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">ToC</a></span></h3> + +<h3>MECHANISM AND THE INDIVIDUAL</h3> +<br /> + +<p>Is it possible to effect a fundamental reform of +the existing economic system by any other +method than that of Bolshevism? The difficulty +of answering this question is what chiefly attracts +idealists to the dictatorship of the proletariat. If, +as I have argued, the method of violent revolution +and Communist rule is not likely to have the results +which idealists desire, we are reduced to despair +unless we can see hope in other methods. The +Bolshevik arguments against all other methods are +powerful. I confess that, when the spectacle of +present-day Russia forced me to disbelieve in Bolshevik +methods, I was at first unable to see any +way of curing the essential evils of capitalism. My +first impulse was to abandon political thinking as +a bad job, and to conclude that the strong and +ruthless must always exploit the weaker and kindlier +sections of the population. But this is not an +attitude that can be long maintained by any vigorous +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[158]</a></span>and temperamentally hopeful person. Of course, +if it were the truth, one would have to acquiesce. +Some people believe that by living on sour milk +one can achieve immortality. Such optimists are +answered by a mere refutation; it is not necessary +to go on and point out some other way of escaping +death. Similarly an argument that Bolshevism will +not lead to the millennium would remain valid even +if it could be shown that the millennium cannot +be reached by any other road. But the truth in +social questions is not quite like truth in physiology +or physics, since it depends upon men's beliefs. +Optimism tends to verify itself by making people +impatient of avoidable evils; while despair, on the +other hand, makes the world as bad as it believes +it to be. It is therefore imperative for those who +do not believe in Bolshevism to put some other +hope in its place.</p> + +<p>I think there are two things that must be admitted: +first, that many of the worst evils of +capitalism might survive under Communism; +secondly, that the cure for these evils cannot be +sudden, since it requires changes in the average +mentality.</p> + +<p>What are the chief evils of the present system? +I do not think that mere inequality of wealth, in +itself, is a very grave evil. If everybody had +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[159]</a></span>enough, the fact that some have more than enough +would be unimportant. With a very moderate improvement +in methods of production, it would be +easy to ensure that everybody should have enough, +even under capitalism, if wars and preparations for +wars were abolished. The problem of poverty is +by no means insoluble within the existing system, +except when account is taken of psychological +factors and the uneven distribution of power.</p> + +<p>The graver evils of the capitalist system all arise +from its uneven distribution of power. The possessors +of capital wield an influence quite out of +proportion to their numbers or their services to +the community. They control almost the whole +of education and the press; they decide what the +average man shall know or not know; the cinema +has given them a new method of propaganda, by +which they enlist the support of those who are too +frivolous even for illustrated papers. Very little +of the intelligence of the world is really free: most +of it is, directly or indirectly, in the pay of business +enterprises or wealthy philanthropists. To satisfy +capitalist interests, men are compelled to work +much harder and more monotonously than they +ought to work, and their education is scamped. +Wherever, as in barbarous or semi-civilized countries, +labour is too weak or too disorganized to protect +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[160]</a></span>itself, appalling cruelties are practised for private +profit. Economic and political organizations become +more and more vast, leaving less and less room +for individual development and initiative. It is +this sacrifice of the individual to the machine +that is the fundamental evil of the modern +world.</p> + +<p>To cure this evil is not easy, because efficiency +is promoted, at any given moment, though not in +the long run, by sacrificing the individual to the +smooth working of a vast organization, whether +military or industrial. In war and in commercial +competition, it is necessary to control individual +impulses, to treat men as so many "bayonets" +or "sabres" or "hands," not as a society of +separate people with separate tastes and capacities. +Some sacrifice of individual impulses is, of course, +essential to the existence of an ordered community, +and this degree of sacrifice is, as a rule, not regretable +even from the individual's point of view. But +what is demanded in a highly militarized or industrialized +nation goes far beyond this very +moderate degree. A society which is to allow +much freedom to the individual must be strong +enough to be not anxious about home defence, +moderate enough to refrain from difficult external +conquests, and rich enough to value leisure and a +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[161]</a></span>civilized existence more than an increase of consumable +commodities.