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diff --git a/1615-0.txt b/1615-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5ad365f --- /dev/null +++ b/1615-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,16406 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Old English Libraries, by Ernest Savage + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license + + +Title: Old English Libraries + The Making, Collection, and Use of Books during the Middle Ages + +Author: Ernest Savage + +Release Date: December 28, 2014 [EBook #1615] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OLD ENGLISH LIBRARIES *** + + + + +Produced by Chuck Greif and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images available at The Internet Archive) + + + + + + + + + THE ANTIQUARY’S BOOKS + GENERAL EDITOR: J. CHARLES COX, LL.D., F.S.A. + + OLD ENGLISH LIBRARIES + +[Illustration: ABBOT WHETHAMSTEDE] + + + + + OLD ENGLISH + LIBRARIES + + THE MAKING, COLLECTION, AND USE OF BOOKS + DURING THE MIDDLE AGES + + BY + + ERNEST A. SAVAGE + + WITH FIFTY-TWO ILLUSTRATIONS + + METHUEN & CO. LTD. + 36 ESSEX STREET W.C. + LONDON + + _First Published in 1911_ + + + + +PREFACE + + +With the arrangement and equipment of libraries this essay has little to +do: the ground being already covered adequately by Dr. Clark in his +admirable monograph on _The Care of Books_. Herein is described the +making, use, and circulation of books considered as a means of literary +culture. It seemed possible to throw a useful sidelight on literary +history, and to introduce some human interest into the study of +bibliography, if the place held by books in the life of the Middle Ages +could be indicated. Such, at all events, was my aim, but I am far from +sure of my success in carrying it out; and I offer this book merely as a +discursive and popular treatment of a subject which seems to me of great +interest. + +The book has suffered from one unhappy circumstance. It was planned in +collaboration with my friend Mr. James Hutt, M.A., but unfortunately, +owing to a breakdown of health, Mr. Hutt was only able to help me in the +composition of the chapter on the Libraries of Oxford, which is chiefly +his work. Had it been possible for Mr. Hutt to share all the labour with +me, this book would have been put before the public with more +confidence. + +More footnote references appear in this volume than in most of the +series of “Antiquary’s Books.” One consideration specially urged me to +take this course. The subject has been treated briefly, and it seemed +essential to cite as many authorities as possible, so that readers who +were in the mood might obtain further information by following them up. + +In a book covering a long period and touching national and local history +at many points, I cannot hope to have escaped errors; and I shall be +grateful if readers will bring them to my notice. + +I need hardly say I am especially indebted to the splendid work +accomplished by Dr. Montague Rhodes James, the Provost of King’s +College, in editing _The Ancient Libraries of Canterbury and Dover_, and +in compiling the great series of descriptive catalogues of manuscripts +in Cambridge and other colleges. I have long marvelled at Dr. James’ +patient research; at his steady perseverance in an aim which, even when +attained--as it now has been--could only win him the admiration and +esteem of a few scholars and lovers of old books. + +I have to thank Mr. Hutt for much general help, and for reading all the +proof slips. To Canon C. M. Church, M.A., of Wells, I am indebted for +his kindness in answering inquiries, for lending me the illustration of +the exterior of Wells Cathedral Library, and for permitting me to +reproduce a plan from his book entitled _Chapters in the Early History +of the Church of Wells_. The Historic Society of Lancashire and +Cheshire have kindly allowed me to reproduce a part of their plan of +Birkenhead Priory. Illustrations were also kindly lent by the Clarendon +Press, the Cambridge University Press, Mr. John Murray, Mr. Fisher +Unwin, the Editor of _The Connoisseur_, and Mr. G. Coffey, of the Royal +Irish Academy. A small portion of the first chapter has appeared in _The +Library_, and is reprinted by kind permission of the editors. Mr. C. W. +Sutton, M.A., City Librarian of Manchester, has been in every way kind +and patient in helping me. So too has Mr. Strickland Gibson, M.A., of +the Bodleian Library, especially in connexion with the chapter on Oxford +Libraries. Thanks are due also to the Deans of Hereford, Lincoln, and +Durham, to Mr. Tapley-Soper, City Librarian of Exeter, and to Mr. W. T. +Carter, Public Librarian of Warwick; also to my brother, V. M. Savage, +for his drawings. The general editor of this series, the Rev. J. Charles +Cox, LL.D., F.S.A., gave me much help by reading the manuscript and +proofs; and I am grateful to him for many courtesies and suggestions. + +ERNEST A. SAVAGE + + + + +CONTENTS + + +CHAP. PAGE +I. THE USE OF BOOKS IN EARLY IRISH MONASTERIES 1 + +II. THE ENGLISH MONKS AND THEIR BOOKS 23 + +III. LIBRARIES OF THE GREAT ABBEYS--BOOK-LOVERS AMONG +THE MENDICANTS--DISPERSAL OF MONKISH LIBRARIES 45 + +IV. BOOK MAKING AND COLLECTING IN THE RELIGIOUS HOUSES 73 + +V. CATHEDRAL AND CHURCH LIBRARIES 109 + +VI. ACADEMIC LIBRARIES: OXFORD 133 + +VII. ACADEMIC LIBRARIES: CAMBRIDGE 155 + +VIII. ACADEMIC LIBRARIES: THEIR ECONOMY 165 + +IX. THE USE OF BOOKS TOWARDS THE END OF THE MANUSCRIPT PERIOD 173 + +X. THE BOOK TRADE 199 + +XI. THE CHARACTER OF THE MEDIEVAL LIBRARY, AND +THE EXTENT OF CIRCULATION OF BOOKS 209 + +APPENDIX A. PRICES OF BOOKS AND MATERIALS FOR BOOK-MAKING 243 + +APPENDIX B. LIST OF CERTAIN CLASSIC AUTHORS FOUND IN +MEDIEVAL CATALOGUES 258 + +APPENDIX C. LIST OF MEDIEVAL COLLECTIONS OF BOOKS 263 + +APPENDIX D. LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL REFERENCE WORKS 286 + + + + +LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT + + PAGE +WRITING IN THE BOOK OF KELLS 14 +From THOMPSON’S _Greek and Latin Palæography_ + +WRITING IN BOOK OF ARMAGH 15 +From THOMPSON’S _Greek and Latin Palæography_ + +WRITING IN GRÆCO-LATIN ACTS, PROBABLY USED BY BEDE 27 +From MS. Bodl. Laud. Gr. 35, f. 63 + +WRITING IN BENEDICTIONAL OF ST. ETHELWOLD 43 +From _Archæologia_, xxiv. + +PLAN OF SCRIPTORIUM, BIRKENHEAD PRIORY 74 +Redrawn from _Trans. of the Lancashire and Cheshire Historic +Society_ + +ANCIENT STALL, OR CARRELL, IN BISHOP’S CANNINGS CHURCH, +WILTS 77 +From COX AND HARVEY’S _English Church Furniture_ + +TABLET CASE AND WAXED TABLET 84 +From COFFEY’S _Celtic Antiquities in the Museum of the R.I.A._ + +PLAN SHOWING DISPOSITION OF BOOKS IN CISTERCIAN +HOUSES 93 +Redrawn from GASQUET’S _English Monastic Life_ + +PLAN SHOWING PROBABLE SITUATION OF LIBRARY OF WELLS +CATHEDRAL IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY 122 +Redrawn from Canon CHURCH’S _Chapters in the History of +Wells Cathedral_ + +BEREBLOCK VIEW OF DUKE HUMFREY’S LIBRARY 140 +From MS. Bodl. 13 + +AUTOGRAPH OF DUKE HUMFREY OF GLOUCESTER 191 +From MS. Harl. 1705. f. 96_a_ + +RECORD OF SALE OF BOOK CAPTURED AT POITIERS 234 +From MS. Reg. 19, D ii. opposite f. 1 + + + + +LIST OF PLATES + + +ABBOT WHETHAMSTEDE _Frontispiece_ +From MS. Cott. Nero, D vii. f. 27_a_ + +PLATE FACING PAGE + +I. (_a_) ANCIENT SATCHEL OF IRISH MISSAL, CORPUS CHRISTI +COLLEGE, OXFORD 12 +By permission of the Governing Body + +(_b_) COVER OF STOWE MISSAL 12 +Museum of Royal Irish Academy, Dublin (A.D. 1023-1052) + +II. ILLUMINATED PAGE OF BOOK OF KELLS 14 +From WESTWOOD’S _Facsimiles_ + +III. THE SHRINE OF THE CATHACH PSALTER, ELEVENTH +CENTURY 16 +From _The Connoisseur_, by permission of the Editor + +IV. CUMDACH OF ST. MOLAISE’S GOSPELS: FRONT AND +BOTTOM 20 +From COFFEY’S _Celtic Antiquities in Museum of Royal Irish +Academy_, by permission of the Council + +V. BENEDICTIONAL OF ST. ETHELWOLD: NATIVITY OF +ST. JOHN THE BAPTIST 42 +From _Archæologia_, xxiv. + +VI. BENEDICTIONAL OF ST. ETHELWOLD: THE ASCENSION 44 +From _Archæologia_, xxiv. + +VII. (_a_) ABBOT ROGER DE NORTHONE WITH HIS BOOKS 48 +From MS. Cott. Nero, D vii. f. 18_b_ + +(_b_) ABBOT GARIN WITH HIS BOOKS 48 +From MS. Cott. Claud., E iv. pt. i., f. 125_a_ + +VIII. ABBOT SIMON OF ST. ALBANS AT HIS BOOK-CHEST 50 +From MS. Cott. Claud., E iv. pt. i. f. 124 + +IX. GREY FRIARS, LONDON (CHRIST’S HOSPITAL): OLD +HALL AND WHITTINGTON’S LIBRARY 54 +From Trollope’s _History of Christ’s Hospital_ + +X. GREY FRIARS CATALOGUE OF CONVENTUAL LIBRARIES 58 +From MS. Bodl. Tanner, 165, f. 119 + +XI. TWELFTH CENTURY ILLUMINATION FROM BURY ST. +EDMUND’S ABBEY 64 +From MS. 2, f. 281_b_, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, +by permission of the Master and Fellows + +XII. WESTMINSTER ILLUMINATION, THIRTEENTH CENTURY 68 +From MS. Reg. 2 A xii. f. 14, Brit. Mus. + +XIII. THE CLOISTERS, GLOUCESTER, SHOWING CARRELLS 76 +From MURRAY’S _Cathedrals_ + +XIV. A SCRIBE AND HIS TOOLS, FROM A VERY ANCIENT MS. 82 +From MS. Harl. 2820, f. 120 + +XV. FURNESS ABBEY: CLOISTERS AND CHAPTER HOUSE 94 + +XVI. FACSIMILE OF LIBRARY CATALOGUE OF SYON MONASTERY 104 +From BATESON’S _Catalogue of Syon Monastery_ + +XVII. MEDIEVAL BINDING: MR. YATES THOMPSON’S HEGESIPPUS 108 +From BATESON’S _Mediæval England_ + +XVIII. ANCIENT BOOK-BOX IN EXETER CATHEDRAL 110 +Photo by HEATH & BRADNEE, Exeter + +XIX. CHAINED BOOKS, HEREFORD CATHEDRAL LIBRARY 116 +By permission of the Dean of Hereford + +XX. OLD LIBRARY, LINCOLN CATHEDRAL 118 +Photo by G. HADLEIGH, Lincoln. By permission of the +Dean of Lincoln + +XXI. WELLS CATHEDRAL: LIBRARY OVER CLOISTER 122 +Photo by T. W. PHILLIPS, Wells + +XXII. ST. MARY’S CHURCH, OXFORD: FIRST HOME OF +UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 132 + +Photo by H. W. TAUNT, Oxford + +XXIII. (_a_) ILLUMINATOR OF ST. ALBANS 134 + +From MS. Cott. Nero, D iii. f. 105 + + +(_b_) DOCUMENT BEARING THE NAMES OF MEMBERS +OF THE BOOK-TRADE, _c._ 1180 134 + +From BARNARD’S _Companion to English History_ + + +XXIV. (_a_) DUKE HUMFREY AND ELEANOR OF GLOUCESTER +JOINING THE CONFRATERNITY OF ST. ALBANS 138 + +From MS. Cott. Nero, D vii. f. 154_a_ + + +(_b_) ANCIENT ROOF OF DUKE HUMFREY’S LIBRARY 138 + +Photo by JAS. HUTT, M.A. + + +XXV. DUKE HUMFREY’S LIBRARY, OXFORD 142 + +Photo by H. W. TAUNT + + +XXVI. LIBRARY OF CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE, OXFORD 144 + +Photo by H. W. TAUNT + + +XXVII. MERTON COLLEGE LIBRARY, OXFORD 152 + +Photo by H. W. TAUNT + + +XXVIII. PUBLIC SCHOOLS AND LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY, +CAMBRIDGE 156 + +From LOGGAN’S _Cantab. Illus._ + + +XXIX. LIBRARY OF CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE, OXFORD, +FROM MASTER’S GARDEN 170 + +Photo by H. W. TAUNT + + +XXX. CARMELITE IN HIS STUDY 184 + +From MS. Reg. 14 E i. f. 3, Brit. Mus. + + +XXXI. A SCRIBE (ST. MARK WRITING HIS GOSPEL), FROM +THE BEDFORD HOURS 196 + +From Add. MS. 18850, f. 24, Brit. Mus. + +XXXII. A SCRIBE AT WORK, FROM EADWINE’S PSALTER, +_c._ 1150 202 + +From BATESON’S _Mediæval England_ + +XXXIII. ENGLISH ILLUMINATED WORK UNDER FRENCH INFLUENCE, +FROM TENISON PSALTER 214 + +From MS. Add. 24686, f. 12, Brit. Mus. + +XXXIV. FRESCO OF THE SEVEN LIBERAL ARTS, BY T. GADDI, +CHURCH OF S. M. NOVELLA, FLORENCE 222 + +Photo by ALINARI + +XXXV. ANCIENT VELLUM BOOK-MARKER 230 + +From MS. 49, Corpus Christi College, Camb., by permission +of the Master and Fellows + + + + +OLD ENGLISH LIBRARIES + + + + +CHAPTER I + +INTRODUCTORY--THE USE OF BOOKS IN EARLY IRISH MONASTERIES + + “What tyme þat abbeies were first ordeyned + and monkis were first gadered to gydre.” + --Inscribed in MS. of _Life of Barlaam and Josaphat_, + Peterhouse, Camb. + + +§ I + +To people of modern times early monachism must seem an unbeautiful and +even offensive life. True piety was exceptional, fanaticism the rule. +Ideals which were surely false impelled men to lead a life of idleness +and savage austerity,--to sink very near the level of beasts, as did the +Nitrian hermits when they murdered Hypatia in Alexandria. But this view +does not give the whole truth. To shut out a wicked and sensual world, +with its manifold temptations, seemed the only possible way to live +purely. To get far beyond the influence of a barbaric society, utterly +antagonistic to peaceful religious observance, was clearly the surest +means of achieving personal holiness. Monachism was a system designed +for these ends. Throughout the Middle Ages it was the refuge--the only +refuge--for the man who desired to flee from sin. Such, at any rate, was +the truly religious man’s view. And if monkish retreats sheltered some +ignorant fanatics, they also attracted many representatives of the +culture and learning of the time. This was bound to be so. At all times +solitude has been pleasant to the student and thinker, or to the moody +lover of books. + +By great good fortune, then, the studious occupations which did so much +to soften monkish austerities in the Middle Ages, were recognised early +as needful to the system. Even the ascetics by the Red Sea and in Nitria +did not deprive themselves of all literary solace, although the more +fanatical would abjure it, and many would be too poor to have it. The +Rule of Pachomius, founder of the settlements of Tabenna, required the +brethren’s books to be kept in a cupboard and regulated lending them. +These libraries are referred to in Benedict’s own Rule. We hear of St. +Pachomius destroying a copy of Origen, because the teaching in it was +obnoxious; of Abba Bischoi writing an ascetic work, a copy of which is +extant; of anchorites under St. Macarius of Alexandria transcribing +books; and of St. Jerome collecting a library _summo studio et labore_, +copying manuscripts and studying Hebrew at his hermitage even after a +formal renunciation of the classics, and then again, at the end of his +life, bringing together another library at Bethlehem monastery, and +instructing boys in grammar and in classic authors. Basil the Great, +when founding eremitical settlements on the river Iris in Pontus, spent +some time in making selections from Origen. St. Melania the younger +wrote books which were noted for their beauty and accuracy. And when +Athanasius introduced Eastern monachism into Italy, and St. Martin of +Tours and John Cassian carried it farther afield into Gaul, the same +work went on. In the cells and caves of Martin’s community at Marmoutier +the younger monks occupied their time in writing and sacred study, and +the older monks in prayer.[1] Sulpicius Severus (_c._ 353-425), the +ecclesiastical historian, preferred retirement, literary study, and the +friendship and teaching of St. Martin to worldly pursuits. At the famous +island community of Lérins, in South Gaul, were instructed some of the +most celebrated scholars of the West, among them St. Hilary. “Such were +their piety and learning that all the cities round about strove +emulously to have monks from Lérins for their bishops.”[2] Another +centre of studious occupation was the monastery of Germanus of Auxerre; +while near Vienne was a community where St. Avitus (_c._ 525) could earn +the high reputation for holiness and learning which won him a +metropolitan see. Many other facts and incidents prove the literary +pursuits of the Gallic ascetics; as, for example, the reputation the +nuns of Arles in the sixth century won for their writing; and the +curious story of Apollinaris Sidonius driving after a monk who was +carrying a manuscript to Britain, stopping him, and there and then +dictating to secretaries a copy of the precious book which had so nearly +escaped him.[3] + + +§ II + +Monachism of this Eastern type came from Gaul to Ireland.[4] St. Patrick +received his sacred education at Marmoutier; under Germanus at Auxerre; +and possibly at Lérins. His companions on his mission to Ireland, and +the missionaries who followed him, nearly all came from the same +centres. Naturally, therefore, the same practices would be observed, not +only in regard to religious discipline and organisation, but in regard +to instruction and study. Even the mysterious Palladius, Patrick’s +forerunner, is said to have left books in Ireland.[5] But the earliest +important references to that use of books which distinguishes the +educated missionary from the mere fanatical recluse are in connexion +with Patrick. Pope Sixtus is said to have given him books in plenty to +take with him to Ireland. Later he is supposed to have visited Rome, +whence he brought books home to Armagh.[6] He gave copies of parts of +the Scriptures to Irish chieftains. To one Fiacc he gave a case +containing a bell, a crosier, tablets, and a meinister, which, according +to Dr. Lanigan, may have been a cumdach enclosing the Gospels and the +vessels for the sacred ministry, or, according to Dr. Whitley Stokes, +simply a credence-table.[7] He sometimes gave a missal (_lebar nuird_). +He had books at Tara. On one occasion his books were dropped into the +water and were “drowned.” Presumably the books he distributed came from +the Gallic schools, although his followers no doubt began transcribing +as opportunity offered and as material came to hand. Patrick himself +wrote alphabets, sometimes called the “elements”; most likely the +elements or the A B C of the Christian doctrine, corresponding with the +“primer.”[8] + +This was the dawn of letters for Ireland. By disseminating the +Scriptures and these primers, Patrick and his followers, and the train +of missionaries who came afterwards,[9] secured the knowledge and use of +the Roman alphabet. The way was clear for the free introduction of +schools and books and learning. “St. Patrick did not do for the Scots +what Wulfilas did for the Goths, and the Slavonic apostles for the +Slavs; he did not translate the sacred books of his religion into Irish +and found a national church literature.... What Patrick, on the other +hand, and his fellow-workers did was to diffuse a knowledge of Latin in +Ireland. To the circumstance that he adopted this line of policy, and +did not attempt to create a national ecclesiastical language, must be +ascribed the rise of the schools of learning which distinguished Ireland +in the sixth and seventh centuries.”[10] + +Mainly owing to the labours of Dr. John Healy, we now know a good deal +about the somewhat slow growth of the Irish schools to fame; but for our +purpose it will do to learn something of them in their heyday, when at +last we hear certainly of that free use of books which must have been +common for some time. From the sixth to the eighth century Ireland +enjoyed an eminent place in the world of learning; and the lives and +works of her scholars imply book-culture of good character. St. Columba +was famed for his studious occupations. Educated first by Finnian of +Moville, then by another tutor of the same name at the famous school of +Clonard, he journeyed to other centres for further instruction after his +ordination. From youth he loved books and studies. He is represented as +reading out of doors at the moment when the murderer of a young girl is +struck dead. In later life he realized the importance of monastic +records. He had annals compiled, and bards preserved and arranged them +in the monastic chests. At Iona the brethren of his settlement passed +their time in reading and transcribing, as well as in manual labour. +Very careful were they to copy correctly. Baithen, a monk on Iona, got +one of his fellows to look over a Psalter which he had just finished +writing, but only a single error was discovered.[11] Columba himself +became proficient in copying and illuminating. He could not spend an +hour without study, or prayer, or writing, or some other holy +occupation.[12] He transcribed, we are told, over three hundred copies +of the Gospels or the Psalter--a magnification of a saint’s powers by a +devout biographer, but significant as it testifies to Columba’s love of +studious labours, and shows how highly these ascetics thought of work of +this kind. On two occasions, being a man as well as a saint, he broke +into violence when crossed in his love of books. One story tells how he +visited a holy and learned recluse named Longarad, whose much-prized +books he wished to see. Being denied, he became wroth and cursed +Longarad. “May the books be of no use to you,” he cried, “nor to any one +after you, since you withhold them.” So far the tale is not improbable, +but a little embroidery completes a legend. The books became +unintelligible, so the story continues, the moment Longarad died. At the +same instant the satchels in all the Irish schools and in Columba’s cell +slipped off their hooks on to the ground. + +A quarrel about a book, we are told, changed his career. He borrowed a +Psalter from Finnian of Moville, and made a copy of it, working secretly +at night. Finnian heard of the piracy, and, as owner of the original, +claimed the copy. Columba refused to let him have it. Then Diarmid, King +of Meath, was asked to arbitrate. Arguing that as every calf belonged to +its cow, so every copy of a book belonged to the owner of the original, +he decided in Finnian’s favour. Columba thought the award unjust, and +said so. A little later, after another dispute with Diarmid on a +question of monastic immunity, he called together his tribesmen and +partisans, and offered battle. Diarmid was defeated. For some reason, +not quite clear, these quarrels led to Columba’s voluntary exile (_c._ +563). He sailed from Ireland, and landed upon the silver strand of +Iona, and to the end of his days his work lay almost entirely amid the +heather-covered uplands and plains of this little island home.[13] Iona +became a renowned centre of missionary work, quite over-shadowing in +importance the earlier “Scottish” settlement of Whitherne or Candida +Casa. Pilgrims went thither from Ireland and England to receive +instruction, and returned to carry on pioneer work in their own +homeland. Thence went forth missionaries to carry the Christian message +throughout Scotland and northern England. Perhaps, too, here was planned +the expedition to far-off Iceland. “Before Iceland was peopled by the +Northmen there were in the country those men whom the Northmen called +Papar. They were Christian men, and the people believed that they came +from the West, because Irish books and bells and crosiers were found +after them, and still more things by which one might know that they were +west-men, _i.e._ Irish.”[14] + +Not only to the far north, but to the Continent, did the Irish press +their energetic way. In Gaul their chief missionary was Columban (_c._ +543-615), who had been educated at Bangor, then famous for the learning +of its brethren. His works display an extensive acquaintance with +Christian and Latin literature. Both the Greek and Hebrew languages may +have been known to him, though this seems improbable and +inconceivable.[15] In his Rule he provides for teaching in schools, +copying manuscripts, and for daily reading.[16] + +The monasteries of Luxeuil, Bobio, and St. Gall, founded by him and his +companions on their mission in Gaul and Italy, became the homes of the +most famous conventual libraries in the world--a result surely traceable +to the example set by the Irish ascetics, and to the tradition they +established.[17] + +Other Irish monks are better known for their literary attainments than +for missionary enterprise. St. Cummian, in a letter written about 634, +displays much knowledge of theological literature, and a good deal of +knowledge of a general kind.[18] Another monk named Augustine (_c._ 650) +quotes from Eusebius and Jerome in a work affording many other evidences +of learning.[19] Aileran (_c._ 660), abbot of Clonard, wrote a religious +work which proves his acquaintance with Jerome, Philo, Cassian, Origen, +and Augustine.[20] + +An Englishman supplies valuable evidence of the state of Irish learning. +Aldhelm’s (_c._ 656-709) works prove him to have had access in England +to a good library; while in one learned letter he compares English +schools favourably with the Irish, and declares Theodore and Hadrian +would put Irish scholars in the shade. Yet he is on his mettle when +communicating with Irish friends or pupils; he clearly reserves for them +the flowers of his eloquence.[21] The Irish schools were indeed +successful rivals of the English schools, and Irish scholars could use +libraries as good, or nearly as good, as that at Aldhelm’s disposal. At +this time the attraction which Ireland and Iona had for English students +was extraordinary. English crowded the Irish schools, although the +Canterbury school was not full.[22] The city of Armagh was divided into +three sections, one being called Trian-Saxon, the Saxon’s third, from +the great number of Saxon students living there.[23] + +In 664 many English, both high and low in rank, left their native land +for Ireland, where they sought instruction in sacred studies, or an +opportunity to lead a more ascetic life. Some devoted themselves +faithfully to a monkish career. Others applied themselves to study only, +and for that purpose journeyed from one master’s cell to another. The +Irish welcomed all comers. All received without charge daily food: +barley or oaten bread and water, or sometimes milk--_cibus sit vilis et +vespertinus_--a plain meal, once a day, in the afternoon. Books were +supplied, or what is more likely, waxed tablets folded in book form. +Teaching was as free as the open air in which it was carried on.[24] + +Among the English at one time or another taking advantage of Irish +hospitality were Gildas (_c._ 540), first native historian of +England;[25] Ecgberht, presbyter, a Northumbrian of noble birth; +Ethelhun, brother of Ethelwin, bishop of Lindsay; Oswald, king of +Northumbria; Aldfrith, another Northumbrian king, who was educated +either in Ireland or Iona; Alcuin, who received instruction at +Clonmacnoise;[26] one named Wictberht, “notable ... for his learning and +knowledge, for he had lived many years as a stranger and pilgrim in +Ireland”; and St. Willibrord, who at the age of twenty journeyed to +Ireland for purposes of study, because he had heard that learning +flourished in that country.[27] + + +§ III + +Most of the references we have made above belong to the sixth and +seventh centuries, usually regarded as the best age of Irish monachism. +But the Irish enjoyed their reputation unimpaired for a long time. Just +before and after the Northmen descended on their land in 795, we find +them making their mark abroad, not so much as missionaries but as +scholars and teachers.[28] + +A few instances will suffice. “_The Acts of Charles_, written by a monk +of St. Gallen late in the ninth century, tells us of ‘two Scots from +Ireland,’ who ‘lighted with the British merchants on the coast of Gaul,’ +and cried to the crowd, ‘If any man desireth wisdom, let him come unto +us and receive it, for we have it for sale.’ They were soon invited to +the court of Charles. One of them, Clement, partly filled the place of +Alcuin as head of the palace school.”[29] His reputation soon became +widespread, and the abbot of Fulda sent several of his most capable +monks to him to learn grammar.[30] His companion, Dungal, went on to +Italy. He enjoyed a full share of the learning of his time; was a +student of Cicero and Macrobius; knew Virgil well; and had some +Greek.[31] A few fine books were bequeathed by him to the Irish +monastery of Bobio, where copies were written and distributed through +Italy. According to the learned Muratori, in one of these manuscripts is +an inscription proving Dungal’s ownership.[32] One of the books so +bequeathed was the famous Antiphonary of Bangor, now in the Ambrosian +library at Milan. + +Clement and Dungal were not the only Irishmen of note on the Continent. +One, Dicuil, was an exponent of geography. He founded his treatise (_c._ +825) on Cæsar, Pliny, and Solinus; he quotes and names many other +writers, including fourteen Greek; and generally impresses us with his +earnest studentship. An Irish monk named Donatus wandered to Italy and +became bishop of Fiesole (_c._ 829); he, too, was a scholar acquainted +with Virgil, a teacher of grammar and prosody, and a lecturer on the +saints.[33] Sedulius, the commentator, an Irish monk of Liége, copied +Greek psalters, wrote Latin verses, knew Cicero’s letters, the works of +Valerius Maximus, Vegetius, Origen, and Jerome; was well acquainted with +mythology and history, and perhaps had some Hebrew.[34] Another +Irishman, John the Scot (Joannes Scotus Erigena), became the most +eminent scholar of his time: he alone, among all the learned men Charles +the Bald had about him, was able to translate from Greek (_c._ 858-860). +Well might Eric of Auxerre, writing to Charles, express his astonishment +at this train of philosophers from Ireland, that barbarous land on the +confines of the world.[35] All these wanderers, and many more, must have +been responsible for the dissemination of the books produced by Irish +hands; and, in fact, many manuscripts of Celtic origin and early in +date, are still on the Continent, or have been found there and brought +to Ireland.[36] + +In some respects the evidence of book-culture in Ireland in these early +centuries is inconsistent. The jealous guard Longarad kept over his +books, the quarrel over Columba’s Psalter, and the great esteem in which +scribes were held,[37] suggest a scarcity of books. The practice of +enshrining them in cumdachs, or book-covers, points to a like +conclusion. On the other hand, Bede tells us the Irish could lend +foreign students books, so plentiful were they. His statement is +corroborated by the number of scribes whose deaths have been recorded by +the annalists; the _Four Masters_, for example, note sixty-one eminent +scribes before the year 900, forty of whom belong to the eighth +century.[38] In some of the monasteries a special room for books was +provided. The _Annals of Tigernach_ refer to the house of +manuscripts.[39] An apartment of this kind is particularly mentioned as +being saved from the flames when Armagh monastery was burned (1020). +Another fact suggesting an abundance of books was the appointment of a +librarian, which sometimes took place.[40] Although a special book-room +and officer are only to be met with much later than the best age of +Irish monachism, yet we may reasonably assume them to be the natural +culmination of an old and established practice of making and using +books. + +Such statements, however, are not necessarily contradictory. Manuscripts +over which the cleverest scribes and illuminators had spent much time +and pains would be jealously preserved in cases or shrines; still, when +we remember how many precious fruits of the past must have + +[Illustration: _PLATE I_ + +ANCIENT SATCHEL OF IRISH MISSAL + +COVER OF THE STOWE MISSAL] + +perished, the number of beautiful Irish manuscripts extant goes to prove +that books even of this character could not have been extraordinarily +rare. “Workaday” copies of books would be made as well, in comparatively +large numbers, and would no doubt be used very freely. Besides books +properly so called, the religious used waxed tablets of wood, which were +sometimes called books. St. Ciaran, for example, wrote on staves, which +are called in one place his tablets, and in two other places the whole +collection of his staves is called a book.[41] Such tablets were indeed +books in which the fugitive pieces of the time were written.[42] +Considering all things, Bede was without doubt quite correct in saying +the Irish had enough books to lend to foreign students. + + +§ IV + +Our account of the work accomplished by the Irish monks would be +incomplete without reference to their writing, illuminating, and +book-economy, the relics of which are so finely rare. + +The old Irish runes gave place slowly to the Roman alphabet, which came +into use, as we have already observed, after St. Patrick’s mission. This +new writing was in two forms--round and pointed--but both were derived +from the Roman half-uncial style. The clear and beautifully-shaped +Irish round hand is closely akin to the half-uncial character of fifth +and sixth century Latin writings found on the Continent. The Book of +Kells, written probably at the end of the seventh century, is the finest +example of the ornamental Irish round hand. St. Chad’s Gospels, now at +Lichfield, written about the same time, is a manuscript of like +character, but not so good. A later manuscript, the Gospels of MacRegol, +which dates from the beginning of the ninth century, shows marked +deterioration in the writing. + +[Illustration: BOOK OF KELLS, SEVENTH CENTURY] + +The Irish pointed style, used for quicker writing, is but a modified, +pointed variety of the round hand, the letters being laterally +compressed. This hand appears in some pages of the Book of Kells, but +the best example is in the Book of Armagh.[43] + +Although the Roman alphabet was introduced by Augustine at the +Canterbury school, it wholly failed to have any effect on the native +hand from that source. On the other hand, when, in the seventh century, +Northumbria + +[Illustration: _PLATE II_ + +ILLUMINATED PAGE OF THE BOOK OF KELLS] + +was converted by Irish missionaries, the new Christians copied the Irish +writing, so well, indeed, that the earliest specimens extant can hardly +be distinguished from the beautiful penmanship of the Irish. The Book of +Durham, generally called the Lindisfarne Gospels, of about 700, is an +exquisite Northumbrian example of the Irish round hand, in the +characteristic broad, heavy-stroke letters. Another good specimen of +this style is the eighth century manuscript of Bede’s Ecclesiastical +History, in Cambridge University Library. + +[Illustration: BOOK OF ARMAGH, BEFORE A.D. 844] + +Irish illumination is as characteristic as the writing. Pictures and +drawings of the human figure are not so common as in the work of other +schools, and when they do appear are not often good. Still, some of +them, as the scenes from the life of Christ in the Book of Kells, are +quite unlike the illuminations of any other school; while the portraits +of the Evangelists in the same book, in the Book of MacRegol, and in the +Lindisfarne Gospels, are singularly interesting. Floral work is also +rare. But in geometrical ornament, beautifully symmetrical--diagonal +patterns, zigzags, waves, lozenges, divergent spirals, intertwisted and +interwoven ribbon and cord work--and in grotesque zoological +forms,--lizards, snakes, hounds, birds, and dragons’ heads,--the Irish +school attained their highest artistic development. Their art is +striking, not for originality, not for its beauty, which is nevertheless +great, but for painstaking. Knowing but one style of making a book +beautiful, they lavished much time and loving care to achieve their end. +The detail is extraordinarily minute and complicated. “I have counted,” +writes Professor Westwood, “[with a magnifying glass] in a small space +scarcely three-quarters of an inch in length by less than half an inch +in width, in the Book of Armagh, no less than 158 interlacements of a +slender ribbon pattern formed of white lines edged with black ones.” +But, this intricacy notwithstanding, the designs as a whole are usually +bold and effective. In the best kind of Irish illumination gold and +silver are not used, but the colours are varied and brilliant, and are +employed with taste and discretion; while the occasional staining of a +leaf of vellum with a fine purple sometimes adds beauty and much +distinction to an excellent design. + +Of intricate geometrical ornament and grotesque figures, the +illumination representing the symbols of the Four Evangelists (fo. 290) +of the Book of Kells is perhaps the best example. Of divergent spirals +and interlaced ribbon work the frontispiece of St. Jerome’s Epistle in +the Book of Durrow affords notable examples. Two of the peculiar +features of Irish decoration--the rows of red dots round a design and +the dragon’s head--appear in the earliest, or nearly the earliest, Irish +manuscript extant, namely, the Cathach Psalter, now in the Museum of the +Royal Irish Academy. Whether the essential and peculiar features of this +ornamentation are purely indigenous, as Professor Westwood contends, or +whether they are of Gallo-Roman origin, as Fleury argues, is a moot +point, calling for complicated discussion which would be out of place +here. + +The amount of illumination in the existing manuscripts varies, but the +pages chosen for illuminating are nearly always the same. In the Book of +Kells the illuminations consist of three portraits of the Evangelists, +three scenes from the life of Christ, three combined symbols of the four +Evangelists, eight pages of the Eusebian canons, and many + +[Illustration: _PLATE III_ + +THE SHRINE OF THE CATHACH PSALTER + +ELEVENTH CENTURY] + +initials. The Book of Durham contains four portraits of the Evangelists, +six initial pages, one ornamental page before each Gospel, and before +St. Jerome’s Epistle, and eight pages of the Eusebian canons. The Book +of Durrow has sixteen illuminated pages: four of the symbols of the +Evangelists, six pages of initials, one ornamental page at the +frontispiece, one before the letter of St. Jerome, and one before each +Gospel. + +The oldest Irish manuscript in existence is probably the Domnach +Airgrid, or manuscript of the Silver Shrine, also called St. Patrick’s +Gospels. Dr. Petrie believed the Domnach to be the identical reliquary +given by St. Patrick to St. Mac Cairthinn, when the latter was put in +charge of the see of Clogher, in the fifth century. “As a manuscript +copy of the Gospels apparently of that early age is found with it, there +is every reason to believe it to be that identical one for which the box +was originally made.”[44] But both case and manuscript are now held to +be somewhat later in date. Another very early manuscript is the sixth +century fragment of fifty-eight leaves of a Latin Psalter, styled the +Cathach or “Battler.” For centuries this fragment has been preserved in +a beautiful case as a relic of Columba; as, indeed, the actual cause of +the dispute between Columba and Finnian of Moville. + + +§ V + +Two features of book-economy, although not peculiar to Ireland, are +rarely met with outside that country. The religious used satchels or +wallets to carry their books about with them. We are told Patrick once +met a party of clerics and gillies with books in their girdles; and he +gave them the hide he had sat and slept on for twenty years to make a +wallet.[45] Columba is said to have made satchels, and to have blessed +them. When these satchels were not carried they were hung upon pegs set +in the wall of the cell or the church or the tower where they were +preserved.[46] We have already noted the legend which tells how all the +satchels in Ireland slipped off their pegs when Longarad died. A modern +writer visiting the Abyssinian convent of Souriani has seen a room +which, when we remember the connection between Egyptian and Celtic +monachism, we cannot help thinking must closely resemble an ancient +Irish cell.[47] In the room the disposition of the manuscripts was very +original. “A wooden shelf was carried in the Egyptian style round the +walls, at the height of the top of the door.... Underneath the shelf +various long wooden pegs projected from the wall; they were each about a +foot and a half long, and on them hung the Abyssinian manuscripts, of +which this curious library was entirely composed. The books of Abyssinia +are ... enclosed in a case tied up with leathern thongs; to this case is +attached a strap for the convenience of carrying the volume over the +shoulders, and by these straps the books were hung to the wooden pegs, +three or four on a peg, or more if the books were small; their usual +size was that of a small, very thick quarto. The appearance of the room, +fitted up in this style, together with the presence of long staves, such +as the monks of all the Oriental churches lean upon at the time of +prayer, resembled less a library than a barrack or guardroom, where the +soldiers had hung their knapsacks and cartridge boxes against the wall.” +The few old Irish satchels remaining are black with age, and the +characteristic decoration of diagonal lines and interlaced markings is +nearly worn away. Two of them are preserved in England and Ireland: +those of the Book of Armagh, in Trinity College, Dublin, and of the +Irish Missal in Corpus Christi College, Oxford. The wallet at Oxford +looks much like a modern schoolboy’s satchel; leather straps are fixed +to it, by which it was slung round the neck. The Armagh wallet is made +of one piece of leather, folded to form a case a foot long, a little +more than a foot broad, and two and a half inches thick. The Book of +Armagh does not fit it properly. Interlaced work and zoömorphs decorate +the leather. Remains of rough straps are still attached to the sides. + +The second special feature of Irish book-economy was the preservation of +manuscripts in cumdachs or rectangular boxes, made just large enough for +the books they were intended to enshrine. As in the case of the wallet, +the cumdach was not peculiar to Ireland, although the finest examples +which have come down to us were made in that country.[48] They are +referred to several times in early Irish annals. Bishop Assicus is said +to have made quadrangular book-covers in honour of Patrick.[49] In the +_Annals of the Four Masters_ is recorded, under the year 937, a +reference to the cumdach of the Book of Armagh, or the Canon of Patrick. +“Canoin Phadraig was covered by Donchadh, son of Flann, king of +Ireland.” In 1006 the _Annals_ note that the Book of Kells--“the Great +Gospel of Columb Cille was stolen at night from the western erdomh of +the Great Church of Ceannanus. This was the principal relic of the +western world, on account of its singular cover; and it was found after +twenty nights and two months, its gold having been stolen off it, and a +sod over it.”[50] These cumdachs are now lost; so also is the jewelled +case of the Gospels of St. Arnoul at Metz, and that belonging to the +Book of Durrow. + +By good hap, several cumdachs of the greatest interest are still +preserved for our inspection. One of them, the Silver Shrine of the +so-called St. Patrick’s Gospels, is a very peculiar case. It consists of +three covers. The first, or inner, is of yew, and was perhaps made in +the sixth or seventh century. The second, of copper, silver-plated, is +of later make. The third, or outermost, is of silver, and was probably +made in the fourteenth century. The cumdach of the Stowe Missal (1023) +is a much more beautiful example. It is of oak, covered with plates of +silver. The lower or more ancient side bears a cross within a +rectangular frame. In the centre of the cross is a crystal set in an +oval mount. The decoration of the four panels consists of metal plates, +the ornament being a chequer-work of squares and triangles. The lid has +a similar cross and frame, but the cross is set with pearls and + +[Illustration: _PLATE IV_ + +CUMDACH OF ST. MOLAISE’S GOSPELS: BOTTOM + +CUMDACH OF ST. MOLAISE’S GOSPELS: FRONT] + +metal bosses, a crystal in the centre, and a large jewel at the end of +each arm. The panels consist of silver-gilt plates embellished with +figures of saints. The sides, which are decorated with enamelled bosses +and open-work designs, are imperfect. On the box are inscriptions in +Irish, such as the following: “Pray for Dunchad, descendant of Taccan, +of the family of Cluain, who made this”; “A blessing of God on every +soul according to its merit”; “Pray for Donchadh, son of Brian, for the +king of Ireland”; “And for Macc Raith, descendant of Donnchad, for the +king of Cashel.”[51] Other cumdachs are those in the Royal Irish Academy +for Molaise’s Gospels (_c._ 1001-25), for Columba’s Psalter (1084), and +those in Trinity College, Dublin, for Dimma’s book (1150) and for the +Book of St. Moling. There are also the cumdachs for Cairnech’s Calendar +and that of Caillen; both of late date. The library of St. Gall +possesses still another silver cumdach, which is probably Irish. + +These are the earliest relics we have of what was undoubtedly an old and +established method of enshrining books, going back as far as Patrick’s +time, if it be correct that Bishop Assicus made them, or if the first +case of the Silver Shrine is as old as it is believed to be. The +beautiful lower cover of the Gospels of Lindau, now in Mr. Pierpont +Morgan’s treasure-house, proves that at least as early as the seventh +century the Irish lavished as much art on the outside of their +manuscripts as upon the inside.[52] It is natural to make a beautiful +covering for a book which is both beautiful and sacred. All the volumes +upon which the Irish artist exercised his talent were invested with +sacred attributes. Chroniclers would have us believe they were sometimes +miraculously produced. In the life of Cronan[53] is a story telling how +an expert scribe named Dimma copied the four Gospels. Dimma could only +devote a day to the task, whereupon Cronan bade him begin at once and +continue until sunset. But the sun did not set for forty days, and by +that time the copy was finished. The manuscript written for Cronan is +possibly the book of Dimma, which bears the inscription: “It is +finished. A prayer for Dimma, who wrote it for God, and a blessing.”[54] + +It was believed such books could not be injured. St. Ciaran’s copy of +the Gospels fell into a lake, but was uninjured. St. Cronan’s copy fell +into Loch Cre, and remained under water forty days without injury. Even +fire could not harm St. Cainnech’s case of books.[55] Nor is it +surprising they should be looked upon as sacred. The scribes and +illuminators who took such loving care to make their work perfect, and +the craftsmen who wrought beautiful shrines for the books so made, were +animated with the feeling and spirit which impels men to erect beautiful +churches to testify to the glory of their Creator. As Dimma says, they +“wrote them for God.” + + + + +CHAPTER II + +THE ENGLISH MONKS AND THEIR BOOKS + + “There are delightful libraries, more aromatic than stores of + spicery; there are luxuriant parks of all manner of volumes; there + are Academic meads shaken by the tramp of scholars; there are + lounges of Athens; walks of the Peripatetics; peaks of Parnassus; + and porches of the Stoics. There is seen the surveyor of all arts + and sciences Aristotle, to whom belongs all that is most excellent + in doctrine, so far as relates to this passing sublunary world; + there Ptolemy measures epicycles and eccentric apogees and the + nodes of the planets by figures and numbers....” + +Richard De Bury, _Philobiblon_, Thomas’ ed. 200 + + + + + +§ I + +The Benedictine order established monastic study on a regular plan. +Benedict’s forty-eighth rule is clear in its directions. “Idleness is +hurtful to the soul. At certain times, therefore, the brethren must work +with their hands, and at others give themselves up to holy reading.” +From Easter to the first of October the monks were required to work at +manual labour from prime until the fourth hour. From the fourth hour +until nearly the sixth hour they were to read. After their meal at the +sixth hour they were to lie on their beds, and those who cared to do so +might read, but not aloud. After nones work must be resumed until +evening. From October the first until the beginning of Lent they were to +read until the ninth hour. At the ninth hour they were to take their +meal and then read spiritual works or the Psalms. Throughout Lent they +were required to read until the third hour, then work until the tenth. +Every monk was to have a book from the library, and to read it through +during Lent. On Sundays reading was their duty throughout the day, +except in the case of those having special tasks. During reading hours +two senior brethren were expected to go the rounds to see that the monks +were actually reading, and not lounging nor gossiping. But the brethren +were not allowed to have a book or tablets or a pen of their own. + +Benedict’s inclusion of these directions was of capital importance in +the advance of monkish learning. Being milder and more flexible, +communal instead of eremitical, and so altogether more humane and +attractive, his Rule gradually took the place of existing orders. And as +the change came about, ill-regulated theological study gave way to +superior methods of learning, solely due to the better organisation and +greater liberality of the Benedictine order. + +Benedictinism came to England with Augustine (597). The Rule, however, +does not seem to have been strictly or consistently observed for a long +time. But the studious labours of the monks remained just as important a +part of their lives as they would have been had the monasteries closely +followed Benedict’s directions. Especially would this be the case in the +seventh century, and afterwards, during the time continental monachism +was in rivalry with the Celtic missionaries. + + +§ II + +From the first we hear of books in connexion with Canterbury. Gregory +the Great gave to Augustine, either just before his English mission, or +sent to him soon afterward, nine volumes, which were put in St. +Augustine’s monastery--the monastery of SS. Peter and Paul, beyond the +walls. Being for church purposes, the books were very beautiful and +valuable. There was the Gregorian Bible in two volumes, with some of its +leaves coloured rose and purple, which gave a wonderful reflection when +held to the light; the Psalter of Augustine; a copy of the Gospels +called the Text of St. Mildred, upon which a countryman in Thanet swore +falsely and, it is said, lost his sight; as well as another copy of the +Gospels; a Psalter, with plain silver images of Christ and the four +Evangelists on the cover; two martyrologies, one adorned with a silver +figure of Christ, the other enriched with silver-gilt and precious +stones; and an Exposition of the Gospels and Epistles, also enriched +with gems.[56] Some of these books were kept above the altar. Bede also +records the gift by Gregory to Augustine of “many manuscripts,” and his +authority is unimpeachable, as he derived his knowledge of Canterbury +affairs from written records and information supplied by Albinus, first +English abbot of Augustine’s house.[57] This monastery “was thus the +mother-school, the mother-university of England, ... at a time when +Cambridge was a desolate fen, and Oxford a tangled forest in a wide +waste of waters. They remind us that English power and English religion +have, as from the very first, so ever since, gone along with knowledge, +with learning, and especially with that learning and that knowledge +which those old manuscripts give--the knowledge and learning of the +Gospel.”[58] Few books would be treasured more carefully and treated +with greater reverence by English churchmen and book lovers than these +“first books of the English church,” if any of them could be found. They +are referred to as existing when William Thorne wrote his chronicle +(_c._ 1397),[59] and Leland tells us he saw and admired them; but after +his time nearly all trace of them is lost.[60] + +No further hint of books occurs until Theodore became Archbishop more +than seventy years later. Theodore, who had been educated both at Tarsus +and Athens, where he became a good Greek and Latin scholar, well versed +in secular and divine literature, began a school at Canterbury for the +study of Greek, and provided it with some Greek books. None of these +books has been traced with certainty. Some may have existed in +Archbishop Parker’s time. “The Rev. Father Matthew,” says Lambarde, in +his _Perambulation of Kent_, ... “showed me, not long since, the Psalter +of David, and sundry homilies in Greek, Homer also, and some other Greek +authors, beautifully written on thick paper with the name of this +Theodore prefixed in the front, to whose library he reasonably thought +(being led thereto by show of great antiquity) that they sometime +belonged.” The manuscript of Homer, now in Corpus Christi Library, +Cambridge, did not belong to Theodore, but to Prior Selling, of whom we +shall hear later. But possibly the famous Graeco-Latin copy of the Acts, +now in the Bodleian Library, belonged either to Theodore or to his +companion, Hadrian.[61] + +[Illustration: FROM THE GRÆCO-LATIN COPY OF THE ACTS, PROBABLY USED BY +BEDE] + +Theodore, with Hadrian’s help, not only started the Canterbury School, +but encouraged similar foundations in other English monasteries. In +southern England, however, Canterbury remained the centre of learning, +and many ecclesiastics were attracted to it in consequence. Bede amply +proves its efficiency as a school. And forasmuch as both Theodore and +Hadrian were “fully instructed both in sacred and in secular letters, +they gathered a crowd of disciples, and rivers of wholesome knowledge +daily flowed from them to water the hearts of their hearers; and, +together with the books of Holy Scripture, they also taught them the +metrical art, astronomy, and ecclesiastical arithmetic. A testimony +whereof is, that there are still living at this day some of their +scholars, who are as well versed in the Greek and Latin tongues as in +their own, in which they were born.”[62] Elsewhere he mentions some of +these scholars by name. Albinus, already referred to as the first +English abbot of St. Augustine’s, “was so well instructed in literary +studies, that he had no small knowledge of the Greek tongue, and knew +the Latin as well as the English, which was his native language.”[63] “A +most learned man” was another disciple, Tobias, bishop of Rochester, +who, besides having a great knowledge of letters, both ecclesiastical +and general, learned the Greek and Latin tongues “to such perfection, +that they were as well known and familiar to him as his native +language.”[64] + +Canterbury’s most notable scholar was Aldhelm, the first bishop of +Sherborne. In him were united the learning of the Canterbury and the +Irish monks, for he studied first under Maildulf, the Irish monk and +scholar who founded and gave his name to Malmesbury, and then under +Hadrian. When he went to be consecrated an incident befell him which at +once shows his zeal for learning, and casts a welcome ray of light on +the importation of books. While at Canterbury he heard of the arrival of +ships at Dover, and thither he journeyed to see whether they had brought +anything in his way. He found on board plenty of books, among them one +containing the complete Testaments. He offered to buy it, but his price +was too low; although, afterwards, when it was believed his prayers had +delivered the owner from a storm, he secured it on his own terms.[65] + +Aldhelm at length became abbot of Malmesbury (_c._ 675), and under him +it grew to much greater eminence, and attracted a large number of +students. Here, in the solitude of the forest tract, he passed his time +in singing merry ballads to win the ear of the people for his more +serious words, playing the harp, in teaching, and in reading the +considerable library he had at hand. Bede describes him as a man “of +marvellous learning both in liberal and ecclesiastical studies.” Judging +by his writings he was in these respects in the forefront of his +contemporaries, although his learning was heavy and pretentious. From +them also it is perfectly evident he could make use not only of the +Bible, but of lives of the saints, of Isidore, of the _Recognitions of +Clement_, of the _Acts of Sylvester_, of writings by Sulpicius Severus, +Athanasius, Gregory, Eusebius, and Jerome, as well as of Terence, +Virgil, Horace, Juvenal, Persius, and Prosper, and some other +authors.[66] + + +§ III + +Meanwhile Northumbria had become one of the leading centres of learning +in Europe, almost entirely through the labours and influence of Irish +missionaries. St. Aidan, an ascetic of Iona who journeyed to Northumbria +at King Oswald’s request, founded Lindisfarne, which became the monastic +and episcopal capital of that kingdom. Aidan required all his pupils, +whether religious or laymen, to read the Scriptures, or to learn the +Psalms. The education of boys was a part of his system. Wherever a +monastery was founded it became a school wherein taught the monks who +had followed him from Scotland. Cedd, the founder and abbot of +Lastingham, was Aidan’s pupil, so was his brother, the great bishop +Ceadda (Chad), who succeeded him in his abbacy. At Lindisfarne was +wrought by Eadfrith (_d._ 721) the beautiful manuscript of the Gospels +now preserved in the British Museum, and a little later the fine cover +for it. Lastingham, founded on the desolate moorland of North Yorkshire, +“among steep and distant mountains, which looked more like +lurking-places for robbers and dens of wild beasts, than dwellings of +men,” upheld the traditions of the Columban houses for piety, +asceticism, and studious occupations. Thither repaired one Owini, not to +live idle, but to labour, and as he was less capable of studying, he +applied himself earnestly to manual work, the while better-instructed +monks were indoors reading. + +In many directions do we observe traces of Aidan’s good work. Hild, the +foundress of Whitby Abbey, was for a short time his pupil. Her monastery +was famous for having educated five bishops, among them John of +Beverley, and for giving birth, in Caedmon, to the father of English +poetry. “Religious poetry, sung to the harp as it passed from hand to +hand, must have flourished in the monastery of the abbess Hild, and the +kernel of Bede’s story concerning the birth of our earliest poet must be +that the brethren and sisters on that bleak northern shore spoke ‘to +each other in psalms and hymns and spiritual songs.’”[67] Of Melrose, an +offshoot of Aidan’s foundation, the sainted Cuthbert was an inmate. At +Lindisfarne, where “he speedily learned the Psalms and some other +books,” the great Wilfrid was a novice. Of his studies, indeed, we know +little: he seems to have sought prelatical power rather than learning. +But he and his followers were responsible for the conversion of the +Northumbrian church from Columban to Roman usages, and the introduction +of Benedictinism into the monasteries; and consequently for bringing the +studies of the monks into line with the rules of Benedict’s order. + +Such progress would have been impossible had not the rulers of +Northumbria from Oswald to Aldfrith been friendly to Christianity. +Aldfrith had been educated at Iona, and was a man of studious +disposition. His predecessor had advanced Northumbria’s reputation +enormously by giving Benedict Biscop (629-90) sites for his monasteries +of Wearmouth and Jarrow.[68] We know enough of this Benedict to wish we +knew very much more. He suggests to us enthusiasm for his cause, and +energy and foresight in labouring for it. Naturally, Aldhelm’s writings +have gained him far more attention in literary histories than the +Northumbrian has received. But the influence of Benedict, a man of much +learning, wide-travelled, was at least as great and as far-reaching. +Lérins, the great centre of monachism in Gaul, and Canterbury under +Theodore, had been his schools. On six occasions he flitted back and +forth to Rome, and to go to Rome, in those days, was a liberal +education, both in worldly and spiritual affairs. Not a little of his +influence was the direct outcome of his book-collecting. From all his +journeys to Rome he is said to have returned laden with books. He +certainly came back from his fourth journey with a great number of books +of all kinds.[69] He also obtained books at Vienne. His sixth and last +journey to Rome was wholly devoted to collecting books, classical as +well as theological. When he died he left instructions for the +preservation of the most noble and rich library he had gathered +together.[70] “If we consider how difficult, fatiguing, ... even +dangerous a journey between the British Islands and Italy must have been +in those days of anarchy and barbarism, we can appreciate the intensity +of Benedict’s passion for beautiful and costly volumes.”