</p> + +<p>But where the material conditions for such a +state of affairs exist, the psychological conditions +are not likely to exist unless power is very widely +diffused throughout the community. Where power +is concentrated in a few, it will happen, unless those +few are very exceptional people, that they will +value tangible achievements in the way of increase +in trade or empire more than the slow and less obvious +improvements that would result from better +education combined with more leisure. The joys +of victory are especially great to the holders of +power, while the evils of a mechanical organization +fall almost exclusively upon the less influential. +For these reasons, I do not believe that any community +in which power is much concentrated will +long refrain from conflicts of the kind involving a +sacrifice of what is most valuable in the individual. +In Russia at this moment, the sacrifice of the individual +is largely inevitable, because of the severity +of the economic and military struggle. But I did +not feel, in the Bolsheviks, any consciousness of +the magnitude of this misfortune, or any realization +of the importance of the individual as against the +State. Nor do I believe that men who do realize +this are likely to succeed, or to come to the top, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[162]</a></span>in times when everything has to be done against +personal liberty. The Bolshevik theory requires +that every country, sooner or later, should go through +what Russia is going through now. And in every +country in such a condition we may expect to find +the government falling into the hands of ruthless +men, who have not by nature any love for freedom, +and who will see little importance in hastening +the transition from dictatorship to freedom. It is +far more likely that such men will be tempted to +embark upon new enterprises, requiring further +concentration of forces, and postponing indefinitely +the liberation of the populations which they use as +their material.</p> + +<p>For these reasons, equalization of wealth without +equalization of power seems to me a rather small +and unstable achievement. But equalization of +power is not a thing that can be achieved in a day. +It requires a considerable level of moral, intellectual, +and technical education. It requires a long period +without extreme crises, in order that habits of +tolerance and good nature may become common. +It requires vigour on the part of those who are +acquiring power, without a too desperate resistance +on the part of those whose share is diminishing. +This is only possible if those who are acquiring +power are not very fierce, and do not terrify their +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[163]</a></span>opponents by threats of ruin and death. It cannot +be done quickly, because quick methods require +that very mechanism and subordination of the +individual which we should struggle to prevent.</p> + +<p>But even equalization of power is not the whole +of what is needed politically. The right grouping +of men for different purposes is also essential. Self-government +in industry, for example, is an indispensable +condition of a good society. Those acts +of an individual or a group which have no very +great importance for outsiders ought to be freely +decided by that individual or group. This is recognized +as regards religion, but ought to be recognized +over a much wider field.</p> + +<p>Bolshevik theory seems to me to err by concentrating +its attention upon one evil, namely inequality +of wealth, which it believes to be at the +bottom of all others. I do not believe any one +evil can be thus isolated, but if I had to select one +as the greatest of political evils, I should select +inequality of power. And I should deny that this +is likely to be cured by the class-war and the dictatorship +of the Communist party. Only peace and +a long period of gradual improvement can bring +it about.</p> + +<p>Good relations between individuals, freedom from +hatred and violence and oppression, general diffusion +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[164]</a></span>of education, leisure rationally employed, the progress +of art and science—these seem to me among +the most important ends that a political theory +ought to have in view. I do not believe that they +can be furthered, except very rarely, by revolution +and war; and I am convinced that at the present +moment they can only be promoted by a diminution +in the spirit of ruthlessness generated by the +war. For these reasons, while admitting the necessity +and even utility of Bolshevism in Russia, I +do not wish to see it spread, or to encourage the +adoption of its philosophy by advanced parties in +the Western nations.</p> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a name="II_VI" id="II_VI"></a><hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[165]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>VI<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">ToC</a></span></h3> + +<h3>WHY RUSSIAN COMMUNISM HAS FAILED</h3> +<br /> + +<p>The civilized world seems almost certain, +sooner or later, to follow the example of +Russia in attempting a Communist organization of +society. I believe that the attempt is essential to +the progress and happiness of mankind during the +next few centuries, but I believe also that the transition +has appalling dangers. I believe that, if the +Bolshevik theory as to the method of transition is +adopted by Communists in Western nations, the +result will be a prolonged chaos, leading neither to +Communism nor to any other civilized system, but +to a relapse into the barbarism of the Dark Ages. +In the interests of Communism, no less than in the +interests of civilization, I think it imperative that +the Russian failure should be admitted and analysed. +For this reason, if for no other, I cannot enter into +the conspiracy of concealment which many Western +Socialists who have visited Russia consider necessary.