[71] The library +he formed was worthy of the labour, we cannot doubt: possibly was the +best then in Britain. It served as the model for the still more famous +collection at York. The scholarship of Bede, who used it in writing his +works, proclaims its value for literary purposes.[72] Bede tells us he +always applied himself to Scriptural study, and in the intervals of +observing monastic discipline and singing daily in the church, he took +pleasure in learning, or teaching, or writing.[73] The picture of Bede +in his solitary monastery, leading a placid life among Benedict’s +books, poring over the beautifully-wrought pages with the scholar’s +tense calm to find the material in the Fathers and the historians, and +to seek the apt quotation from the classics, must always flash to the +mind at the mere mention of his name.[74] Every fact in connexion with +his work testifies to the excellent equipment of his monastery for +writing ecclesiastical history, and to the cordial way in which the +religious co-operated for the advancement of learning and research. + + +§ IV + +Canterbury, Malmesbury, Lindisfarne, Wearmouth and Jarrow, and York were +like mountain-peaks tipped with gold by the first rays of the rising +sun, while all below remains dark. Yet while not indicative of +widespread means of instruction, the existence of these centres, and the +character of the work done in them, suggests that at other places the +same sort of work, on a smaller and less influential scale, soon began. +At Lichfield, on the moorland at Ripon, in “the dwelling-place in the +meadows” at Peterborough, in the desolate fenland at Crowland and at +Ely, on the banks of the Thames at Abingdon, and of the Avon at Evesham, +in the nunneries of Barking and Wimborne, at Chertsey, Glastonbury, +Gloucester, in the far north at Melrose, and even perhaps at Coldingham, +Christianity was speeding its message, and learning--such as it was, +primitive and pretentious--caught pale reflections from more famous +places. Now and again definite facts are met with hinting at a spreading +enlightenment. Acca, abbot and bishop of Hexham, for example “gave all +diligence, as he does to this day,” wrote Bede, “to procure relics of +the blessed Apostles and martyrs of Christ.... Besides which, he +industriously gathered the histories of their martyrdom, together with +other ecclesiastical writings, and erected there a large and noble +library.” Of this library, unfortunately, there is not a wrack left +behind. A tiny school was carried on at a monastery near Exeter, where +Boniface was first instructed. At the monastery of Nursling he was +taught grammar, history, poetry, rhetoric, and the Scriptures; there +also manuscripts were copied. Books were produced under Abbess Eadburh +of Minster, a learned woman who corresponded with Boniface and taught +the metric art. Boniface’s letters throw interesting light on our +subject. Eadburh sent him books, money, and other gifts. He also wrote +home asking his old friend Bishop Daniel of Winchester for a fine +manuscript of the six major prophets, which had been written in a large +and clear hand by Winbert: no such book, he explains, can be had abroad, +and his eyes are no longer strong enough to read with ease the small +character of ordinary manuscripts. In another letter written to Ecgberht +of York is recorded an exchange of books, and a request for a copy of +the commentaries of Bede. + +A decree of the Council held at Cloveshoe in 747, pointing out the want +of instruction among the religious, and ordering all bishops, abbots, +and abbesses to promote and encourage learning, whether it means that +monkish education was on the wane or that it was not making such quick +progress as was desired, at any rate does not mean that England was in a +bad way in this respect, or that she lagged behind the Continent. On the +contrary, England and Ireland were renowned homes of learning in Western +Europe. Perhaps a few centres on the mainland could show libraries as +good as those here; but certainly no country had such scholars. +England’s pre-eminence was recognized by Charles the Great when he +invited Alcuin to his court (781). + +Alcuin was brought up at York from childhood. In company with Albert, +who taught the arts and grammar at this northern school, Alcuin visited +Gaul and Rome to scrape together a few more books. On returning later he +was entrusted with the care of the library: a task for which he was well +fitted, if enthusiasm, breaking into rime, be a qualification:-- + + “Small is the space which contains the gifts of heavenly Wisdom + Which you, reader, rejoice piously here to receive; + Better than richest gifts of the Kings, this treasure of Wisdom, + Light, for the seeker of this, shines on the road to the Day.”[75] + +York could not retain Alcuin long. Fortunately, just when dissensions +among the English kings, and the Danish raids began to harass England, +and to threaten the coming decline of her learning, he was invited to +take charge of a school established by Charles the Great. Charles had +undertaken the task of reviving literary study, well-nigh extinguished +through the neglect of his ancestors; and he bade all his subjects to +cultivate the arts. As far as he could he accomplished the task, +principally owing to the aid of the English scholar and of willing +helpers from Ireland. + +Alcuin was soon at the head of St. Martin’s of Tours where he was +responsible for the great activity of the scribes in his day. He +persuaded Charles to send a number of copyists to York. “I, your +Flavius,” he writes, “according to your exhortation and wise desire, +have been busy under the roof of St. Martin, in dispensing to some the +honey of the Holy Scriptures. Others I strive to inebriate with the old +wine of ancient studies; these I nourish with the fruit of grammatical +knowledge; in the eyes of these again I seek to make bright the courses +of the stars.... But I have need of the most excellent books of +scholastic learning, which I had procured in my own country, either by +the devoted care of my master, or by my own labours. I therefore beseech +your majesty ... to permit me to send certain of our household to bring +over into France the flowers of Britain, that the garden of Paradise may +not be confined to York, but may send some of its scions to Tours.” What +the “flowers of Britain” were at this time Alcuin has told us in Latin +verse. At York, “where he sowed the seeds of knowledge in the morning of +his life,” thou shall find, he rimes:-- + + “The volumes that contain + All the ancient fathers who remain; + There all the Latin writers make their home + With those that glorious Greece transferred to Rome,-- + The Hebrews draw from their celestial stream, + And Africa is bright with learning’s beam.” + +Then, after including in his metrical catalogue the names of forty +writers, he proceeds:-- + + “There shalt thou find, O reader, many more + Famed for their style, the masters of old lore, + Whose many volumes singly to rehearse + Were far too tedious for our present verse.”[76] + +A goodly store indeed in such an age. + + +§ V + +Sunlight and shadow follow one another rapidly across England’s early +history. The migration of York’s renowned scholar took place six years +before the Viking irruptions began, and about twelve years before a +heavy blow was struck at Northumbrian learning by the ravaging and +destruction of the monasteries of Lindisfarne, and Wearmouth and Jarrow. +After this there was but little peace for England. Kent was often +attacked. In 838 the marauders fell upon East Anglia. Between 837 and +845 they made various fierce attacks upon Wessex. In 851 the pillage of +Canterbury and London was a severe blow to the English. About fifteen +years later, at the hands of the Danes, Melrose, Tynemouth, Whitby, and +Lastingham shared Wearmouth’s fate. Of York and its library we hear no +more. Peterborough and its large collection of sacred books perished at +the hands of the same raiders as those who burnt Crowland (870). So bad +grew affairs that Alfred the Great, writing to Bishop Werfrith, bewailed +the small number of people south of the Humber who understood the +English of their service, or could translate from Latin into English. +Even beyond the Humber there were not many; not one could he remember +south of the Thames when he began to reign. And he bethought himself of +the wise men, both church and lay folk, formerly living in England, and +how zealous they were in teaching and learning, and how men came from +abroad in search of wisdom and instruction. Apparently some decline from +this standard had been noticeable before ruin completely overtook the +monasteries. He remembered how, before the land had been ravaged and +burnt, “its churches stood filled with treasures and books, and with a +multitude of His servants, but they had very little knowledge of the +books, and could not understand them, for they were not written in their +own language.... When I remembered all this, I much marvelled that the +good and wise men who were formerly all over England, and had perfectly +learnt all these books, did not wish to translate them into their own +tongues.” By way of remedying this omission, he translated _Cura +Pastoralis_ into English. “I will send a copy to every bishopric in my +kingdom; and on each there is a clasp worth 50 mancus. And I command in +God’s name that no man take the clasp from the book or the book from the +minster; it is uncertain how long there may be such learned bishops as +now are, thanks be to God, nearly everywhere.”[77] + +This letter, written in 890, marks the revival of interest in letters +under Alfred. In adding to his own knowledge, and in promoting education +among his people, he was assiduous and determined. During the leisure of +one period of eight months, Asser seems to have read to him all the +congenial books at hand, Alfred’s custom being to read aloud or to +listen to others reading. Asser was a Welsh bishop, brought to Wessex to +help the king in his work. For the same purpose Archbishop Plegmund[78] +and Bishop Werfrith were brought from Mercia. Other scholars came from +abroad. One named Grimbald, a monk from St. Bertin, came to take charge +of the abbey of Hyde, Winchester, which Alfred had planned. John, of +Old-Saxony, a learned monk of the flourishing Westphalian Abbey of +Corvey--where a library existed in this century,[79]--was made by Alfred +abbot of Athelney monastery and school. Perhaps John, called the Scot or +Erigena, also came, but we do not know certainly. Alfred also introduced +teachers, both English and foreign, into his monasteries, his aim being +to provide the means of educating every freeborn and well-to-do youth. +During the whole of the latter part of his reign the copying of +manuscripts went on, though with only moderate activity. + +That Alfred, amid the cares of a troublesome kingship, could find time +to devote to this work, and realised the importance of vernacular +literature, is one of the chief signs of his greatness. What he did had +a lasting influence upon our literature. He tapped the wellspring of +English prose. Mainly owing to his initiative, from his day till the +Conquest all the literature of importance was in the vernacular, and the +impulse so given to the language as a literary vehicle was strong enough +to preserve it from extinction during the Norman domination, when it was +superseded as the court and official language. But, so far as the making +and circulation of books is concerned, the “revival” under Alfred did +not prosper. The necessary machinery was almost entirely wanting. The +monastic schools, the great--the only--means of disseminating the +learning of the time, were few in number and not very influential. For +Athelney, a small monastery, Alfred had difficulty in finding monks at +all: he had to get them from abroad; while the rule in this house does +not seem to have been wholly satisfactory. At the time of his death +(_c._ 901) monachism was in a bad way. Fifty years later its plight +would seem to have been worse. Only two houses, Abingdon and +Glastonbury, could be really called monastic. “In the middle of the +tenth century the Rule of St. Benedict, the standard of monasticism in +Western Christendom, was, according to virtually contemporary authority, +completely unknown in England. This will not appear strange if we +consider that it was never very generally or strictly carried out here, +that the Danish invasions had broken the continuity of monastic life, +and that not many years earlier the very existence of the Rule had been +forgotten in not a few continental monasteries.”[80] Although England +always responded to the slightest effort to affect her culture, as the +long deer grass waves an answer to every breath of the wind, yet the +surprising eminence of some of the churchmen in the latter half of the +century and the excellence of their work cannot be accounted for if the +influence of Alfred’s reign had utterly died out. But it had not. Only +the machinery was defective. The driving power remained, latent but +ready for action. One indication of a surviving interest in these +matters at this time is the gift of some nine books to St. Augustine’s +Abbey by King Athelstan--an interesting little collection including +Isidore _de Natura Rerum_, Persius, Donatus, Alcuin, Sedulius, and +possibly a work by Bede. The machinery, however, was soon to be +improved. Dunstan, Oswald, Edgar, and Ethelwold set matters right by +reforming and extending the monastic system, and by making it the means +of encouraging education and learning. + +The leaders were Dunstan and Ethelwold. In youth the former was renowned +for his eagerness in studying, and for the wealth and knowledge he +acquired. He was a “lover of ballads and music,” “a hard student, an +indefatigable worker, busy at books”; spending his leisure in reading +sacred authors, and in correcting manuscripts, sometimes at daybreak. He +was also very skilful at working in metal and at drawing and +illuminating. Maybe the picture of him kneeling before the Saviour which +is preserved in the Bodleian Library is by his own hand; this, however, +is not certain.[81] But some relics of his literary work were preserved +at Glastonbury until the Reformation--passages transcribed from Frank +and Roman law books, a pamphlet on grammar, a mass of Biblical +quotations, a collection of canons drawn from Dunstan’s Irish teachers, +a book on the Apocalypse, and other works.[82] He entirely reformed +Glastonbury and made it a flourishing school, where the Scriptures, +ecclesiastical writings, and grammar were taught. + +Ethelwold was a Glastonbury scholar and assistant to Dunstan. +Glastonbury, and Abingdon, where he became Abbot, and Winchester, to +which see he was consecrated, were the centres whence, during the sixty +years succeeding Edgar’s accession, some forty monasteries were founded +or restored. Winchester became pre-eminent. Ethelwold himself was a +teacher of grammar. It was his delight to teach boys and young men, and +to help them in their translations; hence it came to pass that many of +his pupils became abbots and bishops.[83] A curious story is told in +illustration of his studious disposition. One night, when reading after +prolonged watching, sleep overcame him, and as he slept the candle fell +on the page and remained burning there until a brother came along and +snatched it up, when the book by a miracle was found to be +uninjured.[84] A vignette of pure and true medievalism: the long and +solitary watching, the saintly pursuit of divine wisdom, the wide-open +book, with the bold and beautiful text, and the quaint decoration, +wrought by loving hands, and the inevitable miracle,--the suggestion of +a Divine Providence watching over and protecting all that is sacred. + +Some beautiful examples of work of this period have been preserved. +“Winchester” work is a familiar and expressive term in illumination, and +nobody will ask why this is so if they have seen a manuscript executed +there towards the end of the tenth century. The Benedictional and Missal +of Archbishop Robert, which is certainly English, and most likely an +example of New Minster work, is illuminated with miniatures, foliated +and architectural borders, and capitals and letters of gold, in virile +workmanship. A still finer example--the finest example of Old Minster +craft--is the Benedictional of Ethelwold, now in the Duke of +Devonshire’s library. The versified dedication, inscribed in letters of +gold, tells us, in substance--“The Great Æthelwold ... illustrious, +venerable and mild ... commanded a certain monk subject to him to write +the present book: he ordered also to be made in it many arches elegantly +decorated and filled up with various ornamented pictures expressed in +divers beautiful colours, and gold.”[85] Godeman, abbot of Thorney, was +the scribe, but the illuminator is unknown. Each full page has nineteen +lines of writing, with letters nearly a quarter of an inch long. +Alternate lines in gold, red, and black occur once or twice in the same +page. There are thirty miniatures and thirteen fully illuminated pages, +some of these having framed borders, foliated, others columns and +arches. The figures are remarkably well drawn, the drapery being +especially good. The whole is in a fine state of preservation, +especially the gold ornaments; the gold used was leaf upon size, +afterwards well burnished. Of the rival craftsmanship at New Minster we +have a splendid example in the Golden Book of Edgar, so called + +[Illustration: _PLATE V_ + +NATIVITY OF ST. JOHN THE BAPTIST, BENEDICTIONAL OF ETHELWOLD] + +[Illustration: WRITING IN THE BENEDICTIONAL OF ETHELWOLD] + + + +on account of its raised gold text.[86] Work of this grand character is +the best testimony to the noble spirit of monachism in the days of +Ethelwold. + +One of Ethelwold’s pupils was Ælfric, who became Archbishop of +Canterbury in 995. He was responsible for the canon requiring every +priest, before ordination, to have the Psalter, the Epistles, the +Gospels, a Missal, the Book of Hymns, the Manual, the Calendar, the +Passional, the Penitential, and the Lectionary. On his death he +bequeathed all his books to St. Albans.[87] + +Another pupil of the same name is still more famous. This scholar’s +grammar, with its translated passages, his glossary--the oldest +Latin-English dictionary--and his conversation-manual of questions and +answers, with interlinear translations, suggest that he must have done +much to make the study of Latin easier and more congenial; while his +homilies display his art in making knowledge popular, and prove him to +be the greatest master of English prose before the Conquest. + +Several other interesting and suggestive facts belonging to this period +have been preserved for us. Abbot Ælfward, for example, gave to his +abbey of Evesham many sacred books and books on grammar (_c._ 1035): +here, at any rate, progress was real.[88] At a manor of the abbey of +Bury St. Edmunds were thirty volumes, exclusive of church books +(1044-65).[89] Bishop Leofric also obtained over sixty books for Exeter +Cathedral about sixteen years before the Conquest, a collection to which +we must refer later. + +[Illustration: _PLATE VI_ + +MINIATURE OF THE ASCENSION IN THE BENEDICTIONAL OF ETHELWOLD] + + + + +CHAPTER III + +LIBRARIES OF THE GREAT ABBEYS--BOOK-LOVERS AMONG THE +MENDICANTS--DISPERSAL OF MONKISH LIBRARIES + + +§ I + +The Conquest wrought both good and evil to literature--evil because the +Normans thought books written in the vernacular unworthy of +preservation;[90] good because the change brought to the country settled +government, and to the church an opportunity for reformation. Lanfranc +was the moving spirit of reform, both in church administration and in +the learning of its members. While still in Normandy he had built up a +reputation for the monastic school at Bec, and probably had a share in +collecting the excellent library that we know the monastery possessed in +the twelfth century.[91] When he was appointed to the see of Canterbury +he continued to work for the same ends, although his primacy can have +left him little leisure. A fresh beginning had to be made in Canterbury. +In 1067 a fire destroyed the city, including the cathedral and almost +the whole of the monastic buildings; and in this disaster many “sacred +and profane books” were burned. It was Lanfranc’s task to repair this +loss. He brought books with him,[92] and introduced some changes and +more method in the making and use of them. In the customary of the +Benedictine order which he drew up to correspond with the best monastic +practice, he included minute instructions about lending and reading +books. He was also responsible in the main for the substitution of the +continental Roman handwriting for the beautiful Hiberno-Saxon hand. In +another respect his influence was more beneficial. Both at Bec and in +England he aimed to turn out accurate texts of patristic books, and the +better to achieve this end he himself corrected manuscripts. In the +abbey of St. Martin de Sécz at one time there was a copy of the first +ten _Conferences_ of Cassian with his corrections; and in the library of +Mans is a St. Ambrose which was overlooked by him.[93] Happily he was in +a position to lend texts to monks for transcribing, and his help in this +direction was sought by Abbot Paul of St. Albans. Recent research by Dr. +Montagu James suggests that Lanfranc’s work for the Canterbury library +was a good deal more practical and influential than has been usually +believed. Among the survivors of the Canterbury collections at Trinity +College, Cambridge, and elsewhere, “are some scores of volumes +undoubtedly from Christ Church, all of one epoch,” the eleventh and +twelfth centuries, and all written in hands modelled on an Italian +style. “Another distinguishing mark,” writes Dr. James, “in these +volumes is the employment of a peculiar purple in the decorative +initials and headings.... The nearest approaches I find to it in England +are in certain manuscripts which were once at St. Augustine’s Abbey, and +in others which belonged to Rochester. It can be shown that books did +occasionally pass from Christ Church to St. Augustine’s, and it can also +be shown that certain of the Rochester books were written at Christ +Church.” All these books, therefore, Dr. James believes, were given by +Lanfranc or produced under his direction.[94] + +Lanfranc also encouraged original composition, for Osbern, monk of +Canterbury, compiled his lives of St. Dunstan, St. Alphege, and St. Odo +under his eye. + +In this work of bookmaking and collecting Lanfranc was supported or his +example was followed by other monks from Normandy: by Abbot Walter of +Evesham, who made many books;[95] by Ernulf of Rochester, who compiled +the _Textus Roffensis_; and by many others. At this time grew up the +practice of using English houses to supply books for Norman abbeys; this +partly explains the number of manuscripts of English workmanship now +abroad. A manuscript preserved in Paris contains a note by a canon of +Ste-Barbe-en-Auge referring to Beckford in Gloucestershire, an English +cell of his house, whence books were sent to Normandy.[96] + +From Lanfranc to the close of the thirteenth century, was the +summer-time of the English religious houses. The Cluniac or reformed +Benedictines settled here about 1077. In 1105 the Austin Canons first +planted a house in this country. The White Monks, another reformed +Benedictine order, entered England in 1128, and in the course of four +and twenty years founded fifty houses. Soon after, in 1139, the English +Gilbertines were established, then came the White Canons, and in 1180 +the Carthusian monks. The land was peppered with houses. In less than a +century and a half, from the Conquest to about 1200, it is estimated +that no fewer than 430 houses were founded, making, with 130 founded +before the Conquest, 560 in all.[97] Many were wealthy: some were +powerful, because they owned much property, and popular because, like +Malmesbury, they were “distinguished for their ‘delightful hospitality’ +to guests who, arriving every hour, consume more than the inmates +themselves.”[98] The Cluniacs could almost be called a fashionable +order. + +During this prosperous age some of the great houses did their best work +in writing and study. Thus to pick out one or two facts from a string of +them. In 1104 Abbot Peter of Gloucester gave many books to the abbey +library. In 1180 the refounded abbey of Whitby owned a fair library of +theological, historical, and classical books.[99] About the same time +Abbot Benedict ordered the transcription of sixty volumes, containing +one hundred titles, for his library at Peterborough.[100] By 1244, in +spite of losses in the fire of 1184, Glastonbury had a library of some +four hundred volumes, historical books consorting with romances, Bibles +and patristical works almost crowding out some forlorn classics.[101] +Nearly half a century later + +[Illustration: _PLATE VII_ + +ABBOT ROGER DE NORTHONE WITH HIS BOOKS + +ABBOT GARIN WITH HIS BOOKS] + +Abbot John of Taunton added to Glastonbury forty volumes, a notable gift +in those days of costly books, while Adam of Domerham tells us he also +made a fine, handsome, and spacious library.[102] In 1277 a general +chapter of the Benedictines ordered the monks, according to their +capabilities, to study, write, correct, illuminate, and bind books, +rather than to labour in the field.[103] + +To such facts as these should be added the record of the Canterbury, +Dover, and Bury libraries, the histories of which have been so admirably +written by Dr. M. R. James.[104] Of the library of St. Albans Abbey we +have not such a fine series of catalogues. Yet no abbey could have a +nobler record. From Paul (1077) to Whethamstede (_d._ 1465) nearly all +its abbots were book-lovers.[105] Paul built a writing-room, and put in +the aumbries twenty-eight fine books (_volumina notabilia_), and eight +Psalters, a Collectarium, books of the Epistles and Gospels for the +year, two copies of the Gospels adorned with gold and silver and +precious stones, without speaking of ordinals, customaries, missals, +troparies, collectaria, and other books. Here, as everywhere, the +library began with church books: later, easier circumstances made the +stream of knowledge broader, if shallower. The next abbot also added +some books. Geoffrey, the sixteenth abbot, was the author of a miracle +play, an industrious scribe, and the donor of some books finely +illuminated and bound. His successor, at one time the conventual +archivist, loved books equally well, and got together a fair collection. +Great Abbot Robert had many books written--“too many to be +mentioned.”[106] Simon, the next abbot (1167), a learned and good-living +man who encouraged others to learn, was especially fond of books, and +had many fine manuscripts written for the painted aumbry in the church. +He repaired and improved the scriptorium. He also made a provision +whereby each succeeding abbot should have at work one special scribe, +called the historiographer, an innovation to which we owe the matchless +series of chronicles of Roger of Wendover, Matthew Paris, William +Rishanger, and John of Trokelowe. In a Cottonian manuscript is a +portrait of Abbot Simon at his book-trunk, a picture interesting because +it illustrates his predominant taste for books, as well as one +method--then the usual method--of storing them. + +John, worthy follower of Simon, was a man of learning, who added many +noble and useful books to St. Albans’ store. William of Trompington +(1214) distinguished himself by giving to the abbey books he had taken +from his prior. Abbot Roger was a better man, and gave many books and +pieces; but John III and IV and Hugh are barren rocks in our fertile +valley, for apparently they did nothing for the library. Richard of +Wallingford did worse than nothing. He bribed Richard de Bury with four +volumes, and sold to him thirty-two books for fifty pounds of silver, +retaining one-half of this sum for himself, and devoting the other +moiety to Epicurus--“a deed,” cries the chronicler, “infamous to all who +agreed to it, so to make the only nourishment of the soul serve the +belly, and upon any account to apply spiritual dainties to the demands +of the flesh.”[107] Abbot Michael de Mentmore, who had been educated at +Oxford, and became schoolmaster at St. Albans, encouraged the +educational work of the abbey by making + +[Illustration: _PLATE VIII_ + +ABBOT SIMON OF ST. ALBANS AT HIS BOOK CHEST] + +studies for the scholars. As he also ordered the morning mass to be +celebrated directly after prime, or six o’clock, instead of at tierce, +or about nine, to allow the students more time, it is safe to assume he +was more zealous than popular. He also gave books which cost him more +than £100. His successor, Thomas, enlarged his own study, and bought +many books for it; and, with the assistance of Thomas of Walsingham, +then precentor and master of the scriptorium, he built a writing-room at +his own expense. + +But Whethamstede was St. Albans’ greatest book-loving abbot. An ardent +book-lover, especially fond of finely-illuminated volumes, he indulged +his passion for manuscripts, and for conventual buildings, vestments, +and property, until he got the abbey into debt, and was led to resign. +After the death of his successor, Whethamstede was re-elected. In his +time no fewer than eighty-seven volumes were transcribed.[108] In +1452-53 he built a new library at a cost of more than £150. Another +library was erected for the College of the Black Monks at Oxford, for +£60.[109] It was described as a “new erection of a library joyning on +the south-side of the chapel, containing on each side five or more +divisions, as it may be partly seen to this day by the windows thereof, +to which he gave good quantity of his own study, and especially those of +his own composition, which were not a few, and to deter plagiaries and +others from abusing of them, prefixt these verses in the front of every +one of the same books, as he did also to those that he gave to the +publick library of the University: + + “Fratribus Oxoniae datur in munus liber iste + Per patrem pecorum prothomartyris Angligenarum; + Quem, si quis rapiat raptim, titulumve retractet, + Vel Judae laqueum, vel furcas sentiat; Amen + +“In other books which he gave to the said library these: + + “Discior ut docti fieret nova regia plebi + Culta magisque Deae datur hic liber ara Minervae, + His qui Diis dictis libant holocausta ministris + Et circa bibulam sitiunt prae nectare limpham + Estque librique loci, idem dator, actor et unus.”[110] + +This, in brief, is the story of St. Albans’ tribute to learning. In most +monasteries the same kind of work went on, in a more circumscribed +fashion, and without the same distinction of finish, which could +probably only be attained at the big places where expert scribes and +illuminators could be well trained.[111] + + +§ II + +Fortunately, just when the great houses had attained the summit of their +prosperity, and were beginning the slow decline to dissolution, learning +and book-culture were freshly encouraged by the coming of the Friars. + +The Black Friars settled at Canterbury and in London, near the Old +Temple in Holborn, in 1221. The Grey Friars were at London, Oxford, and +Cambridge in 1224, and by 1256 they were in forty-nine different +localities.[112] It is strange how the latter order, founded by a man +who forbade a novice to own a Psalter, came to be as earnest in buying +books as the Benedictines were in copying them. St. Francis’ ideal, +however, was impossible. The peripatetic nature of their calling, and +their duty of tending the sick, compelled many friars to learn foreign +languages, and to acquire some medical knowledge. Books were, +therefore, useful to them, if not essential; as indeed St. Francis +ultimately recognized. However, they could not own books themselves, but +only in common with other members of the convent. If a friar was +promoted to a bishopric, he had to renounce the use of the books he had +had as a friar; and Clement IV forbade the consecration of a bishop +until he had returned the books to his friary. When a book was given to +a friar--and this often happened--he was in duty bound to hand it to his +Superior. But if the friar was a man of parts the gift was devoted to +acquiring books for his studies, or to giving him other necessary +assistance; the duty, it was held, which the Superior owed him.[113] But +these principles do not seem to have been strictly observed. In little +more than thirty years after St. Francis’ death it was found necessary +to draw up rules forbidding the brethren to own books except by leave +from the chief officer of the order, or to keep any books which were not +regarded as the property of the whole order, or to write books, or have +them written for sale.[114] + +By the end of the thirteenth century the Mendicants of Oxford were +fairly well provided with books. Michael Scot came to Oxford, at the +time of the greatest literary activity of the brethren, and introduced +to them the physical and metaphysical works of Aristotle (1230).[115] +Adam de Marisco seems to have been responsible for the first +considerable additions to the collection. From his brother, Bishop +Richard, he had already received a library; possibly this, with his own +books, came into possession of the convent. Then out of love for him, +Grosseteste left his writings or his library--it is not clear which--to +the Grey Friars.[116] This gift may have formed part--it is not +certain--of the two valuable hoards existing in the fifteenth century in +the same friary, one the convent library, open only to graduates, the +other the Schools library, for seculars living among the brethren for +the sake of the teaching they could get. In these collections were many +Hebrew books, which had been bought upon the banishment of the Jews from +England (1290).[117] Such books were not often found in the abbeys, +although some got to Ramsey, where Grosseteste’s influence may be +suspected. + +The White Friars also had a library at Oxford, wherein they garnered the +works of every famous writer of their order. They are praised for taking +more care of their books than the brethren of other colours.[118] In +later times, at any rate, some cause for the complaint against the Grey +Friars existed. They appear to have sold many manuscripts to Dr. Thomas +Gascoigne (_c._ 1433). He ultimately gave them to the libraries of +Lincoln, Durham, Balliol, and Oriel Colleges. As the friars’ mode of +life grew easier and the love of learning less keen, they got rid of +many more books. In Leland’s time the library had melted away. After +much difficulty he was allowed to see the book-room, but he found in it +nothing but dust and dirt, cobwebs and moths, and some books not worth a +threepenny piece.[119] + +Roger de Thoris, afterwards Dean of Exeter, presented a library to the +Grey Friars of his city in 1266.[120] What became of it we do not know. +About the same time, in 1253 to be exact, the will of Richard de Wyche, +Bishop of Chichester, is notable for its bequests to the friars; thus he +left books to various friaries of the Grey Brethren--at + +[Illustration: _PLATE IX_ + +GREY FRIARS, LONDON: THE OLD HALL AND WHITTINGTON’S LIBRARY] + +Chichester his glossed Psalter, at Lewes the Gospels of St. Luke and St. +John, at Winchelsea the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Mark, at +Canterbury Isaiah glossed, at London the Epistles of St. Paul glossed, +and at Winchester the twelve Prophets glossed; as well as some volumes +to the Black Friars--at Arundel the _Book of Sentences_, at Canterbury +Hosea glossed, at London the Books of Job, the Acts, the Apocalypse, +with the canonical epistles, and at Winchester the _Summa_ of William of +Auxerre.[121] Such friendliness for the Mendicants was far from common +among the secular clergy. Besides the southern places mentioned in this +bequest, friaries in the east, at Norwich and Ipswich, and in the west, +at Hereford and Bristol, had goodly libraries. + +The friary collections in London seem to have been important, especially +that given to the Grey Friars in 1225,[122] just when they had settled +near Newgate. The Austin Friars may have owned a library before 1364, +when two of their number left the London house, taking with them books +and other goods.[123] Early in the fifteenth century a library was built +and a large addition was made to the books of this house by Prior Lowe, +a friar afterwards occupying the sees of St. Asaph and of +Rochester.[124] At this time the friars of London were specially +fortunate. The White Friars enjoyed a good library, to which Thomas +Walden, a learned brother of the order, presented many foreign +manuscripts of some age and rarity.[125] The Grey Friars’ library was +founded or refounded by Dick Whittington (1421).[126] The room “was in +length one hundred twentie nine foote, and in breadth thirtie one: all +seeled with Wainscot, having twentie eight desks, and eight double +setles of Wainscot. Which in the next yeare following was altogither +finished in building, and within three yeares after, furnished with +Bookes, to the charges of” over £556, “whereof Richard Whittington bare +foure hundred pound, the rest was borne by Doctor Thomas Winchelsey, a +Frier there.”[127] On this occasion one hundred marks were paid for +transcribing the works of Nicholas de Lyra, a Grey Friar highly esteemed +for his knowledge of Hebrew, and “the greatest exponent of the literal +sense of Scripture whom the medieval world can show.”[128] + +Of few of the friary libraries have we definite knowledge of their size +and character. But in the case of the Austin Friars of York, a catalogue +of their library is extant. The collection was a notable one. The +inventory was made in 1372, and the items in it, forming the bulk of the +whole, with some later additions, amounted to 646. One member of the +society named John Erghome was a remarkable man. He was a doctor of +Oxford, where he had studied logic, natural philosophy, and theology. +More than 220 books were his contribution to this splendid library, and +he it was who added the Psalter and Canticles in Greek and a Hebrew +book,--rarities indeed at that date. Classical literature is fairly well +represented in the collection as a whole, but theology, and especially +logic and philosophy, make up the bulk.[129] + +In Scotland, too, the Grey Friars were busy library-making. We find the +convent at Stirling buying five dozen parchments (1502). Fifty pounds +were paid for books sent to them this year by the Cistercians of +Culross, and to the Austin Canons of Cambuskenneth in the following +year about half as much was paid; and similar records appear in the +accounts.[130] + +Other interesting testimony to the bookcraft and collecting habits of +the friars is not wanting. Adam de Marisco writes to the Friar Warden of +Cambridge asking for vellum for scribes.[131] Or he expresses the hope +that Richard of Cornwall may be prevailed upon to stay in England, but +if he goes he will be supplied with books and everything necessary for +his departure.[132] From this letter, it was evidently usual for friars +to seek and obtain permission to carry away books with them when going +abroad, or going from one custody to another.[133] Then again Adam +writes asking Grosseteste to send Aristotle’s _Ethics_ to the Grey +Friars’ convent in London.[134] In getting books the friars were +sometimes unscrupulous. A royal writ was issued commanding the Warden of +the Grey Friars at Oxford and another friar, Walter de Chatton, to +return two books worth forty shillings which they were keeping from the +rightful owner (1330).[135] More striking testimony to the +book-collecting habits of the friars is the complaint to the Pope of +their buying so many books that the monks and clergy had difficulty in +obtaining them. In every convent, it was urged, was a grand and noble +library, and every friar of eminence in the University had a fine +collection of books.[136] Archbishop Fitzralph, who made this statement, +detested the friars, and was besides prone to exaggerate; but he was not +wholly wrong in this instance, as De Bury tells a similar tale. +“Whenever it happened,” he says, “that we turned aside to the cities and +places where the mendicants ... had their convents, we did not disdain +to visit their libraries ...; there we found heaped up amid the utmost +poverty the utmost riches of wisdom. These men are as ants.... They have +added more in this brief [eleventh] hour to the stock of the sacred +books than all the other vine-dressers.”[137] Instead of declaiming +against the hawks, De Bury trained them to prey for him, and was well +rewarded for his pains. Nor is it beyond the bounds of probability that +he enriched his own collection at the expense of the Grey Friars’ +library at Oxford.[138] + +The friars were not merely collectors. The scholarship of Bacon and +other brethren does not concern us. But their correction of the texts of +Scripture, and their bibliographical work, are germane to our subject. +In mid-thirteenth century some Black Friars of Paris laboured to correct +the text of the Latin Bible; and to enable copyists to restore the true +text when transcribing, they drew up manuals, called _Correctoria_. One +such manual, now known as the _Correctorium Vaticanum_, was prepared by +William de la Mare, a Grey brother of Oxford, in the course of forty +years’ labour; and it is “a work which before all others laid down sound +principles of true scientific criticism upon which to base a correction +of the Vulgate text.”[139] + +Another special work of the Grey brethren, the _Registrum Librorum +Angliae_[140] was less important, although it more clearly illustrates +their high regard for books. Some time in the fourteenth century, by +seeking information from about one hundred and sixty monasteries, some +friars drew + +[Illustration: _PLATE X_ + +THE GREY FRIARS’ CATALOGUE OF CONVENTUAL LIBRARIES + +BODL. MS. TANNER 165, F. 119] + +up a list of libraries under the heads of the seven custodies or +wardenships of their order in England, and catalogued the writings of +some eighty-five authors represented in these collections. In this way +was formed a combined bibliography and co-operative catalogue. Of this +catalogue we are able to reproduce a page on which are indexed five +authors, with numerical references to the libraries containing each +work. Early in the fifteenth century a monk of Bury St. Edmunds, John +Boston by name--possibly the librarian of that house--expanded the +register by increasing to nearly seven hundred the number of authors, +and by adding a score of names to the list of libraries. He also +provided a short biographical sketch of each author “drawn from the best +sources at his disposal; so that the book in its completed form might +claim to be called a dictionary of literature.”[141] + + +§ III + +We would fain fill in the outline we have given, for the friars and +their book-loving ways are interesting. But enough has been written to +show the origin and growth of libraries among the religious both of the +abbeys and the friaries. Of the later days of monachism it is not so +pleasant to write. The story has been well told many times, but no two +writers, even in a broad and general way, let alone in detail, have read +the facts alike. On the one hand it is urged that monachism became +degenerate, both in reverence for spiritual affairs and in love of +learning. Many monks, we are told, came to find more enjoyment in easy +living than in ascetic and religious observances. Apart from the savage +onslaughts in _Piers Plowman_, and the yarns of Layton and Legh, now +quite discredited, we have the most credible evidence in Chaucer’s +gentle satire:-- + + “A monk ther was, a fair for the maistrye, + An out-rydere, that lovede venerye; [hunting] + A manly man, to been an abbot able, + Ful many a deyntee hors hadde he in stable: + + * * * * * + + He was a lord ful fat and in good point [well-equipped] + His eyen stepe, and rollinge in his heed.” [eyes bright] + +The friars, too, were sometimes “merye and wantoun,” and + + “knew the tavernes wel in every toun, + And everich hostiler or gay tappestere.” + +And an indictment of some force might be based on the fact that the +general chapter of the Benedictine order at Coventry in 1516 found it +necessary to make regulations against immoderate and illicit eating and +drinking, and against hunting and hawking.[142] + +No doubt also many a monk would argue with himself:-- + + “What sholde he studie, and make him-selven wood [mad] + Upon a book in cloistre alwey to poure + Or swinken with his handes, and laboure [toil] + As Austin bit?” [As St. Augustine bids] + +De Bury declaimed against the monks’ neglect of books. “Now slothful +Thersites,” he cries, “handles the arms of Achilles and the choice +trappings of war-horses are spread upon lazy asses, winking owls lord it +in the eagle’s nest, and the cowardly kite sits upon the perch of the +hawk. + + “Liber Bacchus is ever loved, + And is into their bellies shoved, + By day and by night. + Liber Codex is neglected, + And with scornful hand rejected + Far out of their sight.” + +“And as if the simple monastic folk of modern times were deceived by a +confusion of names, while Liber Pater is preferred to Liber Patrum, the +study of the monks nowadays is in the emptying of cups and not the +emending of books; to which they do not hesitate to add the wanton music +of Timotheus, jealous of chastity, and thus the song of the merrymaker +and not the chant of the mourner is become the office of the monks. +Flocks and fleeces, crops and granaries, leeks and potherbs, drink and +goblets, are nowadays the reading and study of the monks, except a few +elect ones, in whom lingers not the image but some slight vestige of the +fathers that preceded them.”[143] Specific instances of neglect and +worse are recorded. We have already mentioned the giving and selling of +books by the monks of St. Albans to Richard de Bury. From the account +books of Bolton Abbey it would appear that three books only were bought +during forty years of the fourteenth century.[144] At St. Werburgh’s, +Chester, discipline was very lax. Two monks robbed the abbot of a book +valued at £20, and of property valued at £100 or more, and stole from +two of their brethren books and money (1409). About four years later one +of the thieves was elected abbot, and his respect for learning may be +gauged from the fact that in 1422 he was charged with not having +maintained a scholar at Oxford or Cambridge for twelve years, although +it was his duty to do so by the rules of his order.[145] + +At Bury books were going astray in the first half of the fifteenth +century. Abbot William Curteys (1429-45) issued an ordinance in which he +declares books given out by the precentor to the brethren for purposes +of study had been lent, pledged, and even stolen by them. Some of them +he had recovered, and he hoped to secure more, but the process of +recovery had been expensive and troublesome, both to himself and the +people he found in possession of the books. He therefore sternly forbade +the brethren to alienate books, and decrees certain punishments if his +order was disobeyed. Brethren studying at the University seem to have +been not immune from such faults.[146] The prior of Michelham sold +books, papers, horses, and timber for his own personal profit (1478). A +visitation of Wigmore showed that books were not “studied in the +cloister because the seats were uncomfortable.”[147] Bishop Goldwell’s +visitation of his diocese of Norwich in 1492 showed that at Norwich +Priory no scholars were sent to study at Oxford, and at Wymondham Abbey +the monks “refused to apply themselves to their books.” At Battle Abbey, +in 1530, the one time fine library was in a sad state of neglect; no +doubt books had been parted with. And as the last years of the +monasteries coincided with a renewed interest among seculars in learning +and with a revival of book-collecting, the monks of all houses must have +been sorely tempted to sell books which laymen coveted, as the monks of +Mount Athos have been bartering away their libraries ever since the +seventeenth century. + +But among so many houses some were bound to be ill-conducted. And it is +important to remember that irregularities would be recorded oftener than +more favourable facts. What had been usual would go unnoted; what was +strange, and a departure from the highest standard of monachism, would +be observed with regret by friends and dwelt on with spite by enemies. +Although human memory is apt to register evil acts with more assiduity +and fidelity than good, yet a contrary view of the last state of +monachism may be argued with as much reason and with the support of +equally reliable evidence. The great majority of the houses were not +under lax control. The general organisation was not defective; nor was +every monk a “lorel, a loller, and a ‘spille-tyme.’” Setting aside the +question of general conduct, with which we have little to do, plenty of +evidence may be collected to show that the work of the earlier periods +was not only continued in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, but +that some of the monks enjoyed special distinction among their +contemporaries. Writing was encouraged by directions of chapters in +1343, 1388, and 1444.[148] The early part of the fifteenth century was +an age of library building, in the monasteries, as at the Universities. +Special rooms for books were put up at Gloucester, Christ Church +(Canterbury), Durham, Bury St. Edmunds, and other houses. Large and +growing monastic libraries were in existence--at St. Albans and +Peterborough, two at Canterbury of nearly two thousand volumes each, two +thousand volumes at Bury, a thousand and more at Durham, six hundred at +Ramsey, three hundred and fifty at Meaux. When John Leland crossed the +threshold of the library at Glastonbury he stood stock still for a +moment, awestruck and bewildered at the sight of books of the greatest +antiquity. In 1482, the abbess of Syon monastery, Isleworth, entered +into a regular contract for writing and binding books.[149] Some forty +years later this abbey had at least fourteen hundred and twenty-one +printed and manuscript volumes in its library.[150] More facts of +similar character will be noted in the next chapter. Here we will +content ourselves with noting a few of the most conspicuous instances of +monkish scholarship in these later days. At Glastonbury, Abbot John +Selwood was familiar with John Free’s work; indeed, presents a monk with +one of that scholar’s translations from the Greek.[151] His successor, +Bere, was a pilgrim to Italy, and was in correspondence with Erasmus, +who desired him to examine his translation of the New Testament from the +Greek. A monk of Westminster, who became abbot of his house in 1465, was +a diligent student, noted for his knowledge of Greek.[152] At Christ +Church, Canterbury, Prior Selling was particularly zealous on behalf of +the library, and was one of the first to import Greek books into England +in any considerable quantity.[153] Two manuscripts now in the library of +Corpus Christi College, Oxford, and one in New College, were transcribed +by a Greek living at Reading Abbey (1497-1500).[154] These few +references to the study of Greek are especially significant, as the +revival of Greek studies had only just begun. + + +§ IV + +The whole truth about the later days of the monasteries will never be +known. Many of the original sources of our knowledge are tainted with +partisanship and religious rancour and flagrant dishonesty. What does +seem to be true is that in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries +monastic influence grew slowly weaker, although the system may not have +been degenerate in itself. The cause is to be found in the very +prosperity of monachism, which brought to the religious houses wealth +and all its responsibilities. Wealth always imposes fetters, as every +rich man, from Seneca downwards, has declared with unctuous lamentation. +But + +[Illustration: _PLATE XI_ + +TWELFTH CENTURY ILLUMINATION FROM BURY ST. EDMUNDS ABBEY + +THE MINIATURE IS ON SPECIAL VELLUM STUCK ON TO THE LEAF. MS. 2 FO. 281 +B. C.C. COLL. CAMB.] + +what first strikes the student who compares early English monachism with +the later is, that whereas the monks of the first period were most +concerned with their monastic duties, their religious observances, and +their scribing and illuminating, the monks of the later period, and +especially during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, were immersed +in business, in the management of their wealth, the control of large +estates. The possession of wealth led in one direction to excessive +display, and to purchasing land and building beyond their means; a +course which monks might easily persuade themselves was progressive and +exemplary of true religious fervour, but which attracted to them envious +eyes. Heavy subsidies to the Crown and the Pope oppressed them. Then +again, many houses indulged in unwise and excessive almsgiving, which +the monks might well believe to be right, but which brought them only +the interested friendship of the needy. And in the management of their +estates much litigation obstinately pursued caused internal dissension, +was costly, and gained them only bitter enemies. Had the monasteries +been allowed to exist, probably these evils would have cured themselves. +But, owing to these evils,--to the decline of monastic influence of +which they were the cause,--the Dissolution, once decided upon, could be +carried out with terrible swiftness and completeness; no influence nor +power which the religious could wield was able to delay or avert the +blow struck by the king. Within a few years over one thousand houses +were closed and their lands and property confiscated. + +In the hastiness of the overthrow some conventual books were destroyed, +or stolen, or sold off at low prices. In a few places damage was done +even before the actual dissolution. At Christ Church, Canterbury, for +example, the drunken servants of a royal commission carelessly brought +about a fire, almost entirely destroying the library of Prior +Selling,[155] which he probably designed to add to the collection of his +monastery. But when the houses were suppressed, we are told, “whole +libraries were destroyed, or made waste paper of, or consumed for the +vilest uses. The splendid and magnificent Abbey of Malmesbury, which +possessed some of the finest manuscripts in the kingdom, was ransacked, +and its treasures either sold or burnt to serve the commonest purposes +of life. An antiquary who travelled through that town, many years after +the Dissolution, relates that he saw broken windows patched up with +remnants of the most valuable manuscripts on vellum, and that the bakers +had not even then consumed the stores they had accumulated, in heating +their ovens.”[156] John Bale tells us the loss of the libraries had not +mattered so much, “beynge so many in nombre, and in so desolate places +for the more parte, yf the chiefe monumentes and most notable workes of +our excellent wryters had been reserved. If there had been in every +shyre of Englande but one solempne lybrary to the preservacyon of those +noble workes, and preferrement of good lernynges in oure posteryte, it +had bene yet sumwhat. But to destroye all without consyderacyon, is and +wyll be unto Englande for ever, a most horryble infamy amonge the grave +senyours of other nacyons. A great nombre of them whych purchased these +superstycyouse mansyons reserved of those lybrary bokes, some to serve +theyr jakes, some to scoure theyr candlestycks, and some to rubbe theyr +bootes. Some they sold to the grossers and sopesellers, and some they +sent over see to the bokebynders, not in small nombre, but at tymes +whole shyppes full, to the wonderynge of the foren nacyons. Yea, the +unyversytees of this realme are not all clere in this detestable +fact.... I know a merchant man which shall at thys tyme be namelesse, +that boughte the contentes of two noble lybraryes for xl shyllynges +pryce, a shame it is to be spoken. Thys stuffe hath he occupyed in the +stede of graye paper by the space of more than these x years, and yet he +hath store ynough for many yeares to come.”[157] To some extent Bale’s +account of the contemptuous treatment of books is confirmed by records +of sales: as, for example, the following:-- + + Item, sold to Robert Doryngton, old boke, and a cofer in the library ijs. + Item, old bokes in the vestry, sold to the same Robert viiid. + Item, sold to Robert Whytgreve, a missale viijd. + Fyrst, sold to Mr. Whytgreve, a masse boke xijd. + Item, old bokes in the quyer vjd. + Item, a fryers masse boke, solde to Marke Wyrley iiijd.[158] + +Bale’s statement is sadly borne out by the fate of the library of the +Austin Friars of York. At one time this friary owned between six and +seven hundred books. Now but five are known to remain.[159] “It is +hardly open to doubt,” writes Dr. James, “that nine-tenths of the books +have ceased to exist. To be sure, it is no news to us that thousands, +perhaps hundreds of thousands, of manuscripts were destroyed in the +first half of the sixteenth century; but the truth comes heavily home +when we are confronted with the actual figures of the loss sustained in +one small corner of the field. We may fairly reckon that what happened +in the case of the Austin Friars at York happened to many another house +situated like it, in a populous centre, and thus enjoying good +opportunities for acquiring books.”[160] + +But the loss may be--and has been--exaggerated. In some instances a good +part of a library was preserved. The Prior of Lanthony, a house in the +outskirts of Gloucester, saved the books of his little community. From +him they passed into the hands of one Theyer; later, possibly through +Archbishop Bancroft, they found an ultimate resting-place in Lambeth +Palace. During this interval many of them were perhaps lost or sold, but +to-day some one hundred and thirty are known certainly to have come from +Lanthony, or may be credited to that place on reasonably safe +evidence.[161] + +Then again Henry’s myrmidons--to use the classic word--would be unlikely +to carry their vandalism too far. To do so, in view of the great value +of books, would bring them no profit. Knowing their character, may we +not reasonably assume that they sold as many books as they could to make +illicit gains?[162] Sometimes they fell in love with their finds, as was +natural. “Please it you to understand,” writes Thomas Bedyll, one of +Henry VIII’s commissioners, “that in the reding of the muniments and +charters of the house of Ramesey, I found a charter of King Edgar, +writen in a very antiq Romane hand, hard to be red at the first sight, +and light inowghe after that a man found out vj or vij words and after +compar letter to letter. I am suer ye wold delight to see the same for +the straingnes and antiquite thereof.... I have seen also there a +chartor of King Edward writen affor the Conquest.”[163] + +[Illustration: _PLATE XII_ + +“WESTMINSTER” ILLUMINATION + +THIRTEENTH CENTURY] + +John Leland was one of those who saved books. Already he had been +commissioned to examine the libraries of cathedrals, abbeys, priories, +colleges, and other places wherein the records of antiquity were kept, +when, observing with dismay the threatened loss of monastic treasures, +he asked Cromwell to extend the commission to collecting books for the +king’s library. The Germans, he says, perceiving our “desidiousness” and +negligence, were daily sending young scholars hither, who spoiled the +books, and cut them out of libraries, and returned home and put them +abroad as monuments of their own country.[164] + +His request was granted in part, and he tells us he sent to London for +the royal library the choicest volumes in St. Augustine’s Abbey; but +very few of these books now remain.[165] He had, he said, “conservid +many good autors, the which otherwise had beene like to have perischid +to no smaul incommodite of good letters, of the whiche parte remayne yn +the moste magnificent libraries of yowr royal Palacis. Parte also +remayne yn my custodye. Wherby I truste right shortely so to describe +your most noble reaulme, and to publische the Majeste and the excellent +actes of yowr progenitors.”[166] + +Robert Talbot, rector of Haversham, Berkshire (_d._ 1558), collected +monastic manuscripts: the choicest of them he left to New College. A +portreeve of Ipswich, named William Smart, came into possession of some +hundred volumes from Bury Abbey library. In 1599 he gave them to +Pembroke College, where they are now.[167] John Twyne, (_d._ 1581), +schoolmaster and mayor of Canterbury, certainly once owned the +fifteenth-century catalogue of the St. Augustine’s Abbey library, and +seems to have possessed many manuscripts. Both catalogue and manuscripts +were transferred to Dr. John Dee, the famous alchemist. The catalogue, +with some other books belonging to the doctor, got to the library of +Trinity College, Dublin. But the manuscripts passed into the hands of +Brian Twyne, John’s grandson, who bequeathed them to Corpus Christi +College, Oxford; they are still there.[168] John Stow, whose gatherings +form part of the Harleian collection, saved some books which once +reposed in claustral aumbries, mainly owing to the protection and help +of Archbishop Parker. + +Archbishop Parker himself was assiduous in garnering books. “I have +within my house, in wages,” he writes to Lord Burleigh, in 1573, +“drawers and cutters, painters, limners, writers and bookbinders.” +Again, “I toy out my time, partly with copying of books.” He made a +strenuous endeavour to recover as many of the monks’ books as possible, +using money and influence to this end; and accumulated an unusually +large library, quite priceless in character.[169] Most of his choice +books were presented to Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, and +twenty-five of them to Cambridge University Library (1574). Dr. Montagu +James, the leading authority on the provenance of Western manuscripts, +has discovered or made suggestions as to the origin of nearly two +hundred out of about three hundred and eighty.[170] Forty-seven are +traced to Christ Church, Canterbury; twenty-six to St. Augustine’s +Abbey. Later Dr. James extended his work to identifying the manuscripts +which were once in the Canterbury abbeys and in the priory of St. Martin +at Dover. From the fragmentary Christ Church catalogue of 1170, Dr. +James has identified two, and possibly six, manuscripts; from Henry +Eastry’s catalogue (14 cent.) of Christ Church books, he has identified +either certainly or with much probability about one hundred and eighty; +from the catalogue of St. Augustine’s Abbey library (_c._ 1497) over one +hundred and seventy-five; as well as twenty from the Dover catalogue +(1389). In addition, Dr. James has identified about one hundred and +fifty manuscripts still extant which are certainly or probably +attributable to Christ Church monastic library, but which are not in the +catalogues handed down to us; and over sixty which are likewise +attributable to St. Augustine’s monastery.[171] There are therefore +about five hundred and seventy Canterbury manuscripts now remaining to +us. + +By making a similarly thorough investigation Dr. James has traced about +three hundred and twenty-two manuscripts from Bury St. Edmunds.[172] Of +the Westminster Abbey manuscripts it is difficult to say how many are +extant, as the common medieval press marks are absent from the books of +this house. But the presence of eleven manuscripts in the British +Museum; two in Lambeth Palace; one at Sion College; three at the +Bodleian, and five more in Oxford colleges; two at the Cambridge +University Library, and two more in the colleges there; one at the +Chetham Library, Manchester; and two at Trinity College, Dublin, well +illustrate how the monastic books have been scattered since the +Dissolution.[173] To these special examinations Dr. James has gradually +added vastly to our knowledge of the provenance of manuscripts by his +masterly series of catalogues of the ancient treasures of the Cambridge +colleges, and he has proved to us that a considerable number of monastic +books still survive.[174] Much more work of the same kind remains to be +done; other labourers are needed; but the men of parts who are able and +content to labour at a task without remuneration and with small thanks +are few and far between; while fewer still are the publishers who can be +persuaded to produce the results of these researches. + + + + +CHAPTER IV + +BOOK-MAKING AND COLLECTING IN THE RELIGIOUS HOUSES + + “For if hevene be on this erthe . and ese to any soule, + It is in cloistere or in scole . be many skilles I fynde; + For in cloistre cometh no man . to chide ne to fighte, + But alle is buxomnesse there and bokes . to rede and to lerne.” + _Piers Plowman_, B. x. 300 + + +§ I + +Before leaving the subject of monastic libraries, it is desirable to say +something about their economy. + +They were built up partly by importing books, partly by bequests from +wealthy ecclesiastics, but largely--and in some cases wholly--by the +labours of scribes. The scene of the scribe’s craft was the scriptorium +or writing-room, which was usually a screened-off portion of the +cloister, or a room beside the church and below the library, as at St. +Gall, or a chamber over the chapter-house, as at St. Albans under Abbot +Paul, at Cockersand Abbey and Birkenhead Priory. As a rule the monk was +not allowed to write outside the scriptorium, although in some houses he +could read elsewhere--as at Durham, where a desk to support books was +fitted in the window of each dormitory cubicle. But brothers whose work +was highly valued were allowed a small writing-room or scriptoriolum. +Nicholas, Bernard’s secretary, had a room on the right of the cloister +with its + +[Illustration: PLAN OF SCRIPTORIUM, BIRKENHEAD PRIORY]5 + +door opening +into the novices’ room--a cell, he says, “not to be despised; for it is +... pleasant to look upon, and comfortable for retirement. It is filled +with most choice and divine books ... is assigned to me for reading, and +writing, and composing, and meditating, and praying, and adoring the +Lord of Majesty.”[175] Perhaps Nicholas’s room was like that shown in +one manuscript, where we see a monk seated on a stool before a +reading-stand of odd shape. The table, which is the top of a hexagonal +receptacle for parchment and writing materials, or books, can be moved +up and down on the screw. Above the screw is a bookrest; at the foot a +pedestal, with the ink-bottle upon it. Apparently the room also contains +cupboards for storing books. Nicholas, however, was favoured, for in the +same passage he refers to the older monks reading the “books of divine +eloquence in the cloister.” In Cistercian monasteries certain monks were +so favoured, although they were not allowed to use their studies during +the time the monks were supposed to be in the cloister.[176] At Oxford, +after mid-fourteenth century, every student friar had set apart for him +a place fitted with a combined desk and bookcase, or studium, of the +kind commonly depicted in medieval illuminations. Grants of timber for +making these studia are recorded: to the Black Friars of Oxford, for +example, of seven oaks to repair their studies.[177] + +The arrangements in the cloister are carefully described in the Durham +Rites. At Durham “in the north syde of the cloister, from the corner +over against the church dour to the corner over againste the Dortor +dour, was all fynely glased, from the hight to the sole within a litle +of the grownd into the cloister garth. And in every wyndowe iij pewes or +carrells, where every one of the old Monks had his carrell, severall by +himselfe, that, when they had dyned, they dyd resorte to that place of +Cloister and there studyed upon there books, every one in his carrell, +all the after nonne, unto evensong time. This was there exercise every +daie. All there pewes or carrells was all fynely wainscotted and verie +close, all but the forepart, which had carved wourke that gave light in +at ther carrell doures of wainscott. And in every carrell was a deske to +lye there books on. And the carrells was no greater then from one +stanchell of the wyndowe to another.”[178] There were carrells at +Evesham in the fourteenth century.[179] In 1485 Prior Selling +constructed in the south walk at Christ Church, Canterbury, “the new +framed contrivances called carrells” for the comfort of the monks at +study.[180] Such recesses are to be found at Worcester and Gloucester; +remains of some exist at the south end of the west walk of the cloisters +at Chester, and others were in the destroyed south walk.[181] At +Gloucester Cathedral, which was formerly the Benedictine Abbey of St. +Peter, are twenty beautiful carrells in the south cloister. They project +below the ten main windows, two in each, and are arched, with +battlemented tops or cornices. Except for the small double window which +lights them, they look like recesses for statuary. + +The Carthusian Rule records that few monks of the order could not +write.[182] But this was by no means invariably the case. In early +monastic times writing was usually the occupation of the weaker +brethren: for example, + +[Illustration: _PLATE XIII_ + +THE CLOISTERS, GLOUCESTER, SHEWING CARRELLS] + +[Illustration: ANCIENT STALL, OR CARRELL, IN BISHOPS CANNINGS CHURCH, +WILTS] + +Ferreolus, in his rules (_c_. 550), deems reading and copying fit +occupations for monks too weak for severer work.[183] Later, in some +monasteries, less labour in the field and more writing was done. At +Tours, Alcuin took the monks away from field labour, telling them study +and writing were far nobler pursuits.[184] But it was not commonly the +case to find in monasteries “ech man a scriveyn able.” + +When books were not otherwise obtainable, or not obtainable quickly +enough, it was the practice to hire scribes from outside the house. +Abbot Gerbert, in a letter to the abbot of Tours, mentions that he had +been paying scribes in Rome and various parts of Italy, in Belgium, and +Germany, to make copies of books for his library “at great +expense.”[185] At Abingdon hired scribes were sometimes employed, and +the rule was for the abbot to find the food, and the armarius, or +librarian, to pay for the labour.[186] This was commonly done when +libraries were first formed. When Abbot Paul began to collect a library +at St. Albans none of his brethren could write well enough to suit him, +and he was obliged to fill his writing-room with hired scribes. He +supplied them with daily rations out of the brethren’s and cellarer’s +alms-food; such provision was always handy, and the scribes were not +retarded by leaving their work.[187] Sometimes scribes were employed +merely to save the monks trouble. At Corbie, in the fourteenth century, +the religious neglected to work in the writing-room themselves, but +allowed benefactors to engage professional scribes in Paris to swell the +number of books. The Gilbertine order forbade hired scribes altogether, +perhaps wisely. + +The scribe’s method of work was simple. First he took a metal stylus or +a pencil and drew perpendicular lines in the side margins of his +parchment, and horizontal lines at equal distances from top to bottom of +the page. Then the task of copying was straightforward. If the book was +to be embellished he left spaces for the illuminator to fill in. When +the illuminator took the book over, he carefully sketched in his designs +for the capitals and miniatures, and then worked over them in colour, +applying one colour to a number of sketches at a time. Anybody who is +curious as to medieval methods of illuminating should read a little +fifteenth-century treatise which describes “the crafte of lymnynge of +bokys.” “Who so kane wyesly considere the nature of his colours, and +kyndely make his commixtions with naturalle proporcions, and mentalle +indagacions connectynge fro dyvers recepcions by resone of theyre +naturys, he schalle make curius colourys.” Thereafter follow recipes to +“temper vermelone to wryte therewith”; “to temper asure, roset, ceruse, +rede lede,” and other pigments; “to make asure to schyne bryȝt,” “to +make letterys of gold,” “blewe lethyre,” and “whyte lethyre”; with other +curious information.[188] + +In monasteries where the rule was strict the scribe wrought at his task +for six hours daily.[189] All work was done by daylight, artificial +light not being allowed. Lewis, a monk of Wessobrunn in Bavaria, in a +copy of Jerome’s Commentary on Daniel, speaks of writing when he was +stiff with cold, and of finishing by the light of night what he could +not copy by day.[190] Such diligence was not usual. + +In summer-time work in the cloister may well have been pleasant; in +winter quite the contrary, even when the cloister and carrells were +screened, as at Durham and Christ Church, Canterbury. Imagine the poor +scribe rubbing his hands to restore the sluggish circulation, and being +at last compelled to forgo his labour because they were too numbed to +write. Cuthbert, the eighth-century abbot of Wearmouth and Jarrow, +writes to a correspondent telling him he had not been able to send all +Bede’s works which were required, because the cold weather of the +preceding winter had paralysed the scribes’ hands.[191] Again, Ordericus +Vitalis winds up the fourth book of his ecclesiastical history by +saying--_nunc hyemali frigore rigens_--he must break his narrative here, +and take up other occupations for the winter.[192] Jacob, abbot of +Brabant (1276), built scriptoria, or possibly carrells, round the +calefactory, or warming-room, where the common fire was kept burning, +and the lot of the scribe was made somewhat easier to bear. + +A scribe could only write what the abbot or precentor set him. When his +portion had been given out he could not change it for another.[193] If +he were set to copy Virgil or Ovid or some lives of the saints the task +would conceivably be pleasant. But such was seldom the scribe’s fortune. +The continual transcription of Psalters and Missals and other service +books must have been infinitely wearisome, at any rate, to the less +devout members of the community. In some large and enterprising houses a +scribe copied only a fragment of a book. Several brethren worked upon +the same book at once, each beginning upon a skin at the point where +another scribe was to leave off.[194] Or the book to be transcribed was +dictated to the scribes, as at Tours under Alcuin. Both methods had the +advantage of “publishing” a book quickly, but the work was as +mechanical as is that of the compositor to-day. Under Abbot Trithemius +of Sponheim, subdivision of labour was carried to its extreme limit. One +monk cut the parchment, another polished it, the third ruled the lines +to guide the scribe. After the scribe had finished his copying, another +monk corrected, still another punctuated. In decorating, one artist +rubricated, another painted the miniatures. Then the bookbinder collated +the leaves and bound them in wooden covers. Even in the case of waxed +tablets, one monk prepared the boards, another spread the wax. The whole +process was designed to expedite production. + +When a manuscript was fully written the scribe wrote his colophon or +“explicit,” a short form of the phrase “explicitus est liber.” Sometimes +the scribe plays upon words, thus: “Explicit iste liber; sit scriptor +crimine liber”; or he exultantly praises: “Deo gratias. Ego, in Dei +nomine, Warembertus scripsi. Deo gratias”; or he is modest: “Nomen +scriptoris non pono, quia ipsum laudare nolo”;[195] or he feels +querulous: “Be careful with your fingers; don’t put them on my writing. +You do not know what it is to write. It is excessive drudgery: it crooks +your back, dims your sight, twists your stomach and sides. Pray then, my +brother, you who read this book, pray for poor Raoul, God’s servant, who +has copied it entirely with his own hand in the cloister of St. Aignan.” +Another inscription, in a manuscript at Worcester Cathedral, suggests +that books were not read: why, argues this monk, write them?--nobody is +profited; books are for the edification of readers, not of scribes. Note +also the following:-- + + Finito libro sit laus et gloria Christo + Vinum scriptori debetur de meliori + Hic liber est scriptus qui scripsit sit benedictus. Amen.[196] + +And this:-- + + Here endþ þe firste boke of all maner sores þe + whyche fallen moste commune and withe þe grace of gode I + will writte þe ij Boke þe whyche ys cleped the Antitodarie + Explicit quod scripcit Thomas Rosse.[197] + +To a poor Raoul of mechanical ability the rule of silence must have been +very irksome; the student would be grateful for it. Alcuin forbade +gossip to prevent mistakes in copying. Among the Cluniacs the rule was +strictly enforced in the church, refectory, cloister, and dormitory. A +chapter of the Cistercian order (1134) enjoined silence in all rooms +where the brethren were in the habit of writing.[198] The better to +maintain silence nobody was permitted to enter the scriptorium save the +abbot, the prior and sub-prior, and the precentor. When necessary it was +permissible to speak in a low voice in the ear. But among the Cluniacs +whispering was avoided as far as possible. Watch the monks communicating +with the librarian. One wants a Missal, and he pretends, as the children +say, to turn over leaves, thereby making the general sign for a book; +then he makes the sign of the Cross to indicate that he wants a Missal +book. Another wants the Gospels, and he makes the sign of the Cross on +the forehead. This brother wants a pagan book, and, after making the +general sign, he scratches his ear with his finger as an itching dog +would with his feet; infidel writers were not unfairly compared with +such creatures.[199] If such sign-language were really maintained, it +must have been extensively supplemented as the library grew in size, for +although striking the thumb and little + +[Illustration: _PLATE XIV_ + +A SCRIBE AND HIS TOOLS] + +finger together would describe an Antiphonary, or making the sign of the +Cross and kissing the finger would indicate a Gradual, yet some +additions to the signs for a pagan book and a tract were necessary to +signify what particular tract or book was wanted. But probably if this +rule was observed at all--and we do not think it likely--the signs were +used only for church books, and most often in church. In nearly every +monastery the rule of silence was made. In the Brigittine house of Syon +“silence after some convenience is to be kepte in the lybrary, whyls any +suster is there alone in recordyng of her redynge.”[200] But it was at +all times difficult to enforce, as the monks, in experience and habits, +were but children. + +For notes, exercises, brief letters, bills, first drafts, daily services +of the church, the names of officiating brethren,--for all temporary +purposes waxed tablets were used. They were in common use from classic +times: some Greek and many Latin tablets are still preserved;[201] they +were much used in ancient Ireland, as we have seen; and they continued +to be of service until the late Middle Ages. Anselm habitually wrote his +first drafts upon them. At St. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury, the monks +were supplied with tablets, for a novice’s outfit included, after +profession, a stylus, tablets, and a knife.[202] The writing was +scratched on the wax with a stylus, a sharp instrument of bone or metal. +The other end of it was usually flattened for pressing out an incorrect +letter; among the Romans the term “vetere stylum” became common in the +sense of correcting a work. + +[Illustration: TABLET CASE AND WAXED TABLET] + +For all permanent purposes “bōc-fel,” or book-skin, was used; either +vellum or “parchëmyn smothe, whyte and scribable.” Vellum and parchment +were interchangeable terms in medieval times; but parchment was commonly +used. In early monastic days it was prepared by the monks themselves, +being rubbed smooth with pumice-stone; later it was bought from +manufacturers ready-made. It was not so expensive as vellum: the average +price being two shillings per dozen skins as compared with eight +shillings per dozen skins of vellum. For a Bible presented to Bury St. +Edmunds Abbey, finest Irish (or Scottish) vellum was procured (_c._ +1121-48). This special material was used for the paintings, which seem +to have been pasted down on the leaves of inferior vellum. This +manuscript is now in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.[203] + +The pens used for writing were either made of reeds (_calami_) or of +quills (_pennae_). The quill was introduced after the reed, and largely, +though not entirely, superseded it. Other implements of the expert +scribe were a pencil, compasses, scissors, an awl, a knife for erasures, +a ruler, and a weight to keep down the vellum. + +Numerous passages might be dug out of old records warning scribes +against errors in transcribing. Ælfric, in the preface to his homilies, +adjures the copyist, by our Lord Jesus Christ and by His glorious +coming, to transcribe correctly. Chaucer, in a well-known verse, +expresses his wish that Adam the scrivener shall copy _Boëthius_ and +_Troilus_ “trewe” and not write it “newe.”[204] In copying, however, +especially when it is mechanically done, it is almost as difficult to +write “trewe” as it is to write “newe”: the imp of the perverse makes +his home at the elbow of the scribe, ever ready to profit by drowsiness +or trifling inattention. But, as a rule, monkish scribes were +exceedingly careful, and their work was invariably corrected by another +hand. More than this: they endeavoured to get accurate texts to copy. +Lanfranc’s care in this respect, and the Grey Friars’ work in compiling +_correctoria_, have already been noted. Reculfus expected his clergy to +have books corrected and pointed by those in the “holy mother church”; +Adam de Marisco sent a manuscript to be corrected in Paris, begging to +have it back as soon as done;[205] and Servatus Lupus, the great abbot +of Ferrières, frequently borrowed from his friends books which he might +collate with his own copies, and rectify errors and insert +omissions.[206] + +Before work could be started in the writing-room, books for copying had +to be obtained. Usually a few books were bought or borrowed; then +several copies were made of each, the superfluous volumes being sold or +exchanged for fresh manuscripts to transcribe. Benedict Biscop, as we +have seen, obtained his books from Rome and Vienne. Cuthwin, bishop of +the East Angles (_c._ 750) was of those who went to Rome, and brought +back with him a life of St. Paul, “full of pictures.” Herbert “Losinga,” +abbot of Ramsey and afterwards bishop of Norwich, was a zealous +book-collector;--asks for a Josephus on loan from a brother abbot, a +request not granted because the binding needed repair; and sends abroad +for a copy of Suetonius. Robert Grosseteste got a rare book, Basil’s +_Hexaemeron_, from Bury St. Edmunds in exchange for a MS. of +_Postillae_.[207] At Ely, in the fourteenth century, when the scribes +there were very active, the precentor was always on the look-out for +“copy.” On one occasion he was paid 6s. 7d. for going to Balsham to +inquire for books (1329).[208] Abbot Henry of Hyde Abbey exchanged a +volume containing Terence, Boëthius, Suetonius, and Claudian for four +Missals, the _Legend of St. Christopher_, and Gregory’s _Pastoral +Care_.[209] On one occasion Adam de Marisco tries to get from a brother +of Nottingham the _Moralia_ of St. Gregory, and Rabanus Maurus. He sends +from Oxford to an abbot at Vercelli an exposition of the Angelic +Salutation, and begs for the abbot’s writings in exchange.[210] Adam had +studied at Vercelli,[211]--a new Italian centre with a close English +connexion. About 1217 Cardinal Guala Bicchieri, afterwards bishop of +Vercelli, was granted the church of Chesterton, near Cambridge, and +when he died ten years later he left all his estate, including the +church, and a number of books which had been collected at Chesterton or +in England, to Vercelli Abbey. Among the gifts were two service books in +English, and the famous Codex Vercellensis, which is only less valuable +than the Exeter Book as a first source of Anglo-Saxon poetry. The +Vercelli Book is in Italy to this day.[212] + +In some abbeys the purchase of books, and the copying of them for sale, +became just as much a business as the manufacture of Chartreuse. In 1446 +Exeter College, Oxford, paid ten shillings and a penny for twelve quires +and two skins of parchment bought at Abingdon to send to the monastery +of Plympton in Devonshire, where a book was being written for the +College.[213] A part--and by no means a negligible part--of the income +of Carthusian houses came from copying books. Two continental abbots, +Abbot Gerbert of Bobio and Servatus Lupus of Ferrières, were book-makers +and sellers on a commercial scale. Lupus, in particular, betrays the +commercial spirit by refusing to give more than he was obliged in return +for what he received. He will not send a book to a monk at Sens because +his messenger must go afoot and the way was perilous: let us hope he +thought more of the messenger than of the manuscript. On another +occasion he refuses to lend a book because it is too large to be hidden +in the vest or wallet, and, besides, its beauty might tempt robbers to +steal it. These were good excuses to cover his general unwillingness to +lend. For the loan of one manuscript he was so bothered that he thought +of putting it away in a secure place, lest he should lose it +altogether.[214] + +As a rule the expenses of the writing-room formed a part of the general +expenses of the house, but sometimes particular portions of the monastic +income and endowments were available to meet them. To St. Albans certain +tithes were assigned by a Norman leader for making books (_c._ +1080).[215] The precentor of Abingdon obtained tithes worth thirty +shillings for buying parchment.[216] St. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury, +got three marks from the rentals of Milton Church for making books +(1144).[217] The monks of Ely (1160), of Westminster (_c._ 1159), of the +cathedral convent of St. Swithin’s, Winchester (1171), of Bury St. +Edmunds, and of Whitby, received tithes and rents for a like +purpose.[218] The prior of Evesham received the tithes of Bengworth to +pay for parchment and for the maintenance of scribes; while the +precentor was to receive five shillings annually from the manor of +Hampton, and ten shillings and eightpence from the tithes of Stoke and +Alcester for buying ink, colours for illuminating, and what was +necessary for binding books and the necessaries for the organ.[219] + +In some houses a rate was levied for the support of the scriptorium, but +we have not met with any instance of this practice in English +monasteries. At the great Benedictine Abbey of Fleury a rate was levied +in 1103 on the officers and dependent priories for the support of the +library; forty-three years later it was extended, and it remained in +force until 1562.[220] Besides this impost every student in the abbey +was bound to give two books to the library. At Corbie, in Picardy, a +rate was levied to pay the salary of the librarian, and to cover part of +the cost of bookbinding. Here also each novice, on the day of his +profession, had to present a book to the library; at Corvey, in Northern +Germany, the same rule was observed at the end of the eleventh century. +As all the monasteries of an order were conducted much on the same +lines, it is difficult to believe that similar rates were not levied by +some of the larger houses in England. + +The libraries were also augmented by gifts and bequests, as well as by +purchase and by transcription in the scriptorium. In most abbeys it was +customary for the brethren to give or bequeath their books to their +house. A long list of such benefactors to Ramsey Abbey is extant, and +one of the brothers, Walter de Lilleford, prior of St. Ives, gave what +was in those days a considerable library in itself.[221] Much longer +still are the lists of presents given to Christ Church and St. +Augustine’s, Canterbury. Dr. James has indexed nearly two hundred donors +to Christ Church alone. In most cases the gifts are of one or a few +books, but occasionally collections of respectable size were received, +as when T. Sturey, senior, enriched the library with nearly sixty books, +when Thomas à Becket left over seventy, and when Prior Henry Eastry left +eighty volumes at his death. As many or more donors to St. Augustine’s +are indexed. Here also some of the donations were fairly large: for +example, Henry Belham and Henry Cokeryng gave nineteen books each, a +prior twenty-seven, a certain John of London eighty-two, J. Mankael +thirty-nine, Abbot Nicholaus sixteen, Michael de Northgate twenty-four, +Abbot Poucyn sixteen, J. Preston twenty-three, a certain Abbot Thomas +over a hundred, and T. Wyvelesberghe thirty-one. Some sixty persons are +also indexed as donors to St. Martin’s Priory, Dover.[222] + +William de Carilef, bishop of Durham, endowed his church with books and +bequeathed some more at his death (1095). John, bishop of Bath, +bequeathed to the abbey church his whole library and his decorated +copies of the Gospels (1160). Another bishop of Durham, Hugh Pudsey, +bequeathed many books to his church (1195). Thomas de Marleberge (_d._ +1236), when he became prior of Evesham, gave a large collection of books +in law, medicine, philosophy, poetry, theology, and grammar.[223] Simon +Langham bequeathed seven chests of books to Westminster Abbey +(1376).[224] William Slade (_d._ 1384) left to the Abbey of Buckfast, of +which he was abbot, thirteen books of his own writing.[225] Cardinal +Adam Easton (_d._ 1397) sent from Rome “six barrells of books” to his +convent of Norwich, where he had been a monk.[226] One of these books, a +fourteenth-century manuscript in an Italian hand, is now preserved in +the library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge: the inscription +attesting this reads--“Liber ecclesie norwycen per magistrum Adam de +Eston monachum dicti loci.” Nor did the poor priest forget to add his +mite to the general hoard: “I beqweth to the monastery of Seynt Edmund +forseid,” willed a priest named Place, “my book of the dowtes of Holy +Scryptur, to ly and remayn in the cloister of the seid monastery as long +as yt wyll ther indure.”[227] Such gifts were always highly valued, and +in Lent the librarian was expected to remind the brethren of those who +had given books, and to request that a mass should be said for +them.[228] + + +§ II + +Some miniatures in early manuscripts give us a good idea of the way +books were stored in the Middle Ages. They are shown lying flat on +sloping shelves which extend part-way round the room. Curtains are +occasionally shown hanging in front of the shelves to protect the books +from dust. Or a sloping shelf was fitted to serve as a readingdesk, and +a second flat shelf ran beneath it to take books lying on their sides +one above the other. In several miniatures lecterns of very curious +design are often depicted; some of them stood on a cupboard or cupboards +wherein books were stowed away. + +In the monasteries books were stored in various places,--in chests, +cupboards, or recesses in the wall. When the collection was small, a +chest served; a receptacle of this kind is illustrated at p. 50. +Cassiodorus had the books of his monastery stored in presses, or +armaria. The manuscripts of Abbot Simon of St. Albans were preserved in +“the painted aumbry in the church.” An aumbry was a recess in the wall +well lined inside with wood so that the damp of the masonry should not +spoil the books. It was divided vertically and horizontally by shelves +in such a way that it was possible to arrange the books separately one +from another, and so to avoid injury from close packing, and delay in +consulting them.[229] The same term was applied to a detached closet or +cupboard. At Durham the monks distributed their books--keeping some in +the spendimentum or cancellary, some near the refectory, and the bulk +in the cloister. Two classes of books were in the cancellary: one stored +in a large closet with folding doors, called an armariolum, and used by +all the monks; the other kept in an inner room, and apparently reserved +for special uses. The books assigned to the reader in the refectory were +stored by the doorway leading to the infirmary, and not in the refectory +itself, as we should expect: maybe this arrangement was exceptional, and +was adopted for special reasons of convenience. Probably two places were +reserved for books in the cloister. One case or chest contained the +books of the novices, whose place of study was in that part of the +cloister facing the treasury. The main store was on the north side of +the cloister. “And over against the carrells against the church wall did +stande sertaine great almeries of waynscott all full of bookes, wherein +dyd lye as well the old auncyent written Doctors of the church as other +prophane authors, with dyverse other holie mens wourks, so that every +one dyd studye what Doctor pleased them best, havinge the librarie at +all tymes to goe studie in besydes there carrells.”[230] Dr. J. W. +Clark, the leading authority on early library fittings, has tried to +show, from evidences of a similar arrangement at Westminster, that this +part of the cloister formed a long room, with glazed windows and +carrells on the one hand, bookcases on the other, and screens at each +end shutting off the library and writing-place from the rest of the +cloister.[231] + +Along the south wall of the cloister at Chester is a series of recesses +which are believed to have been used for bookcases. Two recesses for +aumbries are still to be seen in the cloister at Worcester: it is +recorded that one book, the _Speculum Spiritualium_, was to be +delivered “to ye cloyster awmery.” At Beaulieu the arched recesses in +the south wall of the church may have been put to a similar use. These +recesses are shown on the plan here reproduced; so also is the common +aumbry in the wall of the south transept. + +[Illustration: PLAN SHOWING DISPOSITION OF BOOKS IN CISTERCIAN HOUSES] + +In large continental houses a bookroom was sometimes needed very early. +One of the monasteries of Cassiodorus included a special room for the +library, with at least nine presses in it.[232] At St. Gall, a special +bookroom was planned, if not actually built, as early as the ninth +century. According to the old drawing still preserved at St. Gall, this +room was to be on the north side of the presbytery, symmetrically with +the sacristy on the south side. It was in two stories. The ground floor +was to be arranged as a writing-room,--_infra sedes scribentium_,--the +furniture being a large table in the centre, and seven writing-desks +against the walls. The upper story was the library.[233] In England we +hear of bookrooms oftenest in the fifteenth century, They were a usual +feature in later Cistercian houses. The plan just given shows the +position of this room between the church and the chapter-house, and not +far from the common claustral aumbry. At Whalley Abbey, also a +Cistercian house, there was evidently a separate library room, because +an inventory of the house’s goods taken in 1537 refers to the “litle +Revestry next unto the lebrary.”[234] Kirkstall and Furness also had +bookrooms. On each side of the massive arch of the Chapter House at +Furness Abbey is a similar arch leading to a small square room, most +likely used for books. The illustrations facing this show the position +of these rooms on either side of the Chapter House doorway. An extant +catalogue of another Cistercian house, that of Meaux in Yorkshire, +clearly indicates the whereabouts of the conventual books. Some church +books were before the great altar, others were in the choir, a few in +the infirmary chapel, and in the common press and other presses of the +church. The bulk of them was in the common aumbry, not apparently in the +open cloister, but in a room off the cloister. Over the door, on a shelf +or in a cupboard, were four Psalters; thirty-six books were on + +[Illustration: _PLATE XV_ + +FURNESS ABBEY: CLOISTERS + +FURNESS ABBEY: CHAPTER-HOUSE. INTERIOR] + +the top shelf on the other side of the room; the remainder, to the +number of about 270, were on other shelves marked by letters of the +alphabet.[235] + +At the Premonstratensian Abbey of Titchfield the books were stored in a +small room, in four cases, each having eight shelves. We do not +positively know that a separate room existed at the Benedictine house of +Christ Church, Canterbury, before the fifteenth century, “yet,” as Dr. +James says, “the form of Prior Eastry’s catalogue, with its division +into Demonstrations and Distinctions, irresistibly suggests that the +collection must in his time [1284-1331] have occupied a special room, of +which the two Demonstrations represent the two sides. The Distinctions +would be narrow vertical divisions of these, and each of them would have +its numerous subdivisions into Gradus. As the best English equivalent of +_Demonstratio_ I would suggest the word ‘Display,’ which fairly gives +the idea of a wall-surface covered with books; and I figure the building +to myself as an enlarged example of those Cistercian bookrooms with +which Dr. J. W. Clark’s researches have familiarized us. It would thus +be no place for study, such as the later libraries were, but merely a +storeroom whence books were fetched to be read at leisure in the +cloister.”[236] Between 1414 and 1443 a library was built over the +Prior’s Chapel by Archbishop Chichele: it was about sixty-two feet long +on the north side, fifty-four on the south side, and twenty-two feet +broad. This was the room which Prior Selling fitted up with wainscot, +and put books in for the benefit of the studious.[237] At St. +Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury, there was a bookroom in 1340, for the +manuscript of the _Ayenbite of Inwyt_ contains a note that it belongs to +the “bochouse.”[238] The form of the catalogue of _c._ 1497 also +suggests that a bookroom was then in use. + +At Gloucester a special room was built, probably in the fourteenth +century. Durham apparently did without a room until early in the +fifteenth century. “There ys a lybrarie in the south angle of the +lantren, whiche is nowe above the clocke, standinge betwixt the +Chapter-House and the Te Deum wyndowe, being well replenished with ould +written Docters and other histories and ecclesiasticall writers.”[239] +To this room the books were transferred gradually from the cloister and +chancellary: the words “in libraria,” or “Ponitur in libraria,” being +written in the margin of the catalogue opposite to the book upon its +removal. + +The Benedictine houses of Winchester, Worcester, Bury St. Edmunds,[240] +and St. Albans also had special bookrooms. + +For the safe keeping of the conventual books the precentor was +responsible.[241] As he had charge of the armarium or press for storing +books, he was also sometimes styled “armarius.” He was required to keep +clean all the boys’ and novices’ presses and other receptacles for +books; when necessary he was to have these fittings repaired. To provide +coverings for the books; to see that they were marked with their proper +titles; to arrange them on the shelves in suitable order, so that they +might be quickly found, were all duties within his province.[242] He had +to keep them in repair: in some houses he was expected to examine all +of them carefully several times a year, and to check, if possible, the +ravages of bookworms and damp. If necessary, he could call in skilled +labour to keep his library and books in order; but usually several +brethren were trained in the necessary arts, as at Sponheim. The +Abingdon regulations, which are in the usual form, forbade him to sell, +give away, or pledge books. All the materials for the use of the scribes +and the manuscripts for copying were to be provided by him.[243] He made +the ink, and could dole it out not only to the brethren but to lay folk +if they asked for it civilly.[244] He also controlled the work in the +scriptorium: setting the scribes their tasks, preventing them from +idling or talking; walking round the cloister when the bell sounded to +collect the books which had been forgotten by careless monks. + +As a rule the monks so highly prized their books--saving them first, for +example, in time of danger, as when the Lombards attacked Monte Cassino +and the Huns St. Gall--that rules for the care of them would seem almost +superfluous. Still, such rules were made. When reading, the monks of +some houses were required to wrap handkerchiefs round the books, or to +hold them with the sleeve of their robe. Coverings, perhaps washable, +were put upon books much in use.[245] The Carthusian brethren were +exhorted in their statutes to take all possible care to keep the books +they were reading clean and free from dust.[246] Elsewhere we have +referred to an “explicit” urging readers to have a care for the scribe’s +writing: in another manuscript once belonging to Corbie, the kind reader +is bidden to keep his fingers off the pages lest he should mar the +writing on them--a man who knows nothing of the scribe’s business cannot +realize how heavy it is, for though only three fingers hold the pen, the +whole body toils.[247] + + +§ III + +One of the precentor’s chief duties was to regulate lending books. At +Abingdon he could only lend to outsiders upon a pledge of equal or +greater value than the book required, and even so could only lend to +churches near by and to persons of good standing. It was deemed +preferable to confiscate the pledge than to proceed against a defaulting +borrower. In some houses more than a pledge was demanded if the book +were lent for transcription, the borrower being required to send a copy +when he returned the manuscript. “Make haste to copy these quickly,” +wrote St. Bernard’s secretary, “and send them to me; and, according to +my bargain, cause a copy to be made for me. And both these which I have +sent you, and the copies, as I have said, return them to me, and take +care that I do not lose a single tittle.”[248] The extra copy was +demanded, not so much for purposes of gain as to put a check upon +borrowing, a practice which many abbots did not encourage, on account of +the danger of loss. Books, like gloves, are soon lost. We can well +understand how uncommonly easy it was to forget to return a coveted +manuscript. To help borrowers to overcome the insidious temptation, the +scribe sometimes wrote upon the manuscript the name of the monastery it +belonged to, and threatened a defaulter with anathema. In some of the +St. Albans’ books is the following note in Latin: “This book is St. +Alban’s book: he who takes it from him or destroys the title be +anathema.”[249] The prior and convent of Rochester threatened to +pronounce sentence of damnation on anyone who stole or hid the Latin +translation of Aristotle’s _Physics_, or even obliterated the +title.[250] Apparently no fate was too bad for the thief who took the +Vulgate Bible: let him die the death; let him be frizzled in a pan; the +falling sickness and fever should rage in him; he should be broken on +the wheel and hanged; Amen.[251] Two curious notes are to be found in a +manuscript of the works of Augustine and Ambrose in the Bodleian +Library. “This book belongs to St. Mary of Robert’s Bridge: whoever +steals it, or sells it, or takes it away from this house in any way, or +injures it, let him be anathema-maranatha.” Underneath, another hand has +written: “I, John, bishop of Exeter, do not know where the said house +is: I did not steal this book, but got it lawfully.”[252] In a beautiful +manuscript of Chaucer’s _Troilus_, not perhaps a conventual book, occurs +the following:-- + + “he that thys Boke rentt or stelle + God send hym sekenysse swart (?) of helle.”[253] + +All the same, losses were common. About 1290 William of Pershore, once a +Benedictine monk, and at the time a Grey Friar, returned to his old +order at Westminster, and took with him some books. A big dispute arose +over this apostate, and one of the items of the subsequent settlement +was that the Westminster monks should return the books.[254] + +A similar thing took place in Scotland (1331). A friar of Roxburgh +forsook his grey habit for the Cistercian white by entering Kelso Abbey. +He made his new associates envious with an account of the goods of the +friaries at Roxburgh and Berwick. They persuaded him and two other +apostate friars to rob these convents of the “Bibles, chalices, and +other sacred books,” and, with the aid of night, the enterprise met with +more success than they deserved.[255] + +The prior and convent of Ely traced some of their books to Paris. They +wrote to Edward III (1332): “Because a robber has taken out of our +church four books of great value, viz.--The Decretum, Decretals, the +Bible and Concordance, of which the first three are now at Paris, +arrested and detained under sequestration by the officer of the Bishop +of Paris, whom our proctor has often prayed in form of law to deliver +them, but he behaves so strangely that we shall find in him neither +right, grace, nor favour:--We ask you to write to the Bishop of Paris to +intermeddle favourably and tell his official to do right, so that we may +get our things back.”[256] In 1396-7 William, prior of Newstead, and a +brother canon, proceeded against John Ravensfield for the return of a +book by Richard of Hampole, entitled _Pricke of Conscience_, “and now +the parties aforesaid are agreed by the licence of the court, and the +said John is in ‘misericordia’; he paid the amercement in the +hall.”[257] Another record tells us of two monks of Christ Church, +Canterbury, being sent into Cambridgeshire to recover a book. + +The risk of loss owing to the practice of lending books was great--how +great may be judged from the fact that of the equal portions of the +Peterhouse College library of 1418, 199 volumes of the chained portion +remain, but only ten of all those assigned to the Fellows are left.[258] +In spite of the risk, lending was extensively carried on. In one year +(1343), for example, the unimportant priory of Hinton lent no fewer than +twenty books to another monastery.[259] Then again, it was thought to be +only common charity to lend books to poor students, and in 1212 a +council at Paris actually forbade monks to refuse to lend books to the +poor, and requested them to divide their libraries into two +divisions--one for the use of the brothers, the other for lending.[260] +Whether this ever became a practice in England is more than doubtful. +But seculars of position or influence appear to have been able to borrow +monastic books. For example, in 1320, the prior and convent of Ely +acknowledge receiving ten books from the executors of a rector of +Balsham, who had borrowed them.[261] Some years later, at an audit of +books of Christ Church, Canterbury, seventeen manuscripts--thirteen of +them on law--were noted as in the hands of seculars, among whom was +Edward II.[262] + +Lending books to brethren in the monastery was conducted according to +strict rules, of which those of Lanfranc, based on the Cluniac +observances, afford a good example. Before the brethren went into +chapter on the Monday after the first Sunday in Lent, the librarian laid +out on a carpet in the chapter-house all the books which were not on +loan. After the assembly of the brethren, the librarian read his +register of the books lent to the monks. Each brother, on hearing his +name, returned the book which had been entrusted to him. If he had not +made good use of the book, he was expected to prostrate himself, confess +his neglect, and beg forgiveness. When all books were returned, others +were issued, and a new record made. In some monasteries the abbot would +question the monks on the books they had read, to test their knowledge +of them, and whenever the answers were unsatisfactory would lend the +same books again instead of fresh ones. As a rule only one book was +issued at a time, so that the monk had plenty of time to digest its +contents. In Carthusian houses two books were lent at a time. Sick +brethren were freely permitted to borrow books for their solace, but +such books were returned to the library nightly, at lighting-up time. + +Among the Cluniacs it was the custom to take stock of the books given +out to the monks once a year; while the Franciscans kept a register of +their books, and every year it was read and corrected before the convent +in assembly.[263] + +An excellent example of a stocktaking record made at Christ Church, +Canterbury, has been preserved. The inspection took place in 1337. First +are recorded the books missing from the two “demonstrations,” as +recorded “in magnis tabulis,” _e.g._, + + Primo: deficit liber Transfiguratus in Crucifixum, ad quem est in + nota Frater W. de Coventre. + +Nineteen books were missing from the two “demonstrations,” or displays. +Nineteen service books were missing “in parvis tabulis.” No less than +thirty-eight books, twenty-eight of them for service, either of the +large or the small tables, were wanting: for these deceased brethren had +been responsible.[264] + +The “large tables” are believed to be boards whereon the borrowers of +books had their names and borrowings noted. “I find,” writes Dr. James, +“in a St. Augustine’s manuscript a note written on the fly-leaf by a +monk, of the books ‘pro quibus scribor in tabula’--‘for which I am down +on the board.’”[265] Large tables were in use at Pembroke College, +Cambridge; probably they were of a similar kind. “And let the said +keeper,”--so the statute runs--“have ready large pieces of board +(_tabulas magnas_), covered with wax and parchment, that the titles of +the books may be written on the parchment, and the names of the Fellows +who hold them on the wax beside it.”[266] Monastic catalogues were +sometimes written on such boards. At Cluni, Mabillon and Martène found +the catalogue inscribed on parchment-covered boards three feet and a +half long and a foot and a half wide--great tablets which closed +together like a book. + +Besides the example of an audit at Canterbury we have one belonging to +Durham, a little later in date (1416). The list of books assigned to the +Spendement was evidently read over, and a tick or point was put against +every volume found in its place. On a second check certain books were +accounted for, and notes of their whereabouts were added to the +inventory. Some were found in the cloister, others were in the library; +the prior of Finchale had a number; many had been sent to Oxford. In one +case a book is noted as given to Bishop Kempe of London.[267] + +The catalogue was usually a simple inventory. Sometimes the entries were +classified, as in the case of a catalogue of the York library of the +Friars Eremites of the Augustinian order. The fifteenth-century +catalogue of St. Augustine’s, Canterbury, is classified under sixteen +headings, but it is probably incomplete.[268] As a rule the entries were +only just sufficient to identify the books: all the treatises in a +volume were not often recorded, but only the title of the first. This is +an entry from a Durham catalogue:-- + + F. Legenda Sanctorum, sive Passionarum pro mensibus + Februaria et Marcii. II. fo., non surrexerunt. + +The letter F was employed as a distinctive mark. The note “II. fo., non +surrexerunt” signifies that the second folio began with these words, and +was used as the most convenient method of distinguishing two copies of +the same book, for it would rarely happen that one scribe would begin +the second sheet with the same word as another. In some houses the +practice was extended to printed books in the sixteenth century; and +consequently no fewer that nearly four hundred editions have been named +in the catalogue of Syon monastery.[269] In some other catalogues the +information given was fuller. The catalogue of Syon notes first the +press-mark in a bold hand; then on the left side the donor’s name, and +on the opposite side the words of the second folio; and beneath the +description of the book. + + GRAUNTE P 1^{m} indutu_m_ est + + Biblia perpulcra et completa cum interpretacionibus. + ¶ Tabula sentencialis super eandem per totum. ¶ Item + alia tabula expositoria vocabulorum difficilium eiusdem + Biblie. + + WOODE P 2 osce 2º + + Concordancie cum textu expresso. + +The catalogue of St. Augustine’s, already referred to, recorded the +general title of the volume, or of the first treatise in it; the name of +the donor; the other contents of the volume; the first words of the +second leaf, and the press-mark. Where necessary, cross-references were +supplied. The press-marks used for monastic books are generally of two +kinds: press-marks properly so called, or class-marks. At St. +Augustine’s, Canterbury, the distinctions or tiers were numbered, as D +3; and the gradus or shelves of each distinction were numbered, as + +[Illustration: _PLATE XVI_ + +FACSIMILE OF THE LIBRARY CATALOGUE OF SYON MONASTERY] + +G 4. A similar method seems to have been adopted for St. Albans; in one +book from that abbey is this mark: “de armariolo 4/A et quarto gradu +liber quartus.”[270] But such a mark assigned a book to one particular +place and fixed its relation to other books. Consequently, if any large +accession were made to the library, the classification of the books in +broad subject-divisions could only be maintained by the alteration of +many press-marks, both on the books and in the catalogue. At Titchfield +each class was marked with a letter of the alphabet, and the shelves +bearing it were numbered: thus a book might be assigned to G 2, or class +G, shelf 2.[271] This method of marking was more flexible. But at Syon +Monastery the books were arranged quite independently of the presses and +shelves; each volume receiving a different number, as well as a +class-letter. + +The most elaborate example of monkish cataloguing comes from Dover +Priory, a cell belonging to Canterbury. One John Whytefield compiled it +in 1389. The note preceding the catalogue tells of unbounded enthusiasm +for the library and a meticulous regard for order. No better proof of +the care taken of books by most monks could be found. The catalogue is +in three parts. First there is a brief inventory of the books as they +are arranged on the shelves. This is a shelf-list designed for the use +of the precentor; just the sort of record modern librarians regard as +indispensable in the administration of their libraries. Secondly, our +industrious monk has provided a catalogue,--a repetition of the +shelf-list, but with all the contents of each volume set out. His chief +aim in making this compilation is to show up fully the resources of his +collection, and to lead studious brethren to read zealously and +frequently. Lastly, an analytical index to the catalogue is supplied: +it is in alphabetical order, and is intended to point out to the user +the whereabouts in a volume of any individual treatise. A similar index, +by the way, is appended to the catalogue of Syon monastery.[272] The +library seems to have been spread over nine tiers (distinctions) of +book-casing, each marked with a letter of the alphabet. A tier had seven +shelves (_gradus_) marked by Roman numeral figures, the numbers +beginning from the bottom of the tier. Each book bore a small Arabic +figure which fixed its order on the shelf. The full press-mark of a book +was therefore A. V. 4. Such marks were written inside the books and on +their bindings. On the second, third, or fourth leaf of a book, or +thereabouts, the title was written on the bottom margin, with the +press-mark and the first words of that leaf. All these marks were copied +in the inventory or shelf-list: first the tier letter, then the shelf +number, afterwards the book number; followed by the title, the number of +the leaf whence the identifying words were taken, then the identifying +words, with the number of leaves in the volume, and finally the number +of tracts it contains. Here are some entries:-- + + A. v. + + +-----------+-----------+------------+------------+----------+------------+ + | Ordo | Nomina | Loca | Dicciones |Summa | Numerus | + |locacionis.|voluminum. |probacionum.|probatorie. |ffoliorum.|contentorum.| + +-----------+-----------+------------+------------+----------+------------+ + | 1 |Psalterium | 6 |apprehendite| 105 | 1 | + | | vetus | | disci | | | + | | glosatum | | | | | + | 2 |Prima pars | 4 |cument que | 195 | 2 | + | | psalterii| | il lait | | | + | | glosata | | | | | + | | gallice | | | | | + | 3 |Glose super| |nullas | 104 | 2 | + | | spalterio| 6 | habebunt | | | + | | | | veri | | | + +-----------+-----------+------------+------------+----------+------------+ + +In the second part, or catalogue following the shelf-list, are set out +the tier letter, shelf number, book number, short title; then the number +of the folio on which each tract in a volume begins, and finally the +first words of the tract itself.[273] + +Most books were bound by the monks themselves. The commonest materials +used for ordinary manuscripts were wooden boards, covered with deerskin +and calfskin, either coloured red or used in its natural tint, and +parchment usually stained or painted red or purple. Charles the Great +authorised the Abbot of St. Bertin to enjoy hunting rights so that the +monks could get skins for binding. In mid-ninth century, Geoffroi +Martel, Count of Anjou, commanded that the tithe of the roeskins +captured in the island of Oléron should be used to bind the books in an +abbey of his foundation. Few monastic bindings have been preserved, +because many great collectors have had their manuscripts rebound. +Several examples of Winchester work remain. Mr. Yates Thompson has a +mid-twelfth century manuscript bound in the monastic style, the leather +being stamped with cold irons of many curious rectangular shapes. The +manuscript of the Winton Domesday has a binding with stamps exactly like +those on Mr. Thompson’s book. “At Durham in the last half of the twelfth +century there was an equally important school of binding, with some one +hundred and fourteen different stamps. The binding for Hugh Pudsey’s +Bible has nearly five hundred impressions.”[274] In Pembroke College +library an excellent specimen of twelfth century stamped binding remains +on MS. 147. Such stamps were small, and frequently of geometrical or +floral design, always rudimentary; but animals of the quaintest +form--grotesque birds and dragons--were also introduced. A hammer or +mallet was employed to obtain an impression from the stamp. Sometimes +the oak boards were not covered with skin but were painted. + +If a book was specially prized the binding was often rich. The covers of +the Gospels of Lindau, a superb example of Carolingian art, bear nearly +five hundred gems encrusted in gold.[275] Abbot Paul of St. Albans gave +to his church two books adorned with gold and silver and gems. Abbot +Godfrey of Malmesbury, partly to meet a heavy tax imposed by William +Rufus, stripped twelve Gospels of their decorations. “Books are clothed +with precious stones,” cried St. Jerome, “whilst Christ’s poor die in +nakedness at the door.”