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[166]</a></span>I shall try first to recapitulate the facts which +make me regard the Russian experiment as a failure, +and then to seek out the causes of failure.</p> + +<p>The most elementary failure in Russia is in regard +to food. In a country which formerly produced a +vast exportable surplus of cereals and other agricultural +produce, and in which the non-agricultural +population is only 15 per cent. of the total, it ought +to be possible, without great difficulty, to provide +enough food for the towns. Yet the Government +has failed badly in this respect. The rations are +inadequate and irregular, so that it is impossible +to preserve health and vigour without the help of +food purchased illicitly in the markets at speculative +prices. I have given reasons for thinking that +the breakdown of transport, though a contributory +cause, is not the main reason for the shortage. The +main reason is the hostility of the peasants, which, +in turn, is due to the collapse of industry and to +the policy of forced requisitions. In regard to corn +and flour, the Government requisitions all that the +peasant produces above a certain minimum required +for himself and his family. If, instead, it exacted a +fixed amount as rent, it would not destroy his incentive +to production, and would not provide nearly +such a strong motive for concealment. But this +plan would have enabled the peasants to grow rich, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[167]</a></span>and would have involved a confessed abandonment +of Communist theory. It has therefore been thought +better to employ forcible methods, which led to +disaster, as they were bound to do.</p> + +<p>The collapse of industry was the chief cause of the +food difficulties, and has in turn been aggravated +by them. Owing to the fact that there is abundant +food in the country, industrial and urban workers +are perpetually attempting to abandon their employment +for agriculture. This is illegal, and is severely +punished, by imprisonment or convict labour. Nevertheless +it continues, and in so vast a country as +Russia it is not possible to prevent it. Thus the +ranks of industry become still further depleted.</p> + +<p>Except as regards munitions of war, the collapse +of industry in Russia is extraordinarily complete. +The resolutions passed by the Ninth Congress of the +Communist Party (April, 1920) speak of "the incredible +catastrophes of public economy." This +language is not too strong, though the recovery of +the Baku oil has done something to produce a revival +along the Volga basin.</p> + +<p>The failure of the whole industrial side of the +national economy, including transport, is at the +bottom of the other failures of the Soviet Government. +It is, to begin with, the main cause of the +unpopularity of the Communists both in town +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[168]</a></span>and country: in town, because the people are hungry; +in the country, because food is taken with no return +except paper. If industry had been prosperous, +the peasants could have had clothes and agricultural +machinery, for which they would have willingly +parted with enough food for the needs of the towns. +The town population could then have subsisted +in tolerable comfort; disease could have been coped +with, and the general lowering of vitality averted. +It would not have been necessary, as it has been +in many cases, for men of scientific or artistic capacity +to abandon the pursuits in which they were skilled +for unskilled manual labour. The Communist Republic +might have been agreeable to live in—at least +for those who had been very poor before.</p> + +<p>The unpopularity of the Bolsheviks, which is primarily +due to the collapse of industry, has in turn +been accentuated by the measures which it has +driven the Government to adopt. In view of the +fact that it was impossible to give adequate food +to the ordinary population of Petrograd and Moscow, +the Government decided that at any rate the men +employed on important public work should be sufficiently +nourished to preserve their efficiency. It +is a gross libel to say that the Communists, or even +the leading People's Commissaries, live luxurious +lives according to our standards; but it is a fact +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[169]</a></span>that they are not exposed, like their subjects, to +acute hunger and the weakening of energy that +accompanies it. No tone can blame them for this, +since the work of government must be carried on; +but it is one of the ways in which class distinctions +have reappeared where it was intended that they +should be banished. I talked to an obviously hungry +working man in Moscow, who pointed to the Kremlin +and remarked: "In there they have enough to eat." +He was expressing a widespread feeling which is +fatal to the idealistic appeal that Communism +attempts to make.</p> + +<p>Owing to unpopularity, the Bolsheviks have had +to rely upon the army and the Extraordinary Commission, +and have been compelled to reduce the +Soviet system to an empty form. More and more +the pretence of representing the proletariat has +grown threadbare. Amid official demonstrations and +processions and meetings the genuine proletarian +looks on, apathetic and disillusioned, unless he is +possessed of unusual energy and fire, in which case +he looks to the ideas of syndicalism or the I.W.W. +to liberate him from a slavery far more complete +than that of capitalism. A sweated wage, long +hours, industrial conscription, prohibition of strikes, +prison for slackers, diminution of the already insufficient +rations in factories where the production +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[170]</a></span>falls below what the authorities expect, an army +of spies ready to report any tendency to political +disaffection and to procure imprisonment for its +promoters—this is the reality of a system which still +professes to govern in the name of the proletariat.