[276] In spite of the many references to jewelled +monastic bindings in medieval records, very few are extant. + +[Illustration: _PLATE XVII_ + +MEDIEVAL BINDING: MR. YATES THOMPSON’S HEGESIPPUS] + + + + +CHAPTER V + +CATHEDRAL AND CHURCH LIBRARIES + + +§ I + +To the books of the monastery some human interest clings: we can at once +conjure up a picture of the cloister and the scribe at his work; the +handling of an old manuscript, the turning over of finely-written and +quaintly-illuminated yellow pages, throws the mind flashing back +centuries to the silent writer in his carrell. But the church library is +not rich in associations. It was a small “working” collection: one part +for the use of the clergy, the other part--consisting of a few chained +books--for the use of the people. These chained books, which now suggest +a scarcely conceivable restriction upon the circulation of +literature--even theological literature--were, in fact, the sign of a +glimmer of liberal thought in the church. During the fourteenth and +fifteenth centuries, not only were monastic books issued to lay people +more freely, but many more books were chained in places of worship than +in the sixteenth century, when the proclamation for the “setting-up” of +Bibles in churches was granted unwillingly. + +Some collections which later were distinctively church libraries were at +first claustral. For convenience’ sake we shall treat all of them as +church libraries. The amount of information on medieval church libraries +is surprisingly extensive, albeit a great deal more must remain hidden +still, for all our cathedral libraries have not been subjects of such +loving scholarship as Canon Church has bestowed upon the ancient +treasure-house at Wells. Still the material is extensive, and our +difficulty in making a selection for such a compendious book as the +present is complicated, because we often do not find it possible to say +whether the books referred to in the available records are merely +service books, or books of an ordinary character. To evade this +difficulty we must ignore all material relating to unnamed books, which +we cannot reasonably suppose to have been the nucleus of a more general +collection, or an addition to it. + +Exeter Cathedral Library was a monastic hoard. It originated with Bishop +Leofric, who got together over sixty books about sixteen years before +the Conquest. His books were a curious collection: among copies of the +classics and ecclesiastical works were books of night songs, summer and +winter reading books, a precious book of blessings, and a “Mycel Englisc +boc”--a large English book, on all sorts of things, wrought in verse. +The last is the famous Exeter book, still preserved in the library. A +small folio of 130 leaves of vellum, it is remarkable to the student of +manuscripts for its bold, clear, and graceful calligraphy, and priceless +to the student of literature as the only source of much of our small +store of Anglo-Saxon poetry. Some other Leofrican books remain. In the +library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, is an eleventh century +copy of Bede’s history in Anglo-Saxon, which was given to Exeter by +Leofric, although it is not mentioned in the list of his gifts in the +Bodleian manuscript. The inscription in it reads: _Hunc librum dat +leofricus episcopus ecclesie sancti petri apostoli in exonia ubi sedes +episcopalis est ad utilitatem successorum suorum. Si quis illum +abstulerit inde, subiaceat maledictioni. Fiat. Fiat. Fiat._[277] A +manuscript of Bede on + +[Illustration: _PLATE XVIII_ + +ANCIENT BOOK-BOX IN EXETER CATHEDRAL] + +the Apocalypse, now at Lambeth Palace, seems almost certainly to have +come from St. Mary’s Church, Crediton, and it bears the +inscription:--“A: in nomine domini. Amen. Leofric_us_ Pater.”[278] +Another book given by Leofric, a missal dating from 969, is preserved in +the Bodleian Library.[279] + +Although the age of these books suggests that the collection has existed +continuously since the eleventh century, after Leofric’s time no +important reference to the library occurs until 1327, when an inventory +of the books was drawn up. Then about 230 volumes (excluding service +books) were in the possession of the Chapter.[280] In this same year a +breviary and a missal were chained up in the choir for the use of the +people.[281] Twelve months later John Grandisson arrived at Exeter to +take charge of his diocese. A book-loving bishop, he was a benefactor to +the library, maybe to a very praiseworthy extent; but a few words will +record what is definitely known about this part of his work. In 1366 he +gave two folio volumes, still extant. One contains Lessons from the +Bible, and the homilies appointed to be read, and the other is the +Legends of the Saints.[282] In his will he gave two other books, perhaps +Pontificals of his own compilation, to his successors.[283] He himself +owned an extensive library, which he divided principally between his +chapter and the collegiate churches of Ottery, Crediton, and Boseham, +and Exeter College, Oxford.[284] All St. Thomas Aquinas’ works he +bequeathed to the Black Friars’ convent at Exeter. To Simon Islip, +Archbishop of Canterbury, he gave a fine copy of St. Anselm’s letters, +now by good fortune in the British Museum. A Hebrew Pentateuch once +belonging to him is in the capitular library of Westminster: is it +possible that the bishop was a Hebrew scholar?[285] Among the books of +Windsor College was a volume, _De Legendis et Missis de B. V. Mariâ_, +which had been given by him. + +A library room was built over the east cloister in 1412-13.[286] +Probably the building was found necessary on account of a considerable +accession of books, and we hazard a guess that Grandisson’s bequest, +received in 1370, formed the bulk of the accretion. At all events, among +the accounts for the building are charges for 191 chains for books not +secured before. No fewer than 67 books were also sewed or bound on this +same occasion, the master binder being paid £6 and his man 36s. 8d. Thus +at the beginning of the fifteenth century--the age of library +building--the capitular hoard at Exeter was furbished up, newly housed, +and arranged. But the interest in the collection seems to have waned. +Another chain was bought for sixteenpence in 1430-31 for a copy of +_Rationale Divinorum_, which was given by one Rolder; but such gifts +were few and far between. In 1506 the Chapter owned 363 volumes, but +133 more than in 1327,[287] so that few additions besides Grandisson’s +were made in nearly two centuries, or many books were lost.[288] +According to this second inventory the books were arranged in eleven +desks; eight books were chained opposite the west door; twenty-eight +were not chained; seven were chained behind the treasurer’s stall (a +Bible in three volumes, Lyra also in three, and a Concordance); and +fourteen volumes of canon and civil law behind the succentor’s +stall.[289] The Dean and Chapter were in a strangely generous mood at +the end of this century. In 1566 they gave one of Leofric’s books to +Archbishop Parker: it is now in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. The +collection was despoiled of eighty-one of its finest books to enrich +Bodley’s foundation at Oxford, 1602.[290] Although the book-lover does +not like to see treasures torn from their associations, yet in this +instance the alienation was fortunate. By 1752 only twenty volumes noted +in the inventory of 1506 were left at Exeter.[291] + +Besides the Exeter Book, one other very ancient and valuable manuscript +is preserved in the Cathedral: this is the part of the Domesday Book +referring to Devon, Cornwall, and Somerset, which is probably not much +later in date than the Exchequer record. Two ancient book-boxes are also +to be found there. These are fixed in a sloping position by means of +iron supports embedded in the pillars. The late Dr. J. W. Clark was led +to believe them to be intended for books by finding a wooden bookboard +nailed to the inside bottom of one of the boxes. For the protection of +the book each box has a cover, which does not seem ever to have been +fastened: a reader would raise the lid when he wanted to use the +manuscript, and close it before he went away.[292] Erasmus seems to have +seen similar boxes fixed to the pillars in the nave at Canterbury.[293] + + +§ II + +When gifts or bequests were received by a church or monastery, it was a +beautiful custom to lay them, or something to represent them, upon the +altar: “a book, or turf, or, in fact, almost any portable object, was +offered for property such as land; or a bough or twig of a tree, if the +gift were a forest.” King Offa’s gift of churches to Worcester monastery +in 780 was accompanied by a great book with golden clasps, with every +probability a Bible.[294] A gift was made under similar circumstances in +_c._ 1057, about the time Bishop Leofric was founding the library at +Exeter, when Lady Godiva, the wife of another Leofric, restored some +manors to Worcester, and with them gave a Bible in two parts. Before +this, Bishop Werfrith, to whom we have referred before as a helper of +King Alfred, had sent to Worcester the Anglo-Saxon version of Gregory’s +_Cura Pastoralis_; the very copy of it is now in the Bodleian Library. + +Such were perhaps the beginnings of the library of Worcester Cathedral. +We cannot but think that a collection of books was formed slowly and +steadily here, as in other foundations of the same kind, although +actual records are scanty and meagre. In over forty of the manuscripts +now at Worcester are inscriptions on fly-leaves stating where they were +procured: sometimes the price is given. The dates of these inscriptions +run from about 1283 to 1462, or later.[295] “In 1464,” writes the Rev. +J. K. Floyer, in his article entitled _A Thousand Years of a Cathedral +Library_, “we first hear of a regular endowment for the acquisition of +books. Bishop Carpenter made a library in the charnel house chantry, and +endowed it with £10 for a librarian. The charnel house was near the +north porch of the Cathedral, and stood on or near the site of the +present Precentor’s house. It was a separate institution from the +monastery, and had its own endowments and priests. Bishop Carpenter’s +foundation was probably entirely separate from the collection of books +kept for the use of the monks in the cloister.”[296] At the same time, +the bishop made regulations for the use of the library. The keeper was +to be a graduate in theology, and a good preacher. He was to live in the +chantry, where a dwelling had been erected for him at the end of the +library. Among other duties he had to take care of the books. The +library was to be open to the public every week day for two hours before +Nones (or nine), and for two hours after Nones. This alone was a most +liberal regulation, for making which Bishop Carpenter deserves all +honour. But he went still further. When asked to do so the keeper was to +explain difficult passages of Scripture, and once a week was to deliver +a public lecture in the library. The Bishop’s idea of a library is +precisely that embodied in the modern town library: a collection of good +books, for the free use of the public, with some personal help to the +proper use of them when necessary. Three lists of the books were to be +drawn up, one to be kept by the Bishop, the second by the sacrist, and +the third by the keeper. Once a year stock was taken, and if a book were +missing through the keeper’s neglect, he was to forfeit its value within +a month, or in default was to pay forty-shillings more than the value of +it, one half of the sum to go to the Bishop, the other half to the +sacrist. Unfortunately these and other regulations were not observed +with care, and within forty years the Bishop’s work was completely +neglected and forgotten. + +At the Dissolution the Priory was deprived of much of its church plate, +service books and vestments, and probably of many of its books. But the +library there suffered a good deal less than those of other houses, and +the Cathedral now has in its possession some respectable remains of its +ancient collection of books.[297] + + +§ III + +The history of an old library can only be traced intermittently, the +facts playing hide and seek like a distant lantern carried over broken +ground. Little is known of the early history of Hereford’s cathedral +library. An ancient copy of the Gospels, said to have been bequeathed by +the last Saxon bishop, Athelstan (1012), is one of the earliest gifts. +In 1186 Bishop Robert Folliott gave “multa bona in terris et libris.” +Bishop Hugh Folliott also left ornaments and books. Another bishop, R. +de Maidstone, although “vir magnae literaturae, et in theologia +nominatissimus,” only seems to have given the church two antiphonaries, +some psalters, and a _Legenda_. Bishop Charleton (1369) left a Bible, a +concordance, a glossary, Nicholas de Lyra, and five Books of Moses, all +to be chained in the cathedral. Very shortly + +[Illustration: _PLATE XIX_ + +HEREFORD CATHEDRAL LIBRARY: CHAINED BOOKS] + +afterwards we hear of fittings, for in 1395 Walter of Ramsbury gave £10 +for making the desks. Probably a book-room, which was over the west +cloister, was then put up. A long interval elapsed, during which little +seems to have been done for the library. But between _c._ 1516-35 Bishop +Booth and Dean Frowcester left many fine volumes. In 1589 the book-room +was abandoned and the contents shifted to the Lady Chapel. + +A new library was built in 1897. Herein are to be seen what are almost +certainly the original bookcases, albeit they have been taken to pieces +and somewhat altered before being fitted together again. One of the +bookcases still has all the old chains and fittings for the books, and +it presents a very curious appearance. Every chain is from three to four +feet long, with a ring at each end, and a swivel in the middle. One ring +is strung on to an iron rod, which is secured at one end of the bookcase +by metal work, with lock and key. For convenience in using the book on +the reading slope which was attached to the case, the ring at the other +end of the chain was fixed to the fore edge of the book-cover instead of +to the back; when standing on the shelves the books therefore present +their fore edges to the reader. The cases are roughly finished, but very +solid in make.[298] + + +§ IV + +At Old Sarum Church, Bishop Osmund (1078-99) collected, wrote, and bound +books.[299] In his time, too, the chancellor used to superintend the +schools and correct books: either books used in the school or service +books.[300] The income from a virgate of land was assigned to +correcting books towards the end of the twelfth century (1175-80).[301] +The new Salisbury Cathedral was erected in the thirteenth century; but +apparently a special library room was not used until shortly after 1444, +when it was put up to cover the whole eastern cloister. This room was +altered and reduced in size in 1758. About the time the room was +completed one of the canons gave some books, on the inside covers of two +of which is a note in a fifteenth century hand bidding they should be +chained in the new library.[302] Nearly two hundred manuscripts, of +various date from the ninth to the fourteenth century, are now in the +library. Among them several notable volumes are to be found: a Psalter +with curious illuminations; another Psalter, with the Gallican and +Hebrew of Jerome’s translation in parallel columns, also illuminated; +Chaucer’s translation of Boëthius; Geoffrey of Monmouth’s _History of +the Kings of Britain_ of the twelfth century; a thirteenth century +Lectionary, with golden and coloured initials; a Tonale according to +Sarum use, bound with a fourteenth century Ordinal; and a fifteenth +century Processional containing some notes on local customs. + + +§ V + +Books were given to Lincoln Cathedral about 1150 by Hugh of Leicester; +one of them bears the inscription, _Ex dono Hugonis Archidiaconi +Leycestriae_. They may still be seen at Lincoln. Forty-two volumes and a +map came into the charge of Hamo when he became chancellor in 1150.[303] +During his chancellorship thirty-one volumes were added by gift, so +making the total seventy-three volumes: Bishops Alexander and Chesney +were among the benefactors. But here, as at + +[Illustration: _PLATE XX_ + +THE OLD LIBRARY, LINCOLN CATHEDRAL] + +Salisbury, not until the fifteenth century was a separate library room +built. Two gifts “to the new library” by Bishop Repyngton--who also +befriended Oxford University Library--and Chancellor Duffield in 1419 +and 1426, fix the date. It was put up over the north half of the eastern +cloisters, relatively the same position as at Salisbury and Wells. +Originally it had five bays, but in 1789 the two southernmost bays were +pulled down: In this room the fine fifteenth century oaken roof, with +its carved ornaments, has been preserved, but at Salisbury the roof is +modern, with a plaster ceiling. Lincoln’s new library, designed by Wren +and erected in 1674, is next to this old room. According to a 1450 +catalogue now preserved at Lincoln the library contained one hundred and +seven works, more than seventy of which now remain. Among the most +important manuscripts are a mid-fifteenth century copy of old English +romances of great literary value, collected by Robert de Thornton, +archdeacon of Bedford (_c._ 1430); and a contemporary copy of Magna +Carta. + + +§ VI + +In an inventory of St. Paul’s Cathedral, taken in 1245, mention is made +of thirty-five volumes.[304] Before this, in Ralph of Diceto’s time, a +binder of books was an officer of the church. As at Salisbury, the +chancellor’s duties included taking charge of the school books. In 1283 +a writer of books was included among the ministers. The two offices were +combined in the beginning of the next century. When Dean Ralph Baldock +made a visitation of St. Paul’s treasury in 1295, he found thirteen +Gospels adorned with precious metals and stones; some other parts of the +Scriptures; and a commentary of Thomas Aquinas. In 1313 Baldock, who +died Bishop of London, bequeathed fifteen volumes, chiefly theological +books.[305] To Baldock’s time probably belongs the reference to twelve +scribes, no doubt retained for business purposes as well as for +book-making. They were bound by an oath to be faithful to the church and +to write without fraud or malice. Æneas Sylvius tells us he saw a Latin +translation of Thucydides in the sacristy of the cathedral (1435).[306] + +A library room was erected in the fifteenth century. “Ouer the East +Quadrant of this Cloyster, was a fayre Librarie, builded at the costes +and charges of Waltar Sherington, Chancellor of the Duchie of Lancaster, +in the raigne of Henrie the 6 which hath beene well furnished with faire +written books in Vellem.”[307] The catalogue of 1458 bears out Stow’s +description of the library as well-furnished. Some one hundred and +seventy volumes were in the Chapter’s possession; they were of the usual +kind, grammatical books, Bibles and commentaries, works of the fathers; +books on medicine by Galen, Hippocrates, Avicenna, and Egidius; Ralph de +Diceto’s chronicles; and some works of Seneca, Cicero, Suetonius, and +Virgil.[308] In 1486, however, only fifty-two volumes were found after +the death of John Grimston the sacrist.[309] Leland gives a list of only +twenty-one manuscripts, but it was not his habit to make full +inventories. In Stow’s time, however, few books remained.[310] Three +volumes only can be traced now--(1) a manuscript of Avicenna, (2) the +Chronicle of Ralph de Diceto in the Lambeth Palace Library, and (3) the +Miracles of the Virgin, in the Aberdeen University Library.[311] + + +§ VII + +Although neither a monastic nor a collegiate church, Wells was already +in the thirteenth century a place with some equipment for educational +work. Besides the choristers’ school, a _schola grammaticalis_ of a +higher grade was in existence. After 1240 the Chancellor’s duties +included lecturing on theology. Not improbably, therefore, a collection +of books was formed very early. And indeed the Dean and Chapter in 1291 +received from the Dean of Sarum books lent by the Chapter, and some +others bequeathed to them. Hugo of St. Victor, _Speculum de +Sacramentis_, and Bede, _De Temporibus_, were the books returned from +Sarum; among those bequeathed were Augustine’s _Epistles_ and _De +Civitate Dei_, Gregory the Great’s _Speculum_, and John Damascenus. We +know nothing of the character and size of the library at this time, +although it seems to have been preserved in a special room. In 1297, the +Chapter ordered the two side doors of the choir screen in the aisles to +be shut at night. One door near the library (_versus librarium_) and the +Chapter was only to be open from the first stroke of matins until the +proper choir door was opened at the third bell. At other times during +the day it was always to be closed, so that people could not injure the +books in the library, or overhear the conferences of the Chapter +(_secreta capituli_). This library was most likely on the north side of +the church, with the Chapter House beside it, in the north transept, as +shown conjecturally in the plan given in Canon Church’s admirable +_Chapters in the Early History of the Church of Wells_.[312] That so +early, in a church neither monastic nor collegiate, a school was at +work, and a library had been formed, is a specially significant fact in +the study of our subject. + +[Illustration: PLAN SHOWING PROBABLE SITUATION OF LIBRARY OF WELLS +CATHEDRAL IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.] + +In this position the library remained until the fifteenth century. Two +notices occur of it, one in 1340 and another in 1406, in both cases in +connection with an image of the Holy Saviour, “near the library.” + +But in the fifteenth century a new library was built + +[Illustration: _PLATE XXI_ + +WELLS CATHEDRAL LIBRARY, OVER CLOISTER] + +over the eastern cloister. Bishop Nicholas of Bubwith, in his will of +1424, bequeathed one thousand marks to be faithfully applied and +disposed for the construction and new building of a certain library to +be newly erected upon the eastern space of the cloister, situate between +the south door of the church next the chamber of the escheator of the +church and the gate which leads directly from the church by the cloister +into the palace of the bishop.[313] The work was begun by his executors, +but certain signs of break in the building suggest some delay in +finishing it. This room is probably the only cathedral library built +over a cloister which remains in its original completeness. It is 165 +feet by 12 feet; now only about two-thirds of it are devoted to the +library. When this room was first fitted up as a library no one knows; +but tradition fixes the date at 1472. The present fittings were put in +during Bishop Creighton’s time (1670-72). + +Shortly after the date of Bubwith’s will Bishop Stafford (1425-43) gave +ten books--not an inspiriting collection--but he desired to retain +possession of them during his lifetime.[314] In 1452 Richard Browne +(_alias_ Cordone), Archdeacon of Rochester, left to the library of +Wells, Petrus de Crescentiis _De Agricultura_, and two other books, +Jerome’s _Epistles_, and Lathbury _Super librum Trenorum_, which were to +be kept in the church in wooden cases.[315] Were these cases to resemble +the boxes still remaining in Exeter Cathedral? The same will ordered the +_Decretales_ of Clement, which had been borrowed for copying, to be +restored to this library; two other books were also given back; and the +will further notes that there are several books belonging to the library +in a certain great bag in the inner room of the treasury at Wells.[316] + +Leland only mentions forty-six books in the library in his time. “I went +into the library, which whilome had been magnificently furnished with a +considerable number of books by its bishops and canons, and I found +great treasures of high antiquity.” Among the books he found were +sermons by Gregory and Ælfric in Anglo-Saxon, Terence, and “Dantes +translatus in carmen Latinum.” Very few books belonging to the old +library before the Dissolution have survived. Some are in the British +Museum, the Bodleian, and certain collegiate libraries; and several +manuscripts remain in the hands of the Dean and Chapter. Among them are +three manuscripts known as Liber albus I, Liber ruber II, and Liber +albus III, which contain an extremely valuable series of documents.[317] + + +§ VIII + +In the York fabric rolls appear from time to time expenses for writing, +illuminating, and binding church books; but we know little or nothing +about the Chapter library, if such existed. William de Feriby, a canon, +bequeathed his books in 1379. Between 1418 and 1422, a library was built +at the south-west corner of the south transept. The building is in two +floors, and the upper appears to have been the book-room; it is still in +existence. In the rolls are several references to the building. + + 1419. Et de 26_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ de elemosina domini Thomae Haxey ad + cooperturam novi librarii cum plumbo. + +Haxey was a good friend to the cathedral; and he gave handsomely toward +the library. His arms were put up in one of the new library windows. + + 1419. In sarracione iiij arborum datarum novo librario per Abbatem + de Selby, 6/8. + + 1419. Et Johanni Grene, joynor, pro joynacione tabularum pro + libraria et planacione et gropyng de waynscott, per annum, 17_s._ + 8_d._ + + In operacione cc ferri in boltes pro nova libraria per Johannem + Harpham, fabrum, 8s.[318] + +In 1418 John de Newton, the church treasurer, bequeathed to the Chapter +a number of books, including Bibles, commentaries, and patristical and +historical works, as well as Petrarch’s _De remediis utriusque +fortunae_.[319] They were chained to the library desks, and were guarded +with horn and studs, to protect them from the consequences of careless +use by readers. + + 1421. Johanni Upton pro superscriptura librorum nuper magistri + Johannis Neuton thesaurarii istius ecclesiae legatorum librario, + 2_s._ Thomae Hornar de Petergate pro hornyng et naillyng + superscriptorum librorum, 2_s._ 6_d._ Radulpho Lorymar de + Conyngstrete pro factura et emendacione xl cathenarum pro eisdem + libris annexis in librario predicto, 23_s._ 1_d._[320] + +From time to time a few other bequests were made: thus, Archdeacon +Stephen Scrope bequeathed some books on canon law, after a beneficiary +had had them in use during his life (1418). Robert Ragenhill, advocate +of the court of York, enriched the church with a small collection +(1430); and Robert Wolveden, treasurer of the church, left to the +library his theological books (1432).[321] + + +§ IX + +The Sacrist’s Roll of Lichfield Cathedral, under date 1345, contains an +inventory of the books then in possession of the church. All of them +were service books, excepting only a _De Gestis Anglorum_.[322] +Thereafter we cannot discover a notice of the library until 1489, when +Dean Thomas Heywood gave £40 towards building a home for the books. Dean +Yotton assisted in the good work. By 1493 the building was finished. It +stood on the north side of the Cathedral, west of the north door, or “ex +parte boreali in cimeterio.”[323] The Dean and Chapter had it pulled +down in 1758. + +Nearly all the books of the early collection perished during the Civil +War; but the finest manuscript, known as St. Chad’s Gospels, was saved +by the precentor. Among the other manuscripts in the possession of the +Chapter are a fine vellum copy of Chaucer’s _Canterbury Tales_, with +beautiful initials, and the _Taxatio Ecclesiastica_, a tithe book +showing the value of church property in Edward I’s time.[324] + + +§ X + +Many other churches, some of them small and unimportant, owned books, +and received them as gifts or bequests. In the time of Richard II the +Royal collegiate chapel of Windsor Castle had, besides service books, +thirty-four volumes on different subjects chained in the church, among +them a Bible and a Concordance, and two books of French romance, one of +which was the _Liber de Rose_.[325] + +The library of St. Mary’s Church, Warwick, was first formed by the +celebrated antiquary, John Rous. Before his time we hear only of one or +two books. In 1407 there was a collection of fifty service books, and a +_Catholicon_, the latter being perhaps the nucleus of a library.[326] +“At my lorde’s auter,” that is, at the Earl of Warwick’s altar, were to +be found among other goods and books, the Bible, the fourth book of the +_Sentences_, _Pupilla Oculi_, a work by Reymond de Pennaforte, Isidore, +and some canon law.[327] John Rous seems to have inherited the bookish +tastes of his relative, William Rous. William had bequeathed his books +to the Dean, charging him to allow John to read them when he came of age +and had received priest’s orders. + +Among the Harleian MSS. in the British Museum is a small volume written +on parchment by Humphrey Wanley, which includes a copy of a curious +inventory of vestments, plate, books, and other goods made in the time +of John Rous, 1464. A portion of this inventory has been printed in +_Notices of the Churches of Warwickshire_, i. 15-16. “It. v bokes beynge +in the handes of Maister John Rous now priest whuche were Sir William +Rous and bequath hem to the Dean and Chapitre of the forseide Chirche +Collegiall under condicōn that the seid maister John beynge priest +shulde have hem for his special edificacōn duryng his lief. And after +his decees to remayne and to be for ever to the seide Dean and Chapitre +as it appereth by endentures thereof made whereof one party leveth with +the Dean and Chapitre. That is to say i book quem composuit ffrater +Antoninus Rampologus de Janis 2 fo Chorinth 14. It. 1 book cald pars +dextera et pars sinistra 2 fo non ð carere. It. 1 bible versefied cald +patris in Aurora 2 fo huic opifex. It. 1 book of powles epistoles +glosed 2 fo de Jhu qui dr Xtus. It. 1 book cald pharetra 2 fo hora est +jam nos de sompno surgere. It. 1 quayer in the whuche is conteyned the +exposicōn of the masse 2 fo cois offerim.” + +John also seems to have given books as well as a room to house +them.[328] An old view of the church, taken before the great fire which +destroyed the town in 1694, shows the south porch surmounted with his +library, as then standing; but this room was destroyed in the fire, and +it seems certain the books were burnt. The present library was founded +in 1701, and includes no part of the original collection.[329] + +Bequests to churches of service books, such as that to the church of St. +Mary, Castle-gate, York (1394), were numerous; they may be set apart +with bequests of vestments, plate, and money. Some bequests have a +different character. A chancellor of York, Thomas de Farnylaw, leaves +books, bound and unbound, to the Vicar of Waghen; a volume of sermons +and a “quire” to the church of Embleton; and a Bible and Concordance to +be chained in the north porch of St. Nicholas’ Church, Newcastle, “for +common use, for the good of the soul of his lord William of Middleton” +(1378). A chaplain leaves service books, _Speculum Ecclesiae_, and the +Gospels in English to Holy Trinity Church, Goodramgate, York (1394). A +Bristol merchant bequeaths two books on canon law to St. Mary Redcliffe +Church, there to be preserved for the use of the vicar and chaplains +(1416). In the same year a Canon of York enriches Beverley Church with +all his books of canon and civil law. Books were also chained in the +church of St. Mary of Oxford. Bishop Lyndwood of St. David’s bequeaths a +copy of his digest of the synodal constitutions of the province of +Canterbury for chaining in St. Stephen’s Chapel, “to serve as a standard +for future editions” (1443). Richard Browne, or Cordone, who has left +books to Wells, reserves for the parish church of Naas in Ireland a +_Catholicon_ and other manuscripts (1452). To Boston Church a rector of +Kirkby Ravensworth bequeaths several books, but one named John Bosbery +was to have the use of them for life: among the gifts was +_Polichronicon_ (1457). Canon Nicholas Holme leaves _Pupilla Oculi_ to +the parish church of Redmarshall (1458). A chaplain bequeaths one book +to St. Mary’s Church, Bolton, another to St. Wilfrid’s Church, Brensall +in Craven, and a third to All Saints’ Church, Peseholme, York (1466). +Sir Richard Willoughby orders church books and a _Crede mihi_ to be +given to Woollaton Parish Church (1469). Robert Est, possibly a +chantry-priest in York Minster, enriches the parish church of his native +Lincoln village, Brigsley, with a copy of _Legends of the Saints_, +_Speculum Christiani_, _Gesta Romanorum cum aliis fabulis Isopi et +multis narrationibus_, and a Psalter (1474-75). To the church of St. +Mary’s, Nottingham, the vicar leaves a _Golden Legend_, a +_Polichronicon_, besides _Pupilla Oculi_, and a portiforium to Wragby +Church, and a missal to Snenton Church (1476). Sir Thomas Lyttleton +befriends King’s Norton Church by leaving it a Latin-English dictionary, +and that of Halesowen in Worcestershire by leaving a _Catholicon_, the +_Constitutiones Provinciales_ (possibly Lyndwood’s digest, the +_Provinciale_), and the _Gesta Romanorum_ (1481). A man of Leicester was +sued by the church wardens of the parish church of Welford, in the +county of Leicester, on a charge of having taken away certain books +belonging to the church and sold them (1490). The vicar of Ruddington +bequeaths three books, “ad tenendum et ligandum cum cathena ferrea in +quadam sede in capella B. M. de Rodington” (1491). Thomas Rotherham, +benefactor of Cambridge University Library, gave to the church of +Rochester ten pounds for building a library (1500). To Wetheringsett +Church a chaplain of Bury carefully reserves “a book called Fasiculus +Mors [_Fasciculus morum_], to lye in the chauncell, for priests to +occupye ther tyme when it shall please them, praying them to have my +soule in remembraunce as it shall please them of their charite” +(1519).[330] + +A very little research would add considerably to our list; while, apart +from records of gifts and bequests, are numberless references to books +in churches. For example: in the churchwarden’s account book (_c._ 1525) +of All Saints, Derby, occurs an entry beginning: “These be the bokes in +our lady Chapell tyed with chenes yt were gyffen to Alhaloes church in +Derby-- + + In primis one Boke called summa summarum. + + Item A boke called Summa Raumundi [Summa poenitentia et matrimonio + of Reymond de Pennaforte of Barcelona]. + + Item Anoyer called pupilla occuli [Pupilla oculi, by J. de Burgo]. + + Item Anoyer called the Sexte [Liber Sextus Decretalium]. + + Item A boke called Hugucyon [see pp. 223-4]. + + Item A boke called Vitas Patrum. + + Item Anoyer boke called pauls pistols. + + Item A boke called Januensis super evangeliis dominicalibus + [Sermons of Jacobus de Voragine, Abp. of Genoa, on the Gospels for + the Sundays throughout the year]. + + Item a grette portuose [a large breviary]. + + Item Anoyer boke called Legenda Aurea [Legenda sanctorum aurea of + Jacobus de Voragine].”[331] + +This is a respectable list for such a church. Some sixty years before +there were apparently only service books (1465).[332] + +From 1456 to 1475 charges occur in the accounts of St. Michael’s Church, +Cornhill, for chains to fix psalters, and for writing.[333] At St. +Peter’s upon Cornhill there would appear to have been a good library. +“True it is,” writes Stow, “that a library there was pertaining to this +Parrish Church, of olde time builded of stone, and of late repayred with +bricke by the executors of Sir John Crosby Alderman, as his Armes on the +south end doth witnes. This library hath beene of late time, to wit, +within these fifty yeares, well furnished of bookes: John Leyland viewed +and commended them, but now those bookes be gone, and the place is +occupied by a schoolemaister.”[334] In 1483 the Church of St. +Christopher-le-Stocks, London, seems to have had a collection only of +service books; but five years later mention is made of “a grete +librarie.” “On the south side of the vestrarie standeth a grete librarie +with ii longe lecturnalles thereon to lay on the bookes.”[335] About the +middle of the sixteenth century certain inhabitants of Rayleigh held a +meeting one Sunday, after service, and, without the consent of the +churchwardens, sold fifteen service books, and “four other manuscript +volumes,” as well as some other church goods, for forty shillings.[336] + +But we might continue for a long time to bring together facts of this +kind. Enough has been written to suggest the character and extent of the +work done by the churches. Many of these small collections were for use +in connexion with the schools; they were formed for the benefit of +clergy and the increase of clergy. The few books chained up in the +churches for the use of the people were displayed for various reasons. +The _Catholicon_, a Latin grammar and a dictionary, was a large book, +obtainable only at great cost, yet for reference purposes all students +and scholars constantly needed it. Wealthy ecclesiastics and benefactors +would therefore naturally leave such a book for chaining up in the +church, which was then the real centre of communal life. The +_Catholicon_ was chained up for reference in French churches, and the +practice was imitated here, possibly in nearly all the large +churches.[337] The _Medulla grammatice_, left to King’s Norton Church by +Sir Thomas Lyttleton, was a book of similar character, and would be +deposited in church for a like purpose. Books of canon law would also be +useful for reference purposes when chained in the church. Some other +shackled books were homiletical in character. Should we be accused of +excess of imagination if we conjured up a picture of a little cluster of +people standing by a clerk who reads to them a sermon or a passage of +Holy Writ? The collection of tales, each with a moral, known as the +_Gesta Romanorum_, would make especially attractive reading. Some books +often found in churches and frequently mentioned in this book, as the +_Summa Praedicantium_ of John de Bromyarde, _Pupilla Oculi_, by John de +Burgo, and the _Speculum Christiani_, by John Walton, were manuals for +the instruction of priests. + +[Illustration: _PLATE XXII_ + +ST. MARY’S CHURCH, OXFORD: THE FIRST HOME OF THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY] + + + + +CHAPTER VI + +ACADEMIC LIBRARIES: OXFORD + +“Ingenia hominum rem publicam fecerunt.” + + +§ I + +Probably a few scribes plied their craft in Oxford in early days long +before the students began to make a settlement, for the town had been a +flourishing borough, one of the largest in England. But until the end of +the twelfth century we hear nothing about books and their makers or +users in Oxford. Then we find illuminators, bookbinders, parchmenters, +and a scribe referred to in a document relating to the sale of land in +Cat Street. This record is very significant, as it suggests the active +employment of book-makers in the centre of Oxford’s student life. St. +Mary’s Church was the hub. Cat Street, School Street running parallel +with it from High Street to the north boundary, and Schydyard Street, +the continuation of School Street on the southern side of High Street, +alleys of the usual medieval narrowness and mean appearance, the +buildings on either hand almost touching one another, and the way +dark--were the haunts of masters and scholars and all those depending on +them. Students, old and young, of high station and low, are crowded in +lodging-houses, many of which are shabby, dirty, and disreputable. Hence +they come forth to play their games or carry on their feuds. Some haunt +taverns and worse places. Others eke out their means by begging at +street corners. All get their teaching by gathering round masters whose +rostrum is the church doorstep or the threshold of the lodging-house. +Amid the manifold distractions of this queerly-ordered life the maker +and seller of books earns what living he can; his chief patrons being +indigent masters, who often must starve themselves to get books, and +students so poor that pawning becomes a custom regulated by the +University itself. + +Not till the University became firmly established as a corporate body +could a common library be formed. The beginning was simple. The first +books reserved for common use had their home in St. Mary’s Church: some +lay in chests, and were lent in exchange for a suitable pledge; others +were chained to desks so that students could readily refer to them. +These books were almost certainly theological in character, and all were +no doubt given by benefactors, now unknown. Such a gift was received +early in the thirteenth century from Roger de L’Isle, Dean of York, who +gave a Bible, divided into four parts for the convenience of copyists, +and the Book of Exodus, glossed, but old and of little value.[338] +Possibly some books remained in the church even after an independent +library was founded, for as late as 1414 a copy of Nicholas de Lyra was +chained in the chancel for public use, where it was inspected by the +Chancellor and proctors every year.[339] + +To a “good clerk” who had gathered his learning at three +Universities--the arts at Paris, canon law at Oxford, and theology at +Cambridge--the University library appropriately owes its origin. Bishop +Cobham left his books + +[Illustration: _PLATE XXIII_ + +ILLUMINATOR OF ST. ALBANS + +DOCUMENT TRANSFERRING LAND IN OXFORD, BEARING THE NAMES OF SEVEN MEMBERS +OF THE BOOK TRADE, C. 1180] + +and three hundred and fifty marks for this purpose in 1327. He had +proposed to build a two-storied building, the lower chamber to be the +Congregation House, and the upper a library; or perhaps the Congregation +House was already standing, and he had the idea of adding another story, +for use as an oratory and library. Therein his books would bide when he +died.[340] Not till long after his death was the building completed. His +books did not come to the University without much trouble. Bequests were +elusive in the Middle Ages, for people sometimes dreamed of projects +they could not realize while they lived, and sanguinely hoped their +executors would win prayers for the dead by successfully stretching poor +means to a good end. Cobham died in debt. His books were pawned to +settle his estate and pay for his funeral. Adam de Brome redeemed the +pledges, and handed them over, not to the University, but to his +newly-founded college of Oriel.[341] In peace the books were enjoyed at +Oriel until four years after de Brome’s death. The Fellows claimed them, +it appears, not only because he redeemed them, but because, as +impropriating rectors of the church, both building and library were +theirs, they argued, by right. The University was equally persistent in +its claim. At last, ten years after Cobham’s death, the Commissary, +taking mean advantage of the small number of Fellows in residence in +autumn, went to Oriel with “a multitude of others,” and brought the +books away by force. Thereafter the University held them, but it took +nearly seventy years to settle the dispute about them, and to decide the +ownership of the Congregation House (1410).[342] + +Long before 1410 the “good clerk’s” books had been made of real service +to students. Fittings were put up in the library room (1365). Then +regulations for managing the library were drawn up (1367). The books +were to be put in the chamber over the Congregation House, marshalled in +convenient order and chained. There, at certain times, scholars were to +have access to them. Now first appeared upon the scene a University +librarian. The University’s means were slender, and £40 worth of the +books were sold to provide a stipend for a chaplain-librarian: in place +of these books others of less value were bought; probably some of +Cobham’s books were finely illuminated, and the intention was to +purchase less costly copies in their stead. The chaplain was to pray for +the souls of Cobham and of University benefactors; and to have the +charge of the bishop’s books, of the books in the chests, and of any +books coming to the University afterwards.[343] + +We can easily imagine what the library was like. The chamber over the +Congregation House is small, scarcely larger than the average class-room +of to-day; lighted by seven windows on each side. Between some, if not +all, of the windows bookcases would stand at right angles to the wall, +forming little alcoves, fit for the quiet pursuit of knowledge. Learning +itself was shackled. Chains from a bar running the length of each case +secured the books, which could only be read on the slope fixed a few +feet above the floor. In each alcove was a bench for readers to sit +upon. A large and conspicuous board, with titles and names of +benefactors written upon it in a fair hand, hung up in the room.[344] +Here then would come the flower of Oxford scholarship to study, any time +after eight in the morning. Every student is welcome if he does not +enter in wet clothing, or bring in ink, or a knife, or dagger. We like +to picture this small room, fitted with solid, rude furniture, monastic +in its austerity of appearance; full of students working eagerly in +their quest for knowledge--making extracts in pencil, or with styles on +their tablets, amid a silence broken only by the crackle of vellum +leaves, and the rattle of a chain. + +Such a picture would perhaps be overdrawn. Young Oxford was not always +quiet, or whole-heartedly studious. The liberal regulations seem to have +been liable to abuse. Students soiled and damaged the books. The little +room was more than full: it was overcrowded with scholars, and with +“throngs of visitors” who disturbed the readers. After 1412 only +graduates and religious who had studied philosophy for eight years could +enter the library, and while there they must be robed. Even such mature +students had to make solemn oath, in the Chancellor’s presence, to use +the books properly: make no erasures or blots, or otherwise spoil the +precious writing.[345] Under these regulations the library was open from +nine to eleven in the morning, and from one to four in the afternoon, +Sundays and mass days excepted. Strangers of eminence and the Chancellor +could pay a visit at any time by daylight. The chaplain, who was to be a +man of parts, of proved morality and uprightness, now received 106s. 8d. +a year. The Proctors were bound to pay this stipend half-yearly, with +punctuality, or be fined the heavy sum of forty shillings: the chaplain, +it is explained, must have no grievance to nurse--no ground for carrying +out his duties in a slovenly or perfunctory manner. He, indeed, was an +important officer. For health’s sake he must have a month’s holiday +during the long vacation. As it was absurd for him to have fewer +perquisites than those below him in station, every beneficed graduate, +at graduation, was required to give him robes.[346] The finicking +character of these regulations suggests that the University +statute-maker had as great a dislike for “understandings” as Dr. +Newman. + +Thus was established firmly, in the early years of the fifteenth +century, a University Library, an important resort of students; the +proper place, as the common rendezvous of members of the University, for +publishing the Lollard doctrines condemned at London in 1411. No town in +England was better supplied with libraries than Oxford, for besides the +collections of the University, the monastic colleges and the convents, +libraries were already formed at Merton, University, Oriel and New +Colleges. Such progress in providing scholars’ armouries is remarkable, +the greater part of it being accomplished during a period of great +social and religious unrest--not the unrest of a wind-fretted surface, +but of a grim and far-sweeping underswell--a period when pestilence, +violent tempests and earthquakes, seemed bodeful of Divine displeasure; +not a time surely when the studious life would be attractive, or when +much care would be taken to establish libraries, unless indeed +controversy made recourse to books more necessary or the signs of the +times gave birth to a greater number of benefactors.[347] + +But the University library was to become the richest and most +considerable in the town. Benefactors were well greeted. Besides praying +for their souls--and some of them, like Bishop Reed, were pathetically +anxious about the prayers--the University showed every reasonable sign +of its gratitude: posted up donors’ names in the library itself; +submitted each gift to congregation three days after receiving it, and +within twelve days later had it chained + +[Illustration: _PLATE XXIV_ + +DUKE HUMFREY AND ELEANOR OF GLOUCESTER JOINING THE CONFRATERNITY OF ST. +ALBANS + +ANCIENT ROOF OF DUKE HUMFREY’S LIBRARY, SHOWING THE ARMS OF THE +UNIVERSITY AND OF SIR THOMAS BODLEY] + +up.[348] Many gifts of books were received, some from the highest in the +land: from King Henry the Fourth and his warlike and ambitious +sons--Henry V, Clarence, Bedford, and Gloucester; from Edmund, Earl of +March; from prelates--Archbishop Arundel, Repyngton of Lincoln, Courtney +of Norwich, and Molyneux of Chichester; from great Abbot Whethamstede of +St. Albans; from wealthy Archdeacon Browne or Cordone; from rich +citizens of London--Thomas Knolles the grocer and T. Grauntt; and from +Henry VI’s physician, John Somersett. John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, +also promised books worth five hundred marks, but after his death they +did not come to hand.[349] + +By far the most generous of friends was the Duke of Gloucester, whose +first gift was made before 1413,[350] and his last when he died in 1447. +His record as the helper and protector of Oxford, his patronage of +learning, and of such exponents of it as Titus Livius of Forli, Leonardo +Bruni, Lydgate and Capgrave, the fact that, notwithstanding his “staat +and dignyte,” + + “His courage never doth appall + To study in bokes of antiquitie,” + +earned for him the name of the “good” duke--an appellation to which the +shady labyrinth of his career as a politician, as a persecutor of the +Lollards, and as a licentious man, did not entitle him. But then +Oxford--and its library--was most in need of such a friend as this +English Gismondo Malatesta; not only on account of his generosity, but +because his royal connexions enabled him to exert influence on the +University’s behalf, both at home and abroad. + +Of the character of the Duke’s gifts in 1413 and in + +[Illustration: OLD VIEW OF DUKE HUMFREY’S LIBRARY.] + +1430 we know nothing: in 1435 he gave books and money, but how many +books or how much money is not recorded. Three years later the +University sought another gift from him, and he forthwith sent no fewer +than 120 volumes (1439).[351] The University’s gratitude was unbounded. +On certain festivals during the Duke’s lifetime prayers were to be said +for him, within ten days after he died a funeral service was to be +celebrated, and on every anniversary of his death he and his consort +were to be commemorated.[352] Their letters were fulsome: as a founder +of libraries he was compared with Julius Cæsar--a compliment also paid +him about the same time by Pier Candid Decembrio; Parliament was +besought to thank him “hertyly, and also prey Godd to thanke hym in tyme +commyng, wher goode dedys ben rewarded”;[353] as a prince he was most +serene and illustrious, lord of glorious renown, son of a king, brother +of a king, uncle of a king, “the very beams of the sun himself”; as a +donor, as greatly and munificently liberal as the recipients were lowly +and humble.[354] + +Congregation further marked its appreciation by decreeing a fresh set of +library regulations. A new register, containing a list of the books +already given, was to be made, and deposited in the chest “of five +keys”; lists were also to be written in the statute books. No volume was +to be sold, given away, exchanged, pledged, lent to be copied, or +removed from the library--except when it needed repair, or when the Duke +himself wanted to borrow it, as he could, though only under +indenture.[355] All books for the study of the seven liberal arts--the +_trivium_ and the _quadrivium_--and the three philosophies were to be +kept in a chest called the “chest of the three philosophies and the +seven sciences”; a name suggesting a talisman, like the golden fleece or +the Holy Grail, for which one would exchange the world and all its ways. +The librarian had charge of this wonderful chest. From it, by indenture, +he could lend books--apparently these books were excepted from the +general rule--to masters of arts lecturing in these subjects, or, if +there were no lecturers, to principals of halls and masters. And, +following older custom, a stationer set upon each book a price greater +than its real value, to lead borrowers to take more care of it.[356] +From a manuscript preserved in the library of Earl Fitzwilliam at +Wentworth Woodhouse are taken the following curious lines indicating +the character and arrangement of his books:-- + + “At Oxenford thys lord his bookis fele [many] + Hath eu’y clerk at werk. They of hem gete + Metaphisic; phisic these rather feele; + They natural, moral they rather trete; + Theologie here ye is with to mete; + Him liketh loke in boke historial. + In deskis XII hym selve as half a strete + Hath boked their librair uniu’al.”[357] [universal] + +A year later Gloucester sent 7 more books; then after a while 9 more +(1440-41);[358] and a little later still his largest gift, amounting to +135 volumes. These handsome accessions made the collection the finest +academic library in England, not excepting the excellent library of 380 +volumes then at Peterhouse. It had a character of its own. The usual +overwhelming mass of Bibles, of church books, of the Fathers and the +Schoolmen does not depress us with its disproportion. The collection was +strong in astronomy and medicine: Ptolemy, Albumazar, Rhazes, Serapion, +Avicenna, Haly Abenragel, Zaæl, and others were all represented. Besides +these, there was a fine selection of the classics--Plato, Aristotle, +including the _Politica_ and _Ethica_, Æschines’ orations, Terence, +Varro’s _De Originae linguae Latinae_, Cicero’s letters, Verrine and +other orations, and “opera viginti duo Tullii in magno volumine,” Livy, +Ovid, Seneca’s tragedies, Quintilian, Aulus Gellius, _Noctes Atticae_, +the _Golden Ass_ of Apuleius, and Suetonius. But the most interesting +items in the list of his books are the new translations of Plato, and of +Aristotle, whose _Ethica_ was rendered by Leonardo Bruni; the Greek and +Latin dictionary; and the works of Dante, Petrarch (_de Vita solitaria, +de Rebus memorandis, de Remediis_ + +[Illustration: _Plate XXV_ + +DUKE HUMFREY’S LIBRARY, OXFORD] + +_utriusque fortunae_), Boccaccio, and of Coluccio Salutati’s +letters.[359] + +The library’s character might still further have been freshened had +Gloucester’s bequest of his Latin books--the books, we may suppose, he +himself prized too highly to part with during his lifetime--been carried +into effect.[360] + +“Our right special Lord and mighty Prince the Duke of Gloucester, late +passed out of this world,--whose soul God assoil for his high +mercy,--not long before his decease, being in our said University among +all the doctors and masters of the same assembled together, granted unto +us all his Latin books, to the loving of God, increase of clergy and +cunning men, to the good governance and prosperity of the realm of +England without end ... the which gift oftentimes after, by our +messengers, and also in his last testament, as we understand, he +confirmed.” But alas! Gloucester’s bequest was even more elusive than +Cobham’s. These books they could, “by no manner of labours, since he +deceased, obtain.”[361] What followed is interesting. Letters asking for +the books were sent to the king, to Mr. John Somersett, His Majesty’s +physician, “lately come to influence,” to William of Waynflete, provost +of the king’s pet project, Eton College, and much in favour; and to the +king’s chamberlain (1447). As these appeals were unavailing, another +letter was sent to the king in 1450, and several others to influential +persons, some being to Gloucester’s executors; then, in the same year, +the House of Lords was petitioned. All this wire-pulling failed to serve +its end. The University became angry. An outspoken letter was sent to +Master John Somersett, “lately come to influence”: “Our proctor, Mr. +Luke, tells us of your efforts for us to obtain the books given by the +late Duke of Gloucester, and of your intercession with the king in our +cause: also that you propose to add, of your own gift, other books to +his bequest.” All this is very good of you, the letter proceeds, in +effect, “but how is it that, under these circumstances, the Duke’s +books, which came into your custody, are not delivered to us, unless it +be that some powerful influence is exerted to prevent it; for a +steadfast and good man will not be made to swerve from the path of +justice by interest or cupidity. Use your endeavours to get these books: +so do us a good favour; and clear your character.” Three years later it +was discovered the books were scattered and in private hands +(1453),[362] or, as seems likely, at King’s College, Cambridge, and +Eton. + +Now the library over the Congregation House was all too small. A +Divinity School seems to have been first projected in 1423; building +began about seven years later;[363] but the work proceeded very slowly, +owing to want of money, which the authorities tried to raise in various +ways, even by granting degrees on easy terms. When Gloucester’s books +came to overcrowd the old library--and the books were chained so closely +together that a student when reading one prevented the use of three or +four books near to it--the idea was apparently first mooted of erecting +a bigger room over the new school, where scholars might study far from +the hum of men (_a strepitu saeculari_). The University sent an appeal +to the Duke for help to carry out this scheme (1445), but he had then +lost power and was in trouble, and does not seem to have responded +favourably, albeit they suggested adroitly the new library should bear +his name.[364] The building was + +[Illustration: _PLATE XXVI_ + +LIBRARY OF CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE, OXFORD] + +finished forty years after his death. This ultimate success was due +chiefly to the generosity of Cardinal Beaufort, the Duchess of Suffolk, +and Cardinal Kempe--whose own library was magnificent.[365] + +By 1488, then, the University was in full enjoyment of the chamber known +ever since as Duke Humfrey’s Library, the noblest storehouse of books +then existing in England.[366] In the same year an old scholar, not +known by name, gave 31 books, and in 1490 Dr. Litchfield, Archdeacon of +Middlesex, presented 132 volumes and a sum of £200. These gifts mark the +culminating point in the history of the first University library--a +collection over a century and a half old, accumulated slowly by the +forethought and generosity of the University’s friends, only, alas! in a +few years’ time to be almost completely dispersed and destroyed. + + +§ II + +Before speaking of the dispersion of the University collection it will +be well to observe what had been done in the colleges, where libraries +must have formed an important part of the collegiate economy. Books, +indeed, were eagerly sought, carefully guarded and preserved; and +wealthy Fellows--even Fellows not to be described as wealthy--often +proved their affection for their college by giving manuscripts. + +The first house of the University, William of Durham’s Hall or +University Hall (now University College), was founded between 1249 and +1292, when its statutes were drawn up. In these statutes are the +earliest regulations of the University for dealing with books in its +possession.[367] It seems clear that the college enjoyed a +library--perhaps of some importance,--with excellent regulations for its +use, at the end of the thirteenth century. What is true of University +College is true also of nearly all the other colleges. Although most of +them were not rich foundations, one of the first efforts of a society +was to collect books for common use. A few years after Merton’s +inception (1264) the teacher of grammar was supplied with books out of +the common purse, and directions were given for the care of books.[368] +To Balliol, Bishop Gravesend of London bequeathed books (1336) some +fifty years after the statutes were given by the founder’s wife.[369] +Four years later Sir William de Felton presented to the college the +advowson of the Church of Abboldesley, so that the number of scholars +could be raised, each could have sufficient clothing, receive +twelvepence a week, and possess in common books relating to the various +Faculties.[370] The earliest reference to the library of Exeter College, +or Stapledon Hall, occurs also about half a century after its +foundation: in 1366 payment was made for copying a book called +_Domyltone_--possibly one of John of Dumbleton’s works. Oriel College +either had a library from its foundation, or the regulations of 1329 +were drawn up for Bishop Cobham’s books, which Adam de Brome had +redeemed. In 1375 Oriel certainly had its own library of nearly one +hundred volumes, more than half of them being on theology and +philosophy, with some translations of Aristotle, but otherwise not a +single classic work; a collection to be fairly considered as +representative of the academic libraries of this period.[371] Queen’s +College was one of those to which Simon de Bredon, the astronomer, +bequeathed books in 1368, nearly thirty years after its +foundation.[372] “Seint Marie College of Wynchestr,” or New College, +made a better start than any house (1380). The founder, William of +Wykeham, endowed it with no fewer than 240 or 243 volumes, of which 135 +or 138 were theology, 28 philosophy, 41 canon law, 36 civil law; +somebody unnamed, but possibly the founder, presented 37 volumes of +medicine and 15 chained books in the library; and Bishop Reed--also the +good friend of Merton--gave 58 volumes of theology, 2 of philosophy, and +3 of canon law.[373] Lincoln College had a collection of books at its +foundation (1429); Dr. Gascoigne gave 6 manuscripts worth nearly three +pounds apiece (1432); and Robert Flemming, a cousin of the founder, +renowned for his travels and studies and collections in Italy, left a +number of manuscripts, variously estimated at 25 and 38 in number, to +his house. In 1474 this college had 135 manuscripts, stored in seven +presses. Rules for the use of books were included in the first statutes +of All Souls College, founded in 1438. At Magdalen the library had a +magnificent start when William of Waynflete brought with him no fewer +than 800 volumes on his visit in 1481; many of these were printed books. + +To tell the story of each of these early college libraries with +continuity is not to our purpose, and is perhaps not feasible. So many +details are lacking. We do not know whether all the libraries, once +started, were constantly maintained; but it is reasonable to assume they +were, as records--a few only--of purchases and donations are preserved. +Usually gifts were made only to the college in which the donor felt +special interest, but sometimes generous men were more catholic. Four +colleges--University, Balliol, Merton, and Oriel--benefited under Bishop +Stephen Gravesend’s will (1336); six--University, Balliol, Merton, +Exeter, Oriel, and Queen’s--under the will of Simon de Bredon, +astronomer and sometime Proctor of the University (1368): in both cases +the testators distributed their gifts among all the secular colleges in +existence at the time.[374] Dr. Thomas Gascoigne gave many books to +Balliol, Oriel, Durham, and Lincoln Colleges (1432).[375] William Reed, +Bishop of Chichester, also was the friend of more than one society, for +New College, as we have seen, got 63 volumes from him, Exeter some +others, and Merton 99.[376] Roger Whelpdale (_d._ 1423) bequeathed books +to Balliol and Queen’s Colleges. Henry _VI_ gave 23 manuscripts to All +Souls College (1440). Robert Twaytes gave books to Balliol in 1451: his +example was followed by George Nevil, Bishop of Exeter and afterwards +Archbishop of York (1455, 1475), Dr. Bole (1478), and John Waltham +(1492). An old Fellow showed his gratitude to University College by +bestowing 68 books, mostly Scriptural commentaries, on its library +(1473). Some of the gifts were smaller.[377] A chancellor of the church +of York bequeathed a single volume to Merton. Bishop Skirlaw--a good +friend of the college in other ways--gave 6 books to University in 1404: +they were to be chained in the library and never lent. Such gifts were +received as gratefully as the larger donations; indeed, it was esteemed +a feather in the cap of the Master that while he held office Skirlaw’s +books were received. Never at any time were books more highly +appreciated than in Oxford of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. +Sometimes gifts took the form of money for a curious purpose. For +example, Robert Hesyl, a country rector, bequeathed the sum of 6s. 8d. +“ad intitulandum nomina librorum in libraria collegii Lincoln: +contentorum, supra dorsa eorum coöperienda cornu et clavis.”[378] But +the colleges did not depend wholly on gifts, for records are preserved +of purchases for Queen’s College in 1366-67;[379] All Souls College +between 1449 and 1460; for Magdalen College between 1481 and 1539; for +Merton College between 1322 and 1379; and for New College between 1462 +and 1481. + +The growth of the libraries made the provision of special bookrooms a +necessity. A library on the ground floor of University College is +referred to in the Bursar’s Roll (1391). At Merton the books were +originally kept in a chest under three locks. A room was set apart quite +early: books were chained up in it in 1284. In 1354 a carpenter was paid +for fittings and “deskis.” Bishop Reed of Chichester erected a library +building in 1377-79; Wyllyot and John Wendover contributed towards the +cost, which amounted to £462. With the exception of the room thrown into +the south library at its eastern end, of two large dormers, and of the +glass in the west room, the original structure has been altered very +little, and it is therefore one of the best examples of a medieval +library in this country. When the old library of Exeter College was +first used we do not know: it was possibly one of the tenements +originally given to the college by Peter de Skelton and partly repaired +by the founder. Money was disbursed for thatching it in 1375.[380] +Nearly ten years later a new library was put up. Bishop Brantingham and +John More, rector of St. Petrock’s, Exeter, contributed handsomely +towards the cost; another Bishop of Exeter, Edmund Stafford,--in whose +time the name of the house was changed from Stapledon Hall to Exeter +College,--enlarged the building in 1404; and Bishops Grandisson, +Brantingham, Stafford, and Lacy gave books.[381] In the library room +some of the books were chained to desks, and some were kept in +chests.[382] All this points to a flourishing library at Exeter; +although, on occasions when their yearly expenses were heavier than +usual, the Fellows were obliged to pawn books to one of the loan chests +of the University, or even to their barber.[383] + +The monastic college of Durham enjoyed a “fayre library, well-desked and +well flowred withe a timber Flowre over it,” built in 1417 and fitted in +1431.[384] Another college belonging to the monks of Christ Church, +Canterbury, also had a library, which had been replenished with books +from the mother-house.[385] In 1431 a library building was begun at +Balliol College by Mr. Thomas Chace, after he had resigned the office of +Master. Bishop William Grey, besides enriching his college with +manuscripts, also completed the home for them (_c._ 1477), on a window +of which are still to be read his name and the name of Robert Abdy, the +Master. + + “His Deus adjecit; Deus his det gaudia celi; + Abdy perfecit opus hoc Gray presul et Ely.”[386] + +In another window, on the north side, was inscribed-- + + “Conditor ecce novi structus hujus fuit Abdy. + Praesul et huic Œdi Gray libros contulit Ely.” + +The first library of Oriel College, on the east side of the quadrangle, +was not erected until about 1444; before that the books seem to have +been kept in chests, although the collection was large for the +time.[387] As early as 1388-89 payments were made for making desks for +the library of Queen’s College.[388] In the case of New, Lincoln, All +Souls, and Magdalen Colleges, library rooms were included when the +college buildings were first erected. Magdalen’s library was copied from +All Souls: the windows in it were “to be as good as or better than” +those in the earlier foundation. + + +§ III + +Towards the end of the fifteenth century the beginning of the sad end of +all this good work may be traced. Some part of the collections +disappeared gradually. In 1458 books were chained at Exeter College, +because some of them had been taken away. When volumes became damaged +and worn out, they were not replaced by others. Some were pledged, and +although every effort was made to redeem them, as at Exeter College in +1466, 1470, 1472 and 1473, yet it seems certain many were permanently +alienated. Others were perhaps sold, or given away, as John Phylypp gave +away two Exeter College manuscripts in 1468.[389] The University library +was in similar case. When Erasmus saw the scanty remains of this +collection he could have wept. “Before it had continued eighty years in +its flourishing state,” writes Wood of the library, “[it] was rifled of +its precious treasure by unreasonable persons. That several scholars +would, upon small pledges given in, borrow books ... that were never +restored. Polydore Virgil ... borrowed many after such a way; but at +length being denied, did upon petition made to the king obtain his +license for the taking out of any MS. for his use (in order, I suppose, +for the collecting materials for his English History or Chronicle of +England), which being imitated by others, the library thereby suffered +very great loss.” Matters became still worse. Owing to the threatened +suppression of the religious houses, the number of students at Oxford +decreased enormously. In 1535, 108 men graduated, in the next year only +44 did so; until the end of Henry VIII’s reign the average number +graduating was 57, and in Edward’s reign the average was 33.[390] +Naturally, therefore, some laxity crept into the administration of the +University and the colleges. Active enemies of our literary treasures +were not behindhand. In 1535 Dr. Layton, visitor of monasteries, +descended upon Oxford. “We have sett Dunce [Duns Scotus] in Bocardo, and +have utterly banisshede hym Oxforde for ever, with all his blinde +glosses, and is nowe made a comon servant to evere man, faste nailede up +upon postes in all comon howses of easment: id quod oculis meis vidi. +And the seconde tyme we came to New Colege, affter we hade declarede +your injunctions, we fownde all the gret quadrant court full of the +leiffes of Dunce, the wynde blowyng them into evere corner. And ther we +fownde one Mr. Grenefelde, a gentilman of Bukynghamshire, getheryng up +part of the saide bowke leiffes (as he saide) therwith to make hym +sewelles or blawnsherres to kepe the + +[Illustration: _Plate XXVII_ + +MERTON COLLEGE LIBRARY] + +dere within the woode, therby to have the better cry with his +howndes.”[391] A commission assembled at Oxford in 1550, and met many +times at St. Mary’s Church. No documentary evidence of their treatment +of libraries remains, but it was certainly most drastic. Any illuminated +manuscript, or even a mathematical treatise illustrated with diagrams, +was deemed unfit to survive, and was thrown out for sale or destruction. +Some of the college libraries did not suffer severely. Most of Grey’s +books survived in Balliol, although the miniatures were cut out. +Queen’s, All Souls, and Merton came through the ordeal nearly unscathed. +But Lincoln lost the books given by Gascoigne and the Italian +importations of Flemming; Exeter College was purged. The University +library itself was entirely dispersed. One of the commissioners, “by +name Richard Coxe, Dean of Christ Church, shewed himself so zealous in +purging this place of its rarities ... that ... savoured of +superstition, that he left not one of those goodly MSS. given by the +before mentioned benefactors. Of all which there were none restored in +Q. Mary’s reign, when then an inquisition was made after them, but only +one of the parts of Valerius Maximus, illustrated with the Commentaries +of Dionysius de Burgo, an Augustine Fryer, and with the Tables of John +Whethamsteed, Abbat of St. Alban’s. That some of the books so taken out +by the Reformers were burnt, some sold away for Robin Hood’s +pennyworths,[392] either to Booksellers, or to Glovers, to press their +gloves, or Taylors to make measures, or to bookbinders to cover books +bound by them, and some also kept by the Reformers for their own use. +That the said library being thus deprived of its furniture was employed, +as the schools were, for infamous uses. That in laying waste in that +manner, and not in a possibility (as the academians thought) of +restoring it to its former estate, they ordered certain persons in a +Convocation (Reg. I. fol. 157ª) held Jan. 25, 1555-56 to sell the +benches and desks therein; so that being stript stark naked (as I may +say) continued so till Bodley restored it.”[393] The only cheerful +reference to this period is that by Wood, who tells us some friendly +people bought in a number of the manuscripts, and ultimately handed them +over to the University after the library’s restoration.[394] But of all +the books given by the Duke of Gloucester only three are now in the +Bodleian, and only three others in Corpus Christi, Oriel, and Magdalen. +The British Museum possesses nine; Cambridge one; private collectors +two. Six are in France: two Latin--both Oxford books--and three French +manuscripts in the Bibliothèque Nationale, and one manuscript at the +Bibliothèque Ste. Geneviève. The Ste. Geneviève book[395] is a +magnificent Livy, once belonging to the famous Louvre Library. It bears +the inscription: “Cest livre est à moy Homfrey, duc de Gloucestre, du +don mon très chier cousin le conte de Warewic.”[396] + + + + +CHAPTER VII + +ACADEMIC LIBRARIES: CAMBRIDGE + + +§ I + +As the libraries of Cambridge were mostly of later foundation than those +at Oxford, and as the collections were of the same character, it is less +necessary to describe them in detail, especially after having dealt +fully with the collections of the sister university. Cambridge +University does not seem to have owned books in common until the first +quarter of the fifteenth century. Before that, in 1384, the books +intended for use in the University were submitted to the Chancellor and +Doctors, so that any containing heretical and objectionable opinions +could be weeded out and burnt. In 1408-9 it was ordered that books +suspected to contain Lollard doctrines should be examined by the +authorities of both Universities; if approved by them and by the +Archbishop of Canterbury, they could be delivered to the stationers for +copying, but not before. And in 1480 keepers of chests were forbidden to +receive as a pledge any book written _on paper_.[397] Certain +regulations were also made with regard to the status of stationers and +others engaged in book-making in the town. But there seems to have been +no common library. + +About the time when Gloucester made his first gift of books to Oxford +University a public library was possibly “founded” by John Croucher, +who gave a copy of Chaucer’s translation of Boëthius’ _De Consolatione +philosophiae_. Richard Holme, Warden of King’s Hall, who died in 1424, +gave sixteen volumes. At this time the collection amounted to +seventy-six volumes. Robert Fitzhugh, Bishop of London, now left two +books, a _Textus moralis philosophiae_ and Codeton _Super quatuor libros +Sententiarum_ (1435-6). By 1435 or 1440 it had increased to one hundred +and twenty-two books: theology accounting for sixty-nine, natural and +moral philosophy for seventeen, canon law for twenty-three, medicine for +five, grammar for six, and logic and sophistry for one each. Besides +Holme’s books there were in this library eight books given by John +Aylemer, six given by Thomas Paxton, ten by James Matissale, five each +by John Preston, John Water, Robert Alne (1440),[398] and John Tesdale: +other benefactors gave one or two or three.[399] + +In 1423 one John Herrys or Harris gave ten pounds for the library, +possibly for a building, as books do not seem to have been bought with +it.[400] A common library is mentioned in 1438.[401] In the same year a +grant was made by the king of the manor of Ruyslip and a place called +Northwood for a library. The first room was erected between this year +and 1457. After 1454 many entries occur in the University accounts for +the roof of the new chapel and the library, for the general repairs of +the same buildings, for the chaining and binding of books, and for their +custody during a fire in the King’s College in 1457.[402] A sketch of +the Schools quadrangle drawn about 1459 shows this library, _libraria +nova_, above the Canon Law schools, on the west side.[403] Between the +completion of this library + +[Illustration: _PLATE XXVIII_ + +SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITY LIBRARY, CAMBRIDGE, C. 1688] + +and 1470 the south side of the quadrangle was built, the school of civil +law occupying the ground floor, and the Great Library or Common Library +the first floor. The second extant catalogue of books (1473) relates to +the books in this room: possibly the west room had been cleared for +other purposes. Now the inventory proves the library to have been in +possession of three hundred and thirty volumes, stored upon eight stalls +or desks on the north side and upon nine stalls on the southern side, +facing King’s College Chapel.[404] But in a few years the buildings were +extended and the collection augmented munificently by Thomas Rotherham +or Scot, then Chancellor of the University and Bishop of Lincoln, +afterwards Archbishop of York. Rotherham completed the building begun on +the east side of the quadrangle by erecting the library which occupies +the whole of the first floor (1470-75). In this _libraria domini +cancellarii_ his own books were stored. His generosity was recognised by +the University in the fullest possible manner; special care was taken of +his books, and his library came to be known as the private library, to +which only a few privileged persons were admitted, while the great +library remained in use as the public room.[405] + +The learned Bishop Tunstall gave some Greek books to the library in +1529, just before he was translated to the see of Durham. Even then, +however, the collection was on the down grade. Nine years later, owing +to a decline in numbers at the University and a loss of revenue, some of +the books, described as “useless,” were sold.[406] Then again, in 1547, +occurs a more significant notice. A Grace was passed recommending the +conversion of the great or common library into a school for the Regius +Professor of Divinity, because “in its present state it is no use to +anybody.”[407] Neglect and worse had laid this part of the library as +waste as Duke Humfrey’s room at Oxford. Apparently then only the +Chancellor’s library remained. More “old” books were removed from the +collection in 1572-3. In this same year a catalogue was drawn up. Only +one hundred and seventy-seven volumes were left: “moste parte of all +theis bookes be of velam and parchment, but very sore cut and mangled +for the lymned letters and pictures.”[408] Clearly sad havoc had been +played with this library, which had started with so much promise. + + +§ II + +The earliest collegiate libraries were Peterhouse, Pembroke Hall, Clare +Hall, Trinity Hall, and Gonville. Peterhouse had the first library in +Cambridge. Hugh of Balsham, Bishop of Ely, introduced into an +Augustinian Hospital at Cambridge a number of scholars who were to live +with the brethren. Before Hugh died the brethren and the scholars +quarrelled, and the latter were removed to two hostels on the site of +the present college (1281-84). He did not forget to provide his new +foundation with books, among other properties. In the statutes of 1344 +are stringent provisions for the care of books, which prove that the +society had a library worthy of some thought. Clare College was founded +by the University as University Hall (1326), then refounded twelve years +later by Lady Elizabeth de Clare as Clare Hall. In 1355 she bequeathed a +few books. Pembroke College, founded in 1346, received a gift of ten +books from the first Master, William Styband. The statutes of Trinity +Hall, which was founded by Bishop William Bateman in 1350, partly to +repair the losses of scholarly clergy during the Black Death, also +contain a special section relating to the college books. It was not +drawn up in anticipation of the formation of a library, for the founder +himself gave seventy volumes on civil and canon law and theology, +besides fourteen books for the chapel; forty-eight, including seven +chapel books, were reserved for the Bishop’s own use during his +life.[409] To Gonville College, founded as the Hall of the Annunciation +in 1348, Archdeacon Stephen Scrope left a _Catholicon_ in 1418.[410] +King’s Hall, later absorbed in Trinity College, some sixty years after +its foundation, possessed a library of eighty-seven volumes (1394). +Gifts of books were made to Corpus Christi College soon after its +foundation in 1352, but a library is not referred to in the old +statutes. Thomas de Eltisle, the first Master, gave several books, among +them a very fine missal, “most excellently annotated throughout all the +offices, and bound with a cover of white deer leather, and with red +clasps.” At this time (1376) we find an inventory showing that the +contents of the library were chiefly theological and law books. + +The intention of King Henry VI was to make the library of King’s College +and that of Eton very good. In his great plan for the former, which was +never carried out, Henry proposed to have in the west side of the court, +“atte the ende toward the chirch,” “a librarie, conteynyng in +lengthe .cx. fete, and in brede .xxiiij. fete, and under hit a large hous +for redyng and disputacions, conteynyng in lengthe .xl. fete, and .ij. +chambres under the same librarie, euery conteynyng .xxix. fete in lengthe +and in brede .xxiiij. fete.”[411] But an apartment was set aside for +books, and, as a charge was incurred for strewing it with rushes in +expectation of a visit from the king, it was evidently a repository +worth seeing.[412] Early in 1445 the king sent Richard Chester, sometime +his envoy at the Papal court, to France and other countries, and to +certain parts of England, in search of books and relics for his +foundations. Within two years, however, a joint petition came from Eton +and King’s College, stating that neither of these colleges “nowe late +fownded and newe growyng” “were sufficiently supplied with books for +divine service and for their libraries and studies, or with vestments +and ornaments, ‘whiche thinges may not be had withoute great and +diligente labour be longe processe and right besy inquisicion.’ They +therefore begged that the king would order Chester to ‘take to hym suche +men as shall be seen to hym expedient and profitable, and in especiall +John Pye,’ the King’s ‘stacioner of London, and other suche as ben +connyng and have undirstonding in such matiers,’ charging them all ‘to +laboure effectually, inquere and diligently inserche in all place that +ben under’ the King’s ‘obeysaunce, to gete knowleche where suche bokes, +onourmentes, and other necessaries for’ the ‘saide colleges may be +founden to selle.’ They were anxious that Richard Chester should have +authority ‘to bye, take, and receive alle suche goodes afore eny other +man ... satisfying to the owners of suche godes suche pris as thei may +resonably accorde and agree. Soo that he may have the ferste choise of +alle suche goodes afore eny other man, and in especiall of all maner +bokes, ornementes, and other necessaries as nowe late were perteyning to +the Duke of Gloucestre.’”[413] At King’s College many charges were +incurred for books a year later, in 1448. By 1452 this foundation had +174 or 175 books, on philosophy, theology, medicine, astrology, +mathematics, canon law, grammar, and in classical literature.[414] The +only volume now remaining of this collection once belonged to Duke +Humfrey, and as the list contains a fair number of classical +books--Aristotle, _Liber policie Platonis_, _Tullius in noua rethorica_, +Seneca, Sallust, Ovid, Julius Cæsar, Plutarch--besides a book of Poggio +Bracciolini, it seems likely that King’s College, and perhaps Eton, +received some of the books promised by the Duke to Oxford University and +begged for repeatedly and in vain by that University, after his +death.[415] + +Likewise at Eton--which may be referred to appropriately here--the king +desired to have a good library. “Item the Est pane in lengthe within the +walles .ccxxx. fete in the myddel whereof directly agayns the entre of +the cloistre a librarie conteynyng in lengthe .lij. fete and in +brede .xxiiij. fete with .iij. chambres aboue on the oon side and .iiij. on +the other side and benethe .ix. chambres euery of them in lengthe .xxvj. +fete and in brede .xviij. fete with .v. utter toures and .v. ynner +toures.”[416] + +A library room is referred to in 1445 or 1446; then “floryshid” glass +was bought for the windows of it.[417] In 1484-85 it is again mentioned +in connexion with repairs. A year later a lock and twelve keys for the +library were paid for.[418] Then in 1517, we are told, “the fyrst stone +was layd yn the fundacyon off the weste parte off the College, whereon +ys bylded Mr. Provost’s logyn, the Gate, and the Lyberary.”[419] It +would seem that these several references are to the vestry of the +Chapel, in which the books were first kept, and then to the Election +Hall, to which they were subsequently removed.[420] Henry VI seems to +have given £200 “for to purvey them books to the pleasure of God.”[421] + +St. Catharine’s Hall, founded in 1473-75, in a few years enjoyed the +use of 104 volumes, of which 85 were given by the founder, Dr. Robert +Wodelarke. At Queens’ College a library was included in the first +buildings; and some twenty-five years after the foundation in 1448, no +fewer than 224 volumes were on the desks.[422] + +As at Oxford, these collections were augmented by the gifts of generous +friends and loyal scholars. Peterhouse had many friends. Thomas Lisle, +Bishop of Ely, gave a large Bible (1300).[423] In 1418 a welcome gift +came from a former Master, John de Newton, who had reserved some +theological books, Seneca, Valerius Maximus, and other books for his old +house. At this time Peterhouse had 380 volumes: at Oxford the University +library was no larger, although it was possibly richer, and in numbers +only the library of New College can have beaten it. Sir Thomas Beaufort, +Duke of Exeter, bequeathed a volume of sermons in 1427.[424] Later Dr. +Thomas Lane gave some good books (1450). Then Dr. Roger Marshall +presented a large number of volumes, some of which were to be placed _in +libraria secretiori_, and in chains, if the Master and Fellows thought +fit, while the remainder were to be chained _in apertiori libraria_, +where they could not be borrowed, but were easily accessible (1472): +this benefactor evidently fully appreciated Peterhouse’s division of its +library into reference and lending sections. Less than a decade later +Dr. John Warkworth, the Master, presented fifty-five manuscripts, among +which was his own _Chronicle_. “Among the gifts made to the library in +the fifteenth century are one or two which raise curious questions. One +book comes from Bury and has the Bury mark. Another belonged to the +canons of Hereford; another to Worcester; another to Durham (it is still +identifiable in the Durham catalogue of 1391); and there are other +instances of the kind. Such a phenomenon makes one very anxious to know +how freely and under what conditions collegiate and monastic bodies were +in the habit of parting with their books during the time before the +Dissolution. Was there not very probably an extensive system of sale of +duplicates? I prefer this notion,” writes Dr. James, “to the idea that +they got rid of their books indiscriminately, because the study of +monastic catalogues shows quite plainly that the number of duplicates in +any considerable library was very large. On the other hand, it is clear +that books often got out of the old libraries into the hands of quite +unauthorised persons: so that there was probably both fair and foul play +in this matter.”[425] To Pembroke College came gifts from successive +Masters and from friends between the date of foundation and the year +1484, when the College had received 158 volumes in this way.[426] One of +the donors was Rotherham, the great friend of the public library. During +the same period a number of books were also purchased. Corpus Christi +received a like series of donations. The third Master, John Kynne, gave +a Bible, which he had “bought at Northampton at the time (1380) when the +Parliament was there, for the purpose of reading therefrom in the Hall +at the time of dinner.” The fifth and sixth Masters, Drs. Billingford +and Tytleshale, were benefactors to the library; and during the latter’s +mastership one of the fellows, Thomas Markaunt the antiquary, bequeathed +seventy-six volumes, then valued at over £100 (1439).[427] Later Dr. +Cosyn presented books; and Dr. Nobys, the twelfth Master, left a large +number of volumes, which were chained in the library. + +A vicar of St. Mary’s, Nottingham, named John Hurte, gave books to +several colleges--to Clare Hall seven books, including Guido delle +Colonne’s Troy book, Ptolemy _in Quadripartito_; to the College of God’s +House, afterwards absorbed in Christ’s College, Egidius and a +_Doctrinale_; to King’s College Isaac _de Urinis_; to the University +Library three books; as well as an astronomical work to Gotham Chest +(1476).[428] + +At Peterhouse in 1414 special provision was being made for the books in +a long room on the first floor. The workman employed on the job was to +receive, in addition to his wages, a gown if the College were pleased +with his work. By 1431 a new library was necessary, and a contract was +entered into for building it. Sixteen years later the work had so +progressed that desks were being made. In 1450 the old desks were broken +up, and locks and keys were bought for sixteen new cases. This library +was on the west side of the quadrangle. A library for Clare Hall was +built between 1420 and 1430. A little before this a new library was +begun for King’s Hall, probably to replace a smaller room. For the books +of Pembroke College a storey was added to the Hall about 1452. The early +collection of Gonville Hall was kept in a strong-room; then in 1441 a +special room was included in the buildings on the west side of the +quadrangle. At Trinity Hall the books were stored in a room over the +passage from one court to the other and at the east end of the chapel, +and here they remained until after the Reformation. The early library +room of Corpus Christi was in the Old Court, on the first floor next to +the Master’s lodge. In Queens’, St. Catharine’s, Jesus, Christ’s, St. +John’s and Magdalene a library formed a part of the original +quadrangle.[429] + + + + +CHAPTER VIII + +ACADEMIC LIBRARIES: THEIR ECONOMY + + +Here it will be convenient to give some account of the regulations for +the use of books in colleges, both at Oxford and Cambridge. The +University libraries were for reference: the College libraries were for +both reference and lending use, and the regulations are therefore +different in essentials. By the statutes of University College (1292) +one book of every kind that the college had was to be put in some common +and safe place, so that the Fellows, and others with the consent of the +Fellows, might have the use of it. Sometimes, especially in the colleges +of early foundation, this common collection was kept in chests; usually +the books were securely chained to desks. The common books were chained +at New College (statutes, 1400) and at Lincoln College (1429). At +Peterhouse, soon after 1418, some 220 volumes were preserved for +reference, and 160 were distributed among the Fellows.[430] At All Souls +College a number of books selected by the warden, vice-wardens, and +deans, were chained, together with the books given on the express +condition that they should be chained (statutes, 1443). This collection, +then, was the college reference library; corresponding with the common +aumbry of the monastery, but also indicative of the principle of all +library organisation that, while it is desirable to lend books, it is +also necessary to keep a number of them all together in one fixed place +for reference. + +The _libri distribuendi_, or books for lending, were the special feature +of the college library. At Merton the books were distributed by the +warden and sub-warden under an adequate pledge (1276). Once a year, +after the books had been inspected, each Fellow of Oriel could select a +book on the subject he was reading up, and could keep it, if he chose, +until the next distribution a year later, while if there were more books +than Fellows, those over could be selected in the same way (statutes, +1329). At Peterhouse, the Senior Dean distributed the books to scholars +in the manner he saw fit; later it was ruled that all the books not +chained might be circulated once every two years on a day to be fixed by +the Master and Senior Dean (statutes, 1344, 1480). At New College +students in civil and canon law could have two books for their special +use during the time they devoted themselves to those faculties, if they +did not own the books themselves. If books remained over, after this +distribution, they were to be distributed annually in the usual way +(statutes, 1400). Similarly the books were circulated at All Souls +(statutes, 1443), at Magdalen (1459), at Exeter[431] and at Queen’s. At +Lincoln College bachelors could only have logical and philosophical +books distributed to them, and not theology (statutes, 1429). + +The procedure was the same as at the annual claustral distribution. +Although these regulations suggest restrictions and little else, the +students were as a rule fairly well provided with books. Even if they +did not own a single volume of their own, they had the use of the +public library of the University, and of the college common library. It +is true the distribution or _electio librorum_ took place only once or +twice a year, and then a student got only a few volumes. Yet we should +not assume that he was obliged to confine his attention to this small +dole alone, for it is but reasonable to suppose he could exchange his +books with those selected by another student. The _electio librorum_ was +a method of securing the safety of the books by distributing the +responsibility for making good losses equally over the whole community. +In the case of University College an Opponent in theology, a teacher of +the Sentences, and a Regent who also taught, had the right to borrow +freely any book he wanted if he would restore it, when he had done with +it, to the Fellow who had chosen it at the distribution (statutes, +1292). + +A register of loans was carefully maintained. The Fellows of All Souls +were required to have a small indenture drawn up for each book borrowed, +and such indenture was to be left with the warden or the vice-warden +(statutes, 1443). At Pembroke College, Cambridge, the librarian or +keeper was to prepare large tablets covered with wax and parchment: on +the latter were to be written the titles of books, on the former the +names of the borrowers; when each book was returned, the borrower’s name +was pressed out. This was a monastic practice. Such records, even if +trifling, were in turn the subject of an indenture if they were +transferred from one person to another.[432] + +The rules drawn up to prevent loss were as stringent for college as for +monastic libraries. No Fellow of University College could take away, +sell, or pawn books belonging to his house without the consent of all +the fellows (statutes, 1292). At Peterhouse scholars were bound by oath +to similar effect (statutes, 1344). A statute of Magdalen is most +insistent--a book could not be alienated, under any excuse whatever, nor +lent outside the college, nor could it be lent in quires for copying to +a member of the College or a stranger, either in the Hall or out of it, +nor could it be taken out of the town, or even out of the Hall, either +whole or in sheets, by the Master or any one else, but to the schools it +could be taken when necessary and on condition that it was brought back +to the college before nightfall (1459). A like injunction was given at +Pembroke College, Cambridge, and Brasenose College. + +Lending outside a college was unusual, but was sometimes allowed, as in +monasteries, under indenture, and upon deposit of a pledge of greater +value than the book lent, and with the general consent of Fellows +(University College statutes, 1292; All Souls statutes, 1443). Every +book belonging to University College had a high value set upon it, so +that a borrower should not be careless in his use of it (statutes, +1292); and at Peterhouse the Master and two Deans were expected to set a +value upon the books (special statute, 1480). Punishment for default was +severe. Any Fellow of Oriel neglecting or refusing to restore his books, +or to pay the value set upon them, forfeited his right of selecting for +another year, and if he failed to make good the loss before the +following Christmas, he was no longer a Fellow--_eo facto non socius +ibidem existat_ (1441). If a Fellow of Peterhouse did not produce his +book at the fresh selection, or appoint a deputy to bring it, he was +liable to be put out of commons until he restored it (statute, 1480). + +Equal care was taken of the books which were not circulated. At Merton +they were to be kept under three locks (1276). The deeds, books, +muniments, and money of Stapeldon Hall or Exeter College were kept in a +chest, of which one key was in the hands of the Rector, another of the +Senior Scholar, and a third of the Chaplain (statutes, 1316). Three +different locks, two large and one small, were used to secure the +library door of New College: the Senior Dean and the Senior Bursar had +the keys of the large locks, and each Fellow had a key of the small +lock; all three locks were to be secured at night (statutes, 1400). An +indenture was drawn up of all the books, charters, and muniments of +Peterhouse in the presence of the greater number of the scholars: all +the books were named and classified according to faculty. One part of +the indenture was retained by the Master, the other part by the Deans. +All these books and records were preserved in chests, each of which had +two keys, one in the care of the Master, the other in the hands of the +Senior Dean (statutes, 1344). Books being regarded as an inestimable +treasure, which ought to be most religiously guarded, they could not be +taken from Peterhouse, if chained up, except with the consent of the +Master and all the Fellows in residence, who must be a majority of the +whole Society; and books given on condition of being chained were not to +be removed under any pretext, excepting only for repair. Even _libri +distribuendi_ were not to be without the college at night, except by +permission of the Master or a Dean, and then they could not be retained +for six months in succession (statute, 1480). + +To detect missing books stock was taken, usually once a year: again, as +in the monasteries. Once a year on a fixed day the books of Oriel were +to be brought out and displayed for inspection before the Provost or his +deputy and all the Fellows (statutes, 1329). The same ceremony took +place at Trinity Hall twice a year; the books were to be laid out one by +one, so that they could be seen by everybody (statutes, 1350); at +Peterhouse the inspection was held only once in two years (statute, +1480). At All Souls an inspection was held (statutes, 1443); at the +Pembroke College inspection each book was exhibited in order to the +Masters and Fellows. At Magdalen, as elsewhere, the inspection was +thorough: the books were to be shown _realiter, visibiliter, et +distincte_. + +The above rules embody the common practice of the colleges. Certain +houses had unusual provisions. Every Fellow of Magdalen College was to +close the book he had been reading before he left, and also shut the +windows (statutes, 1459). With the beginning of the sixteenth century +comes a faint hint of discrimination in selecting books. No book was to +be brought into the library of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, or +chained there, if it were not of sufficient worth and importance (_nisi +sit competentis pretii aut utilitas_) (unless it had been given with +specific direction that it should be chained), but it was to go among +the books for lending (statutes, 1517).[433] + +In certain of the colleges a book was read aloud during meals. It is +noted that in 1284 the scholars of Merton were so noisy that the person +appointed to read from Gregory’s _Moralia_ could not be properly +heard.[434] Reading aloud was also enjoined at University Hall, +Oxford.[435] This was, of course, a monastic practice. + +This brief description of the practice of the colleges in regard to +books may be concluded fittingly with an account of the rules which +Richard de Bury proposed to apply for the safety of his library when +reposed within the walls of Durham Hall. These provisions are specially +interesting as an example of the care with which a fussy bookworm + +[Illustration: _PLATE XXIX_ + +LIBRARY OF CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE, OXFORD: EXTERIOR FROM MASTER’S +GARDEN] + +attempted to safeguard his treasures, and because they permit free +lending of books outside the Hall. Five of the scholars sojourning in +the Hall were to be appointed by the Master to have charge of the books, +“of which five persons three and not fewer” might lend any book or books +for inspection and study. No book was to be allowed outside the walls of +the house for copying. “Therefore, when any scholar, secular or +religious, whom for this purpose we regard with equal favour, shall seek +to borrow any book, let the keepers diligently consider if they have a +duplicate of the said book, and if so, let them lend him the book, +taking such pledge as in their judgment exceeds the value of the book +delivered, and let a record be made forthwith of the pledge, and of the +book lent, containing the names of the persons delivering the book and +of the person who receives it, together with the day and year when the +loan is made.” But if the book was not in duplicate, the keepers were +forbidden to lend it to anybody not belonging to the Hall, “unless +perhaps for inspection within the walls of the aforesaid house or Hall, +but not to be carried beyond it.” + +A book could be lent to any of the scholars in the Hall by three of the +keepers, on condition that the borrower’s name and the date on which he +received the book were recorded. This book could not be transferred to +another scholar except by permission of three keepers, and then the +record must be altered. + +“Each keeper shall take an oath to observe all these regulations when +they enter upon the charge of the books. And the recipients of any book +or books shall thereupon swear that they will not use the book or books +for any other purpose but that of inspection or study, and that they +will not take or permit to be taken it or them beyond the town and +suburbs of Oxford. + +“Moreover, every year the aforesaid keepers shall render an account to +the Master of the House and two of his scholars whom he shall associate +with himself, or if he shall not be at leisure, he shall appoint three +inspectors, other than the keepers, who shall peruse the catalogue of +books, and see that they have them all, either in the volumes themselves +or at least as represented by deposits. And the more fitting season for +rendering this account we believe to be from the first of July until the +festival of the Translation of the Glorious Martyr S. Thomas next +following. + +“We add this further provision, that anyone to whom a book has been +lent, shall once a year exhibit it to the keepers, and shall, if he +wishes it, see his pledge. Moreover, if it chances that a book is lost +by death, theft, fraud, or carelessness, he who has lost it or his +representative or executor shall pay the value of the book and receive +back his deposit. But if in any wise any profit shall accrue to the +keepers, it shall not be applied to any purpose but the repair and +maintenance of the books.”[436] + +It will be seen that had De Bury’s aim been consummated, a small public +lending library would have been founded in Oxford, from which at first +only a few duplicates would be issued, but which might, in time, have +become an important institution. + + + + +CHAPTER IX + +THE USE OF BOOKS TOWARDS THE END OF THE MANUSCRIPT PERIOD + + +§ I + +The cheapening of books has brought many pleasures, but has been the +cause of our losing--or almost losing--one pleasant social custom,--the +pastime of reciting tales by the fireside or at festivities, which was +popular until the end of the manuscript age. + + “Men lykyn jestis for to here + And romans rede in divers manere.” + +At their games and feasts and over their ale men were wont to hear tales +and verses.[437] The tale-tellers were usually professional wayfaring +entertainers: “japers and ‘mynstralles’ that sell ‘glee,’” as the scald +sang his lays before King Hygelac and roused Beowulf to slay Grendel-- + + “Gestiours, that tellen tales + Bothe of weping and of game.”[438] + +Call hither, cries Sir Thopas, minstrels and gestours, “for to tellen +tales”-- + + “Of romances that been royales, + Of popes and of cardinals, + And eek of love-lykinge.” (ll. 2035-40). + +Rhymers and poets had these entertainments in mind when they wrote-- + + “And red wher-so thou be, or elles songe, + That thou be understonde I god beseche,” + +cries Chaucer.[439] Note also the preliminary request for silence and +attention at the beginning of _Sir Thopas_-- + + “Listeth, lordes, in good entent, + And I wol telle verrayment + Of mirthe and of solas [solace]; + Al of a knyght was fair and gent [gallant] + In bataille and in tourneyment, + His name was Sir Thopas.” + +At the beginning of his metrical chronicle of England Robert Mannyng of +Brunne begs the “Lordynges that be now here” to listen to the story of +England, as he had found it and Englished it for the solace of those +“lewed” men who knew not Latin or French.[440] + +References to these minstrels are common-- + + “I warne you furst at the beginninge, + That I will make no vain carpinge [talk] + Of dedes of armys ne of amours, + As dus mynstrelles and jestours, + That makys carpinge in many a place + Of _Octoviane_ and _Isembrase_, + And of many other jestes, + And namely, whan they come to festes; + Ne of the life of _Bevys of Hampton_, + That was a knight of gret renoun, + Ne of _Sir Gye of Warwyke_.”[441] + +The monks of Hyde Abbey or New Minster paid an annuity to a harper +(1180). No less a sum than seventy shillings was paid to minstrels hired +to sing and play the harp at the feast of the installation of an abbot +of St. Augustine’s, Canterbury (1309). When the bishop of Winchester +visited the cathedral priory of St. Swithin or Old Minster, a minstrel +was hired to sing the song of Colbrond the Danish giant--a legend +connected with Winchester--and the tale of Queen Emma delivered from the +ploughshares (1338). Payments to minstrels were commonly made by monks: +at Bicester Priory, for example (1431), and at Maxstoke, where _mimi_, +_joculatores_, _jocatores_, _lusores_, and _citharistae_ were hired. A +curious provision occurs in the statutes of New College, Oxford (1380). +The founder gives his permission to the scholars, for their recreation +on festival days in the winter, to light a fire in the hall after dinner +and supper, where they could amuse themselves with songs and other +entertainments of decent sort, and could recite poems, chronicles of +kingdoms, the wonders of the world, and such like compositions, provided +they befitted the clerical character. At Winchester College--where +minstrels were often employed--and Magdalen College the same practice +was followed. Commonly minstrels formed a regular part of the household +of rich men.[442] + +This part of the subject is so interesting that we feel tempted to +linger over it, but it is sufficient for our purpose to observe that +minstrelsy, before and after the Conquest--indeed, up to nearly the end +of the manuscript period--was the chief and almost the only means of +circulating literature among seculars. This fact should be borne in mind +when any comparison is made between the number of religious and +scholastic books in circulation and the number of books of lighter +character. Even books of the scholastic class were read aloud to +students in class, and often to small audiences of older people; but +this method had obvious disadvantages, and the necessity of studying +them personally soon came to be recognised as imperative. Hence such +books, and especially those which summarised the subject of study, were +greatly multiplied. On the other hand, romances were better heard than +read, and only enough copies of them were made to supply wealthy +households and the minstrels and jesters whose business it was to learn +and recite them. Rarely, therefore, did the ordinary layman of medieval +England own many books. The large class to whom romances appealed seldom +owned books at all, simply because the people of this class, even if +wealthy and of noble rank, could not in ninety cases out of one hundred +read at all, or could read so poorly that the pastime was irksome. Among +the educated classes, the books needed were those with which a reader +had made acquaintance at his university, or which were necessary for his +special study and occupation. Yet it is uncommon to find private +libraries; and with few exceptions they were ridiculously small. The +vast majority of the books were owned in common by monastic or +collegiate societies. + +Let us bring together the meagre records of three centuries, and some +exceptions to the general rule which serve only to show up the general +poverty of the land. Henry II, an ardent sportsman, a ruler almost +completely immersed in affairs of State, made time for private reading +and for working out knotty questions,[443] and very probably he had a +library to his hand. King John received from the sacristan of Reading a +small collection of books of the Bible and severe theology, perhaps as a +diplomatic gift, perhaps as a subtle reminder that a little food for the +spirit would improve his morals and ameliorate the lot of his subjects. +Edward II borrowed at least two books, the _Miracles of St. Thomas_ and +the _Lives of St. Thomas and St. Anselm_, from Christ Church, +Canterbury.[444] Great Earl Simon had a _Digestum vetus_ from the same +source. Guy de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick (_d._ 1315), had a little +hoard of romances, and some other books. Hugh le Despenser the elder +enjoyed a “librarie of bookes” (_c._ 1321), how big or of what character +we do not know. Archbishop Meopham (_d._ 1333) gave some books to Christ +Church, Canterbury; and his successor, John Stratford, presented a few +to the same house. Lady Elizabeth de Clare, foundress of Clare Hall, +bequeathed to her foundation a tiny collection of service books and +volumes on canon law (1355). William de Feriby, Archdeacon of Cleveland, +left a small theological library (1378). One John Percyhay of Swinton in +Rydal (1392), Sir Robert de Roos (1392), John de Clifford, treasurer of +York Church (1392), Canon Bragge of York (1396), and Eleanor Bohun, +Duchess of Gloucester (1399), all left Bibles; and small collections of +books, much alike in character, consisting usually of psalters, books of +religious offices, legends of the saints, Peter of Blois, Nicholas +Trivet, the Brut chronicle, books of Decretals, and the Corpus Juris +Civilis,--most of it sorry stuff, the last achievements of dogmatism on +threadbare subjects. “Among all the church dignitaries whose wills are +recorded in Bishop Stafford’s register at Exeter (1395-1419), the +largest library mentioned is only of fourteen volumes. The sixty +testators include a dean, two archdeacons, twenty canons or +prebendaries, thirteen rectors, six vicars, and eighteen layfolk, mostly +rich people. The whole sixty apparently possessed only two Bibles +between them, and only one hundred and thirty-eight books altogether: +or, omitting church service-books, only sixty; _i.e._ exactly one each +on an average. Thirteen of the beneficed clergy were altogether +bookless, though several of them possessed the _baselard_ or dagger +which church councils had forbidden in vain for centuries past; four +more had only their breviary. Of the laity fifteen were bookless, while +three had service books, one of these being a knight who simply +bequeathed them as part of the furniture of his private chapel.”[445] + +A few exceptions there were, as we have said. Not till the fifteenth +century do we find that a few books were commonly in the possession of +well-to-do and cultivated people; suggesting an advance in culture upon +the previous age. But before 1400 several book collectors were sharp +aberrations from the general rule. Richard de Gravesend, Bishop of +London, owned nearly a hundred books, almost all theological, and each +worth on an average more than a sovereign a volume, or in all about +£1740 of our money. A certain Abbot Thomas of St. Augustine’s Abbey, +Canterbury, gave to his house over one hundred volumes.[446] To the same +monastery a certain John of London, probably a pupil of Friar Bacon, +left a specialist’s library of about eighty books, no fewer than +forty-six being on mathematics, astronomy, and medicine.[447] Simon +Langham, too, bequeathed to Westminister Abbey ninety-one works, some +very costly.[448] John de Newton, treasurer of York, left a good +library, part of which he bequeathed to York Minster and part to +Peterhouse (1418). A canon of York, Thomas Greenwood, died worth more +than thirty pounds in books alone (1421). And Henry Bowet, Archbishop of +York, left a collection of thirty-three volumes, nearly all of great +price,--copies _de luxe_, finely illuminated and embellished, worth on +an average a pound a volume (1423). + +But Richard de Bury, Bishop of Durham, is at once the bibliomaniac’s +ideal and enigma (1287-1345). All accounts agree in saying he collected +a large number of books. + +What became of them we do not know. In the _Philobiblon_, of which he is +the reputed author, he expressed his intention of founding a hall at +Oxford, and of leaving his books to it. Durham College, however, was not +completed until thirty-six years after his death. Among the Durham +College documents is a catalogue of the books it owned at the beginning +of the fifteenth century, and only the books sent to Oxford in 1315, and +as many more are mentioned, so that his large library did not go to the +college, but was probably dispersed.[449] De Bury, like Cobham, was a +heavy debtor, and as he lay dying his servants stole all his moveable +goods and left him naked on his bed save for an undershirt which a +lackey had thrown over him.[450] His executors, as we know, were glad to +resell to St. Albans Abbey the books he had bought from the monks there. + +De Bury has left us an account of his methods of collecting which throws +some light upon the trade in books in his time. “Although from our youth +upwards we had always delighted in holding social commune with learned +men and lovers of books, yet when we prospered in the world, ... we +obtained ampler facilities for visiting everywhere as we would, and of +hunting as it were certain most choice preserves, libraries private as +well as public, and of the regular as well as of the secular clergy.... +There was afforded to us, in consideration of the royal favour, easy +access for the purpose of freely searching the retreats of books. In +fact, the fame of our love of them had been soon winged abroad +everywhere, and we were reported to burn with such desire for books, and +especially old ones, that it was more easy for any man to gain our +favour by means of books than of money. Wherefore, since supported by +the goodness of the aforesaid prince of worthy memory, we were able to +requite a man well or ill ... there flowed in, instead of presents and +guerdons, and instead of gifts and jewels, soiled tracts and battered +codices, gladsome alike to our eye and heart. Then the aumbries of the +most famous monasteries were thrown open, cases were unlocked and +caskets were undone, and volumes that had slumbered through long ages in +their tombs wake up and are astonished, and those that had lain hidden +in dark places are bathed in the ray of unwonted light. These long +lifeless books, once most dainty, but now become corrupt and loathesome, +covered with litters of mice and pierced with the gnawings of the worms, +and who were once clothed in purple and fine linen, now lying in +sackcloth and ashes, given up to oblivion, seemed to have become +habitations of the moth.... Thus the sacred vessels of learning came +into our control and stewardship; some by gift, others by purchase, and +some lent to us for a season.”[451] + +If his words are true, monastic and other libraries must have been +seriously despoiled to build up his own collection. He was bribed by St. +Albans Abbey, and nobody need disbelieve him when he says he got many +presents from other houses, for the merit of being open-handed was +rewarded with more good mediation and favours than the giver’s cause +deserved; indeed, De Bury himself seems to have made judicious use of +bribes for his own advancement.[452] Usually gifts were in jewels or +plate, but books were given to men known to love them; as when +Whethamstede presented Humfrey of Gloucester and the Duke of Bedford +with books they coveted. + +While acting as emissary for his “illustrious prince,” de Bury hunts his +quarry in the narrow ways of Paris, and captures “inestimable books” by +freely opening his purse, the coins of which are, to his mind, “mud and +sand” compared with the treasures he gets. He blesses the friars and +protects them, and they rout out books from the “universities and high +schools of various provinces”; but how, whether rightfully or +wrongfully, we do not know. He “does not disdain,” he tells us--in +truth, he is surely overjoyed--to visit “their libraries and any other +repositories of books”; nay, there he finds heaped up amid the utmost +poverty the utmost riches of wisdom. He freely employs the booksellers, +but the wiles of the collector are as notorious as the wiles of women, +and his chief aim is to “captivate the affection of all” who can get him +books;--not even forgetting “the rectors of schools and the instructors +of rude boys,” although we cannot think he gets much from them. If he +cannot buy books, he has copies made: about his person are scribes and +correctors, illuminators and binders, and generally all who can usefully +labour in the service of books; in large numbers--in no small multitude. +And by these means he gets together more books than all the other +English bishops put together: more than five waggon loads; a veritable +hoard, overflowing into the hall of his house, and into his bedroom, +where he steps over them to get to his couch. He was a man “of small +learning,” says Murimuth; “passably literate,” writes Chambre; at the +best, according to Petrarch, “of ardent temperament, not ignorant of +literature, with a natural curiosity for out-of-the-way lore”: an +antiquarian, not of the lovable kind, but unscrupulous, pedantic, and +vain, indulging an inordinate taste for collecting and hoarding books, +perhaps to satisfy a craving for shreds and patches of knowledge, but +more likely to earn a reputation as a great clerk.