</p> + +<p>At the same time the internal and external peril +has necessitated the creation of a vast army recruited +by conscription, except as regards a Communist +nucleus, from among a population utterly weary of +war, who put the Bolsheviks in power because they +alone promised peace. Militarism has produced its +inevitable result in the way of a harsh and dictatorial +spirit: the men in power go through their +day's work with the consciousness that they command +three million armed men, and that civilian +opposition to their will can be easily crushed.</p> + +<p>Out of all this has grown a system painfully like +the old government of the Tsar—a system which is +Asiatic in its centralized bureaucracy, its secret +service, its atmosphere of governmental mystery +and submissive terror. In many ways it resembles +our Government of India. Like that Government, it +stands for civilization, for education, sanitation, and +Western ideas of progress; it is composed in the +main of honest and hard-working men, who despise +those whom they govern, but believe themselves +possessed of something valuable which they must +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[171]</a></span>communicate to the population, however little it +may be desired. Like our Government in India, +they live in terror of popular risings, and are compelled +to resort to cruel repressions in order to preserve +their power. Like it, they represent an alien +philosophy of life, which cannot be forced upon the +people without a change of instinct, habit, and +tradition so profound as to dry up the vital springs +of action, producing listlessness and despair among +the ignorant victims of militant enlightenment. +It may be that Russia needs sternness and discipline +more than anything else; it may be that a revival +of Peter the Great's methods is essential to progress. +From this point of view, much of what it is natural +to criticize in the Bolsheviks becomes defensible; +but this point of view has little affinity to Communism. +Bolshevism may be defended, possibly, +as a dire discipline through which a backward nation +is to be rapidly industrialized; but as an experiment +in Communism it has failed.</p> + +<p>There are two things that a defender of the Bolsheviks +may say against the argument that they +have failed because the present state of Russia is +bad. It may be said that it is too soon to judge, and +it may be urged that whatever failure there has been +is attributable to the hostility of the outside world.</p> + +<p>As to the contention that it is too soon to judge, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[172]</a></span>that is of course undeniable in a sense. But in a +sense it is always too soon to judge of any historical +movement, because its effects and developments +go on for ever. Bolshevism has, no doubt, great +changes ahead of it. But the last three years have +afforded material for some judgments, though more +definitive judgments will be possible later. And, for +reasons which I have given in earlier chapters, I +find it impossible to believe that later developments +will realize more fully the Communist ideal. If +trade is opened with the outer world, there will be +an almost irresistible tendency to resumption of +private enterprise. If trade is not re-opened, the +plans of Asiatic conquest will mature, leading to a +revival of <span class="errata" title=""Zenghis"">Yenghis</span> Khan and Timur. In neither case +is the purity of the Communist faith likely to survive.</p> + +<p>As for the hostility of the Entente, it is of course +true that Bolshevism might have developed very +differently if it had been treated in a friendly spirit. +But in view of its desire to promote world-revolution, +no one could expect—and the Bolsheviks certainly +did not expect—that capitalist Governments would +be friendly. If Germany had won the war, Germany +would have shown a hostility more effective than +that of the Entente. However we may blame Western +Governments for their policy, we must realize that, +according to the deterministic economic theory of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[173]</a></span>the Bolsheviks, no other policy was to be expected +from them. Other men might have been excused for +not foreseeing the attitude of Churchill, Clemenceau +and Millerand; but Marxians could not be excused, +since this attitude was in exact accord with their +own formula.</p> + +<p>We have seen the symptoms of Bolshevik failure; +I come now to the question of its profounder causes.</p> + +<p>Everything that is worst in Russia we found +traceable to the collapse of industry. Why has +industry collapsed so utterly? And would it collapse +equally if a Communist revolution were to +occur in a Western country?</p> + +<p>Russian industry was never highly developed, and +depended always upon outside aid for much of its +plant. The hostility of the world, as embodied in +the blockade, left Russia powerless to replace the +machinery and locomotives worn out during the +war. The need of self-defence compelled the Bolsheviks +to send their best workmen to the front, +because they were the most reliable Communists, +and the loss of them rendered their factories even +more inefficient than they were under Kerensky. +In this respect, and in the laziness and incapacity +of the Russian workman, the Bolsheviks have had +to face special difficulties which would be less in +other countries. On the other hand, they have had +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[174]</a></span>special advantages in the fact that Russia is self-supporting +in the matter of food; no other country +could have endured the collapse of industry so long, +and no other Great Power except the United States +could have survived years of blockade.