[453] For De Bury was +something of a humbug; the _Philobiblon_, if it is his work, reaches the +utmost limit of affectation in the love of books. + + +§ II + +The literature of the later part of the fourteenth century affords us +glimpses of other readers who were not merely collectors. The author--or +authors--of _Piers Plowman_ seems to have had within his reach a fair +library. His reading was carelessly done for the most part, his +references are vague and incorrect, and his quotations not always exact. +But he was well read in the Scriptures, which he knew far better than +any other book. From the Fathers he gathered much, perhaps by means of +collections of extracts from their works. He used the _Golden Legend_, +Huon de Meri’s allegorical poem of the fight between Jesus and the +Antichrist, Peter Comestor’s _Bible History_, Rustebeuf’s _La Voie de +Paradis_, Grosseteste’s religious allegory of _Le Chastel d’Amour_, the +paraded learning of Vincent of Beauvais in _Speculum Historiale_, and +other works--numerous and small signs of booklore, which are completely +overshadowed by his illuminating comprehension of the popular side in +the politics of his day. Gower, too, had at his disposal a little +library of some account, including the Scriptures, theological writings +and ecclesiastical histories, Aristotle, some of the classics, and a +good deal of romance in prose and verse. + +But Chaucer was the ideal book-lover: knowing Dante, Boccaccio, and in +some degree “Franceys Petrark, the laureat poete,” who “enlumined al +Itaille of poetry,” Virgil, Cicero, Seneca, Ovid--his favourite +author--and Boëthius; as well as Guido delle Colonne’s prose epic of +the story of Troy, the poems of Guillaume de Machaut, the _Roman de la +Rose_, and a work on the astrolabe by Messahala.[454] We have some +excellent pictures of Chaucer’s habit of reading. When his day’s work is +done he goes home and buries himself with his books-- + + “Domb as any stoon, + Thou sittest at another boke, + Til fully daswed is thy loke.”[455] + +In the _Parliament of Fowls_ he tells us that he read books often for +instruction and pleasure, and the coming on of night alone would force +him to put away his book. He would not have been a true reader had he +not developed the habit of reading in bed. + + “...Whan I saw I might not slepe, + Til now late, this other night, + Upon my bedde I sat upright + And bad oon reche me a book, + A romance, and he hit me took + To rede and dryve the night away; + + * * * * * + + And in this boke were writen fables + That clerkes hadde, in olde tyme, + And other poets, put in ryme....”[456] + +So he found solace and delight, as countless thousands have done, in his +Ovid. The world of books and of reading is apt to seem stuffy, the +favoured home of the moody spirit, a lair to which a dirty and ragged +Magliabechi retreats, a palace where a Beckford gloats solitary over his +treasures--a world whence we often desire to escape, since we know we +can return to it when we will. For if good books shelter us from the +realities of life, life itself refreshes the student like cool rain +upon the fevered brow. Chaucer was the bright spirit who let his books +fill their proper place in his life. In books, he says-- + + “I me delyte, + And to hem give I feyth and ful credence, + And in myn heart have hem in reverence + So hertely that ther is game noon + That fro my bokes maketh me to goon.” + +Yet books are something much less than life: there is the open air,--the +meadows bright with flowers,--the melody of birds,-- + + “...Whan that the month of May + Is comen, and that I hear the foules singe, + And that the flowers ’ginnen for to spring + Farwel my book....”[457] + + +§ III + +By the end of the fourteenth century we find signs that books more often +formed a part of well-to-do households, and that the formal reading and +reciting entertainments were giving place gradually to the informal and +personal use of books. Among many pieces of evidence that this was so, +Chaucer himself furnishes us with two of the best, one in the _Wife of +Bath’s Tale_, and the other in his _Troilus and Criseide_. The Wife took +for her fifth husband, “God his soule blesse,” a clerk of Oxenford-- + + “He was, I trowe, a twenty winter old, + And I was fourty, if I shal seye sooth.” + +Joly Jankin, as the clerk was called, + + “Hadde a book that gladly, night and day, + For his desport he wolde rede alway. + +[Illustration: _PLATE XXX_ + +CARMELITE IN HIS STUDY] + + He cleped [called] it Valerie and Theofraste,[458] + At whiche book he lough alwey ful faste. + + * * * * * + + And every night and day was his custume, + When he had leyser and vacacioun + From other worldly occupacioun, + To reden on this book of wikked wyves.”[459] + +And having quickly taken measure of the Wife’s character, he could not +refrain from reading to her stories which seemed to contain a lesson and +to point a moral for her. She lost patience, and was “beten for a book, +pardee.” + + “Up-on a night Jankin, that was our syre, + Redde on his book, as he sat by the fyre.” + +And when his wife saw he would “never fyne” to read “this cursed book al +night,” all suddenly she plucked three leaves out of it, “right as he +radde,” and with her fist so took him on the cheek that he fell “bakward +adoun” in the fire. Springing up like a mad lion he smote her on the +head with his fist, and she lay upon the floor as she were dead. +Whereupon he stood aghast, sorry for what he had done; and “with muchel +care and wo” they made up their quarrel: our clerk, let us hope, winning +peace, and his wife securing the mastery of their household affairs and +the destruction of the “cursed book.” + +In _Troilus_ we are told that Uncle Pandarus comes into the paved +parlour, where he finds his niece sitting with two other ladies-- + + “...And they three + Herden a mayden reden hem the geste + Of the Sege of Thebes....” + +“What are you reading?” cries Pandarus. “For Goddes love, what seith it? +Tel it us. Is it of love?” Whereupon the niece returns him a saucy +answer, and “with that they gonnen laughe,” and then she says-- + + “This romaunce is of Thebes, that we rede; + And we can herd how that King Laius deyde + Thurgh Edippus his sone, and al that dede; + And here we stenten [left off] at these lettres rede, + How the bisshop, as the book can telle, + Amphiorax, fil through the ground to helle.”[460] + +This picture of a little informal reading circle is not to be found in +like perfection elsewhere in English medieval literature.[461] + + +§ IV + +By the middle of the fifteenth century book-collecting was a more +fashionable pastime. Had it not been so we should have been surprised. +From 1365 to 1450 was an age of library building. Oxford University now +had its library: in quick succession the colleges of Merton, William of +Wykeham, Exeter, University, Durham, Balliol, Peterhouse, Lincoln, All +Souls, Magdalen, Queens’ (Cambridge), Pembroke (Cambridge), and St. +John’s (Cambridge) followed the example. Library rooms also had been put +up in the cathedrals of Hereford, Exeter, York, Lincoln, Wells, +Salisbury, St. Paul’s, and Lichfield. Moreover, in London had been +established the first public library. Dick Whittington, of famous +memory, and William Bury founded it between 1421 and 1426. The civic +records tell us that “Upon the petition of John Coventry, John +Carpenter, and William Grove, the executors of Richard Whittington and +William Bury, the Custody of the New House, or Library, which they had +built, with the Chamber under, was placed at their disposal by the Lord +Mayor, Aldermen, and Commonalty.”[462] The foundation is described as “a +certen house next unto the sam Chapel apperteynyng, called the library, +all waies res’ved for students to resorte unto, w^{t} three chambres +under nithe the saide library, which library being covered w^{t} slate +is valued together w^{t} the chambres at xiijs. iiijd. yerely.... The +saied library is a house appointed by the saied Maior and cominaltie for +... resorte of all students for their education in Divine +Scriptures.”[463] Stow, writing in 1598, spoke of it as “sometime a +fayre and large library, furnished with books.... The armes of +Whitington are placed on the one side in the stone worke, and two +letters, to wit, W. and B., for William Bury, on the other side.” +Wealthy citizens came forward with pecuniary aid then as they have ever +done. William Chichele, sometime Sheriff, bequeathed “x^{li} to be +bestowyed on books notable to be layde in the newe librarye at the +gildehall at London for to be memoriall for John Hadle, sumtyme meyre, +and for me there while they mowe laste.”[464] This was in 1425. Eighteen +years later one of Whittington’s executors, named John Carpenter, made +this direction in his will: “If any good or rare books shall be found +amongst the said residue of my goods, which, by the discretion of the +aforesaid Master William Lichfield and Reginald Pecock, may seem +necessary to the common library at Guildhall, for the profit of the +students there, and those discoursing to the common people, then I will +and bequeath that those books be placed by my executors and chained in +that library that the visitors and students thereof may be the sooner +admonished to pray for my soul” (1442).[465] But this library, like so +many others, did not survive the disastrous years of mid-sixteenth +century. + +It would be singular if this progress in library making were not +reflected in the habits of a considerable section of the people. The +court and its entourage set the fashion. Henry VI was a lover of books +and a collector. His uncle, John, Duke of Bedford, although much +occupied with public affairs and mercilessly warring with France, got +together a rich library, particularly noteworthy for finely illuminated +books: the famous library of the Louvre was a part of his French booty. +Of his brother Gloucester we have already spoken. Archbishop Kempe owned +a library of theology, canon and civil law, and other books, worth more +than £260. He also gave money towards the cost of Gloucester’s library +at Oxford; as did also Cardinal Beaufort and the Duchess of Gloucester. +Sir John Fastolf possessed a small number of books at Caistor (_c._ +1450). The collection was of some distinction, as the inventory will +show: “In the Stewe hous; of Frenche books, the Bible, the Cronycles of +France, the Cronicles of Titus Levius, a booke of Jullius Cesar, lez +Propretez dez Choses [by Barth Glanville], Petrus de Crescentiis, liber +Almagesti, liber Geomancie cum iiij aliis Astronomie, liber de Roy +Artour, Romaunce la Rose, Cronicles d’Angleterre, Veges de larte +Chevalerie, Instituts of Justien Emperer, Brute in ryme, liber Etiques, +liber de Sentence Joseph, Problemate Aristotelis, Vice and Vertues, +liber de Cronykes de Grant Bretagne in ryme, Meditacions Saynt +Bernard.”[466] Perhaps this little hoard may be taken as a fair example +of a wealthy gentleman’s library in the fifteenth century. A collection +perhaps accurately representing the average prelatical library was that +of Richard Browne, running to more than thirty books of the common +medieval character (1452). A canon residentiary of York named William +Duffield had a library of forty volumes, as fine as Archbishop Bowet’s +collection, and valued at a higher figure (1452). Ralph Dreff, of +Broadgates Hall, possessed no fewer than twenty-three volumes, a larger +collection than Oxford students usually had. A vicar of Cookfield owned +twenty-four books, some of them priced cheaply (1451). + +Some collections were pathetically small. A disreputable student of +Oxford, John Brette, had among his “bits of things” a book and a +pamphlet. Thomas Cooper, scholar of Brasenose Hall, enjoyed the use of +six volumes. Another scholar, John Lassehowe, had a like number; and +another, Simon Berynton, had fifteen books, worth sixpence (_c._ 1448)! +A rector also had six, one of them Greek; a chaplain was equipped with +six medical works; and James Hedyan, bachelor of canon and civil law, +could employ his leisure in reading one of his little store of eight +volumes. One Elizabeth Sywardby owned eight books, three being costly +(1468). + + +§ V + +More records of the same kind may be obtained from almost any collection +of wills and inventories, the number of them increasing towards the end +of the manuscript age. How far this change was due to the influence of +Italy we do not fully know. Certainly before the end of Henry VI’s reign +the first impulse of the Italian renascence--the impulse to gather up +the materials of a more catholic and liberal knowledge--had been +transmitted to England. Students left our shores to widen their studies +in Italy. Public men in England corresponded with Italians, and fell +into sympathy with their aims. Occasionally scholars came hither from +Italy. Manuel Chrysoloras, one of the leading revivers of Greek studies +in Italy, visited England in the service of Manuel Palaeologus, and +possibly stayed at Christ Church monastery in 1408.[467] Poggio +Bracciolini came to this country in 1418-23 at the invitation of +Cardinal Beaufort: what he did while here we know far too little about, +but this visit of Italy’s greatest book-collector and discoverer of +Latin classical manuscripts cannot have been without some effect upon +English students. For Poggio the visit was almost without result. He was +in search of manuscripts, but apparently failed to get any with which he +was unacquainted. He dismissed our libraries with the sharp criticism +that they were full of trash, and described Englishmen as almost devoid +of love for letters.[468] Æneas Sylvius also came here, and his visit +likewise must have borne some fruit (1435). + +Much also was accomplished by correspondence. Among those in +communication with Italians and acquainted with the course of their +studies, were Bishop Bekington, one of the earliest _alumni_ of +Wykeham’s foundation at Oxford, Adam de Molyneux, the correspondent of +Æneas Sylvius, Thomas Chaundler, warden of New College, Archdeacon +Bildstone, Archbishop Arundel, the benefactor of Oxford University +Library and correspondent of Salutati, Cardinal Beaufort’s secretary, +and Humfrey of Gloucester. Upon the last-named Italian influence was +strong. Among the books he gave to Oxford were Petrarch, Dante, and +Boccaccio, but probably the strongest evidence of this influence would +be found in the books he retained for his own use. He sought a rendering +of Aristotle’s _Politics_ from Bruni; of Cicero’s _Republic_ from +Decembrio; of certain of Plutarch’s _Lives_ from Lapo da Castiglionchio; +and had other works translated.[469] + +[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF DUKE HUMFREY OF GLOUCESTER.] + +But many English students were attracted to visit Italy for the express +purpose of sitting under Italian teachers. As early as 1395, one Thomas +of England, a brother of the Augustine order, went to Italy and +purchased manuscripts, “books of the modern poets,” and translations and +other early works of Leonardo Bruni.[470] Thomas was one of the first of +a number of enlightened Englishmen who journeyed laboriously and in +steady procession to Italy, this time not only to Rome, but to the +northern towns, then, with Venice, “the common ports of humanity,” +whither they were attracted by the fame of the bright galaxy of +humanists--of Coluccio Salutati, collector of Latin manuscripts, Manuel +Chrysoloras, Niccolo de’ Niccoli, grubbing Poggio Bracciolini, Pope +Nicholas, sometime Cosimo de’ Medici’s librarian and the founder of the +Vatican Library, Giovanni Aurispa, famous collector of Greek +manuscripts in the East, the renowned Guarino da Verona, Palla degli +Strozzi, would-be founder of a public library, Cosimo de’ Medici, whose +princely collections are the chiefest treasures of the Laurentian +Library, Francesco Filelfo, another importer of Greek books from +Constantinople, and Vespasiano, the great bookseller. + +Sometimes these pilgrims to Italy were poor men, as were John Free, and +the two Oxford men, Norton and Bulkeley, who went thither in +1425-29.[471] But as a rule such a journey was only possible for wealthy +men. An important pilgrim was Andrew Holes, who represented England at +the Pope’s court in Florence.[472] In the eyes of Vespasiano, Holes was +one of the most cultivated of Englishmen. He appears to have bought too +many books to send by land, and so was obliged to wait for a ship to +transport them. What became of these books?--did he collect for his own +use?--or was he acting merely for Duke Humfrey or the king?--or did he +leave them, as it is said, to his Church? Unfortunately these are +questions which cannot be answered. + +Four other men, Tiptoft, Grey, Free, and Gunthorpe, all of Balliol +College, where the influence of Duke Humfrey may fairly be suspected, +journeyed to Italy. “Butcher” Tiptoft, an intimate of another +enlightened community at Christ Church, visited Guarino, walked +Florentine streets arm-in-arm with Vespasiano, thrilled Æneas Sylvius, +then Pope, with a Latin oration, and returned to his own country with +many books, some of which he intended to give to Oxford University--one +of the best deeds of his unhappy and calamitous life.[473] While in +Italy, William Grey, who sat under Guarino, and made Niccolò Perotti, +well known as a grammarian, free of his princely establishment, was +conspicuously industrious in accumulating books. If he could not obtain +them in any other way he employed scribes to copy for him, and an artist +of Florence to adorn them in a costly manner with miniatures and +initials. In nearly six years he collected over two hundred volumes of +manuscripts, some as old as the twelfth century; probably the finest +library sent to England in that age. No fewer than 152 of his +manuscripts are now in the Balliol College library, to which he gave his +whole collection in 1478; unfortunately most of the miniatures are +destroyed. To his patronage of learning and his book-collecting +propensities Grey owed his friendship with Nicholas V, and his bishopric +of Ely. Grey was also a good friend to Free or Phreas, a poor student, +and aided him in Italy with money for his expenses of living and to +obtain Greek manuscripts to translate.[474] Free and John Gunthorpe, +Dean of Wells, went to Italy together: Free did not live to return, but +Gunthorpe brought home manuscripts. He gave the bulk of them to Jesus +College, where only one or two are left; some have found their way to +other Cambridge Colleges.[475] Another Oxford scholar, Robert Flemming, +was in Italy in 1450: here he became the friend of the great librarian +of the Vatican, Platina; and got together a number of manuscripts, +afterwards given to Lincoln College. + + +§ VI + +The intercourse of all these scholars with Italians was carried on +before mid-fifteenth century. Their chief interest was in Latin books, +although a large number of Greek manuscripts had been brought to Italy +by Angeli da Scarparia, Guarino, Giovanni Aurispa, and Filelfo. After +the fall of Constantinople the Greek immigrants introduced books into +Italy much more freely. George Hermonymus of Sparta, a Greek teacher and +copyist of Greek manuscripts, visited England on a papal mission in +1475, but whether he had any influence on our intellectual pursuits does +not appear.[476] Certainly, however, English scholars soon appreciated +this new literature. + +Letters sent to Pope Sixtus in 1484 by the king, refer to the skill of +John Shirwood, bishop of Durham, in Latin and Greek.[477] Shirwood seems +to have collected a respectable library. His Latin books were acquired +by Bishop Foxe, and formed the nucleus of the library with which the +latter endowed Corpus Christi College, Oxford. Some thirty volumes, a +number of them printed, now remain at the College to bring him to mind: +among them we find Pliny, Terence, Cicero, Livy, Suetonius, Plutarch, +and Horace. Less fortunate has been the fate of his Greek books, which +went to the collegiate church of Bishop Auckland. At the end of the +fifteenth century this church owned about forty volumes. The only +exceptions to its medieval character were Cicero’s _Letters_ and +_Offices_, Silius Italicus, and Theodore Gaza’s Greek grammar.[478] But +Leland tells us that Tunstall, who succeeded to the bishopric in 1530, +found a store of Shirwood’s Greek manuscripts at this church. What +became of them we do not know.[479] + +About this same time a certain Emmanuel of Constantinople seems to have +been employed in England as a copyist. For Archbishop Neville he +produced a Greek manuscript containing some _sermones judiciales_ of +Demosthenes, and letters of Aeschines, Plato, and Chion (1468).[480] Dr. +Montague James has shown that this manuscript of Emmanuel is by the same +hand as the manuscripts known as the “Ferrar group,” which comprises “a +Plato and Aristotle now at Durham, two psalters in Cambridge libraries, +a psalter and part of a Suidas at Oxford, and the famous Leicester Codex +of the Gospels.”[481] Dr. James believes the Plato and the Aristotle to +have been transcribed for Neville by Emmanuel. In 1472 the archbishop’s +household was broken up, and the “greete klerkys and famous doctors” of +his entourage went to Cambridge. Among them, it is conjectured, was +Emmanuel, and so it came to pass that three manuscripts in his writing +have been at Cambridge; two psalters, as we have said, are there now, +and in the beginning of the sixteenth century one of them, with the +Leicester Codex, was certainly in the hands of the Grey Friars at +Cambridge. This happy fruit of Dr. James’ research throws a welcome ray +of light on the pursuit of Greek studies in the last quarter of the +fifteenth century.[482] + +In view of all the hard things which have been said of the religious, it +is significant to find them taking a leading part in bringing Greek +studies to England. We cannot collate all the instances here, but a few +may be brought together. Two Benedictines named William of Selling and +William Hadley, some time warden of Canterbury College, Oxford, were in +Italy studying and buying books for three years after 1464.[483] The +former became distinguished for his aptitude in learning the ancient +tongues, and consequently won the friendship of Angelo Poliziano. At +least two other visits to Italy were made by him; the last being +undertaken as an emissary of the king. On these occasions he got +together as many Greek and Latin books as he could, and brought them--a +large and precious store--to Canterbury.[484] For some reason the books +were kept in the Prior’s lodging instead of in the monastic library, and +here they perished through the carelessness of Layton’s myrmidons.[485] +Among the books lost was possibly a copy of Cicero’s _Republic_. Only +five manuscripts have been found which can be connected with Selling’s +library: a fifteenth-century Greek Psalter, a copy of the Psalms in +Hebrew and Latin, a Euripides, a Livy, and a magnificent Homer.[486] +This Homer we have already referred to in an earlier chapter, when +describing the work of Theodore of Tarsus. The signature Θεοδωρος has +now been more plausibly explained. “The following note,” writes Dr. +James, “which I found in Dr. Masters’s copy of Stanley’s _Catalogue_, +preserved in [Corpus Christi] College Library, suggests another origin +for this Homer. I have been unable to identify the document to which +reference is made. It should obviously be a letter of an Italian +humanist in the Harleian collection.... ‘Mem.: Humphrey Wanley, +Librarian to the late Earl of Oxford, told Mr. Fran: Stanley, son of the +author, a little before his death, that in looking over some papers in +the papers in the Earl’s library, he found a Letter from a learned +Italian to his Friend in England, wherein he told him there was then a +very stately Homer just transcribed for Theodorus + +[Illustration: _PLATE XXXI_ + +A SCRIBE (ST. MARK WRITING HIS GOSPEL) + +FROM THE BEDFORD HOURS] + +Gaza, of whose Illumination he gives him a very particular description, +which answer’d so exactly in every part to that here set forth, that he +[Wanley] was fully perswaded it was this very Book, and y^{t} the +Θεοδωρος at the bottom of 1st page order’d to be placed there by Gaza as +his own name, gave occasion to Abp. Parker to imagine it might have +belonged to Theodore of Canterbury, which however Hody was of opinion +could not be of that age.’ Th. Gaza,” continues Dr. James, “died in +1478; the suggestion here made is quite compatible with the hypothesis +that Sellinge was the means of conveying the Homer to England, and does +supply a rather welcome interpretation of the Θεοδωρος inscription.” +This reasonable hypothesis may be strengthened if we point out that Gaza +was in Rome from 1464 to 1472, and Selling visited that city between +1464 and 1467 and again in 1469. Selling may have got the manuscript +from Gaza on one of these occasions. + +There is evidence of Greek studies at other monasteries,--at Westminster +after 1465, when Millyng, an “able graecian,” became prior at Reading in +1499 and 1500, and at Glastonbury during the time of Abbot Bere.[487] + +But Canterbury’s share was greatest. Selling seems to have taught Greek +at Christ Church. In the monastic school there Thomas Linacre was +instructed, and probably got the rudiments of Greek from Selling +himself. Thence Linacre went to Oxford, where he pursued Greek under +Cornelius Vitelli, an Italian visitor acting as prælector in New +College.[488] In 1485-6 Linacre went with his old master to Italy--his +_Sancta Mater Studiorum_--where Selling seems to have introduced him to +Poliziano. Linacre perfected his Greek pursuits under Chalcondylas, and +became acquainted with Aldo Manuzio the famous printer, and Hermolaus +Barbarus. A little story is told of his meeting with Hermolaus. He was +reading a copy of Plato’s _Phaedo_ in the Vatican Library when the great +humanist came up to him and said “the youth had no claim, as he had +himself, to the title Barbarus, if it were lawful to judge from his +choice of a book”--an incident which led to a great friendship between +the two. Grocyn and Latimer were with Linacre in Rome. The former was +the first to carry on effectively the teaching of Greek begun at Oxford +possibly by Vitelli; but he was nevertheless a conservative scholar, +well read in the medieval schoolmen, as his library clearly proves. This +library is of interest because one hundred and five of the one hundred +and twenty-one books in it were printed. The manuscript age is well +past, and the costliness of books, the chief obstacle to the +dissemination of thought, was soon to give no cause for remark. + + + + +CHAPTER X + +THE BOOK TRADE + + +Secular makers of books have plied their trade in Europe since classic +times, but during the early age of monachism their numbers were very +small and they must have come nigh extinction altogether. In and after +the eleventh century they increased in numbers and importance; their +ranks being recruited not only by seculars trained in the monastic +schools, but by monks who for various reasons had been ejected from +their order. These traders were divided into several classes: +parchment-makers, scribes, rubrishers or illuminators, bookbinders, and +stationers or booksellers. The stationer usually controlled the +operations of the other craftsmen; he was the middleman. Scribes were +either ordinary scriveners called _librarii_, or writers who drew up +legal documents, known as _notarii_. But the _librarius_ and _notarius_ +often trenched upon each other’s work, and consequently a good deal of +ill-feeling usually existed between them. + +Bookbinders, and booksellers or _stationarii_, probably first plied +their trade most prosperously in England at Oxford and Cambridge. By +about 1180 quite a number of such tradesmen were living in Oxford; a +single document transferring property in Cat Street bears the names of +three illuminators, a bookbinder, a scribe, and two parchmenters.[489] +Half a century later a bookbinder is mentioned in a deed as a former +owner of property in the parish of St. Peter’s in the East; another +bookbinder is witness to the deed (_c._ 1232-40).[490] After this +bookbinders and others of the craft are frequently mentioned. Towards +the end of the thirteenth century Schydyerd Street and Cat Street, the +centre of University life, were the homes of many people engaged in +bookmaking and selling; the former street especially was frequented by +parchment makers and sellers. In this street, too, “a tenement called +Bokbynder’s is mentioned in a charter of 1363-4; and although +bookbinding may not have been carried on there at that date, the fact of +the name having been attached to the place seems sufficient to justify +the assumption that a binder or guild of binders had formerly been +established there. In Cat Street a Tenementum Bokbyndere, owned by Osney +Abbey, was rented in 1402 by Henry the lymner, at a somewhat later date +by Richard the parchment-seller, and in 1453 by All Souls’ +College.”[491] + +Stationers had transcripts made, bought, sold and hired out books and +received them in pawn. They acted as agents when books and other goods +were sold; in 1389, for example, a stationer received twenty pence for +his services in buying two books, one costing £4 and the other five +marks.[492] They attended the fair at St. Giles near Oxford to sell +books. This was not their only interest, for they dealt in goods of many +kinds. They were in fact general tradesmen: sellers, valuers, and +agents; liable to be called upon to have a book copied, to buy or sell a +book, to set a value upon a pledge, to make an inventory and valuation +of a scholar’s goods and chattels after his death. Their office was such +an important one for the well-being of the scholars that it was found +convenient to extend to them the privileges and protection of the +University, and in return to exact an oath of fairdealing from +them.[493] + +Before the end of the thirteenth century the University’s privileges had +been extended to _servientes_ known as parchment-makers, scribes, and +illuminators; in 1290 the privileges were confirmed.[494] Certain +stationers were then undoubtedly within the University as _servientes_, +but in 1356 they are recorded positively as being so with parchmenters, +illuminators, and writers: and again in 1459 “alle stacioners” and “alle +bokebynders” enjoyed the privileges of the University, with “lympners, +wryters, and pergemeners.”[495] These privileges took them out of the +jurisdiction of the city, although they still had to pay taxes, which +were collected by the University and paid over to the city treasurer. + +Stationers regarded as the University’s servants were sworn, as we have +already indicated. The document giving the form of their oath is +undated, but most likely the rules laid down were observed from the time +the stationers were first attached to the University. The oath was +strict. A part of their duties was the valuation of books and other +articles which were pledged by scholars in return for money from the +University chests. These chests or hutches were expressly founded by +wealthy men for the assistance of poor scholars. By the end of the +fifteenth century there were at Oxford twenty-four such chests, valued +at two thousand marks; a large pawnbroking fund, but probably by no +means too large.[496] Mr. Anstey, the editor of _Munimenta Academica_, +has drawn a vivid picture of the inspection of one of these chests and +of the business conducted round them, and we cannot do better than +reproduce it. Master T. Parys, principal of St. Mary Hall, and Master +Lowson are visiting the chest of W. de Seltone. We enter St. Mary’s +Church with them, “and there we see ranged on either side several +ponderous iron chests, eight or ten feet in length and about half that +width, for they have to contain perhaps as many as a hundred or more +large volumes, besides other valuables deposited as pledges by those who +have borrowed from the chest. Each draws from beneath his cape a huge +key, which one after the other are applied to the two locks; a system of +bolts, which radiate from the centre of the lid and shoot into the iron +sides in a dozen different places, slide back, and the lid is opened. At +the top lies the register of the contents, containing the +particulars;--dates, names, and amounts--of the loans granted. This they +remove and begin to compare its statements with the contents of the +chest. There are a large number of manuscript volumes, many of great +value, beautifully illuminated and carefully kept, for each is almost +the sole valuable possession perhaps of its owner! Then the money +remaining in one corner of the chest is carefully counted and compared +with the account in the register. If we look in we can see also here and +there among the books other valuables of less peaceful character. There +lie two or three daggers of more than ordinary workmanship, and by them +a silver cup or two, and again more than one hood lined with minever. By +this time a number of persons has collected around the chest, and the +business begins. That man in an ordinary civilian’s dress who stands +beside Master Parys is John More, the University stationer, and it is +his office to fix the value of the pledges offered, and to take care +that none are sold at less than their real value. It is a motley group +that stands around; there are several + +[Illustration: _PLATE XXXII_ + +A SCRIBE AT WORK] + +masters and bachelors, ... but the larger proportion is of boys or quite +young men in every variety of coloured dress, blue and red, medley, and +the like, but without any academical dress. Many of them are very +scantily clothed, and all have their attention rivetted on the chest, +each with curious eye watching for his pledge, his book or his cup, +brought from some country village, perhaps an old treasure of his +family, and now pledged in his extremity, for last term he could not pay +the principal of his hall the rent of his miserable garret, nor the +manciple for his battels, but now he is in funds again, and pulls from +his leathern money-pouch at his girdle the coin which is to repossess +him of his property.”[497] Naturally their duty as valuers of +much-prized property invested the stationers with some importance. Their +work was thought to be so laborious and anxious that about 1400 every +new graduate was expected to give clothes to one of them; such method of +rewarding services with livery or clothing being common in the middle +ages.[498] The form of their oath was especially designed to make them +protect the chests from loss. All monies received by them for the sale +of pledges were to be paid into the chests within eight days. The sale +of a pledge was not to be deferred longer than three weeks. Without +special leave they could not themselves buy the pledges, directly or +indirectly: a wholesome and no doubt very necessary provision. Pledges +were not to be lent for more than ten days. All pledges were to be +honestly appraised. When a pledge was sold, the buyer’s name was to be +written in the stationer’s indenture. No stationer could refuse to sell +a pledge; nor could he take it away from Oxford and sell it elsewhere. +He was bound to mark all books exposed for sale, as pledges, in the +usual way, by quoting the beginning of the second folio. All persons +lending books, whether stationers or other people, were bound to lend +perfect copies. This oath was sworn afresh every year.[499] + +Many stationers were not sworn. They speedily became serious competitors +with the privileged traders. By 1373 their number had increased largely, +and restrictions were imposed upon them. Books of great value were sold +through their agency, and carried away from Oxford. Owners were cheated. +All unsworn booksellers living within the jurisdiction of the University +were forbidden, therefore, to sell any book, either their own property, +or belonging to others, exceeding half a mark in value. If disobedient +they were liable to suffer pain of imprisonment for the first offence, a +fine of half a mark for the second--a curious example of graduated +punishment--and a prohibition to ply their trade within the precincts of +the University for the third.[500] + +At this time bookselling was a thriving trade. De Bury tells us: “We +secured the acquaintance of stationers and scribes, not only within our +own country, but of those spread over the realms of France, Germany and +Italy, money flying forth in abundance to anticipate their demands: nor +were they hindered by any distance, or by the fury of the seas, or by +the lack of means for their expenses, from sending or bringing to us the +books that we required.”[501] + +Records of various transactions are extant, of which the following may +serve as examples. In 1445, a stationer and a lymner in his employ had a +dispute, and as the two arbiters to whom the matter was referred failed +to reach a settlement in due time, the Chancellor of the University +stepped in and determined the quarrel. The judgment was as follows: the +lymner, or illuminator, was to serve the stationer, _in liminando bene +et fideliter libros suos_, for one year, and meantime was to work for +nobody else. His wage was to be four marks ten shillings of good English +money. The lymner in person was to fetch the materials from his master’s +house, and to bring back the work when finished. He was to take care not +to use the colours wastefully. The work was to be done well and +faithfully, without fraud or deception. For the purpose of +superintending the work the stationer could visit the place where the +lymner wrought, at any convenient time.[502] The yearly wage for this +lymner was nearly fifty pounds of our money. + +An inscription in one codex tells us it was pawned to a bookseller in +1480 for thirty-eight shillings. Pawnbroking was an important part of a +bookseller’s business. Lending books on hire was usual among both +booksellers and tutors, for it was the exception, rather than the rule, +for university students to own books, while in the college libraries +there were sometimes not enough books to go round. For example, the +statutes of St. Mary’s College, founded in 1446, forbade a scholar to +occupy a book in the library above an hour, or at most two hours, so +that others should not be hindered from the use of them.[503] + +At Cambridge the trade was not less flourishing. From time to time it +was found necessary to determine whether the booksellers and the allied +craftsmen were within the University’s jurisdiction or not. In 1276 it +was desired to settle their position as between the regents and scholars +of the University and the Archdeacon of Ely. Hugh de Balsham, Bishop of +Ely, when called in as arbiter, decided that writers, illuminators, and +stationers, who exercise offices peculiarly for the behoof of the +scholars, were answerable to the Chancellor; but their wives to the +Archdeacon. Nearly a century later, in 1353-54, we find Edward III +issuing a writ commanding justices of the peace of the county of +Cambridge to allow the Chancellor of the University the conusance and +punishment of all trespasses and excesses, except mayheim and felony, +committed by stationers, writers, bookbinders, and illuminators, as had +been the custom. But the question was again in debate in 1393-94, when +the Chancellor and scholars petitioned Parliament to declare and adjudge +stationers and bookbinders scholars’ servants, as had been done in the +case of Oxford. This petition does not seem to have been answered. But +by the Barnwell Process of 1430, it was decided that “transcribers, +illuminators, bookbinders, and stationers have been, and are wont and +ought to be--as well by ancient usage from time immemorial undisturbedly +exercised, as by concession of the Apostolic See--the persons belong and +are subject to the ecclesiastical and spiritual jurisdiction of the +Chancellor of the University for the time being.” Again in 1503 was it +agreed, this time between the University and the Mayor and burgesses of +Cambridge, that “stacioners, lymners, schryveners, parchment-makers, +boke-bynders,” were common ministers and servants of the University and +were to enjoy its privileges.[504] + +Fairs were so important a means of bringing together buyers and sellers +that we should expect books to be sold at them. And in fact they were. +The preamble of an Act of Parliament reads as follows: “Ther be meny +feyers for the comen welle of your seid lege people as at Salusbury, +Brystowe, Oxenforth, Cambrigge, Notyngham, Ely, Coventre, and at many +other places, where lordes spirituall and temporall, abbotes, Prioures, +Knyghtes, Squerys, Gentilmen, and your seid Comens of every Countrey, +hath their comen resorte to by and purvey many thinges that be gode and +profytable, as ornaments of holy church chaleis, bokes, vestmentes +[etc.] ... also for howsold, as vytell for the tyme of Lent, and other +Stuff, as Lynen Cloth, wolen Cloth, brasse, pewter, beddyng, osmonde, +Iren, Flax and Wax and many other necessary thinges.”[505] The chief +fairs for the sale of books were those of St. Giles at Oxford, at +Stourbridge, Cambridge, and St. Bartholomew’s Fair in London. + +London, however, speedily asserted its right to be regarded as England’s +publishing centre. The booksellers with illuminators and other allied +craftsmen established themselves in a small colony in “Paternoster +Rewe,” and they attended St. Bartholomew’s Fair to sell books. By 1403 +the Stationers’ Company, which had long been in existence, was +chartered; its headquarters were in London, at a hall in Milk Street. +This guild did not confine its attention to the book-trade; nor did the +booksellers sell only books. Often, indeed, this was but a small part of +general mercantile operations. For example, William Praat, a London +mercer, obtained manuscripts for Caxton. Grocers also sold manuscripts, +parchment, paper and ink. King John of France, while a prisoner in +England in 1360, bought from three grocers of Lincoln four “quaires” of +paper, a main of paper and a skin of parchment, and three “quaires” of +paper. From a scribe of Lincoln named John he also bought books, some of +which are now in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris.[506] + +We have a record of an interesting transaction which took place at the +end of the manuscript period (1469). One William Ebesham wrote to his +most worshipful and special master, Sir John Paston, asking, in a +hesitating, cringing sort of way, for the payment of his little bill, +which seems to have been a good deal overdue, as is the way with bills. +All this service most lowly he recommends unto his good mastership, +beseeching him most tenderly to see the writer somewhat rewarded for his +labour in the “Grete Boke” which he wrote unto his said good mastership. +And he winds up his letter with a request for alms in the shape of one +of Sir John’s own gowns; and beseeches God to preserve his patron from +all adversity, with which the writer declares himself to be somewhat +acquainted. He heads his bill: Following appeareth, parcelly, divers and +sundry manner of writings, which I William Ebesham have written for my +good and worshipful master, Sir John Paston, and what money I have +received, and what is unpaid. For writing a “litill booke of Pheesyk” he +was paid twenty pence. Other writing he did for twopence a leaf. +Hoccleve’s _de Regimine Principum_ he wrote for one penny a leaf, “which +is right wele worth.” Evidently Ebesham did not find scrivening a too +profitable occupation.[507] + + + + +CHAPTER XI + +THE CHARACTER OF THE MEDIEVAL LIBRARY, AND THE EXTENT OF CIRCULATION OF +BOOKS + + “Some ther be that do defye + All that is newe, and ever do crye + The olde is better, away with the new + Because it is false, and the olde is true. + Let them this booke reade and beholde, + For it preferreth the learning most olde.” + _A Comparison betwene the old learnynge and the newe_ (1537).[508] + + +§ I + +After a storm a fringe of weed and driftwood stretches a serried line +along the sands, and now and then--too often on the flat shores of one +of our northern estuaries, whence can be seen the white teeth of the sea +biting at the shoals flanking the fairway--are mingled with the flotsam +sodden relics of life aboard ship and driftwood of tell-tale shape, +which silently point to a tragedy of the sea. Usually the daily paper +completes the tale; but on some rare occasion these poor bits of drift +remain the only evidence of the vain struggle, and from them we must +piece together the narrative as best we can. And as the sea does not +give up everything, nor all at once, some wreckage sinking, or +perishing, or floating upon the water a long time before finding a +well-concealed hiding-place upon some unfrequented shore, so the past +yields but a fraction of its records, and that fraction slowly and +grudgingly. So far this book has been a gathering of the flotsam of a +past age: odd relics and scattered records, a sign here and a hint +there; often unrelated, sometimes contradictory. In more skilful hands +possibly a coherent story might be wrought out of these _pièces +justificatives_; but the author is too well aware of the difficulty of +arranging and selecting from the mass of material, remembers too well +the tale of mistakes thankfully avoided, and is too apprehensive that +other errors lurk undiscovered, to be confident that he has succeeded in +his aim. Whether the story is worth telling is another matter. Surely it +is. To be able to follow the history of the Middle Ages, to become +acquainted with the people, their mode of life and customs and manners, +is of profound interest and great utility; and it is by no means the +least important part of such study to discover what books they had, how +extensively the books were read, and what section of the people read +them. + +Let us here sum up the information given in detail in the foregoing +pages; adding thereto some other facts of interest. And first, what of +the character of the medieval library? + +During the earlier centuries monastic libraries contained books which +were deemed necessary for grammatical study in the claustral schools, +and other books, chiefly the Fathers, as we have seen, which were +regarded as proper literature for the monk. The books used in the +cathedral schools were similar. Such schools and such libraries were for +the glory of God and the increase of clergy and religious. At first, +especially, the ideal of the monks was high, if narrow. It is epitomised +in the untranslatable epigram--_Claustrum sine armario (est) quasi +castrum sine armamentario_.[509] “The library is the monastery’s true +treasure,” writes Thomas à Kempis;[510] “without which the monastery is +like ... a well without water ... an unwatched tower.” Again: “Let not +the toil and fatigue pain you. They who read the books formerly written +beautifully by you will pray for you when you are dead. And if he who +gives a cup of cold water shall not lack his guerdon, still less shall +he who gives the living water of wisdom lose his reward in heaven.”[511] +St. Bernard wrote in like terms. Books were their tools, “the silent +preachers of the divine word,” or the weapons of their armoury. “Thence +it is,” writes a sub-prior to his friend, “that we bring forth the +sentences of the divine law, like sharp arrows, to attack the enemy. +Thence we take the armour of righteousness, the helmet of salvation, the +shield of faith, and the sword of the Spirit which is the Word of +God.”[512] With such an end in view Reculfus of Soissons required his +clergy to have a missal, a lectionary, the Gospels, a martyrology, an +antiphonary, a psalter, a book of forty homilies of Gregory, and as many +Christian books as they could get (879). With this end in view were +chosen for reading in the Refectory at Durham (1395) such books as the +Bible, homilies, Legends of the Saints, lives of Gregory, Martin, +Nicholas, Dunstan, Augustine, Cuthbert, King Oswald, Aidan, Thomas of +Canterbury, and other saints.[513] With this end in view the monastic +libraries contained a very large proportion of Bibles, books of the +Bible, and commentaries--a proportion suggesting the Scriptures were +studied with a closeness and assiduity for which the monks have not +always received due credit.[514] A great deal of room was given up to +the works of the Fathers--their confessions, retractations, and letters, +their polemics against heresies, their dogmatic and doctrinal treatises, +and their sermons and ethical discourses. Of all these writings those of +Hilary, Basil, Ambrose, Chrysostom, Jerome, and the great Augustine were +most popular. John Cassian, Leo, Prosper, Cassiodorus, Gregory the +Great, Aldhelm, Bede, Anselm, and Bernard, and the two encyclopædists, +Martianus Capella and Isidore of Seville, were the church’s great +teachers, and their works and the sacred poetry and hymns of Juvencus +the Spanish priest, of Prudentius, of Sedulius, the author of a +widely-read and influential poem on the life of Christ, and of +Fortunatus, were nearly always well represented in the monastic +catalogues, as may be seen on a cursory examination of those of Christ +Church and St. Augustine’s, Canterbury, of Durham, of Glastonbury in +1248, of Peterborough in 1400, and of Syon in the sixteenth century. In +the earlier libraries the greater part of the books were Scriptural and +theological; to these were added later a mass of books on canon and +civil law; so that the monastic collection may be characterised as +almost entirely special and fit for Christian service, as this service +was conceived by the religious. + +And classical literature was received into the fold for a like purpose. +From the earliest days of Christendom prejudice against the classics was +widespread among Christians. Such books, it was urged, had no connexion +with the Church or the Gospel; Ciceronianism was not the road to God; +Plato and Aristotle could not show the way to happiness; Ovid, above +all, was to be avoided.[515] In dreams the poets took the form of +demons; they must be exorcised, for the soul did not profit by them. The +precepts--and for these the Christian sought--in the poems were like +serpents, born of the evil one; the characters, devils. Some Christians +sighed as they thrust the tempting books away. Jerome frankly confesses +he cared little for the homely Latin of the Psalms, and much for Plautus +and Cicero. For a time he renounced them with other vanities of the +world; yet when going through the catacombs at Rome, where the Apostles +and Martyrs had their graves, a fine line of Virgil thrills him; and +later he instructed boys at Bethlehem in Plautus, Terence, and Virgil, +much to the horror of Rufinus. Even in the eleventh century this feeling +existed. Lanfranc wrote to Dumnoaldus to say it was unbefitting he +should study such books, but he confessed that although he now renounced +them, he had read them a good deal in his youth. Somewhat later Herbert +“Losinga,” abbot of Ramsey, had a dream which led him to cease reading +and imitating Virgil and Ovid; but elsewhere he recommends his pupils to +accept Ovid as a model in Latin verse, while he quotes the +_Tristia_.[516] The rules of some orders, as those of Isidore, St. +Francis, and St. Dominic, forbade the reading of the classics, save by +permission. For their value in teaching grammar and as models of +literary style, however, certain classic authors--especially Virgil, +Ovid, Cicero, Horace, Juvenal, and Statius--were regarded as +supplementary to the grammatical works of Donatus, Victorinus, +Macrobius, and Priscian, and were studied by the religious throughout +the Middle Ages. They were grammatical text-books, as indeed they are +still; but then they were very little else. A man would call himself +Virgil, not from inordinate vanity, but from a naive pride in his +profession of grammarian: to his way of thinking the great poet was no +more.[517] “As decade followed decade,” writes Mr. H. O. Taylor, “and +century followed century, there was no falling off in the study of the +_Æneid_. Virgil’s fame towered, his authority became absolute. But how? +In what respect? As a supreme master of grammatical correctness and +rhetorical excellence and of all learning. With increasing emptiness of +soul, the grammarians--the ‘Virgils’--of the succeeding centuries put +the great poet to ever baser uses.”[518] + +From time to time the use of the classics even for grammatical purposes +was condemned, though unavailingly. They were necessary in the schools; +evils, doubtless, but unavoidable. Then, again, some of the classics +were looked upon as allegorical: from the sixth century to the +Renascence the _Æneid_ was often interpreted in this way; and Virgil’s +Fourth Eclogue was thought to be a prophecy of Christ’s coming. Ovid +allegorised contained profound truths; his _Art of Love_, so treated, +was not unfit for nuns.[519] Other writers, as Lucan, were appreciated +for their didacticism; Juvenal, Cato and Seneca the younger as +moralists. And some of the religious fell a prey to these evils, +inasmuch as they assessed them at their true value as literature. + +The classics therefore were accepted. Anselm recommended Virgil. Horace, +in his most amorous moods, was sung by the monks. Ovid, either adapted +or in his natural state, was a great favourite. In an appendix we have +scheduled the chief classics found in English monastic catalogues to +indicate roughly the extent to which they were collected and used. A +glance at Becker’s sheaf of catalogues will show us that Aristotle, +Horace, Juvenal, Lucan, Persius, Plato, Pliny the elder, Porphyry, +Sallust, Statius, Terence, and especially Cicero, Ovid, Seneca, and +Virgil are well represented. But it must not be supposed that they were +in monastic libraries in excessive numbers. On the contrary. An +inspection of almost any catalogue of + +[Illustration: _PLATE XXXIII_ + +ENGLISH ILLUMINATED WORK UNDER FRENCH INFLUENCE + +THIRTEENTH CENTURY + +FROM “TENISON PSALTER,” BRIT. MUS. ADD. MS. 24686, F. 12] + +such a library will prove that only a small proportion of it consisted +of classical writings, especially in those catalogues compiled prior to +the time when Aristotle’s works dominated the whole of medieval +scholarship. The monastic library was throughout the Middle Ages the +armoury of the religious against evil, and the few slight changes of +character which it underwent at one time and another do not alter the +fact that on the whole it was a fit and proper collection for its +purpose.[520] + + +§ II + +After the twelfth century broadening influences were at work. The +education given in the cathedral and monastic schools was found to be +too restricted; the monasteries, moreover, now began to refuse +assistance to secular students.[521] To some extent the catechetic +method of the theologians was forced to give place to the dialectic +method, equally dogmatic, but more exciting and stimulating. Hence was +compiled such a book as Peter Lombard’s _Sentences_ (1145-50), a +cyclopædia of disputation, wherein theological questions were collected +under heads, together with Scriptural passages and statements of the +Fathers bearing on these questions. By the thirteenth century Lombard +was the standard text-book of the schools: a work of such reputation +that it was studied in preference to the Scriptures, as Bacon +complained. + +A demand also arose for instruction in civil and canon law, which the +existing schools did not supply. This broader learning was provided in +the early universities, at first to the dislike of the Church, and +sometimes to the annoyance of royal heads. Particular objection was +taken to the study of law. An Italian named Vicario (Vacarius) lectured +on Justinian at Oxford in 1149. Then he abridged the _Code_ and _Digest_ +for his students there. King Stephen forbade him to proceed with his +lectures, and prohibited the use of treatises on foreign law, many +manuscripts of which were consequently destroyed. But these measures +were not very effectual. Within a short time civil law became recognised +in the University as a proper subject of study. By 1275, when another +Italian jurist named Francesco d’Accorso, a distinguished teacher at +Bologna, came to Oxford to lecture, the study of civil law was pursued +with the royal favour.[522] + +The searcher among old wills cannot fail to be struck with the number of +law books in the small private libraries. Sometimes the whole of one of +these little collections consists of law books; often there are more +books of this kind than of any other. For example, of eighty books +bequeathed by Prior Eastry to Christ Church, Canterbury, forty-three +were on canon and civil law: of eighty-four books given to Trinity Hall, +Cambridge, by the founder, exactly one-half were juridical. A wealthy +canon of York left but half a dozen books, all on law. The books +bequeathed to Peterborough Abbey by successive abbots were chiefly on +law. Many other examples could be recited. There was a reason for this. +Friar Bacon, writing in 1271, complained that jurists got all rewards +and benefices, while students of theology and philosophy lacked the +means of livelihood, could not obtain books, and were unable to pursue +their scientific studies. Canonists, even, were only rewarded because of +their previous knowledge of civil law: at Oxford three years had to be +devoted to the study of civil law before a student could be admitted as +bachelor of canon law. Consequently a man of parts, with a leaning +towards theological and philosophical learning, took up the study of +civil law, with the hope of more easily winning preferment.[523] +“Compared with such [legal] lore,” writes Mr. Mullinger, “theological +learning became but a sorry recommendation to ecclesiastical preferment; +most of the Popes at Avignon had been distinguished by their attainments +in a subject which so nearly concerned the temporal interests of the +Church; and the civilian and the canonist alike looked down with +contempt on the theologian, even as Hagar, to use the comparison of +Holcot, despised her barren mistress.”[524] The most casual glance +through some pages of monastic records will show how frequent and +endless was the litigation in which the Church was engaged, and +consequently how useful a knowledge of civil law would be. + +But these changes were trifling compared with the stimulus given to +medieval learning by the influx of Greek books and of Arabic versions of +them. In the second half of the eleventh century the works of Galen and +Hippocrates were re-introduced into Italy from the Arabian empire by a +North African named Constantine, who translated them at the famous +monastery of Monte Cassino. These translations, with the numerous +Arabian commentaries, and the conflict of the physicians of the new +school with those of the old and famous school of Salerno, constitute +the revival of medical studies which occurred at that time.