</p> + +<p>The hostility of the world was in no way a surprise +to those who made the October revolution; it was +in accordance with their general theory, and its +consequences should have been taken into account +in making the revolution.</p> + +<p>Other hostilities besides those of the outside world +have been incurred by the Bolsheviks with open +eyes, notably the hostility of the peasants and that +of a great part of the industrial population. They +have attempted, in accordance with their usual +contempt for conciliatory methods, to substitute +terror for reward as the incentive to work. Some +amiable Socialists have imagined that, when the +private capitalist had been eliminated, men would +work from a sense of obligation to the community. +The Bolsheviks will have none of such sentimentalism. +In one of the resolutions of the ninth Communist +Congress they say:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Every social system, whether based on slavery, feudalism, +or capitalism, had its ways and means of labour compulsion +and labour education in the interests of the exploiters.</p> + +<p>The Soviet system is faced with the task of developing +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[175]</a></span>its own methods of labour compulsion to attain an increase +of the intensity and wholesomeness of labour; this method +is to be based on the socialization of public economy in the +interests of the whole nation.</p> + +<p>In addition to the propaganda by which the people are +to be influenced and the repressions which are to be applied +to all idlers, parasites and disorganizers who strive to undermine +public zeal—the principal method for the increase of +production will become the introduction of the system of +compulsory labour.</p> + +<p>In capitalist society rivalry assumed the character of +competition and led to the exploitation of man by man. +In a society where the means of production are nationalized, +labour rivalry is to increase the products of labour without +infringing its solidarity.</p> + +<p>Rivalry between factories, regions, guilds, workshops, and +individual workers should become the subject of careful +organization and of close study on the side of the Trade +Unions and the economic organs.</p> + +<p>The system of premiums which is to be introduced should +become one of the most powerful means of exciting rivalry. +The system of rationing of food supply is to get into line +with it; so long as Soviet Russia suffers from insufficiency +of provisions, it is only just that the industrious and conscientious +worker receives more than the careless worker.</p></div> + +<p>It must be remembered that even the "industrious +and conscientious worker" receives less food than is +required to maintain efficiency.</p> + +<p>Over the whole development of Russia and of +Bolshevism since the October revolution there +broods a tragic fatality. In spite of outward success +the inner failure has proceeded by inevitable +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[176]</a></span>stages—stages which could, by sufficient acumen, have +been foreseen from the first. By provoking the +hostility of the outside world the Bolsheviks were +forced to provoke the hostility of the peasants, and +finally the hostility or utter apathy of the urban +and industrial population. These various hostilities +brought material disaster, and material disaster +brought spiritual collapse. The ultimate source of +the whole train of evils lies in the Bolshevik outlook +on life: in its dogmatism of hatred and its belief +that human nature can be completely transformed +by force. To injure capitalists is not the ultimate +goal of Communism, though among men dominated +by hatred it is the part that gives zest to their activities. +To face the hostility of the world may show +heroism, but it is a heroism for which the country, +not its rulers, has to pay the price. In the principles +of Bolshevism there is more desire to destroy ancient +evils than to build up new goods; it is for this reason +that success in destruction has been so much greater +than in construction. The desire to destroy is inspired +by hatred, which is not a constructive principle. +From this essential characteristic of Bolshevik +mentality has sprung the willingness to subject +Russia to its present martyrdom. It is only out of +a quite different mentality that a happier world can +be created.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[177]</a></span>And from this follows a further conclusion. The +Bolshevik outlook is the outcome of the cruelty of +the Tsarist régime and the ferocity of the years of +the Great War, operating upon a ruined and starving +nation maddened into universal hatred. If a different +mentality is needed for the establishment of a successful +Communism, then a quite different conjuncture +must see its inauguration; men must be +persuaded to the attempt by hope, not driven to it +by despair. To bring this about should be the aim +of every Communist who desires the happiness of +mankind more than the punishment of capitalists +and their governmental satellites.</p> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a name="II_VII" id="II_VII"></a><hr /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[178]</a></span><br /> + +<h3>VII<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">ToC</a></span></h3> + +<h3>CONDITIONS FOR THE SUCCESS OF +COMMUNISM</h3> +<br /> + +<p>The fundamental ideas of Communism are by no +means impracticable, and would, if realized, +add immeasurably to the well-being of mankind. +The difficulties which have to be faced are not in +regard to the fundamental ideas, but in regard to +the transition from capitalism. It must be assumed +that those who profit by the existing system will +fight to preserve it, and their fight may be sufficiently +severe to destroy all that is best in Communism +during the struggle, as well as everything else that +has value in modern civilization. The seriousness +of this problem of transition is illustrated by Russia, +and cannot be met by the methods of the Third +International. The Soviet Government, at the present +moment, is anxious to obtain manufactured +goods from capitalist countries, but the Third +International is meanwhile endeavouring to promote +revolutions which, if they occurred, would paralyse +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[179]</a></span>the industries of the countries concerned, and leave +them incapable of supplying Russian needs.</p> + +<p>The supreme condition of success in a Communist +revolution is that it should not paralyse industry. +If industry is paralysed, the evils which exist in +modern Russia, or others just as great, seem practically +unavoidable. There will be the problem of +town and country, there will be hunger, there will +be fierceness and revolts and military tyranny. +All these things follow in a fatal sequence; and the +end of them is almost certain to be something quite +different from what genuine Communists desire.</p> + +<p>If industry is to survive throughout a Communist +revolution, a number of conditions must be fulfilled +which are not, at present, fulfilled anywhere. Consider, +for the sake of definiteness, what would happen +if a Communist revolution were to occur in England +to-morrow. Immediately America would place an +embargo on all trade with us. The cotton industry +would collapse, leaving about five million of the +most productive portion of the population idle. +The food supply would become inadequate, and +would fail disastrously if, as is to be expected, the +Navy were hostile or disorganized by the sabotage +of the officers. The result would be that, unless +there were a counter-revolution, about half the +population would die within the first twelve months. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[180]</a></span>On such a basis it would evidently be impossible +to erect a successful Communist State.</p> + +<p>What applies to England applies, in one form or +another, to the remaining countries of Europe. +Italian and German Socialists are, many of them, +in a revolutionary frame of mind and could, if they +chose, raise formidable revolts. They are urged by +Moscow to do so, but they realize that, if they did, +England and America would starve them. France, +for many reasons, dare not offend England and +America beyond a point. Thus, in every country +except America, a successful Communist revolution is +impossible for economico-political reasons. America, +being self-contained and strong, would be capable, +so far as material conditions go, of achieving a +successful revolution; but in America the psychological +conditions are as yet adverse. There is no +other civilized country where capitalism is so strong +and revolutionary Socialism so weak as in America. +At the present moment, therefore, though it is by +no means impossible that Communist revolutions +may occur all over the Continent, it is nearly certain +that they cannot be successful in any real sense. +They will have to begin by a war against America, +and possibly England, by a paralysis of industry, +by starvation, militarism and the whole attendant +train of evils with which Russia has made us familiar.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[181]</a></span>That Communism, whenever and wherever it is +adopted, will have to begin by fighting the bourgeoisie, +is highly probable. The important question +is not whether there is to be fighting, but how long +and severe it is to be. A short war, in which Communism +won a rapid and easy victory, would do +little harm. It is long, bitter and doubtful wars +that must be avoided if anything of what makes +Communism desirable is to survive.</p> + +<p>Two practical consequences flow from this conclusion: +first, that nothing can succeed until +America is either converted to Communism, or at +any rate willing to remain neutral; secondly, that +it is a mistake to attempt to inaugurate Communism +in a country where the majority are hostile, or rather, +where the active opponents are as strong as the +active supporters, because in such a state of opinion +a very severe civil war is likely to result. It is +necessary to have a great body of opinion favourable +to Communism, and a rather weak opposition, before +a really successful Communist state can be introduced +either by revolution or by more or less constitutional +methods.</p> + +<p>It may be assumed that when Communism is +first introduced, the higher technical and business +staff will side with the capitalists and attempt +sabotage unless they have no hopes of a +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[182]</a></span>counter-revolution. For this reason it is very necessary +that among wage-earners there should be as wide a +diffusion as possible of technical and business education, +so that they may be able immediately to take +control of big complex industries. In this respect +Russia was very badly off, whereas England and +America would be much more fortunate.