[525] It +would seem that this revival was felt quickly in England, as in the +twelfth century four books by Galen and two by Hippocrates, with some +Arabian works, were to be found in the monastic library of Durham; a +number significant of the liberal feeling of the monks of this house, +inasmuch as in all the catalogues transcribed by Becker appear only ten +books by Galen and nine by Hippocrates.[526] Before 1150 the whole of +the _Organon_ of Aristotle was known to scholars;[527] but not till +about that time did the other works begin to be exported from Arabic +Spain. Then Latin versions of Arabic translations of the _Physics_ and +_Metaphysics_ were first made. + +Daniel of Morley (_fl._ 1170-90) brought into this country manuscripts +of Aristotle, and commentaries upon him got in the Arab schools of +Toledo, then the centre of Mohammedan learning. Michael the Scot (_c._ +1175-1234), “wondrous wizard, of dreaded fame,” was another agent of the +Arab influence. He received his education perhaps at Oxford, certainly +at Paris and Toledo. From manuscripts obtained at the last place he +translated two abstracts of the _Historia animalium_, and some +commentaries of Averroës on Aristotle (1215-30).[528] A third pilgrim +from these islands, Alfred the Englishman, also made use of Arabic +versions; and most likely both he and Michael brought home with them +manuscripts from Toledo and Paris. Of the renderings made by these men +and by some foreign workers in the same field, Friar Bacon speaks with +the utmost contempt. Their writings were utterly false. They did not +know the sciences they dealt with. The Jews, the Arabs, and the Greeks, +who had good manuscripts, destroyed and corrupted them, rather than let +them fall into the hands of unlettered and ignorant Christians.[529] +Aristotle should be read in the original, he also says; it would be +better if all translations were burnt. The criticism is acrid; but the +men he contemns served scholarship well by quickening the interest in +Greek books, and they succeeded so well because they gave to the +schoolmen not only versions of Aristotle’s text, but commentaries and +elucidations written by Arabs and Jews who had carefully studied the +text, and could explain the meaning of obscure passages in it.[530] + +When these translations were coming to England, travellers were bringing +Greek books directly from the East. A doctor of medicine named William +returned to Paris from Constantinople in 1167, carrying with him “many +precious Greek codices.”[531] About 1209 a Latin translation of +Aristotle’s _Physics_ or _Metaphysics_ was made from a Greek manuscript +brought straight from Constantinople. Some of these few importations +were certainly destroyed at once, probably all were, for Aristotle was +proscribed in Paris in the following year, and again in 1215, at the +very time when Michael the Scot was procuring versions in another +direction, at Toledo.[532] Not until mid-thirteenth century was the ban +wholly removed. + +For a time, owing to the capture of Constantinople by the Crusaders, +intercourse between East and West had become far freer than it had been +for centuries (1203-61). Certain Greek philosophers of learned mien came +to England about 1202, but did not stay; and some Armenians, among them +a bishop, visited St. Albans. Whether they or Nicholas the Greek, clerk +to the abbot of that monastery, brought books with them we do not know; +Nicholas, at any rate, seems to have assisted Grosseteste in his Greek +studies.[533] John of Basingstoke, Grosseteste’s archdeacon, carried +Greek manuscripts--many valuable manuscripts, we are told--from Athens, +whither Grosseteste had sent him. The bishop himself imported books to +this country, probably from Sicily and South Italy.[534] He had a copy +of Suidas’ _Lexicon_, possibly the earliest copy brought to the West. +The _Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs_ was also in Grosseteste’s +possession: the manuscript was brought home by John of Basingstoke, and +still exists in the Cambridge University Library.[535] These forged +_Testaments_ were translated by Nicholas the Greek, and as no fewer than +thirty-one copies of the Latin version still remain they must have had a +good circulation.[536] Possibly the Greek Octateuch (Genesis to Ruth), +now in the Bodleian Library, was imported into this country by +Grosseteste or by somebody for him; at one time the manuscript was in +the library of Christ Church, Canterbury.[537] Among other Greek books +which Grosseteste used and translated, or had translated under his +direction, were the Epistles of St. Ignatius, a Greek romance of +Asenath, the Egyptian wife of the patriarch Joseph, and some writings of +Dionysius the Areopagite. At Ramsey, where the bishop’s influence may be +suspected, Prior Gregory (_fl._ 1290) owned a Græco-Latin psalter, still +extant.[538] Possibly all the importations were of similar character, +and the number of them cannot have been great or we should have heard +more of them. + +Friar Bacon, writing about 1270, complains that he could not get all the +books he wanted, nor were the versions of the books he had satisfactory. +Parts of the Scriptures were untranslated, as, for example, two books of +Maccabees, which he knew existed in Greek, and books of the Prophets +referred to in the books of Kings and Chronicles; the chronology of the +_Antiquities_ of Josephus was incorrectly rendered, and biblical history +could not be usefully studied without a true version of this book. Books +of the Hebrew and Greek expositors were almost wanting to the Latins: +Origen, Basil, Gregory, Nazianzene, John of Damascus, Dionysius, +Chrysostom, and others, both in Hebrew and Greek.[539] The scientific +books of Aristotle, of Avicenna, of Seneca, and other ancients could +only be had at great cost. Their principal works had not been translated +into Latin. “The admirable books of Cicero _De Republica_ are not to be +found anywhere, as far as I can hear, although I have made anxious +inquiry for them in different parts of the world and by various +messengers.”[540] + +The period during which the intellectual life of the Middle Ages was +broadened by the introduction of new knowledge and ideas originally from +Greek sources, began, as we have said, with the influx of translations +from the Arabic. The movement culminated with the work of William of +Moerbeke, Greek Secretary at the Council of Lyons (1274), who, between +1270 and 1281, translated several of Aristotle’s works from the Greek, +including the _Rhetorica_ and the _Politica_. Fortunately we have a +record belonging to this time of a collection of books which shows +admirably the character of the change. A certain John of London (_c._ +1270-1330), believed to have been Bacon’s pupil, probably became a monk +of St. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury, and in due course bequeathed a +library of books to his house. This collection amounted to nearly eighty +books, of which twenty-three were on mathematics and astronomy, a like +number on medicine, ten on philosophy, six on logic, four historical, +three on grammar, one poetry, and the rest collections.[541] Such a +collection is remarkable not only for its character, but on account of +its size, which was very large for anybody to own privately in that age. + + +§ III + +On one occasion, after spending much time in searching wills and in +examining catalogues without finding a reference to an interesting +book--to either an ancient or a medieval classic--the writer well +remembers the little shock of pleasure he felt when, in a single +half-hour, he noted _Piers Plowman_ in one brief unpromising will, and +six English books among the relics of a mason. Nearly all the libraries +of private persons and of academies are depressing in character. Rarely +can be found a bright human book gleaming like a diamond in the dust. +Score after score of decreta, decretales, Sextuses, and Clementines, and +chestsful of the dreariest theological disquisition impress upon the +weary searcher the fact that academic libraries were usually even more +dryasdust than monastic collections, and he begins to understand how +prosperous law may be as a calling, and to have an inkling of what is +known, in classic phrase, as a good plain Scotch education. + +Between an academic library and a monastic collection there were +differences of character and in the beauty and value of the manuscripts. +As a general rule a large proportion of the monks’ books were more or +less richly ornamented: they were the treasures as well as the tools of +the community. The books of the colleges were usually for practical +purposes: they were tools, treasured, doubtless, for their contents, not +for the beauty of the writing or because they were decorated. The +difference in character of the collections as a whole was one of +proportion in the + +[Illustration: _PLATE XXXIV_ + +FRESCO OF THE SEVEN LIBERAL ARTS + +BY T. GADDI + +CHURCH OF S. M. NOVELLA, FLORENCE] + +representation of the various classes of books. Generally speaking, the +monastic collection comprised proportionately more theology and less +canon and civil law than the academic library. In the subjects of the +_trivium_ and the _quadrivium_, and in philosophy, a college was more +strongly equipped than a monastery; on the other hand, a monastery +frequently had a larger proportion of classical literature, and always +more “light” or romance literature. + +Early university studies were in two parts, the _trivium_--grammar, +rhetoric, and logic, and the _quadrivium_--music, astronomy, geometry, +and arithmetic. These were the seven liberal arts. A fresco in a chapel +in the Church of S. Maria Novella at Florence illustrates these arts. On +the right of the cartoon is the figure of grammar; beneath is Priscian. +For the study of this subject John Garland recommended Priscian and +Donatus. Priscian was a leading text-book on the subject, and it was +supported by a short manual compiled from Donatus. At Oxford extracts +from these authors were thrown into the form of logical _quaestiones_ to +afford subjects of argument at the disputations held once a week before +the masters of grammar.[542] To these books should be added a +dictionary, with some peculiar and quaint etymologies, by Papias the +Lombard; grammatical works by John Garland; Bishop Hugutio’s +etymological dictionary (_c._ 1192); a dreary hexameter poem by +Alexander Gallus, the Breton Friar (_d._ 1240)--“the olde _Doctrinall_, +with his diffuse and unperfite brevitie”; Eberhard’s similar poem (_c._ +1212), called _Graecismus_, because it includes a chapter on derivations +from the Greek; and a very large book, the _Catholicon_ (_c._ 1286), +partly a grammar and partly a dictionary, with copious quotations from +Latin classics, which had been compiled with some skill and care by John +Balbi, a Genoese Black Friar. Papias and Hugutio were sharply condemned +by Friar Bacon, but they remained in use long after his time, and Balbi +owed much to both of them. Many copies of the _Catholicon_ seem to have +been made, although the transcription of so large a book was costly: +even before it was printed (1460), copies for reference were sometimes +chained up in English churches, and after it was printed this practice +became more general, at any rate in France. By the fourteenth century +Priscian was almost superseded by Alexander and Eberhard, whose +versified grammars came into common use; a jingle, whether it be-- + + “‘_Ne facias_’ dicas ‘_oroque ne facias_.’ + _Humane_, _dure_, _large_, _firme_que, _benigne_, + _Ignave_que, _probe_, vel _avare_ sive _severe_, + Inde _nove_, _plene_, vel _abunde_ sive _proterve_, + Dicis in _er_ vel in _e_, quamvis sint illa secundae,” + +in the fourteenth century, or + + “Feminine is Linter, boat + Learn these neuters nine by rote,” + +in the twentieth century, seems to help the harassed student along the +linguistic path. The reading of Virgil and Statius and some other +writers put flesh upon these grammatical dry bones. But as the masters +of grammar at Oxford were expected to be guardians of morals as well, +they were expressly forbidden to read and expound to their pupils Ovid’s +_Ars amandi_, the _Elegies_ of Pamphilus, and other indecent books.[543] + +Next to the figure of Grammar is Rhetoric, with Cicero seated beneath. +Cicero, with Aristotle, Quintilian and Boëthius were the chief exponents +of rhetoric; with Virgil, Ovid, Statius, and sometimes such a book as +Guido delle Colonne’s epic of Troy, as examples of literary style. John +Garland (_fl._ 1230) recommended Cicero’s _De Inventione_ (_Rhetorica_), +_De Oratore_, the _Ad Herennium_ ascribed to Cicero, Quintilian’s +_Institutes_ and the _Declamationes_ ascribed to him. The third figure +is Logic, coupled with the figure of Aristotle. The _Categories_ and +Porphyry’s _Isagoge_ were the books of greatest service in the study of +this subject; with Boëthius’ translations and expositions of Aristotle +and Porphyry. All the foregoing and Cicero’s _Topica_ are selected by +John Garland. Later the _Summulae logicales_ of Peter the Spaniard +(_fl._ 1276), William of Heytesbury’s _Sophismata_ (_c._ 1340), the +_Summa logices_ of the great English schoolman, William of Ockham (_d. +c._ 1349), and the _Quaestiones_ of William Brito (_d._ 1356) were the +chief manuals of dialectic. + +The first figure in the representation of the _quadrivium_ is Music, +with Tubal Cain beneath. In this subject, for which few books were +necessary, Boëthius was the guide. With Astronomy is associated Ptolemy. +The _Cosmographia_ and _Almagest_ of Ptolemy, and the works of some +Arabian authors, with books of tables, were the student’s manuals. In +our cartoon Geometry has Euclid for companion. Arithmetic is associated +with Pythagoras in the picture: for this subject Boëthius was the +text-book.[544] + +Besides the seven liberal arts, natural, metaphysical, and moral +philosophy, or the three philosophies, were added in the thirteenth +century. For these studies Aristotle and his commentators were the +chief guides. The medical authorities of the middle ages have been +catalogued for us by Chaucer in his description of a doctor of +“phisyk”-- + + “Wel knew he the olde Esculapius + And Deiscorides, and eek Rufus, + Old Ypocras, Haly and Galien; + Serapion, Razis and Avicen; + Averrois, Damascien and Constantyn; + Bernard, and Gatesden, and Gilbertyn.” + +Of these names eight are included in Duke Humfrey’s gifts to Oxford in +1439 and 1443; and ten of them are represented in the catalogue of +Peterhouse Library in 1418. Besides the writers mentioned by Chaucer, +works on fevers by Isaac the Arab, the _Antidotarium_ of Nicholas, and +the _Isagoge_ of Johannicius were in general use. + +Next to theology--in which class the chief books were the same as in the +claustral library, although liturgical books are more rarely found--the +largest section of an academic collection was that of civil and canon +law. It comprised the various digests, the works of Cinus of Pistoia and +Azo; texts of decrees, decretals, _Liber Sextus Decretalium_, _Liber +Clementinae_, with many commentaries, the _Constitutions_ of Ottobon and +Otho, the book compiled by Henry of Susa, Cardinal Bishop of Ostia, +called _Summa Ostiensis_, the _Rosarium_ of Archdeacon Guido de Baysio, +and Durand’s _Speculum Judiciale_. The last three books are frequently +met with, and were highly esteemed by medieval jurists.[545] + +In a previous chapter we have noted the somewhat fresher character of +the library given to Oxford University by the Duke of Gloucester. We +have two later records which may be referred to now to indicate the +change wrought by the Renascence. A catalogue of William Grocyn’s books +was drawn up soon after his death in 1519. This collection proves its +owner to have been conservative in his tastes, as the medieval +favourites are well represented. Of Greek books there are only +Aristotle, Plutarch in a Latin translation, and a Greek and Latin +Testament--a curiously small collection in view of his interest in +Greek, and in view of the fact that many of the chief Greek authors had +been printed before his death. It seems likely that his Greek books had +been dispersed. But the change is apparent in the excellent series of +Latin classics, which included Tacitus and Lucretius, and in the number +of books by Italian writers, Petrarch, Boccaccio, Ficino, Filelfo, +Lorenzo della Valle, Æneas Sylvius, and Perotti. + +Still more significant of the change are the references to the course of +study in the statutes of Corpus Christi College, Oxford (1517). The +approved prose writers are Cicero--an apology is offered for the use of +barbarous words not known to Cicero--Sallust, Valerius Maximus, +Suetonius, Pliny, Livy, and Quintilian. Virgil, Ovid, Lucan, Juvenal, +Terence and Plautus are approved as poets. Suitable books to study +during the vacations are the works of Lorenzo della Valle, Aulus +Gellius, and Poliziano. In Greek the writings--most of them quite new to +the age--of Isocrates, Lucian, Philostratus, Aristophanes, Theocritus, +Euripides, Sophocles, Pindar, Hesiod, Demosthenes, Thucydides, +Aristotle, and Plutarch are recommended. Such a list bears few +resemblances to the academic library we have attempted to describe.[546] + + +§ IV + +In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries romances began to creep into +all libraries, save the academic, in which they are rarely found. As +soon as romance literature took a firm hold upon public favour the monks +added some of it to their collections. Probably romances were first +bought to be copied and sold to augment the monastic income; and more +perhaps were sold than preserved. Ascham avers that “in our fathers tyme +nothing was red, but bookes of fayned cheualrie, wherein a man by +redinge, shuld be led to none other ende, but onely to manslaughter and +baudrye.... These bokes (as I haue heard say) were made the moste parte +in Abbayes and Monasteries, a very lickely and fit fruite of suche an +ydle and blynde kinde of lyuyne.”[547] Thomas Nashe, in his story of +_The Unfortunate Traveller_, describes romances as “the fantasticall +dreams of those exiled Abbie lubbers,” that is, the monks.[548] These +writers were but echoing such charges as that in _Piers Plowman_, which +declares that a friar was much better acquainted with the _Rimes of +Robin Hood_ and _Randal Erle of Chester_ than with his Paternoster. A +number of romances are indeed found in monastic catalogues. The library +at Glastonbury included four romances (1248); that at Christ Church, +Canterbury, contained a few in late thirteenth century. Guy de Beauchamp +bequeathed romances to Bordesley Abbey (1315). In the first year of the +fifteenth century Peterborough had some romances. At the end of the same +century St. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury, had in its library of over +eighteen hundred books only a few romances; while in Leicester Abbey, +among a library of about three hundred and fifty books, we find only the +Troy book, _Drian and Madok_, _Beves of Hamtoun_, all in French, _Gesta +Alexandri Magni_, and one or two others. Edward III bought a book of +romance from a nun of Amesbury in 1331--a work of such interest that he +kept it in his room. There are plenty of other instances. But in no +case have we found an excessive number of romances in monastic +libraries, and the charges--if they can worthily be called charges--so +often made against monks on this score fall to the ground.[549] + +The romances oftenest appearing in monastic catalogues and other records +are the following: The Story of Troy, especially Joseph of Exeter’s +Latin version, the great Arthurian cycle, the beautiful story of _Amis +and Amiloun_, renowned all over Europe, _Joseph of Arimathea_, +Charlemagne, Alexander, which was of the best of romances, _Guy of +Warwick_, which was very popular, and the semi-historical _Richard Cœur +de Lion_. But many others were in circulation. In _Cursor mundi_ a +number of the popular stories of the day are mentioned-- + + “Men lykyn jestis for to here, + And romans rede in divers maneree, + Of _Alexandre_ the conquerour, + Of _Julius Cæsar_[550] the emperour, + Of Greece and _Troy_ the strong stryf, + Ther many a man lost his lyfe; + Of _Brut_,[551] that baron bold of hond, + The first conquerour of Englond, + Of _King Artour_ that was so ryche; + Was non in hys tyme so ilyche [alike, equal]: + Of wonders that among his knyghts felle, + And auntyrs [adventures] dedyn as men her telle + As _Gaweyn_, and othir full abylle, + Which that kept the round tabyll, + How _King Charles_ and Rowland fawght, + With Sarazins, nold thei be cawght; + Of _Tristram_ and Ysoude the swete, + How thei with love first gan mete, + Of _Kyng John_, and of _Isenbras_, + Of Ydoine and _Amadas_.”[552] + +Again, many “speak of men who read romances-- + + Of _Bevys_,[553] _Gy_, and _Gwayane_, + Of _Kyng Rychard_, and _Owayne_, + Of _Tristram_ and _Percyvayle_, + Of _Rowland Ris_,[554] and _Aglavaule_, + Of _Archeroun_, and of _Octavian_, + Of _Charles_, and of _Cassibelan_. + Of _Keveloke_,[555] _Horne_, and of _Wade_ + In romances that ben of hem bimade, + That gestours dos of hem gestes, + At maungeres, and at great festes, + Her dedis ben in remembrance, + In many fair romance.” + +Popular romances of this kind had a great influence upon the lives of +the people. The long lists of medieval theology and sophistry usually +laid before us, and the great majority of the writings which have +survived, sometimes lead us to believe the culture of the Middle Ages to +have been of a more serious cast than it really was. The oral +circulation of romance literature must have been enormous. The spun-out, +dreary poems which now make such difficult reading are infinitely more +entertaining when read aloud: the voice gives life and character to a +humdrum narrative, and the gestour would know how to make the best of +incidents which he knew from experience to be specially interesting to +an audience. Such yarns would be most attractive to “lewd” or illiterate +men-- + + “For lewdë men y undyrtoke + On Englyssh tunge to make thys boke: + For many ben of swyche manere + That talys and rymys wyl blethly[556] here, + Ye gamys and festys, and at the ale.”[557] + +[Illustration: _PLATE XXXV_ + +ANCIENT VELLUM BOOK-MARKER WITH REVOLVING DISC + +FROM A DOUBLE-COLUMN CANTERBURY BIBLE; THE DISC CAN BE USED TO MARK +COLUMN AND LINE. MS. 49 C.C. COLL. CAMB.] + +The need of multiplying manuscripts of these poems would not be greatly +felt. The reciter would be obliged to learn them off by heart; he need +not, and often did not, possess written versions of the poems he +recited. And even literate men, as Bishop Grosseteste, preferred to +listen to these gestours, rather than to read the narrative themselves. +Therefore, any estimate we may form of the number of manuscripts of +romances in existence at any time in the fourteenth century, for +example, would give not the smallest idea of the extent to which these +tales were known. + + +§ V + +The medieval collector of books sometimes, and the monastic librarian +nearly always, took care that his library was strong in hagiology and +history. He felt the need of books which would tell him of the past +history of his church and of the lives of her greatest teachers. When +collected these books were an incentive to the more cultivated of the +monks to begin the history of his country or his house, or to write or +re-write the lives of saints. The fruit is preserved for us in a long +line of monkish historians and hagiographers. As a rule the histories +they wrote were of little value; but when they had brought the tale down +to their own times they continued it with the help of records to their +hand, narrated events within their own memory, and maintained the +narrative in the form of annals. The method of annalising was simple. At +the end of the incomplete manuscript a loose or easily detachable sheet +was kept, whereon events of importance to the nation and the monastery +and locality of the annalist were written in pencil from time to time +during the year. At the end of the year the historian welded these +jottings into a narrative. When this was done another leaf for notes was +placed after the manuscript. The value of the work so accomplished is +incalculable. Without these records it would now be impossible for us to +realise what the Middle Ages were like. This service, added to the +enormously greater service which monachism did for us in preserving +ancient literature, will always breed kind thoughts of a system so +repugnant to our modern view of human endeavour. + + +§ VI + +What was the extent of circulation of books during the manuscript age? +For the period before the Conquest we can only offer the merest +conjecture, which does not help us materially. The rarity of the extant +manuscripts of this age is no guide to the extent of their production. +During the raids of the northmen the destruction and loss must have been +very great indeed. After the Conquest the indifference and contempt with +which the conquerors regarded everything Saxon must have been +responsible for the destruction of nearly every manuscript written in +the vernacular. But, on the other hand, we find suggestions of a greater +production than is commonly credited to this period. Religious fervour +to make books was not wanting, as some of our most beautiful +relics--works exhibiting much painstaking and skilful and even loving +labour, calligraphy, and decoration aflame with high endeavour--belong +to the Hiberno-Saxon period and the days of Ethelwold. Nor after +Alfred’s day was regard lacking for vernacular literature itself rather +than for the glory of a faith: how else are we to explain the precious +fragments of Anglo-Saxon manuscript which have been preserved for us, +especially the Exeter book and the Vercelli book? That the production +was considerable is suggested by the records we have. Think of the Irish +manuscripts now scattered on the continent; of the library of York; of +Bede’s workshop and the northern libraries; and of those in the south, +at Canterbury, Malmesbury, and elsewhere. But the use of such +manuscripts as were in existence was restricted to monks, wealthy +ecclesiastics, and a few of the wealthy laity. + +After the Conquest the state of affairs was the same. The period of the +greatest literary activity in the monasteries now began, and large +claustral libraries were soon formed. The monks then had plenty of +books; wealthy clergy also had small collections. An ecclesiastic or a +layman who had done a monastery some service, or whose favour it was +politic to cultivate, could borrow books from the monastic library, +under certain strict conditions. Some people availed themselves of this +privilege; but not at any time during the manuscript period to a great +extent.[558] + +Outside this small circle the people were almost bookless: nearly the +whole of the literary wealth of the Middle Ages belonged to the monks +and the church. Books were extremely costly. The medieval book-buyer +paid more for his book on an average than does the modern collector of +first editions and editions _de luxe_, who pays in addition several +guineas a volume for handsome bindings. The prices we have tabulated +will fully bear out this statement. But even more striking evidence of +the high value set upon books is the care taken in selling or +bequeathing them. To-day a line or two in a wealthy man’s will disposes +of all his books. He commonly throws them in with the “residue,” +unmentioned. In the manuscript age a testator distributed his little +hoard book by book. Often he not only bequeaths a volume to a friend, +but determines its fate after his friend’s death. For example, a +daughter is to have a copy of the _Golden Legend_, “and to occupye to +hir + +[Illustration: RECORD OF SALE OF BOOK CAPTURED AT POITIERS (see p. 247)] + +owne use and at hir owne liberte durynge hir lyfe, and after hir decesse +to remayne to the prioress and the convent of Halywelle for evermore, +they to pray for the said John Burton and Johne his wife and alle +crystene soyles (1460).”[559] A manuscript now in Worcester Cathedral +Library bears an inscription telling us that, likewise, one Thomas +Jolyffe left it to Dr. Isack, a monk of Worcester, for his lifetime, and +after his death to Worcester Priory. A manuscript now in the British +Museum was bought in 1473 at Oxford by Clement of Canterbury, monk and +scholar, from a bookseller named Hunt for twenty shillings, _in the +presence of Will. Westgate, monk_.[560] In a manuscript of the +_Sentences_ is a note telling us that it was the property of Roger, +archdeacon of Lincoln: he bought it from Geoffrey the chaplain, the +brother of Henry, vicar of North Elkington, the witnesses being master +Robert de Luda, clerk, Richard the almoner, the said Henry the vicar, +his clerk, and others.[561] An instance of a different kind will +suffice. When, after a good deal of rioting at Oxford, many of the more +studious masters and scholars went to Stamford, the king threatened that +if they did not return to Oxford they would lose their goods, and +especially their books. The warning was disregarded, but the threatened +forfeiture of their books was evidently thought to be a strong +measure.[562] + +In his poems Chaucer endows two poor clerks with small libraries. His +first portrait of an Oxford clerk is delightful-- + + “For him was lever have at his beddes heed [rather] + Twenty bokes, clad in blak or reed, + Of Aristotle and his philosophye, + Than robes riche, or fithele, or gay sautrye [fiddle, psaltery]. + But al be that he was a philosophre, + Yet hadde he but litel gold in cofre; + But al that he mighte of his freendes hente [get], + On bokes and on lerninge he it spente, + And bisily gan for the soules preye + Of hem that yaf him wher-with to scoleye [gave, study]. + Of studie took he most cure and most hede. + Noght o word spak he more than was nede, + And that was seyd in forme and reverence, + And short and quik, and ful of hy sentence [high]. + Souninge in moral vertu was his speche [conducing to], + And gladly wolde he lerne, and gladly teche.” + +Almost equally pleasing is his picture of another who lived with a rich +churl-- + + “A chambre hadde he in that hostelrye + Allone, with-outen any companye, + + * * * * * + + His Almageste and bokes grete and smale, + His astrelabie, longinge for his art, + His augrim-stones layen faire a-part + On shelves couched at his beddes heed.” + +Both descriptions have been used as evidence that books were not so +scarce as supposed; that poor people could get books if they specially +needed them. But are these pictures quite true? Has not the poet taken +advantage of the licence allowed to his kind? The records preserved at +Oxford do not corroborate him. Some of the students were very poor. It +seems likely that a would-be clerk attached himself to a master or +scholar as a servant in return for teaching in the “kunnyng of writyng” +and perhaps other knowledge-- + + “This endenture bereth witnesse that I, John Swanne, þ^{e} sone of + John Swanne of Bridlington, in þ^{e} counte of Yorke, have putte me + servante unto William Osbarne, forto serve him undir þ^{e} foorme + of a servante for þ^{e} terme of iiii. yere, and þ^{e} seide + William Osbarne forto enfoorme þ^{e} seide John Swann in þ^{e} + kunnyng of writyng, and þ^{e} seide John Swann forto have þ^{e} + first yere of þ^{e} seide William Osbarne iijs. iiijd. in money, + and ij. peier [pairs] of hosen, and ij. scherts [shirts] and iiij. + peire schoon [pairs of shoes], and a gowne, and in þ^{e} secunde + yeere xiijs. iiijd., and in þ^{e} iij. yere xxs. and a gowne, and + in þ^{e} iiij. yeere xls. And in þ^{e} witnesse hereof, etc.” + (1456).[563] + +Mr. Anstey points out that a very large number, probably the majority of +scholars, were not well provided for. They eked out their precarious +allowances by begging, by learning handicrafts, and by “picking up the +various doles at funerals and commemoration masses, where such needy +miserables were always to be found.”[564] Such students would not be +likely to have many or perhaps any books. “The stock of books possessed +by the _younger_ scholars seems to have been almost _nil_. The +inventories of goods, which we possess, in the case of non-graduates +contain hardly any books. The fact is that they mostly could not afford +to buy them.... The chief source of supplying books was by purchase from +the University sworn stationers, who had to a great extent a monopoly, +the object of which was to prevent the sale and removal from Oxford of +valuable books. Of such books there were plainly very large numbers +constantly changing hands; they were the pledges so continually +deposited on borrowing from chests, and seem, from scattered hints, to +have been a very fruitful source of litigation and dispute.”[565] Most +of these books were in the hands of seniors. Truly enough many a poor +clerk would as lief have twenty “bokes” to his name as anything else +treble the value. But he would undergo much sharp self-denial and +receive much “wher-with to scoleye” ere he got together so considerable +a collection of “bokes grete and smale,” to say nothing of instruments. +As such a large proportion of the scholars were poor, and unable to +acquire books, nearly all the instruction given was oral. Well-to-do +scholars would not find, therefore, books of very great service; and +indeed they were as ill-equipped in this respect as their poorer +brethren. The accounts of the La Fytes, two scholars whose expenses were +paid by Edward I himself, contain records of the purchase of two copies +of only the _Institutions_ of Quintilian (_c._ 1290).[566] Is not +Chaucer describing his own room in both passages--the room he loved to +seek after his day’s work at the desk? Here at the bedhead are his +books, including the astronomical treatise of Ptolemy called _Almagest_. +Beside them is the astrolabe, an instrument about which he wrote; and +trimly arranged apart his augrim-stones, or counters for making +calculations. Such an outfit we might expect him to have: just such a +library, neither smaller nor larger. + +This supposition calls to mind another argument sometimes used to prove +how easy it was to make a small collection of books. Chaucer’s poems +display his acquaintance, more or less thoroughly, with many authors. +Surely, it is urged, his library was a good one for the time: then how +was it possible for a man of his means to own such? He was not wealthy. +As a courtier and a public officer the calls upon his purse must have +been heavy: little indeed could be left for books. The explanation is +probably simple. Books were freely lent, more freely than nowadays; and +Chaucer would be able to eke out his library in this way. Another point +is important. Professor Lounsbury, who has spent years in an exhaustive +study of Chaucer, points out a curious circumstance. “It must be +confessed,” he says--a shade of disparagement lurks in the phrase--“it +must be confessed that Chaucer’s quotations from writers exhibit a +familiarity with prologues and first books and early chapters which +contrasts ominously with the comparative infrequency with which he makes +citations from the middle and latter parts of most of the works he +mentions.”[567] Surely the implication is unjust. Stationers used to let +out on hire parts of books or quires. Manuscript volumes were also often +made up of parts of works by several authors. Books being scarce, it was +preferable to make some volumes select miscellanies, little libraries in +themselves. Hear Chaucer himself-- + + “And eek ther was som-tyme a clerk at Rome, + A cardinal, that highte Seinte Jerome, + That made a book agayn Jovinian; + In whiche book eek ther was Tertulan, + Crisippus, Trotula, and Helowys, + That was abbesse nat fer fro Parys; + And eek the Parables of Salomon, + Ovydes Art, and bokes many on, + And alle thise were bounden in o volume.”[568] + +In composite volumes often only the earlier parts of authors’ works were +included. If Chaucer owned a few books of this kind, his familiarity +with parts of authors--and oftenest with the earlier parts--is accounted +for satisfactorily; so also is the range and variety of his reading. +Examine the Christ Church Canterbury catalogue in Henry Eastry’s time, +and note what a remarkable variety of subjects is comprised in what we +nowadays consider rather a paltry number of books. There is another +point worth bearing in mind. Speaking of Bishop Shirwood’s books, a +writer in the _English Historical Review_ says: “Many of the books bear +his mark, _Nota_, scattered over the margins, or a hand with a long +pointing finger. These notes occur usually at the beginnings. In the +days when chapters and sections were unknown and division into books +rare, when headlines were not and pages sometimes had no signatures +even, not to speak of numbers, a reader had to go solidly through a +book, and could not lightly turn up a passage he wished for, by the aid +of a reference. But except in Cicero and in Plutarch--which is read +almost from beginning to end--the marks do not often go far. Shirwood +was doubtless too busy to find much time for reading, and before he had +made much way with a book a new purchase had come to arouse his +interest.”[569] + +But to the general rule of scarcity of books some exceptions are known. +When a book won a reputation, the cost of producing copies was not +wholly restrictive of circulation. Copies of some works of the Fathers +were produced in great numbers. The Bible, whole or in part, was copied +with such industry that it became the commonest of manuscripts, as it +now is the commonest of printed books. Peter Lombard’s _Sentences_ +became a famous book: the standard of the schools; everywhere to be +found side by side with the Bible, everywhere discussed and commented +upon. A twelfth century author of quite different character had a good +hold upon the people; the number of copies of Geoffrey of Monmouth must +have been considerable, for the British Museum now has thirty-five +copies and Bodley’s Library sixteen. “Possibly, no work before the age +of printed books attained such immediate and astonishing popularity ... +translations, adaptations, and continuations of it formed one of the +staple exercises of a host of medieval scribes.”[570] A glance at the +monastic and academic library catalogues of later date than +mid-thirteenth century will prove more clearly than a shelf full of +books how enormous was the influence of Aristotle. If such a collocation +as the Bible and Shakspere sums up the present-day Englishman’s ideals +of spiritual sustenance and literary power, a similar collocation of the +Bible and Aristotle would sum up, with a greater approach to truth, the +ideals of the medieval schoolman. Popularity fell to _Piers Plowman_. +Apart from the large currency given to it by ballad singers, many +manuscripts were in existence, for even now forty-five of them, more or +less complete, remain. As M. Jusserand aptly remarks: “This figure is +the more remarkable when we consider that, contrary to works written in +Latin or in French, Langland’s book was not copied and preserved outside +his own country.”[571] Again, but a few years after the writing of the +_Canterbury Tales_, a copy of it was bequeathed, among other books, by a +clerk named Richard Sotheworth of East Hendred, Berks (1417).[572] The +impression is left upon one’s mind that this work had found its way +quickly and in many copies into country places. + +But as only a few books had a comparatively large circulation, these few +had a disproportionately powerful influence. The Bible was paramount. +Aristotle dominated the whole mental horizon of the schoolmen. Alfred of +Beverley tells us that Geoffrey of Monmouth’s book “was so universally +talked of that to confess ignorance of its stories was the mark of a +clown.”[573] So great was the influence of _Piers Plowman_, that from it +were taken watchwords at the great rising of the peasants.[574] The +power of such works could not be wholly hemmed in by the barrier of +manuscript: like a spring torrent it would burst forth and carry all +before it. In the manuscript period a book of great originality and +power, or a work which reproduced the thought of the time accurately and +with spirit, ran no great risk of being passed over and forgotten; too +little was produced for much that was good to be lost. It was copied +once and again; became very slowly but very surely known to a few, then +to many; and all the time waxed more and more influential in its +teaching. The growth was slow, but then the lifetime was long. Now the +chance of a good book going astray is much greater. What watcher of the +great procession of modern books does not fear that something supremely +fine and great has passed unobserved in the huge, motley crowd? + + + + +APPENDIX A + +PRICES OF BOOKS AND MATERIALS FOR BOOKMAKING + + +_Note._--Following is a selection from a large number of prices recorded +in various places. In making the selection I have included books of +various prices. An asterisk (*) before the reference signifies that +additional prices will be found in the same place. + +_These prices must be multiplied at least ten times before the value set +upon books in the Middle Ages can be compared with the value set upon +them to-day._ + + ----------+-----------------------------------------------------+------------ + DATE | DESCRIPTION | PRICE + ----------+-----------------------------------------------------+------------ + | BIBLES | + 1344 | Bible for Merton College | £3 + | Rogers, i. 646 | + 1354-74 | For redeeming a Bible which lay in Langeton | + | chest (1354) | £3 + | For a Bible pledged in Chichester chest (1357) | £3 + | For a Bible redeemed from Chichester chest (1358) | £3 + | For Bible pledged in Winton chest (1358) | £3 + | To our barber for a Bible pledged to him in time | + | of John Dagenet | 4 marks. + | _O. H. S._, 27, Boase, xlviii. | + 1376 | Bible, small | 12 fr. + | Robinson, 5 | + _c._ 1387 | Bible for New College | £2, 13s. 4d. + | Another | £1, 6s. 8d. + | Another | £1, 0s. 0d. + | _O. H. S._, 32, _Collect._, 220 | + 15 c. | Bible, 13 cent., 358 ff., double cols. of 53 | + | lines, in good small hand | 5 marks. + | James^{4}, 1 9 | + 1423 | Pro j Biblia, cum ij signaculis deauratis | £6, 13s. 4d. + | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 76 | + 1439 | Bible | £3, 6s. 8d. + | James^{10}, xxiv. | + 1444 | Bible | £2, 13s. 0d. + | James^{10}, xxiv. | + 1449 | Bible covered with red leather, and having | + | gilded clasps | £6, 13s. 4d. + | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 110 | + 1452 | Bible | £6, 13s. 4d. + | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 132 | + 1471 | Bible, in 5 vols. | £2 + | James^{10}, xxiv. | + 1473 | Bible bought at Oxford. Now Brit. Mus. MS. | + | Burney 11 | 20s. + | James, 515 | + | MISSALS | + 1358 | Missal pledged in Burnel chest | 8s. 4d. + | _O. H. S._, 27, Boase, xlviii. | + 1383-4 | Abbot Litlington’s missal |£34, 14s. 7d. + | Robinson, 7-8 | + 1449 | Old Missal, de usu Ebor. | 26s. 8d. + | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 110 | + 1452 | Missal, de usu Ebor. | £4, 13s. 4d. + | Old Missal | 10s. + | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 132-33 | + 1459 | A fair mass book | £10 + | Rogers, iv. 600 | + 1468 | Missal | £4 + | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 163 | + 1491 | Missal | 40s. + | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 161 n. | + 1509 | A new masboke couered with white lether and ij | + | longe claspes of latyn | £4 + | A little massebooke after the ffrenche use | 3s. 4d. + | _C. A. S._ (N.S.) 8vo ser., iii. 361 | + | BREVIARIES | + 1370 | Portiforium | 10s. + | _Cam. Soc._, Bury Wills, 1 | + 1395 | Portiforium notatum | 20s. + | Parvum portiforium | 33s. 4d. + | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 6 | + 1400 | Portiforium de usu Sarum | 66s. 8d. + | _Ibid._, 13 | + 1449 | Great portiforium de usu Ebor. |£11, 3s. 6d. + | Great portiforium de usu Sarum | 53s. 4d. + | _Ibid._, 110 | + 1451 | Portiforium | 6s. 8d. + | _Mun. Acad._, 609 | + 1452 | Portiforium de usu Sarum | 53s. 4d. + | Portiforium de usu Ebor. | 53s. 4d. + | Portiforium | 13s. 4d. + | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 132-33 | + 1491 | Portiforium de Ebor. | 43s. 4d. + | _Ibid._, 161n. | + 1518 |A little portuos lyinge to plegge in teamce street | 53s. 4d. + | _Reliquary_, vii. 18 | + | PSALTERS | + Before | | + 1300 | Psalter, with glosses | 10s. + | Warton, i. 188n. | + 1376 | Psalter, glossed | 12 fr. + | Robinson, 6 | + _c._ 1380 | Psalter, glossed | 26s. 8d. + | _O. H. S._, 32, _Collect._, 226 | + 1395 | Psalter, in large letters; price 6_s._ 8_d._ | + | sold for | 13s. 4d. + | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 6 | + 1447 | Psalter | 3s. 8d. + | Rogers, iv. 600 | + 1449 | Psalter, glossed | 11s. + | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 110 | + 1451 | Psalter, glossed | 6s. 8d. + | _Mun. Acad._, 609 | + 1452 | Psalter, glossed | 13s. 4d. + | Illuminated Psalter | 13s. 4d. + | Small Psalter | 6s. 8d. + | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 132-33 | + 1468 | Psalter | 8s. 4d. + | _Ibid._, 163 | +_c._ 1470 | Psalter | 6s. 8d. + | _Paston Letters_, ed. Gairdner, vi. 175-77 | + | ANTIPHONARIES | +_c._ 1420-40| Antiphonary for S. Albans | £6s, 13s. 4d. + | Another | £6 + | _Ann. mon. S. Alb. a J. Amund._, ii. 256-71 | + 1459 | 2 new great antiphons | £13, 6s. 8d. + | Rogers, iv. 600 | + 1491 | Antiphonary [with musical notation] | 33s. 4d. + | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 161 n. | + 1509 | A grete antyphoner in parchement with legent | + | couered with white lether with ij long claspes of | + | latyn | £8 + | An olde litle antyphoner withoute couer and | + | claspes | 3s. 4d. + | _C. A. S._ (N.S.), 8vo ser., iii. 361 | + | PROCESSIONALS | + 1449 | 20 new Processionals for All Souls College | £5, 13s. 4d. + | Rogers, iv. 600 | + 1509 | A Processionall noted [with musical notation] | + | couered with Tawny lether and ij long claspes | 26s. 8d. + | A processionall couered with Tawny lether with | + | oon claspe | 5s. + | _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. 361 | + | MISCELLANEOUS BOOKS | +_c._ 690 | Land sufficient for 8 families exchanged for a book | + | on cosmography, of admirable workmanship. | + | _Vitæ Abb._ § 15 | + 1174 | Bede’s _Homilies_ and S. Austin’s Psalter exchanged | + | for 12 measures of barley and a pall, on which | + | was embroidered in silver the history of | + | S. Birinus converting a Saxon king. | + | Warton, i. 186 | + Before | | + 1300 | Historia Scholastica [Peter Comestor], [Cf. 1452.] | £1 + | Concordance | 10s. + | Four greater prophets, with glosses | 5s. + | *Warton, i. 188n. | + 1300 | Book of Decretals | 3s. + | *Stevenson, _Hist. of Ely_ | + 1306 | A school book | 2d. + | Rogers, i. 645-56 | + 1322 | Liber gardanarum | £3, 6s. 8d. + | Rogers, i. 646 | + 1357 | For book on Prophets and the third part of | + | Thomas Aquinas (tertia pars Summae), pledged | + | in Tykeford chest | 13s. 4d. + | _O. H. S._, 27, Boase, xlviii. | + _c._ 1360 | La Bible Hystoriaus, ou Les Histories escolastres. | + | B.M. Reg. 19 D ii. Taken from King of | + | France at Poitiers; bought by Wm. Montagu, | + | for | 100 marks. + | Ordered to be sold by the Last will of his | + | Countess Elizabeth for | 40 livres. + | Warton, i. 187 | + 1376 | Dictionary in 3 volumes | 200 francs. + | Gospels glossed in 1 volume | 15 francs. + | N. de Lyra on the Gospels and the Epistles of Paul | 37½ francs. + | Quodlibeta of Herveus Natalis Brito | 3 francs. + | Milleloquium Augustini [anthology of S. Augustine | + | by Bartholomew of Urbino] | 80 francs. + | Augustine, super psalterium abbreviatus cum | + | septem quaternis non ligatis | 1 franc. + | N. de Lyra, third part | 37½ francs. + | Small concordance | 1 franc. + | Speculum Historiale, first part, by Vincent of | + | Beauvais | 50 francs. + | Augustine, de Civitate Dei | 12 francs. + | Lombard’s Sentences. [Cf. 1423, 1452.] | 6 francs. + | Boëthius, de Consolatione philosophiae, cum aliis. | 10 francs. + | Summa Hostiensis [one of the chief books on | + | canon law]. [Cf. 1380.] | 20 francs. + 1376 | Cronica Martiniana, by Martinus Polonus; Bede, | + | de Gestis Anglorum; Life of S. Thomas, in | + | 1 volume | 10 francs. + | Anselm, de Similitudinibus | 2 francs. + | *Robinson, 5-7 | + 1378 | Wylliott’s book on natural philosophy | £3, 6s. 8d. + | Rogers, i. 646 | + 1379 | 11 quires of Bacon’s Mathematics | 5s. 6d. + | Rogers, i. 646 | + _c._ 1380 | Lectura T. Alquini super 410 sententiarum | 10s. + | Evangelium Johannis et Apocalypsis glosatum | 20s. + | Concordantiae Bibliae | 8s. + | Sermones veteres | 3s. 4d. + | Sermones N. Gorham de communi sanctorum | 5s. + | Liber Genesis glosatus | 20s. + | Legenda Aurea | 20s. + | Augustine, de Civitate Dei | 53s. 4d. + | Haymo super epistolas Pauli | 100s. + | Evangelium Mathaei | 2s. + | “ Johannis glos. | 3s. 4d. + | Biblia versificata | 5s. + | Quaternus sermonum | 2s. 6d. + | Epistolae Sidonii, in quaterno | 12d. + | Albertus Magnus, de vegetabilibus et plantis cum | + | multis aliis | 53s. 4d. + | Textus Metha[physi]cae | 10s. + | Commentator super libros caeli et mundi | 5s. + | Liber de Anima, continens 3 libros cum aliis | 3d. + | Textus naturalis philosophiae | 16s. + | “ | 13s. 4d. + | “ | 13s. 4d. + | Tractatus de Animalibus | 4s. + | Liber Decretalium non glosatus | 3s. 4d. + | Liber Decretalium | 16s. 8d. + | Summa Hostiensis. [Cf. 1376.] |£4, 13s. 4d. + | Liber Sextus decretalium. [Cf. 1423, 1445, | + | 1451.] | 75s. + | Codex. [Cf. 1423.] | 31s. 4d. + | Liber inforciatus. [Cf. 1423, 1445.] | 20s. + | Digestum vetus. [Cf. 1423.] | 5s. + | _O. H. S._, 32, _Collect._, 224-41 | + 1389 | Problems of Aristotle for Exeter College | £4 + | Boëthius, De Disciplina Scholarum, and De | + | Consolatione philosophiæ | 5 marks. + | _O. H. S._, 27, Boase, xxxvi. | + 1394 | Parchment for 4 choir books, and writing them |£11, 13s. 3d. + | _Surtees Soc._, xxxv. 130 | + _c._ 1394 | Writing, illuminating and other expenses of a | + | primer, given to the Lady Queen of Castile, | + | _i.e._ Constance, 2nd wife of John of Gaunt | 63s. 6d. + | _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. 401 | + 1395 | Cronica Martiniana, cum aliis. | + | Priced 3_s._ 4_d._, sold for [Cf. price in 1376] | 3s. 4d. + | Libellus cum causa T. Cantuariensis, et aliis. | + | Priced 2_s._, sold for | 3s. 4d. + | Repertorium Willelmi Durand. | + | Priced 6_s._ 8_d._, not sold | 6s. 8d. + | William de Mandagoto de Electionibus. Priced | + | 5_s._, sold for | 6s. 8d. + | Constitutions of Ottobonus, cum aliis. Priced | + | 18_d._, not sold | 18d. + | Petrus de Formâ dictandi, quire. Priced 2_s._, | + | not sold [Cf. 1443] | 2s. + | Bernard, Meditationes, cum aliis 5_s._, | + | sold for | 6s. + | Mandeville on paper, in French. 2_s._, not sold | 2s. + | Quire, de Arte dictandi, with letters of Peter of | + | Blois. 2_s._, not sold | 2s. + | Textus Clementinarum [Decretals of Clement] | + | 12_d._, not sold | 12d. + | Brut in French. 2_s._, not sold | 2s. + | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 6 | + 1397 | Vellum for 6 Processionals, and writing, noting | + | (notatio, musical notation), illuminating and | + | binding them | 73s. 4d. + | _Surtees Soc._, vii. xxvi.-vii. n. | + 15 c. | Liber Scintillarum | 2s. + | Augustine on John | 10 marks. + | _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. 403 | + 15 c. | For 39 quires parchment at vi_d._=xx_s._ | + | vi_d._ (_sic_) | 19s. 6d. + | For writing same at xx_d._ quire | 65s. + | For illuminating | 12d. + | For binding | 2s. 6d. + | Summa | £4, 8s. 0d. + | James^{3}, 105 | + 15 c. | 27 quires parchment at iii_d._ | 6s. 9d. + | For writing same at 16_d._ | 36s. + | Illumination | 8d. + | Binding | 2s. + | Summa | 45s. 5d. + | _Ibid._, 128 | + 15 c. |27 quires and 6 fo. parchment at iii_d._ | 6s. 9d. + |For writing same at 16_d._ | 36s. + |Illumination | 6d. + |Binding | 2s. + |Total | 45s. 3d. + | _Ibid._, 133| + 15 c. |33 quires parchment | 8s. 3d. + |For writing same at 16_d._ | 44s. + |Illumination | 12d. + |Binding | 2s. + |Total | 55s. 3d. + | _Ibid._, 169| + 15 c. |29 quires parchment at iii_d._ | 7s. 3d. + |For writing same at 16_d._ | 38s. 8d. + |Illumination | 12d. + |Binding | 2s. + |Total | 48s. 11d. + | _Ibid._, 226| + 15 c. | Antonius Andreas, super Metaphysica, etc., 153ff., | + | on paper | 13s. 4d. + | James^{3}, 290| + 1400 |John of Meun’s Roman de la Rose, sold before | + | the palace gate at Paris | £33, 6s. 6d. + | Warton, i. 187| + 1400 |Tabula Martiniana | 3s. 4d. + |Gradual, de usu Ebor. | 40s. + |Catholicon. [Cf. 1452.] | £4, 10s. 0d. + | *_Surtees Soc._, xlv. 13| + 1414 |For mending one old mass book almost worn out; | + | for parchment and new writing in divers parts | + | and for the binding and new clasps, and a skin | + | to cover the book | 11s. 2d. + | _Archæologia_, lvii. 208-9| + 1420-40 |Three books given to the Duke of Gloucester, | + | Cato glossed, and two books of Abbot Whethamstede’s| + | own composition | £10 + |Book of astronomy, given to the Duke of Bedford | £3, 6s. 8d. + |Boëthius, de Consolatione philosophiae, glossed | £5 + |Holkot, super Sapiéntiam Salomonis | 13s. 4d. + |Holkot, Sermons | £3, 6s. 8d. + |Thos. Netter of Walden and Wm. Wodeford | + | against Wyclif. 2 vols. | £6, 13s. 4d. + |*_Ann. mon S. Alb. a J. Amund._ ii. 256, 259, 268-71.| + 1420-40 |Alan de Lisle’s Anticlaudianus, cum quaestionibus | + | in eodem | 13s. 4d. + | Unus parvus libellulus, cum metris et tabulis | + | diversis | 13s. 4d. + | * _Ann. mon S. Alb. a J. Amund._ ii. 256, | + | 259, 268-71. | + 1423 | Magister Sententiarum. [Cf. 1376, 1452.] | 16s. + | Concordance | 20s. + | Gregory’s Pastoral care | 4s. + | Anselm, Cur Deus homo. [Cf. 1451.] | 10s. + | Archdeacon Guido de Baysio’s Rosarium | 40s. + | Liber Sextus Decretalium. [Cf. 1380, 1445, 1451.] | 40s. + | Digestum Inforciatum. [Cf. 1380, 1445.] | 13s. 4d. + | Digestum vetus. [Cf. 1380.] | 13_s._ 4_d._ + | Codex. [Cf. 1380.] |£1, 6_s._ 8_d._ + | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 76 | + 1432 | Dr. Thomas Gascoigne gave 6 books to Lincoln | + | College, value | £17, 10s. + | Clark, _Linc. Coll._ (Coll. Hist.) | + 1438 | Thomas Aquinas super primum Sententiarum | £1 + | Thomas Aquinas in secundum Sententiarum | £1, 6s. 8d. + | James^{10}, xxiv. | + 1441 | Tabula super Senecam et Boetium de Consolat. et | + | de disciplina scholarium | 1s. 8d. + | James^{10}, xxiv. | + 1442 | One part of Lyra | £3, 6s. 8d. + | James^{10}, xxiv. | + 1443 | 27 volumes bought from John Paston’s Exors. for | + | King’s Hall, Cambridge. | £8, 17s. 4d. + 1443 | For an old book, Postillae super Lucam | 2s. + | James^{10}, xxiv. | + 1443 | Petrus de formâ dictandi. [Cf. 1395.] | 1s. 8d. + | _Mun. Acad._, 532 | + 1445 | Book of philosophy, cum tractatibus Alberti | 13s. 4d. + | James^{10}, xxiv. | + 1445 | Liber Sextus Decretalium, pledged for. [Cf. 1380, | £1, et ob. + | 1423, 1451.] | + | Digestum Inforciatum, pledged for. [Cf. 1380, | 3s. 4d. + | 1423.] | + | * _Mun. Acad._, 543 | + 1449 | Cicero, Rhetoric | 3s. 4d. + | James^{10}, xxiv. | + 1451 | Petrus de Palude [? in Sententiis] | 2s. + | Epistles of Seneca ad Lucilium | 2s. + | Gregory’s Sermons | 6s. 8d. + | Plato, Timaeus | 6d. + | Digestum vetus. [Cf. 1380, 1423] | 4s. + | Liber Sextus Decretalium, cum glossa cardinali. | + | [Cf. 1380, 1445, 1423.] | 5s. + | Codex. [Cf. 1423.] | 4s. + | Bernardus Parmensis de Botone, Casus longus | 5s. + | Martial | 1s. + | Anselm, Cur Deus homo. [Cf. 1423.] | 2s. 4d. + | Decretals of Clement | 3s. 4d. + | Vetus liber Decretalium | 1s. 4d. + | * _Mun. Acad._, 609 | + 1452 | Isidore, Etymologies; Bede, Historia | + | Ecclesiastica | 30s. + | Augustine, de spiritu et anima, with | + | the Meditations of S. Bernard, and many | + | other contents | 40s. + | Guillelmus Parisiensis de virtutibus | 20s. + | Bartholomeus Anglicus [Bartholomew de Glanville] | + | de proprietatibus rerum | 6s. 8d. + | Pupilla oculi. [There were several books of this | + | title.] | 20s. + | Catholicon. [Cf. 1400.] | £4 + | Polichronica | 20s. + | Historia Scholastica. [Cf. bef. 1300.] | 5s. + | Lombard’s Sentences. [Cf. 1376, 1423.] | 16s. + | * _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 132-3 | + 1453 | Book by Wyclif | 7s. 6d. + | Book against Wyclif | 3s. 6d. + | More’s book on Wyclif and other books | £2, 2s. 0d. + | Rogers, iv. 600 | + 1455 | Nicolaus de Gorham super Psalterium, pledged | + | for | £1, 6s. 8d. + | James^{10}, xxiv. | + 1455 | Gregory the Great’s Works, 157 leaves | £3, 6s. 8d. + | _Library_ (N. S.), viii. 172 | + 1456 | Avicenna, redeemed for | £1, 6s. 4d. + | James^{10}, xxiv. | + 1457 | Aegidius super Physica | 16s. 8d. + | James^{10}, xxiv. | + 1457 | Aristotle de animalibus | 5s. 6d. + | James^{10}, xxiv. | + 1459 | A Holy Legend | £10 + | Rogers, iv. 600 | + 1462 | Aristotle, Rhetor. Polit., etc. | 8s. 5d. + | James^{10}, xxiv. | + 1462 | Map of the world, bought for New College | £5 + | Rogers, iv. 600 | + 1467 | Cicero, de Officiis and Ambrosius super eodem | 6s. + | James^{10}, xxiv. | + _c._ 1468 | S. Augustine’s Epistles | £1, 13s. 4d. + | _Library_ (N.S.), viii. 172 | + 1468 | Richard Rolle’s Meditatio de passione domini | 4d. + | *_Surtees Soc._, xlv. 163 | + 1469 | Jerome’s Epistles | £1 + | James^{10}, xxiv. | + 1469 | Vellum, writing, correcting, illuminating, and | + | binding a Lectionary in redskin, and cleaning | + | the book | 64s. 3d. + | _Library_, ii. (1890), 243 | + _c._ 1470 | iij bokes of soffistre | 1s. 8d. + | A red boke with Hugucio and Papie | £1 + | A boke of Seynt Thomas de Veritatibus | 10s. + | 1 boke of xij chapetyrs of Lyncoln, | + | and a boke of Safistre | 10s. + | 1 premere (primer?) | 2s. + | * Gairdner, _Paston Letters_, vi. 175, 177 | + 1472 | Thomas Aquinas, Tabula on works | 5s. 4d. + | James^{10}, xxv. | + 1481 | Alexander Aphrodisaeus, super libros de Anima | £1, 13s. 4d. + | Rogers, iv. 600-1 | + 1502 | Hugo de Vienna’s works in 7 volumes [printed] | £2, 6s. 4d. + | Rogers, iv. 600-1 | + 1509 | A printed legende in paper de usu Saris coueryd | + | with white lether with ij short claspes of latyn | 3s. 4d. + | _C. A. S._ (N.S.), 8vo ser., iii. 361 | + 1509 | A graile couered with white lether with ij long | + | claspes | £4, 6s. 8d. + | A graile couered with white lether having ij | + | longe claspes | 53s. 4d. + | A prikesong boke in parchement | 13s. 4d. + | _C. A. S._ (N.S.), 8vo ser., iii. 361 | + _c._ 1525 | Cicero, de Officiis, bought by Thos. Linacre; | + | now B. M. Reg. 15 A vi. | 8d. + | James, 519 | + 1531 | 4 hymnaria for the quire at ⅓ | 5s. + | Rogers, i. 600-1 | + 1538 | 1 Statutes of the Kingdom | 14s. + | Polydore Vergil’s history | 6s. 8d. + | Rogers, i. 600-1 | + 1539 | Giorgio della Valle [? Aristotle’s Poetics] | 10s. + | Rogers, iv. 600-1 | + 1540 | Map of the World | 4s. 0d. + | Suidas in Greek [? printed ed. 1499] | £1, 12s. 0d. + | Erasmus on New Testament | 9s. + | Rogers, iv. 600-1 | + 1542 | Theophylact and Eustathius [? printed ed. 1542] | £2, 2s. 0d. + | Epiphanius | 8s. + | Rogers, iv. 600-1 | + | Parchment for, writing, rubrishing and binding a | + | book called “Domyltone,” also rubrishing | + | Heytesbury’s Sophismata. [“Domyltone” was | + | perhaps one of John of Dumbleton’s books] | 15s. 4½d. + | _Hist. MSS._, 2nd Rept., App. 129; | + | _Bibliographica_, iii. 148 | + | _Note._--Many prices of books at Winchester | + | College, temp. Henry VI will be found in | + | _Archæol. Jour._ xv. (1858) 62-74. | + | WRITING | + 1346 | For writing a Psalter with Kalendar | 5s. 6d. + | And a “placebo et dirige cum ympnario et | + | collectario” | 4s. 3d. + | _Surtees Soc._, xxxv. 165 | + 1383-4 | For writing Abbot Litlington’s Missal during | + | two years | £4 + | Robinson, 7-8 | + 1383-4 | Livery for the scribe | 20s. + | For writing notes (musical notation) in Abbot | + | Litlington’s Missal | 3s. 4d. + | Robinson, 7-8 | + 1393 | Writing 2 Graduals | £4, 6s. 8d. + | _Surtees Soc._, xxxv. 130 | + 1397 | For writing a Legenda of 34 “quires” | 72s. + | _Surtees Soc._, vii. xxvi-xxvii n. | + 15c. | Writing 25 quires at 16d. | 33s. 4d. + | James^{3}, 234 | + ? 