</p> + +<p>Self-government in industry is, I believe, the road +by which England can best approach Communism. +I do not doubt that the railways and the mines, +after a little practice, could be run more efficiently +by the workers, from the point of view of production, +than they are at present by the capitalists. The +Bolsheviks oppose self-government in industry every +where, because it has failed in Russia, and their +national self-esteem prevents them from admitting +that this is due to the backwardness of Russia. +This is one of the respects in which they are misled +by the assumption that Russia must be in all ways +a model to the rest of the world. I would go so +far as to say that the winning of self-government in +such industries as railways and mining is an essential +preliminary to complete Communism. In England, +especially, this is the case. The Unions can command +whatever technical skill they may require; they +are politically powerful; the demand for self-government +is one for which there is widespread sympathy, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[183]</a></span>and could be much more with adequate propaganda; +moreover (what is important with the British temperament) +self-government can be brought about +gradually, by stages in each trade, and by extension +from one trade to another. Capitalists value two +things, their power and their money; many individuals +among them value only the money. It is wiser +to concentrate first on the power, as is done by +seeking self-government in industry without confiscation +of capitalist incomes. By this means the +capitalists are gradually turned into obvious drones, +their active functions in industry become nil, and +they can be ultimately dispossessed without dislocation +and without the possibility of any successful +struggle on their parts.</p> + +<p>Another advantage of proceeding by way of self-government +is that it tends to prevent the Communist +régime, when it comes, from having that truly terrible +degree of centralization which now exists in Russia. +The Russians have been forced to centralize, partly +by the problems of the war, but more by the shortage +of all kinds of skill. This has compelled the few +competent men to attempt each to do the work of +ten men, which has not proved satisfactory in spite +of heroic efforts. The idea of democracy has become +discredited as the result first of syndicalism, and +then of Bolshevism. But there are two different +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[184]</a></span>things that may be meant by democracy: we may +mean the system of Parliamentary government, or +we may mean the participation of the people in +affairs. The discredit of the former is largely +deserved, and I have no desire to uphold Parliament +as an ideal institution. But it is a great misfortune +if, from a confusion of ideas, men come to think that, +because Parliaments are imperfect, there is no reason +why there should be self-government. The grounds +for advocating self-government are very familiar: +first, that no benevolent despot can be trusted to +know or pursue the interests of his subjects; second, +that the practice of self-government is the only +effective method of political education; third, that +it tends to place the preponderance of force on the +side of the constitution, and thus to promote order +and stable government. Other reasons could be +found, but I think these are the chief. In Russia +self-government has disappeared, except within the +Communist Party. If it is not to disappear elsewhere +during a Communist revolution, it is very desirable +that there should exist already important industries +competently administered by the workers themselves.</p> + +<p>The Bolshevik philosophy is promoted very largely +by despair of more gradual methods. But this +despair is a mark of impatience, and is not really +warranted by the facts. It is by no means impossible, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[185]</a></span>in the near future, to secure self-government in +British railways and mines by constitutional means. +This is not the sort of measure which would bring +into operation an American blockade or a civil war +or any of the other catastrophic dangers that are +to be feared from a full-fledged Communist revolution +in the present international situation. Self-government +in industry is feasible, and would be a great +step towards Communism. It would both afford +many of the advantages of Communism and also +make the transition far easier without a technical +break-down of production.</p> + +<p>There is another defect in the methods advocated +by the Third International. The sort of revolution +which is recommended is never practically feasible +except in a time of national misfortune; in fact, +defeat in war seems to be an indispensable condition. +Consequently, by this method, Communism will +only be inaugurated where the conditions of life +are difficult, where demoralization and disorganization +make success almost impossible, and where men are +in a mood of fierce despair very inimical to industrial +construction. If Communism is to have a fair +chance, it must be inaugurated in a prosperous +country. But a prosperous country will not be +readily moved by the arguments of hatred and +universal upheaval which are employed by the Third +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[186]</a></span>International. It is necessary, in appealing to a +prosperous country, to lay stress on hope rather +than despair, and to show how the transition can +be effected without a calamitous loss of prosperity. +All this requires less violence and subversiveness, +more patience and constructive propaganda, less +appeal to the armed might of a determined minority.</p> + +<p>The attitude of uncompromising heroism is attractive, +and appeals especially to the dramatic instinct. +But the purpose of the serious revolutionary is not +personal heroism, nor martyrdom, but the creation +of a happier world. Those who have the happiness +of the world at heart will shrink from attitudes and +the facile hysteria of "no parley with the enemy." +They will not embark upon enterprises, however +arduous and austere, which are likely to involve the +martyrdom of their country and the discrediting +of their ideals. It is by slower and less showy +methods that the new world must be built: by +industrial efforts after self-government, by proletarian +training in technique and business administration, +by careful study of the international situation, +by a prolonged and devoted propaganda of ideas +rather than tactics, especially among the wage-earners +of the United States. It is not true that no +gradual approaches to Communism are possible: +self-government in industry is an important instance +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[187]</a></span>to the contrary. It is not true that any isolated +European country, or even the whole of the Continent +in unison, can, after the exhaustion produced by the +war, introduce a successful form of Communism at the +present moment, owing to the hostility and economic +supremacy of America. To find fault with those +who urge these considerations, or to accuse them of +faint-heartedness, is mere sentimental self-indulgence, +sacrificing the good we can do to the satisfaction of +our own emotions.</p> + +<p>Even under present conditions in Russia, it is +possible still to feel the inspiration of the essential +spirit of Communism, the spirit of creative hope, +seeking to sweep away the incumbrances of injustice +and tyranny and rapacity which obstruct the growth +of the human spirit, to replace individual competition +by collective action, the relation of master and slave +by free co-operation. This hope has helped the best +of the Communists to bear the harsh years through +which Russia has been passing, and has become an +inspiration to the world. The hope is not chimerical, +but it can only be realized through a more patient +labour, a more objective study of facts, and above +all a longer propaganda, to make the necessity of +the transition obvious to the great majority of +wage-earners. Russian Communism may fail and +go under, but Communism itself will not die. And +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[188]</a></span>if hope rather than hatred inspires its advocates, +it can be brought about without the universal cataclysm +preached by Moscow. The war and its sequel +have proved the destructiveness of capitalism; let +us see to it that the next epoch does not prove the +still greater destructiveness of Communism, but +rather its power to heal the wounds which the old +evil system has inflicted upon the human spirit.</p> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> + +<h5><i>Printed in Great Britain by</i><br /> +UNWIN BROTHERS, LIMITED, THE GRESHAM PRESS, WOKING AND LONDON</h5> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<hr /> +<br /> + + +<h3><a name="ERRATA" id="ERRATA"></a>ERRATA<span class="totoc"><a href="#toc">ToC</a></span></h3> + + +<p>P. 20, l. 11. <i>For</i> "teaching" <i>read</i> "reaching"</p> + +<p>P. 23, between l. 18 and l. 19. <i>Insert</i> "violence in the transition +must be faced. Unfortunately,"</p> + +<p>P. 43, l. 12. <i>For</i> "dying" <i>read</i> "very ill"</p> + +<p>P. 44, last sentence. <i>Substitute</i> "But he recovered, and I hope it +will recover also."</p> + +<p>P. 60, l. 6 from below. <i>For</i> "waving triumphant hands and" <i>read</i> +"expressing their delight by"</p> + +<p>P. 61, l. 21. <i>For</i> "professional" <i>read</i> "professorial"</p> + +<p>P. 85, l. 2. <i>For</i> "This" <i>read</i> "Thus"</p> + +<p>P. 91, l. 8. <i>For</i> "losses" <i>read</i> "hopes"</p> + +<p>P. 104, l. 9. <i>For</i> "leave" <i>read</i> "leaves"</p> + +<p>P. 105, last line. <i>Substitute</i> "which has been already discussed +in Chapter VI"</p> + +<p>P. 120, l. 19 <i>For</i> "desires" <i>read</i> "desire"</p> + +<p>P. 132, l. 5 from below. <i>For</i> "Caunon" <i>read</i> "Cannon"</p> + +<p>P. 148, l. 5 from below. <i>For</i> "by" <i>read</i> "in"</p> + +<p>P. 155, l. 13. <i>For</i> "scheme" <i>read</i> "schema"</p> + +<p>P. 172, l. 15. <i>For</i> "Zenghis" <i>read</i> "Yenghis"</p> + +<p>P. 187, l. 15. <i>Delete</i> comma.</p> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<hr /> +<br /> + + +<h3>BY THE SAME AUTHOR</h3> + + +<h4 style="font-weight: normal;">ROADS TO FREEDOM</h4> + +<h4 style="font-weight: normal;">PRINCIPLES OF SOCIAL RECONSTRUCTION</h4> + +<h4 style="font-weight: normal;">INTRODUCTION TO MATHEMATICAL PHILOSOPHY</h4> + +<h4 style="font-weight: normal;">THE ANALYSIS OF MIND</h4> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<hr /> +<br /> + +<div class="tr"> +<p class="cen">Typographical errors corrected in text:</p> +<br /> +page 19: happinesss changed to happiness<br /> +page 163: genera to general<br /> +</div> + +<br /> +<br /> +<hr /> +<br /> + + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism +by Bertrand Russell + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BOLSHEVISM *** + +***** This file should be named 17350-h.htm or 17350-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/7/3/5/17350/ + +Produced by Thierry Alberto, Jeannie Howse and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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