15 c. | Writing per quire. | 16d. + | _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. 398 | + 1430 | N. de Lyra transcribed | 100 marks + | Warton, i. 187 n. | + 1467 | Item, for wrytynge of a quare and demi ... prise | + | the quayr, xx_d._ | 2s. 6d. + | Item, for wrytenge of a calendar | 12d. + | Item, for notynge (musical notation) of v. | + | quayres and ij leves, prise of the | + | quayr, viij[_d._] | 3s. 7d. + | Gairdner, _Paston Letters_, v. 4 | + 1469 | For writing a “litill booke of Pheesyk” | 2d. + | For writing “the tretys of Werre in iiij books, | + | which conteyneth lx levis aftir ij_d._ a leaff” | 10s. + | For writing “De Regimine Principum, which | + | conteyneth xlv^{ti} leves, aftir a peny a leef, | + | which is right wele worth” | 3s. 9d. + | *Gairdner, _Paston Letters_, v. 2-4 | + 1469 | For writing a Lectionary of 18 quires and 9 skins | 28s. 4d. + | _Library_, ii. (1890) 243 | + | ILLUMINATING | + 1374 | Church of Norwich paid for illuminating a | + | Graduale and Consuetudinary | £22, 9s. + | Merryweather, 36n. | + 1383-4 | For illumination of the large letters in Abbot | + | Litlington’s Missal | £22, 0s. 3d. + | Robinson, 7-8 | + 1393 | Illuminating 2 graduals | £2 + | _Surtees Soc._, xxxv. 130 | + 1395 | Illuminating 3 graduals | £2 + | _Surtees Soc._, xxxv. 130 | + 1397 | Illuminating and binding Legenda of 34 “quires” | 30s. + | _Surtees Soc._, vii. xxvi-xxvii n. | + 1445 | Yearly wages of an illuminator at Oxford, four | + | marks, ten shillings | + | _Mun. Acad._, 551 | + 1467 | Sir John Howard paid Thomas Lympnour of | + | Bury St. Edmunds for illuminating, and other | + | work | + | For viij. hole vynets [or small miniatures] | + | prise the vynett, xij_d_ | 8s. + | Item, for xxj. demi-vynets ... prise the | + | demi-vynett, iiij_d._ | 7s. + | Item, for Psalmes lettres xv^{c} and di’ ... the | + | prise of C. iiij_d._ [_I.e._, 1550 at 4_d._ | + | a hundred] | 5s. 2d. + | Item, for p’ms letters lxiij^{c} ... prise of a | + | C., j_d._ | 5s. 3d. + | Item, for floryshynge of capytalls, v^{c} | 5d. + | Gairdner, _Paston Letters_, v. 4 | + 1469 | For rubrishing a book | 3s. 4d. + | Gairdner, _Paston Letters_, v. 4 | + 1469 | Illuminating a Lectionary | 13s. 6d. + | _Library_, ii. (1890) 243 | + | BINDING | + 1383-4 | Binding Abbot Litlington’s Missal | 21s. + | Robinson, 7-8 | + 1384-5 | Covering a great Portiforium | 3s. 2d. + | Covering a book and making three silver clasps | 5s. 8d. + | Robinson, 8 | + 1392 | Binding seven books | 4s. 0d. + | _O. H. S_., 27, Boase, xlviii. | + 1395 | Binding large gradual (York Cathedral) | 10s. + | _Surtees Soc._, xxxv. 130 | + ? 15c. | Binding (in white skin over wooden boards) | 2s. + | _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. 398 | + 1412-13 | Stitching 67 books at 1½_d._ a book, with | + | 13_d._ in addition | 9s. 5½d. + | Stitching covers of 52 books at 1_d._ | 4s. 4d. + | _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iv. 300-3 | + 1428 | Binding Bible in 2 vols. | 5s. 3d. + | Rogers, iv. 600 | + 1467 | Item, for byndynge of the boke [a Psalter or | + | other liturgical book] | 12s. + | Gairdner, _Paston Letters_, v. 4 | + 1469 | Binding a Lectionary in redskin, and correcting | + | the book | 5s. 5d. + | _Library_, ii. (1890) 243 | + | _Note._--For many prices for binding, | + | repairing, and chaining books, see | + | Bibliographical Society’s Monograph 13, | + | p. 18-19. | + ----------+-----------------------------------------------------+----------- + +MATERIALS + +A very large number of prices of vellum and parchment might be quoted. +These will suffice: (1301) vellum per skin, 1¼d.; (1312-13) 6 doz. +parchment, 8s. 8d.; (1358-59) 2 doz. parchment, 6s.; (1359-60) 2½ +doz. parchment, 7s. 6d.; (1383-84) 13 doz. vellum, £4, 6s. 8d.; (1395) +12 parchment skins, 5s. 0d.; (1397) vellum per dozen skins, 4s. 6d.; +(1412-13) vellum cost a dozen skins 2s. 10d.; (1412-13) 9 skins of +parchment 13½d., and 6 skins of parchment, 16d.; (1467) 3 quires of +vellum, 5s.; 17 quires for a Lectionary, 10s. 6d. + +Skins for binding were sold in (1395) 1 deerskin, 3s. 2d.; (1397) 6 +deerskins for processionals, 13s. 4d; (1412-13) 97 calfskins @ 4d. a +skin, 82 sheepskins @ 3d., 3 sheepskins for 5d., 12 redskins @ 6d.; +(1469) 1 redskin, 5d. + + + + +APPENDIX B + +LIST OF CERTAIN CLASSIC AUTHORS FOUND IN MEDIEVAL CATALOGUES + + +This list is brief, but it should be long enough to show clearly what +Greek and Latin authors were read in the Middle Ages, and to indicate +roughly their comparative popularity. A note has been made of only one +copy of a work found at a particular place at a certain time; often +there were duplicates, sometimes many copies: for example, consult +Appendix C, under date _c._ 1170. + +The following abbreviations are used: August. Fr. York = Augustinian +Friary, York; C. U. L. = Cambridge University Library; Cant. Coll. = +Canterbury College, Oxford; Ch. Ch. C. = Christ Church, Canterbury; +Durh. = Durham Priory; Lanthony = Lanthony Priory, nr. Gloucester; Ox. +U. L. = Oxford University Library; S. Cath. H. = S. Catharine’s College; +Rochester = S. Andrew’s Priory, Rochester; S. Aug. C. = S. Augustine’s +Monastery, Canterbury; S. Mart. Dov. = S. Martin’s Priory, Dover. Other +abbreviations are self-explanatory. + + AESCHINES.--_Orations_ (1443, Ox. U. L.). + + ARISTOTLE.--(8 cent., York; 1248, Glastonbury; 1315, Durh.; _c._ + 1387, New Coll.; 1418, Peterhouse). _Organon_ (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. + C.; 1202, Rochester; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr. York; + _c._ 1385, Pembr. Coll.; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1391 and 1395, Durh.; + 1435 and 1473, C. U. L.; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.; _c._ 1497, S. + Aug. C.; 1524, Cant. Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Topica_ (bef. 13 + cent., Reading; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1387, Exeter Coll.; 1448, + Hospital of S. Mary within Cripplegate, London). _De Sophisticis + elenchis_ (bef. 13 cent., Reading). _Natural sciences_ (1274, + Peterborough; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 14 cent., Ramsey; 1435 and + 1473, C. U. L.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C., _de nova translacione_; + 1524, Cant. Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Physica_ (_c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. + C.; 14 cent., Ramsey; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1391 and 1395, Durh.; + 1435, C. U. L.; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; + 1508, Ch. Ch. C.; 1524, Cant. Coll.). _Meteorologica_ (1435 and + 1473, C. U. L.). _Historia animalium_ (_c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C., _de + animalibus_; 1372, August. Fr. York, _de animalibus_; 1389, S. + Mart. Dov., _de natura animalium_; 1473, C. U. L.; 1520, Wm. + Grocyn, _de animalibus_). _De generatione animalium_ (_c._ 1300, + Ch. Ch. C.; 1443, Ox. U. L.). _De anima_ (_c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; + 1372, August. Fr. York; 1439, Ox. U. L.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; + 1524, Cant. Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Metaphysica_ (_c._ 1300, Ch. + Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.; 1473, C. + U. L.; 1487, Pembr. Coll.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1524, Cant. + Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Ethica_ (_c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372, + August. Fr. York; 1387, Exeter Coll.; 1391, Durh.; 1428, Pembr. + Coll.; 1439, Ox. U. L.; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.; 1473, C. U. L.; + 1475, S. Cath. H.; 1487, Pembr. Coll.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1508, + Ch. Ch. C.; 1524, Cant. Coll., _noviter translatus_; _c._ 1526, + Syon). _Magna Moralia_ (1487, Pembr. Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon). + _Politica_ (_c._ 1428, Pembr. Coll.; 1439, Ox. U. L.; 1452, King’s + Coll. Camb.; 1487, Pembr. Coll.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1508, Ch. + Ch. C.; 1524, Cant. Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Rhetorica_ (_c._ + 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1475, S. Cath. H.; 1487, + Pembr. Coll.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1508, Ch. Ch. C.; 1524, Cant. + Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Problemata_ (1435 and 1473, C. U. L.; + 1520, Wm. Grocyn; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Oeconomica_ (1372, August. Fr. + York). + + CAESAR.--_Commentaries_ (1443, Ox. U. L.; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.; + 1520, Wm. Grocyn). + + CICERO.--(8 cent., York; 1439, Ox. U. L., _Opera viginti duo in + magno volumine_; 1520, Wm. Grocyn, _Opera omnia_). _Epistolae_ + (1480, Bp. Shirwood; 1498, Coll. of Bishop Auckland; 1524, Cant. + Coll.; 1439, Ox. U. L., 1520, Wm. Grocyn, and _c._ 1526, Syon, _ad + familiares_; 1439, Ox. U. L., _ad Quintum_). _Orationes_ (beg. 14 + cent., Lanthony, _in Catilinam_; 1439, Ox. U. L.; 1474, Bp. + Shirwood; 1478, Balliol Coll.; 1500, Jesus Coll., Rotherham; 1520, + Wm. Grocyn; 1372, August. Fr. York, _Tullii invectivarum_; 1391, + Durh.; 1439, Ox. U. L.; and 1520, Wm. Grocyn, _Philippics_; 1439, + Ox. U. L., _in Verrem_). _De Senectute_ (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; + 1180, Whitby; 12 cent., Durh.; 1217-18, Evesham; 1248, Glastonbury; + _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; _c._ 1400, Meaux; 1418, Peterhouse; _c._ + 1497, S. Aug. C.; _c._ 1526, Syon. Frequently found). _De Legibus_ + (12 cent., Durh.). _De Officiis_ (1202, Rochester; beg. 14 cent., + Lanthony; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1418, + Peterhouse; 1439, Ox. U. L.; 1475, S. Cath. H.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. + C.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _De Republica_ (_Somnium Scipionis_ (_c._ + 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 14 cent., Ramsey; 1418, Peterhouse;? 1482, + Leicester; _c._ 1526, Syon). _De Amicitia_ (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; + 1180, Whitby; 1195, Durh.; 1217-18, Evesham; 1248, Glastonbury; + beg. 14 cent., Lanthony; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr. + York; 1391, Durh.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; _c._ 1526, Syon--one of + the commonest of classic works in the M.A.). _Paradoxa_ (1217-18, + Evesham; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1391, Durh.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; + _c._ 1526, Syon). _Tusculanae disputationes_ (beg. 14 cent., + Lanthony; 1418, Peterhouse; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1524, Cant. + Coll.; 1526, Syon). _De Inventione_ (_Rhetorica_) (_c._ 1170, Ch. + Ch. C.; 12 or 13 cent., Bury; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1391, Durh.; + 1439, Ox. U. L.; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.; 1458, S. Paul’s; 1473, + C. U. L.;? 1482, Leicester; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1524, Cant. + Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon, _nova rhetorica_). _De Oratore_ (1477, Bp. + Shirwood). _Topica_ (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.). + _De Natura Deorum_ (_c._ 1526, Syon). _De Finibus_ (1472, Bp. + Shirwood). + + GELLIUS.--_Noctes Atticae_ (_c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1391, Durh.; + 1439, Ox. U. L.; 1476, Bp. Shirwood; 1520, Wm. Grocyn; _c._ 1526, + Syon). + + “HOMER.”--(12 cent., Durh.; 1180, Whitby). _Iliad_ (_c._ 1526, + Syon). + + HORACE.--(_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 or 13 cent., Bury; bef. 13 + cent., Reading; 1202, Rochester; 1248, Glastonbury; beg. 14 cent., + Lanthony; 14 cent., Ramsey; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1452, King’s + Coll. Camb.; _c._ 1480, Bp. Shirwood;? 1482, Leicester; _c._ 1497, + S. Aug. C.; 1500, Jesus Coll., Rotherham; _c._ 1526, Syon). + _Epistles_ (bef. 13 cent., Reading; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1389, + S. Mart. Dov.). + + JUVENAL.--_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 1180, Whitby; 12 cent., Durh.; 12 + or 13 cent., Bury; bef. 13 cent., Reading; 1217-18, Evesham; 1248, + Glastonbury; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1391, + Durh.; 1487, Bp. Shirwood; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1520, Wm. Grocyn; + _c._ 1526, Syon. + + LIVY.--(1248, Glastonbury; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1443, Ox. U. L.; + 1475, Bp. Shirwood; 1508, Ch. Ch. C.; 1520, Wm. Grocyn; _c._ 1526, + Syon, epitome by Florus). + + LUCAN.--(8 cent., York; _c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent., Durh.; + 1202, Rochester; 1217-18, Evesham; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; beg. 14 + cent., Lanthony; 14 cent., Ramsey; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1418, + Peterhouse; 1473, C. U. L.;? 1482, Leicester; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. + C.; 1524, Cant. Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon). + + LUCRETIUS.--_De Rerum natura_ (1520, Wm. Grocyn). + + MARTIAL.--(12 cent., Peterboro’; 14 cent., Ramsey; _c._ 1300, Ch. + Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr. York, _Epigrammata marcii valerii, libri + 15_; _c._ 1400, Meaux; 1418, Peterhouse; 1451, Henry Calder, vicar + of Cookfield; 1476, Bp. Shirwood). + + OVID.--(_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent., Durh.; beg. 14 cent., + Lanthony; 1202, Rochester, _Ovidius magnus_; 14 cent., Ramsey; _c._ + 1300, Ch. Ch. C.;? 1482, Leicester). _Ars amatoria_ (12 cent., + Durh.; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1500, Jesus Coll., Rotherham). + _Remedia Amoris_ (12 cent., Durh.; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1438, T. + Cooper, a scholar of Oxford; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1500, Jesus + Coll., Rotherham). _Mendicamina faciei_ (_c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.). + _Metamorphoses_ (1372, August. Fr. York; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1443, + Ox. U. L.; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.; 1470, Pembr. Coll.; 1473, C. + U. L.;? 1482, Leicester, _de mirabilibus mundi_; _c._ 1497, S. + Aug. C.; 1500, Jesus Coll., Rotherham; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Fasti_ + (12 cent., Durh.; 1202, Rochester; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1389, S. + Mart. Durh.; 1418, Peterhouse; 1443, Ox. U. L.). _Tristia_ (_c._ + 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent., Durh.; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1389, S. + Mart. Dov.; 1418, Peterhouse; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.). _Ibis_ (_c._ + 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent., Durh.; 1372, August. Fr. York; _c._ + 1400, Meaux; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.). _Heroides_ (1372, August. Fr. + York). _Ex Ponto_ (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent., Durh.; 1372, + August. Fr. York; 1391, Durh.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.). + + PERSIUS--(_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 1180, Whitby; 12 cent., Durh.; + 1202, Rochester; 1248, Glastonbury; beg. 14 cent., Lanthony; 1520, + Wm. Grocyn). + + PLATO--(1180, Whitby; bef. 13 cent., Reading; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. + C.; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1439, Ox. U. L.;? 1482, Leicester; _c._ + 1526, Syon). _Timaeus_ (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent., Durh.; + 1248, Glastonbury; beg. 14 cent., Lanthony; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; + 1372, August Fr. York; 1418, Peterhouse; 1451, Hy. Caldey, vicar of + Cookfield; 1478, Balliol Coll., new translation; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. + C.). _Republic_ (1443, Ox. U. L., new translation; 1452, King’s + Coll., Camb.; 1475, S. Cath. H.). _Euthyphro_ (1478, Balliol Coll., + new translation). + + PLAUTUS--12 or 13 cent., Bury [_James_^{1}, 27]; beg. 14 cent., + Lanthony, _Aulularia_; 1481, Bp. Shirwood; 1520, Wm. Grocyn. + + PLINY THE ELDER--(8 cent., York; 1126-71, Glastonbury, _de naturali + historia_; 12 or 13 cent., Bury; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C., _Prima pars + Plinii, et secunda pars_; 1418, Peterhouse, _Hist. nat._; 1439, Ox. + U. L., _Plinius de naturis rerum_; 1443, Ox. U. L., _Physica_; + 1464, Bp. Shirwood; 1520, Wm. Grocyn; _c._ 1526, Syon). Extracts, + _Medicina Plinii_ (_c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C., _Liber Plinii junioris + [sic] de diversis medicinis_). + + PLINY THE YOUNGER.--_Letters_ (1443, Ox. U. L.). + + PLUTARCH.--_Vitae_ (1480, Bp. Shirwood, printed, Latin; 1520, Wm. + Grocyn). + + QUINTILIAN.--_Institutio oratoria_ (12 cent., Durh.; _c._ 1290, the + La Fytes, scholars at Oxford; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1326-35, S. + Albans; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1391, Durh.; 1418, Peterhouse; 1439, + Ox. U. L.; 1475, S. Cath. H.; 1478, Balliol Coll.; _c._ 1497, S. + Aug. C.) + + SALLUST--(_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent. Durh.; 1202, Rochester; + 1248, Glastonbury; beg. 14 cent., Lanthony; _c._ 1400, Meaux; 1418, + Peterhouse). _Bella_ (12 cent., Bury; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb., _de + bello Cat._; 1500, Jesus Coll., Rotherham; _c._ 1526, Syon). + SENECA THE YOUNGER--_c._ 1170, Peterboro’; 1260-9, S. Albans; 12 + cent., Durh.; 14 cent., Ramsey; 1478, Balliol Coll.; 1520, Wm. + Grocyn). _Opera_ (_c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.). _De Beneficiis_ (_c._ + 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1395, Durh.; _c._ 1400, Meaux; 1418, Peterhouse). + _De Clementia_ (_c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1395, Durh.; 1418, + Peterhouse; 1458, S. Paul’s). _Epistolae morales_ (12 cent., + Peterboro’; 12 or 13 cent., Bury; bef. 13 cent., Reading; 13 cent., + Rievaulx; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1395, + Durh.; _c._ 1400, Meaux; 1418, Peterhouse; 1451, Hy. Caldey, vicar + of Cookfield; 1452, King’s Coll., Camb.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.). + _Naturales quaestiones_ (1418, Peterhouse; 1458, S. Paul’s). + _Tragædiae_ (1372, August. Fr. York; 1439, Ox. U. L.; 1452, King’s + Coll., Camb.; _c._ 1480, Bp. Shirwood). Innumerable. + + STATIUS--(8 cent., York; 1180, Whitby; 12 or 13 cent., Bury; 1389, + S. Mart. Dov.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Thebais_ (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; + 12 cent., Durh.; 1418, Peterhouse; 1479, Bp. Shirwood). _Achilleis_ + (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent., Durh.; 1372, August Fr. York; + 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.). _Silvae_ (1478 + Bp. Shirwood). + + SUETONIUS.--_De Vita Caesarum_ (12 or 13 cent., Bury; 1126-71, + Glastonbury; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr. York; _c._ + 1400, Meaux; 1443, Ox. U. L.; 1458, S. Paul’s; 1476, Bp. Shirwood; + 1508, New Coll.; 1520, Wm. Grocyn; _c._ 1526, Syon). + + TACITUS.--_De Oratoribus_ (1520, Wm. Grocyn; 1526, Syon). + + TERENCE--(12 cent., Durh.; 12 cent., Peterboro’; 12 or 13 cent., + Bury; _c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 1202, Rochester; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. + C.; beg. 14 cent., Lanthony; 14 cent., Ramsey; 1326-35, S. Albans; + 1372, August. Fr. York; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1391, Durh.; 1443, Ox. + U. L.; 1471, Bp. Shirwood; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1500, Jesus + Coll., Rotherham; _c._ 1530, Wells Cath.). + + TROGUS, POMPEIUS--(8 cent., York; 1095, Durh.; 12 cent., Durh.; + 1391, Durh.; 1443, Ox. U. L.; 1465, Bp. Shirwood). + + VALERIUS MAXIMUS.--_Facta et dicta memorabilia_ (13 cent., Bury; + 1391, Durh.; 1418, Peterhouse; 1420-40, S. Albans; 1452, King’s + Coll. Camb.; 1520, Wm. Grocyn; _c._ 1526, Syon). + + VARRO.--_De Lingua Latina_ (1443, Ox. U. L.; _c._ 1526, Syon). + + VIRGIL--(8 cent., York; 12 or 13 cent., Bury; 12 cent., Durh.; _c._ + 1150, Lincoln Cath.; _c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C., _Virgilius totus_; 14 + cent., Ramsey; 1326-35, S. Albans;? 1482, Leicester; _c._ 1526, + Syon, _Opera_). _Bucolics_ (12 cent., Durh.; 1180, Whitby; bef. 13 + cent., Reading; 1202, Rochester; 1248, Glastonbury; 1372, August. + Fr. York; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1391, Durh.; 1418, Peterhouse; 1452, + King’s Coll. Camb., _Virgilius in bucolicis cum ceteris_; 1458, S. + Paul’s; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.). _Georgics_ (12 cent., Durh.; bef. + 13 cent., Reading; 1202, Rochester; 1248, Glastonbury; 1372, + August. Fr. York; 1391, Durh.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.). _Aeneid_ + (1202, Rochester; 1248, Glastonbury; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372, + August. Fr. York; 1391, Durh.; 1418, Peterhouse; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. + C.; 1524, Cant. Coll.). + +_NOTE._ + +In compiling the above list use has been made of Bateson; Becker; +Bradshaw; _C.A.S._; _Chron. Mon. de Melsa_, iii.; Dugdale, _Hist. of S. +Paul’s_; _E.H.R._ iii.; James; James^{1}; James^{2}; James^{9}; +James^{10}; _Mun. Acad._; Robinson; _Sur. Soc._ vii.; _Archaeologia +Cantiana_; _Fasciculus Ioanni Willis Clark dicatus_ (art. by Dr. M. R. +James), and other works. + + + + +APPENDIX C + +LIST OF MEDIEVAL COLLECTIONS OF BOOKS + + + _Note._--This list aims (i) to bring together in brief form a + number of records which are better removed from the main text of + this book, and (ii) to present in chronological order facts + carefully selected to show the variety of medieval libraries, in + size and character. + + ----------+-------------------------------------------+-------------------- + DATE | DESCRIPTION | SOURCE + ----------+-------------------------------------------+-------------------- + 778 | Alcuin’s library at York. Aristotle, | Alcuin, _De Pont. + | Virgil, Lucan, Statius, Cicero, | Eccle. Ebor._, + | Aldhelm, Bede, etc. | 1535-61; Becker, + | | 2. + 10 c. | Books given to Peterborough by | Dugdale, i. 382. + | Ethelwold. Bede _in Marcum_, _Liber | + | Miraculorum_, _Expositio Hebraeorum | + | nominum_, _De Literis Graecorum_, etc. | + | About 20. | + 10 c. | King Athelstan gave some nine books to | _B. M. Cott._, A 1. + | S. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury: | viii. fo. 56^{b}; + | Persius, Isidore, Bede (?), etc. | James, lxix. + _c._ 1034 | “Many” books on theology and grammar | _Chron. Abb. de E._ + | given to Evesham Abbey by Bp. | (Rolls S.), 83. + | Aelfward. | + 1045 | Two books bequeathed to Glastonbury | Wm. of Malm., _De + | by Bp. Brithwold. | Ant. Glaston._, + | | Wharton, _Angl. + | | Sacra_ (1691), i. + | | 578-83. + _c._ 1060 | At St. Peter’s Exeter books given by | Dugdale, ii. 527. + | Bp. Leofric; Exeter Book, Leofric | + | Missal, etc. | + 1077-93 | Church books given to S. Albans by | _Gesta ... S. + | Abbot Paul. | Albani_, i. 58. + 1078-99 | Bp. Osmund collected and wrote books | W. of Malm., _Gesta + | for Old Sarum Church. | Pont._, 183. + _c._ 1080 | Abbot Walter made many books for | _Chron. Abb. de E._ + | Evesham. | (Rolls S.), 97. + 1095 | Bp. William de Carilef gave about 52 | _Surtees Soc._, vii. + | books to Durham [not Lindisfarne, as | 117-8; Becker, 172. + | in Becker]. | + 12 c. | Nearly 370 pieces at Durham Priory: | _Surtees Soc._, vii. + | Quintilian, Plato’s _Timaeus_, | 1-10. + | Sallust, Cicero (_de Legibus_, _de | + | Amic._, _de Senectute_), Terence, | + | Virgil, Ovid (_Epp._, _Tristia_, _Ars | + | amandi_, _Remedia amoris de Fastis_), | + | Lucan, Juvenal; grammar, rhetoric, | + | arithmetic, geometry, medicine; some | + | English books. | + 12 c. | At Burton-on-Trent Abbey, after 1175, | B. M. Add. MS. 23944, + | there were 78 vols. Incl. Augustine, | fo. 157; + | Gregory, Bede, Anselm, etc. | _Zentralblatt_, + | | ix. 201-3. + 12 c. | Catalogue of 68 pieces belonging | MS. Bodley, 163, f. + | probably to one of the great | 261; Becker, 216. + | Southern abbeys. | + 1104 | Abbot Peter gave many books to | _Hist. et cart. mon. + | Gloucester Abbey. | Glouc._, i. xxiv. + 1119-46 | Abbot Geoffrey gave church books to S. | _Gesta ... S. Alb._, + | Albans. | i. 94. + 1126-71 | At Glastonbury Abbot Henry had 54 | Adam de Domerham, + | books transcribed, incl. Pliny’s | _Hist._, ed. Hearne + | _Nat. Hist._, Suetonius _De Vita | (1727), ii. 317-18; + | Caesarum_, _Gesta Britonum_, _Gesta_ | Hearne, _Hist. and_ + | _Anglorum_. | _Ant. of G._ (1722) + | | 141-3. + 1130 | Abbot Reginald acquired for church of | _Chron. Abb. de E._ + | Evesham Ab. books and ornaments. | 99. + 1150 | Hugh of Leicester gave books to Lincoln | _Girald. Cambrensis_ + | Cath. 42 vols. and map of world in | (Rolls Ser.), vii. + | library now; 31 added soon after. | 165. + | Some parts of Bible given by Bp. | + | Alexander; 9 books given by Bp. | + | Chesney. Library included Augustine, | + | Gregory, Bede, Ambrose, Jerome, | + | Virgil, Vegetius (_de re Militari_). | + _c._ 1170 | Over 223 volumes in Christ Church, | James, 7. + | Canterbury: catalogue, which is but a | + | fragment, contains books of grammar, | + | rhetoric, music, arithmetic, poetry, | + | logic, astronomy, geometry--Donatus | + | in Greek, Donatus in English, | + | Cicero’s Rhetoric, _de Senectute_, | + | _de Amicitia_ (2), Plato’s _Timaeus_, | + | Terence (5 volumes), Sallust (8 | + | volumes), Virgil (8 volumes), Horace | + | (8), Lucan (5), Statius (6), Juvenal | + | (4) Persius (9), Cato (2), Ovid (5). | + _c._ 1177 | Nearly 80 books in Peterboro’ | _Hist. Angl. + | Abbey--Seneca, Terence, Martial. | Script. Varii_ + | | [Sparke], 98-9; + | | Merryweather, + | | 96-97; Becker, + | | 238. + _c._ 1180 | 74 pieces in Whitby Abbey--42 theology, | Becker, 226. + | 15 history: Cicero (_de Amicitia_, | + | _de Senectute_), Homer, Juvenal, | + | Plato, Sedulius, Statius, Virgil? | + | (_Bucolica_), Persius, etc. | + 1184 | Bp. Bartholomew left books to church at | _B.M. Cotton Roll._ + | Crediton and to another church. | II., 11 (at end). + 12 or 13 c.| At Bury S. Edmunds Abbey there was | James^{1}, 23. + | a fair library at this period; | + | including average number of classics. | + 13 c. | Before this Reading Abbey had 228 | _E. H. R._ (1888), + | volumes--Seneca, Aristotle, Virgil, | 117-23. + | Juvenal; _Gesta R. Henrici secundi_, | + | _Ystoria Rading_, _Hist. Anglorum_. | + 13 c. | At Lanthony there were 486 volumes, | _B. M. Harl. MS._ + | including Plato, Plautus, Cicero, | 460, ff. 3-11; + | Sallust, Persius, Ovid, Lucan, | _Zentralblatt_, + | Horace, Terence. | ix. 207-22. + 13 c. | Prior John de Marcle gave 6 treatises | _Chron. Abb. de E._ + | on law to Evesham Abbey. | (Rolls Ser.), xxii + | | n. + 13 c. | At Leominster church, a dependency of | _E. H. R._ (1888), + | Reading Abbey, 130 books: _Rotula | 123-5. + | cum vita sancti Guthlaci anglice | + | scripta_, _Medicinalis unus anglicis | + | litteris scriptus_, _Liber qui | + | appellatur landboc_. | + 13 c. | At Rievaulx there was a large library | James^{9}, 45-56. + | of the usual medieval character: | + | incl. Seneca, Justinian. | + 13 c. | Flexley or Dene Abbey owned 79 | _Zentralblatt_, ix. + | volumes: incl. three English books. | 205-07. + _c._ 1200 | About 46 writers used as authorities by | R. de Diceto, _Op._ + | Ralph of Diss for his _Abbreviationes_ | _Hist._ i. 20. + | _Chronicorum_. | + 1202 | At S. Andrew’s Priory, Rochester, there | _Archæologia + | were about 280 volumes, many including | Cantiana_, iii. + | several distinct treatises. Scriptures, | 47-64 (1860). + | liturgical and devotional books, | + | Fathers, schoolmen, philosophical and | + | medical treatises, grammatical works: | + | Horace, Virgil, Sallust, Terence, | + | Persius, Lucan, Ovid, Aristotle’s | + | _Organon_, Cicero. | + 1208 | Eight books presented to King John by | _Sussex Archæol. + | the sacristan of Reading, all scriptural| Collections_, ii. + | and theological. | (1849), 134-5. + 1222 | Peterborough receives 7 books, incl. | Dugdale, i. 354. + | 2 Psalters, from Abbot R. de | + | Lyndesheye. | + 1215 | At Glastonbury, 14 or 15 books were | Adam de Domerham, + | written for Prior Thomas: books of | _Hist._ ed. Hearne + | the Bible, missals. | (1727), ii. 441. + 1217-18 | Prior Thos. de Marleberge gave a “large | _Chron. Abb. de E._ + | collection”--including law, medicine, | (Rolls Ser.), 267. + | philosophy, poetry, theology, grammar; | + | Cicero (_de Amicitia_, _de Senectute_, | + | _Paradoxa_), Lucan, Juvenal--to Evesham | + | Abbey. | + 1226 | At Peterborough a dozen books were | Dugdale, i. 354. + | left by Abbot Alex. de Holdernesse. | + 1245 | At Peterborough about 20 books, ordinary | _Ibid._, i. 355. + | in character, were left by Abbot Walter | + | de St. Edmund. | + _c._ 1240 | Bp. Ralph of Maidstone gave service | + | books and a _Legend_ to Hereford | + | Cathedral. | + 1245 | 35 vols. at St. Paul’s Cathedral; ordinary| _Archæologia_, I. + | medieval character. | 496. + 1247-48 | At Glastonbury there were nearly 500 | Joh. Glaston, + | books. Incl. much theology, chronicles, | _Chron._, ed. + | classics. Aristotle, Livy, Sallust, | Hearne (1726), II. + | Virgil, Cicero, Plato, Persius, Horace, | 423-44. + | Juvenal. | + 1249 | Peterborough receives 5 books from | Dugdale, i. 356. + | Abbot Wm. de Hotot. | + 1253 | Richard de Wyche, Bp. of Chichester, | _Sussex Archæol. + | left a number of books to the | Coll._, i. (1848) + | friars: chiefly glossed books of | 168-187. + | the Bible, a glossed psalter, the | + | _Sentences_, etc. | + _c._ 1255 | John of Basingstoke imports Greek MSS. | Gasquet^{3}, 158-59; + | from Athens. | Stevenson, 224, 227. + 1258-59 | Prior Jno. of Worcester gave a number | _Chron. Abb. de E._ + | of books to Evesham Abbey. Grammar, | (Rolls Ser.), xxii + | logic, physics, theology, canon and | n. + | civil law. | + 1259 | Master of Sherborne Hospital left | _Surtees Soc._, ii. 6. + | church books, and a _liber phisica_ | + | to the Hospital. | + 1260-90 | Many books, including Seneca, given to | _Gesta ... S. Alb._, + | S. Albans by Abbot Roger. | i. 483. + 1262 | Peterborough receives 5 books from | Dugdale, i. 356. + | Abbot J. de Kaleto. Incl. . | + | _Testamentum_ xii _Patriarcharum_. | + 1266 | Roger de Thoris gave books to Grey | Oliver, _Mon. D. + | Friars’ Convent, Exeter. | Exon._ (1846), + | | 322-33. + 1274 | Abbot R. de Sutton left some 17 books | Dugdale, i. 357 + | to Peterborough. Incl. psalters, | + | canon law, liber Naturalium | + | Aristotelis. | + 1295 | Abbot R. de London leaves 10 books to | Dugdale, i. 357. + | Peterborough. Boëthius _de | + | Consolatione philosophiae_, _Nova | + | logica_, psalters, etc. | + 1280-1303 | Bp. Richard of Gravesend. Over 100 | _Misc. of Philobiblon + | volumes, worth about £100. | S._ 1856; Edwards, + | | i. 373. + 1285-1331 | Library of about 1850 volumes now at | James, 13-142. + | Christ Ch., Canterbury. A fine | + | collection. Many classics. English | + | books: Genesis Anglice depicta, | + | Boëthius _de Consolatione_, | + | Herbarius Anglice depictus, Chronica | + | vetustissima, Chronica Latine et | + | Anglice, etc. | + 1287-1345 | Richard of Bury owned a large library. | R. de B., _passim._ + 1290 | John of Taunton added 40 works to | Joh. Glast. _Hist._, + | Glastonbury Library. Ordinary. | ed. Hearne (1726), + | | ii. 251-52; A. de + | | Domerham, _Hist._, + | | ii. 574-75. + 1295 | 13 Gospels and other parts of the | + | Scriptures, and a commentary of | + | Aquinas at S. Paul’s Cathedral. | + 1299 | Abbot W. de Wodeforde left 18 books to | Dugdale, i. 358. + | Peterborough. Liturgical, theological, | + | and law. | + 1299-1300 | Edward I. owned a few books; including | Edwards, i. 391. + | book of romance. | + Late 13 c. | Galfridus de Lawað, rector of the church | James^{10}, 158. + | S. Magnus, London, had 49 books. | + | Canon law, grammar, logic, medicine, | + | theology. | + 14 c. | More than 600 books and 170 service | _Chron. Abb. Ram._, + | books in Ramsey Abbey. Aristotle, | 356 (Rolls Ser.). + | Plato (_Timaeus_), Greek Psalters, | + | _Ars Loquendi Linguam Graecam_, Greek | + | and Latin Psalter; Virgil, Ovid, | + | Martial, Terence, Lucan, Prudentius, | + | Seneca; French Bible, three Hebrew | + | books, Hebrew Psalter, two parts of | + | Hebrew Bible, _Liber expositionum | + | dictionum Hebraicum_, glossary of | + | Hebrew Bible, _Expositio nominum | + | Hebraeorum_, _Interpretationes | + | Hebraicorum_, _Ars loquendi et | + | intelligendi in Lingua Hebraica_. | + 14 c. | Small and unimportant collection at St. | Oliver, _Mon. D. + | Andrews Priory, Tywardreath. | Exon._, 36. + 14 c. | Richard of Stowe gave to St. Peter’s, | _B. M. Harl. MS._, + | Gloucester, 7 vols., including | 627, fo. 8 a. + | Boëthius _de Consolatione P._ | + 14 c. | John de Bruges wrote 33 books, ordinary | Hearne, _Hist. and + | in character, for Coventry Priory. | Ant. Glast._, App. + | Incl. Palladius, _de Agricultura_. | 291-93 (1722); + | | Dugdale, iii. 186. + 14 c. | 23 books at Deeping Priory, | Dugdale, iv. 167. + | Lincolnshire: including _Gesta | + | Britonum_. | + 14 c. | About 350 vols. at Peterboro’: including | Gunton, _Hist. of Ch. + | Aristotle, Cicero, Virgil, Ovid, | of Peterboro’_ + | Seneca, Sallust; a good deal in French.| (1686), 173-224. + 1300 | Bp. Bek had a number of books which he | _Surtees Soc._, vii. + | refused to return to the Prior of | 121-22. + | Durham; included _Historia Anglorum_, | + | and _Liber qui vocatur Liber S. | + | Cuthberti, in quo secreta Domus | + | scribuntur_. | + 1313 | 15 works, chiefly theological, beq. by | _Hist. MSS._, 9th Rep., + | Bp. Baldock to St. Paul’s Cathedral. | Pt. i. 46a. + 1315 | Church books and Bibles in Christ | Dart, _Cath. of Cant._ + | Church, Canterbury (list). | (1726), App. vi., + | | xv.-xvii. + 1315 | Guy de Beauchamp, earl of Warwick, left | Todd, _Ill. of Lives of + | books to Bordesley Abbey: French | Gower and Chaucer_ + | romances, etc. | (1810), 161, 162; + | | Merryweather, 193-4; + | | Edwards, i. 375-6. + 1315 | Some 40 volumes at Durham College, | _O. H. S._, 32, + | Oxford; sent from Durham. Chiefly | _Collect._ 36. + | theology; Aristotle. | + 1321 | Abbot Godfrey de Croyland left about | Dugdale, i. 358-59. + | a dozen books to Peterborough. | + | Theology, law, etc. | + 1322 | Abbot Walter of Taunton gave 7 volumes | Williams, 81. + | to Glastonbury. | + 1325 | A small collection of church books at | _Surtees Soc._, ii. 22. + | St. Edmund’s Hospital, Gateshead. | + 1327 | Abingdon Abbey had 100 Psalters, 100 | _Ibid._, vii. xxxiii. + | Graduals, 40 Missals; 22 codices, | + | probably not church books. | + 1327 | About 230 volumes at Exeter. Civil and | Oliver, _Lives of Bps. of + | canon law, theology. | E._, 301-10. + 1327 | Bp. Cobham bequeathed his books and | _Mun. Acad._, i. 227. + | 350 marks to found common library at | + | Oxford. | + 1331 | Prior Henry Eastry bequeathed 80 books | James, 143. + | to Christ Church, Canterbury--26 | + | theology, 29 canon law, 14 civil law, | + | 11 church books. | + 1335 | Abbot Adam de Sodbury gave 7 vols. to | _Joh. Glaston. Hist._, ed. + | Glastonbury. | Hearne (1726), 265. + 1335 | 4 books given and 32 sold to Richard of | _Gesta ... S. Alb._, ii. + | Bury from S. Albans Abbey. | 200. + 1335-49 |Books given to S. Albans by Abbot | _Ibid._, ii. 363. + | Michael. | + 1336 |Bp. Stephen Gravesend bequeathed books | Lyte, 181. + | to four colleges, Merton, University, | + | Balliol, Oriel. | + 1337 |93 books missing at Christ Church, | James, 146. + | Canterbury. Many books of offices; | + | includes _Brutus_ in French. | + 1338 |Abbot Adam de Botheby left about a | Dugdale, i. 360. + | dozen books on canon law, theology, | + | and liturgical books to Peterborough. | + 1343 |Hinton Priory lent about 23 books to | Hunter, 17; + | another house--Gospels, homilies, lives | _Surtees Soc._, + | of saints, etc. | vii. xxxviii. + 1345 (6) |Over 50 volumes in Lichfield Cathedral | _W. Salt Arch. S._ + |-all church books, except 2 martyrologies,| vi., pt. 2, + | 4 quires of lives of saints, and | Sacrist’s roll, + | _De gestis Anglorum_. St. Chad’s Gospels.| 211. + 1349-96 |Abbot Thomas’ study or library at St. | _Gest a ... S. + | Albans enlarged; many books added. | Alb ._, iii, 389; + | | cf. ii. 399. + 1350 |Trinity Hall, Cambridge, receives 84 | _C. A . S._ (1864), + | vols. from founder, Dr. Bateman: | ii. 73-78; Clark, + | Canon law (32), civil law (10), theology| 138 . + | (28), chapel books (14). | + 1353 | Abbot de Morcote left some 11 books to | Dugdale, i. 360. + | Peterborough: Canon law, a _Catholicon_.| + 1355 | Elizabeth de Clare bequeathed to Clare | Edwards, i. 374. + | Hall, a few books: including Hugutio. | + 1358 | John Trevaur, Bp. of St. Asaph. Chiefly | B. M. Add. MS. + | ecclesiastical books. | 25459, fo. 291. + 1358 | Thomas de la Mare, wealthy canon of | _Surtees Soc._, + | York, owned some six law books. | iv. 69. + 1360 | Bp. Grandisson of Exeter appears to have | + | owned a good library. He gave 4 | + | books to Exeter; Aquinas’ works to | + | Black Friars of Exeter; 1 to Windsor | + | Chapel; remainder to his Chapter, to | + | the collegiate churches of Ottery, | + | Crediton, and Boseham, and Exeter | + | College, Oxford. His copy of Anselm’s | + | _Letters_ is now in Brit. Mus. | + 1361 | Peterborough received 7 books from | Dugdale, i. 361. + | Abbot Robt. Ramsey. Canon law. | + 1362 | A small collection, nearly all church | _Surtees Soc._, xii., + | books, at Coldingham Priory. | App. xl. + 1368 | Simon of Bredon bequeathed books to six | _Hist. MSS._, 9th + | Oxford Colleges. | Rept., pt. i., 46. + 1370 | A Chaplain (Adam de Stanton) left 4 | _Cam. Soc._, Bury + | books, including one of romance. | wills (1850), 1. + 1372 | At York the Friars Eremites of S. | _Fasciculus J. W. + | Augustine owned 646 books. Bibles | Clark dicatus_, + | and glossed books of Bible, Greek | 2-96. + | Psalter, patristic and later church | + | writers (91), logic and philosophy | + | (100), astronomy and astrology (36), | + | civil law (14), canon law (35), | + | grammar and Latin poets (50), | + | medicine (22), sermons (42), | + | arithmetic, music, geometry, | + | perspective. | + 1374 | Archbp. W. Whittlesey bequeathed his | Hook, _Archbps._, iv. + | library to Peterhouse. | 242-43. + 1375 | Nearly 100 volumes at Oriel College, | _O. H. S._ 5, + | Oxford; half the collection theology | _Collect._, i. 66. + | and philosophy; translations of | + 1376 | 116 books bequeathed to Westminster | Robinson, 5-7. + | Abbey by Simon Langham, Archbp. | + | of Canterbury. Valued at 1121 francs | + | and 14 shillings. Chiefly theology. | + | Aristotle. | + 1377-1400 | In the Royal Chapel of Windsor Castle | Dugdale, vi., pt. 3, + | 34 books were chained up, incl. | 1362. + | _Catholicon_, Hugutio, Legenda Aurea, | + | French romances, one “Romaunce de | + | two la Rose, et alius difficilis | + | materiae.” Also liturgical and | + | Scriptural books. | + 1378 | Sir John de Foxle left a large missal | _Archæol. Cantiana_, + | and a few service books. | iii. 267; _Archæol. + | | Jour._, xv. (1858), + | | 267. + 1378 | Thos. de Farnylaw, Chancellor of York, | _Surtees Soc._, iv. + | left Bible and concordances to St. | 102-03. + | Nicholas’ Church, Newcastle; a book | + | of sermons to Embleton Church; other | + | books to Vicar of Waghen; others to | + | Merton and Balliol. | + 1379 | Wm. de Feriby, canon of York, archd. | _Ibid._, iv. 103-04. + | of Cleveland. “Item lego ad novam | + | fabricam Ecclesiae Ebor. xx marcas et | + | omnes libros, qui fuerint domini mei | + | domini Willielmi de Melton.” Several | + | law books specifically mentioned. | + _c._ 1380 | Bp. Reed left many manuscripts to | _O. H. S._, 32, + | Merton College. | _Collect._ 214. + 1387 | William of Wykeham furnished New | _Ibid._, 223. + | College with over 240 books--135 | + | (138) theology, 28 philosophy, 41 canon| + | law, 36 civil law. | + _c._ 1387 | 52 books added to New College by somebody| _Ibid._, 223. + | unnamed: 37 medicine. | + _c._ 1387 | 63 books given to New College by Bp. | _Ibid._, 223. + | Reed: 58 theology, 2 philosophy, 3 | + | canon law. | + 1387 | Sir Simon Burley owned a few romances. | B. M. Add. MS. + | | 25459, fo. 206. + 1387 | Hy. Whitefield left books and money to | _O. H. S._, 27, + | buy books for Exeter College, and | Boase, 7. + | Burley on logic and Aristotle’s _Ethica| + | and _Topica_ were bought and chained | + | up in library. | + 1389 | 450 volumes at S. Martin’s Priory, | James, xc. 407. + | Dover--Bibles, theology, civil and canon| + | law, logic, philosophy, rhetoric, | + | medicine, chronicles, romances (_le | + | Romonse du roy Charles_, _le Romonse de | + | Athys_, _le Romonse de la Rose_, etc.), | + | grammar, dictionaries. Plato, Aristotle,| + | poetry, Horace, Statius, Ovid, Virgil, | + | Juvenal, Terence, Lucan. | + 1389-1435 | John, Duke of Bedford, bought portion of | Delisle, _Le Cabinet + | French Royal Library. | des manuscrits_. + _c._ 1390 | 14 books given to Evesham Abbey by | _Chron. Abb. de E._ + | John de Brymesgrave, sacrist. | (Rolls Ser.), + | | xxii n.; Dugdale, + | | ii. 7 n. + _c._ 1390 | 96 books given to Evesham Abbey by | _Chron. Abb. de E._ + | Prior Nich. Herford; not the Lollard | (Rolls Ser.), + | of this name. | xxii n. + 1391 | Peterborough received 8 books, incl. | Dugdale, i. 361. + | _Catholicon_, from Abbot Henry de | + | Overton. | + 1391 | 508 volumes in common case within | _Surtees Soc._, + | spendiment and in inner room of | vii. 10-39. + | spendiment at Durham Priory--Bibles, | + | theology, logic, philosophy, medicine, | + | grammar, law. Seneca, Cicero, | + | Quintilian, Valerius Maximus, Palladius | + | (_de Agricultura_), A. Gellius, Juvenal,| + | Terence, Virgil, Ovid, Aristotle. | + 1391 | The Rector of Adell Church, Thos. de | _Ibid._, iv. 156. + | Halton, left 5 books of canon law. | + 1391 | John Percyhay of Swynton left small | _Ibid._, iv. 164. + | collection of books, incl. _Brut_ in | + | French. | + 1392 | Robert de Roos, a soldier, left church | _Ibid._, iv. 178. + | books, and several volumes in French: | + | incl. _Roumans de Sydrach_ (a curious | + | medley of medieval mystery and science, | + | in prose). | + 1394 | King’s Hall, Cambridge, had a library of | Willis, _Arch. + | 87 volumes. | Hist. of Camb._, + | | ii. 442. + 1394 |John Hopton, a chaplain, left a few books,| _Surtees Soc._, + | four mentioned: incl. Gospels in | iv. 196. + | English. (? Wyclif’s). | + 1394 | John de Pykering, rector of S. Mary’s, | _Ibid._, iv. 194. + | Castlegate, York, left small collection| + | of church books. | + 1395 | Thomas of England, an Augustinian, | Gherardi, _Statuti + | bought MSS. in Italy. | della Univ. e + | | Studio + | | Fiorentino_, + | | 364; Einstein, + | | 15; Sandys, ii. + | | 220. + 1395 | 411 volumes in common library, for | _Surtees Soc._, + | refectory, and in case of novices at | vii. 46-84. + | Durham Priory. Theology, law, history; | + | Seneca, Aristotle, Galen, Hippocrates. | + 1395 | John de Scardeburgh, rector of Tichmarsh,| _Ibid._, xlv. 6. + | left over 26 books: incl. _Brut_ in | + | French, Mannedevile “in paupiro” in | + | French. | + _c._ 1395 | 79 volumes at Hulne. Theology, history, | _Ibid._, vii. + | grammar, logic, law, church books. | 131-35. + 1396 | Walter de Bragge, canon of York, left | _Surtees Soc._, + | small collection of theology and | iv. 207. + | service books: incl. _Piers Plowman_ | + | and _Catholicon_. | + 1396 | Abbot Nich. Elmstow left liturgical and | Dugdale, i. 361. + | law books to Peterborough. | + 1397 | Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of | B. M. Add. 25459, + | Gloucester, left a collection of | fo. 212-16. + | books, theological and French. | + 1399 | Eleanor of Gloucester, left about 15 | Nicolas, + | mostly in French; richly bound. | _Testamenta + | | vetusta_, i. + | | 146; Edwards, i. + | | 385. +14 and 15 c. | 158 titles given to Pembroke College, | _C. A. S._, ii. + | Cambridge, by various donors. | (8vo ser.) + | Aristotle, Seneca, Aulus Gellius, | 13-21; + | Ovid. | James^{10}, + | | xiii.-xvii. + 15 c. | Robert de Wycliff, rector of Hutton | _Surtees Soc._, + | Rudby in Cleveland, left 5 books: | ii. 66; iv. 405. + | incl. _Catholicon_. | + 1400 | 326 volumes at Titchfield Abbey. 102 | Madan, 78-79. + | liturgical volumes. Theology, canon | + | and civil law, English law, medicine, | + | grammar, logic and philosophy. 18 | + | French books. | + _c._ 1400 | Meaux Abbey had nearly 350 books, not | _Chron. mon. de + | counting church books: incl. | Melsa_ (Rolls + | _Historia Anglorum_, Martial, Seneca, | Ser.) iii. + | Ovid, Plato, Suetonius, Cicero. | lxxxiii. + 1400 | Thos. de Dalby, archdeacon of Richmond, | _Surtees Soc._, + | left a few church books; Decretals, | xlv. 13. + | _Catholicon_. | + 1403 | John de Scarle, Lord Chancellor, left a | _Ibid._, xlv. 22. + | few books: Bible, missal, psalter, | + | breviary, _Speculum Sacerdotum_. | + 1404 | Bp. Skirlaw of Durham gave 6 books to | _Ibid._, vii. 127; + | University College, Oxford, where he | iv. 319. + | had endowed Fellowships. Left 13 | + | church books when he died. | + 1409 | Wessington sent 20 books--Bible, | _Ibid._, vii. + | commentaries, etc.--to Durham | 39-41; cp. + | College, Oxford; 19 books bought in | _O. H. S._, 32, + | their stead. | _Collect._ + | | 39-40. + _c._ 1410 | Robert Rygge, Chancellor of the | _O. H. S._, 27, + | University of Oxford, left books to | Boase, 11. + | Exeter College, Oxford. | + 1411 | 34 books added to Christ Church, | _Lit. Cant._ (Rolls + | Canterbury, during time of Prior | Ser.), iii. 121; James, + | Chillenden: all canon and civil law. | 150-51. + 1412 | Roger de Kyrkby, vicar of Gainford, left | _Surtees Soc._, ii. 54. + | a few books: _Legenda Aurea_, _Gemma | + | Ecclesiae_, and others not named. | + 1413 | N. de Lyra chained in chancel of St. | _Mun. Acad._, 270. + | Mary’s Church, Oxford. | + 1414 | Archbp. Arundel left many books: | Hook, _Lives of Abps._, + | “ornamenta oratorii” and books valued | iv. 527. + | at over £352. | + 1416 | Catalogue of Durham library bears this | _Surtees Soc._, vii. + | date, but it is either the foundation | 85-116. + | of the catalogue of 1391 or a copy of | + | it. This inventory has been used to | + | take stock. | + 1416 | William de Waltham, canon of York, left | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. + | a collection of books, only a few of | 57-59. + | which are mentioned. Chiefly | + | law-books. | + 1416 | St. Mary Redclyffe Church, Bristol, had | Cox and Harvey, _Eng. + | 2 books of canon law. | Ch. Furniture_, 331. + 1418 | Stephen Scrope, Archdeacon of Richmond, | _Surtees Soc._, iv. 385. + | Chancellor of Cambridge University, | + | left a few books of canon law; also | + | _Catholicon_. | + 1418 | John de Newton left books to Church of | Hunter, _Notes of Wills + | York, and to Peterhouse, Cambridge. | in Registers of York_, + | Bibles, commentaries, theology: incl. | 15; Edwards, i. 386. + | Richd. Hampole, Petrarch’s _de | + | Remediis utriusque fortunae_, Seneca, | + | Valerius Maximus. | + 1418 | 380 volumes now at Peterhouse. Theology | James^{3}, 3-26; Mullinger, + | (124), natural and moral philosophy | 324; Clark, 139-41; + | and metaphysics (53), canon and civil | cf. _Camb. Lit._, ii. + | law (66), grammar and poetry (23), | 362-67. + | logic (20), medicine (18), astronomy | + | (13), alchemy, arithmetic, music, | + | geometry, rhetoric. Aristotle, Plato, | + | Cicero, Ovid, Lucan, Statius, Sallust, | + | Quintilian, Seneca, Virgil, Petrarch’s | + | _Epistles_. | + 1419 | Wm. Cawod, canon of York, left 13 | _Surtees Soc._, iv. + | books, uninteresting in character. | 395-96. + 1420-40 | 49 volumes added to S. Albans in Abbot | _Ann. mon. S. Alb. + | Whethamstede’s time: incl. some books | a J. Amund._, ii. + | for the choir, and other books of the | 268-71. + | Abbot’s own compilation. | + 1420-60 | The library of Winchester College was a | _Archæol. Jour._, xv. + | large collection of liturgical books; | (1858), 62-74. + | philosophy, chronicles, canon and | + | civil law, grammar. | + 1421 | Thos. Greenwood, canon of York, left | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. + | books valued at £31, 4s. Canon and | 64. + | civil law. | + 1422 | Roger Whelpdale, Bp. of Carlisle, left | _Ibid._, xlv. 67. + | a small number of books to Balliol | + | College, Oxford. | + 1422 | 9 books sent from Durham to cell of | _Ibid._, vii. 116. + | Stamford, which was in control of | + | Durham. | + 1423 | Henry Bowet, Archbp. of York, left 33 | _Ibid._, xlv. 76; + | books, worth £33. Bible, theology, | _Historians of York_ + | law. | (Rolls Ser.), iii. + | | 314. + _c._ 1424 | 10 volumes given to Wells Cathedral by | _Hist. MSS._, 3rd + | Bp. Stafford. Canon law, etc. | Rep., App. 363; + | | _Archæologia_, lvii. + | | 208. + 1424-40 | 122 volumes in Cambridge University | _C. A. S. Comm._, ii. + | Library. Theology (69), natural and | 242-57; Bradshaw, + | moral philosophy (17), canon law | 19-34. + | (23), medicine, logic, poetry, | + | grammar, history. | + 1425 | Sheriff Wm. Chichele bequeathed £10 for | _L. A. R._, x. 382. + | books to Guildhall Library. | + 1430 | Robert Ragenhill, advocate of court of | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. + | York, left 5 law books and N. de Lyra | 89. + | to Church of York. | + 1432 | George Darell de Seszay left 5 books: | _Ibid._, xxx. 27, 28. + | incl. Mandeville. | + 1432 | John Raventhorpe, a chaplain, left | _Ibid._, xxx. 28-29. + | service books and grammatical books; | + | also _Liber Angliae de Fabulis et | + | Narracionibus_. | + 1432 | Robert Wolveden, treasurer of Church of | _Ibid._, xlv. 91. + | York, left theological books to | + | Church of York. Cato glossed and | + | _Golden Legend_ also left. | + 1432 | Dr. Thos. Gascoigne gave 6 books to | Clark, _Lincoln College_. + | Lincoln College, valued £17, 10_s._ | + 1432 | Robert Semer, sub-treasurer of Church of | _Surtees Soc._, + | York, left 5 books, unimportant. | xlv. 91 n. + 1434 | J. de Manthorp, vicar of Hayton, left a | _Ibid._, xxx. 36. + | few church books. | + 1435 | Æneas Sylvius saw Latin translation of | Creighton, + | Thucydides in S. Paul’s Cathedral. | _Papacy_, iii. + | | 53 n. + 1435 | T. Hebbeden, dean of Collegiate Church | _Surtees Soc._, + | of Auckland, left a few books; 6 | ii. 82. + | mentioned, incl. Guido delle Colonne, | + | _Lancelot_ in French. | + 1435-36 | Robert Fitzhugh, Bp. of London, left 13 | Simpson, W.S., + | books, incl. Textus moralis philosophiae.| _Registrum ... + | | Eccl. Cath. S. + | | Pauli_ (1873), + | | 399. + 1436 | Thomas Langley, Bp. of Durham, left over | _Surtees Soc._, + | 40 books. Theology, civil and canon | vii. 119. + | law, N. de Lyra. | + 1438 | Thomas Cooper of Brasenose Hall left 6 | _Mun. Acad._, 515. + | books: incl. Boëthius, book on | + | geometry, Ovid’s _Remedia Amoris_. | + 1439 | Thomas Markaunt, presented to Corpus | C. C. C. MS., 232; + | Christi College, Cambridge, 76 books, | _C. A. S. Misc. + | worth about £104. | comm._, 4to + | | ser., No. 14, + | | pt. 1, 16-20. + 1439 | Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester, gave 129 | _Mun. Acad._, + | books to Oxford University Library. | 758-65. + | See p. 140. | + 1440 | 23 books given to All Souls’ College by | B. M. Add. MS., + | Henry VI. Civil and canon law, | 4608; Vickers, + | theology, philosophy. | _H. Duke of + | | Gloucester_, + | | 404. + 1440 | Robert Alne, an officer in the | _Surtees Soc._, + | ecclesiastical court of York, left about | xxx. 78-79. + | a dozen books. Canon law, etc.; Petrarch,| + | _de Remediis utriusque fortunae_. | + 1441 | Andrew Holes, political agent of Henry | Sandys, ii. 222. + | VI, bought many manuscripts in Italy. | + 1443 | Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester, gave 135 | _Mun. Acad._, + | volumes to Oxford University Library. | 765-72 + | See p. 142. | + 1443 | John Carpenter bequeathed books to | _L. A. R._, x. + | Guildhall Library, London. | 382. + 1443 | John Brette, student at Oxford, owned | _Mun. Acad._, 531. + | 1 book, _de Formd dictandi_, and a | + | pamphlet, worth together 1_s._ 11_d._ | + 1445 | Jas. Hedyan, Bachelor of canon and civil | _Ibid._, 544. + | law, principal of Eagle Hall, Oxford, | + | owned 8 books of law. | + 1447 | Reginald Mertherderwa, a rector, owned 6 | _Ibid._, 559-61. + | books: grammar, book of civil law, etc.| + 1448 | Ralph Dreff, of Broadgates Hall, Oxford, | _Ibid._, 582. + | owned 23 books. Bible, law. | + 1448 | At the Hospital of S. Mary within | B. M. Cott. Roll., + | Cripplegate, called Elsingspital, | xiii. 10; + | London, there were 63 volumes. Bible, | Malcolm, + | theology, canon law; Hippocrates, | _Londinium + | Galen. | Redivivum_ + | | (1807), i. 27; + | | _Vict. Hist. of + | | London_, i. 536. + 1449 | Thomas Morton, canon of York, left a | _Surtees Soc._, + | small number of church books. | xlv. 110. + 1450 | 107 volumes at Lincoln Cathedral at this | Clark, III. + | time. | + 1450 | Robert Hoskyn, rector, left a small | _Mun. Acad._, + | collection. Church books, canon law. | 605-06. + 1451 | Henry Caldey, vicar of Cookfield, left 25| _Ibid._, 609. + | books. Theology, law. Seneca, _ad | + | Lucilium_, Martial, Plato. Value | + | £5, 0_s._ 6_d._ | + 1451 | John Moreton, chaplain, left 6 physical | _Ibid._, 613. + | books. | + 1452 | Richard Browne or Cordone, Archdeacon of | _Ibid._, 639-53. + | Rochester, left more than 30 books. | + | Theology and law. | + 1452 | Wm. Duffield, canon of York, left 40 | _Surtees Soc._, + | volumes, worth £46, 16_s._ Theology, | xlv. 132-33. + | law; _Catholicon_. | + 1453 |King’s College, Cambridge, had a | James^{2}, 72-83. + | library of 174 volumes: philosophy, | + | theology, medicine, astrology, | + | mathematics, canon law, grammar, | + | classical and general literature, | + | inclu. Aristotle, Plato, Cicero, | + | Seneca, Sallust, Cæsar, Ovid, Virgil, | + | etc. | + 1454 |Richard Plane, rector, left a few church | _Surtees Soc._, + | books. | xxx. 180. + 1454 |Cardinal John Kempe left books worth | Hook, _Lives of Abps._, v. 267. + | £263, 8_s._ 10_d._ Theology, canon and | + | civil law, etc. | + 1454 |Wm. Brownyng, canon of Exeter, left | _O. H. S._, 27, + | books to be chained in library of | Boase, xxxvii. n. + | Exeter College. | + 1455 |John Lassehowe, a scholar, left six | _Mun. Acad._, 663. + | books: grammar, sermons, breviary. | + 1455 |Thomas Spray, chaplain, left 2 books: | _Ibid._, 660. + | _Liber Sermonum Magdalenae_, _Manipulus | + | curatorum_. | + 1457 |Thomas Aleby, rector of Kirkby in | _Surtees Soc._, + | Cleveland, left 6 church books. | xxx. 210. + 1457 |John Edlyngton, rector of Kirkby | _Ibid._, xxvi. 2, 3. + | Ravensworth, left small collection. | + | Bible, liturgical books, _Legenda | + | Aurea_, _Polichronicon_, etc. | + 1457 |John Seggefyld, M.A., Fellow of Lincoln | _Mun. Acad._, 666. + | College, left two books, Boëthius _de | + | Consol. philos._ in English, one of | + | Richard Rolle’s works. | + 1457 |Doctor Thos. Gascoigne, Chancellor of | _Mun. Acad._, 671; + | Oxford, left books and “quires” | Bateson, xxv. + | written on paper to Syon Monastery, | + | Isleworth. | + 1457 |John Baringham, treasurer of York, left a | _Surtees Soc._, + | small number of liturgical books. | xxx. 203. + _c._ 1458 |John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, bought | _O. H. S._, 36, + | many manuscripts in Italy. | Anstey, ii. 354, + | | 390. + 1458 1| 71 books at S. Paul’s Cathedral. | Dugdale, _Hist. of S. + | Grammar (6), philosophy (5), classics | Paul’s_ (1818), 392-98. + | (7), medicine (6), history (8), canon | + | law (21), remainder Bible commentaries, | + | theology. Cicero, Virgil, Seneca, | + | Suetonius, Hippocrates, Galen. | + 1458 |Nicholas Holme, canon of the collegiate | _Surtees Soc._, xxx. 219. + |Church of Ripon, left 15 books. | + | Liturgical, Richard Rolle of Hampole, 1 | + | book of medicine. | + 1458 |Wm. Port gave books to New College, | _O. H. S._ 32, _Collect._ + | Oxford. | 232-33. + 1463 | John Baret, lay officer in Bury Abbey, left| _Cam. Soc._, Bury Wills, + | 3 books, _Disce mori_, “book of ynglych | 35, 41, 246. + | and latyn with diuerse maters of good | + | exortacons, wretyn in papir,” Lydgate’s | + | _Story of Thebes_. | + 1464 | Wm. Downham, chaplain of York, left a | _Surtees Soc._, xxx. 268. + | few books. | + 1464 | St. Mary’s Church, Warwick, had 5 | _Notices of Churches of Warwickshire_, i. 15-16. + | books. Bible versified, _Pharetra de | + | Auctoritatibus_, etc. | + 1464 | Books bequeathed by John Rowe to Exeter | _O. H. S._ 27, Boase. + | College, Oxford; also Ralph Morewell. | + 1464-67 | William Selling, Benedictine monk, | James, li.; Sandys, ii. + | collected Greek and Latin books in Italy.| 225. + 1466 | John Fernell, chaplain, left a few | _Surtees Soc._, xxx. 275. + | grammatical and other books. | + 1466 | At Ewelme Almshouse, Oxford, were | _Hist. M.S.S._, 8th Rept., + |delivered some liturgical books, 4 French| pt. i. 629 a. + | books, a “boke of English, in paper, of| + | ye pilgrymage, translated by dom John | + | Lydgate out of frensh,” and other | + | books. | + 1468 | Elizabeth Sywardby left 8 books, several | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 163. + | in English. | + 1469 | Sir Richard Willoughby of Woollaton, | _Ibid._, xlv. 171. + | left to parish church of Woollaton | + | liturgical books and _Crede mihi_. | + 1469 | Sir Edward Bethum gave books for chaining| _Ibid._, vii. 126. + | in church of Lytham Cell, Lancs. | + 1471-72 | Wm. Hawk, rector of Berwick in Elmet, | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 220 n. + | left 1 psalter. | + 1472-73 | Queens’ College, Cambridge, had 224 | _C. A. S. Comm._, ii. + | volumes in the library. Theology, law. | (1864) 165-81. + | Aristotle. _Catholicon._ | + 1472 | John Hamundson, master of grammar | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 198-99. + | school attached to York Minster, left | + | book of Chronicles in English, Papias, | + | a book called _Horsehede_. | + 1473 | Cambridge University Library comprised | _C. A. S. Comm._, ii. + | 330 volumes. Lucan, Ovid, Aristotle, | (1864) 258-76. + | Seneca, Cicero. Petrarch, _de Remediis_| + 1473 | 68 books, mostly Scriptural commentaries,| Carr, _Univ. Coll._ + | given to University College, Oxford, by| (1902), 68. + | an old Fellow, Wm. Aspylon. | + 1470-75 | Thomas Rotherham gave many books to | Willis, _Camb._, iii. 25. + | the University Library, Cambridge. | + 1474-75 | Robert Est, possibly chantry-priest in | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 159. + | York Minster, left to parish church of | + | Brigsley, Lincs., a small collection: | + | incl. _Legenda Sanctorum_, _liber de | + | Gestis Romanorum cum aliis fabulis Isopi| + | et multis narrationibus_. | + 1475-76 | Thos. Worthington, vicar of Sherburn in | _Ibid._, xlv. 220 n. + | Elmet, left 3 volumes to Balliol College,| + | Oxford; unimportant. | + 1475-76 | Robt. Echard, rector of East Bridgeford, | _Ibid._, xlv. 219. + | left 10 books, several liturgical, the | + | rest unimportant. | + 1475 | 104 volumes in library at S. Catharine’s | _C. A. S._, i. (1840) 1-11. + | College, Cambridge. Plato, Aristotle | + |(_Ethica_ and _Politica_), Cicero, Petrarch,| + |_de Remediis_ (2 copies), Boccaccio, _de | + |Casis virorum illustrium_, in English. | + 1476 | John Hurte, vicar of S. Mary’s, | _Surtees Soc._, xiv. + |Nottingham, left 21 books. Liturgical books,| 220-22. + | theology, astronomy, Guido delle | + | Colonne’s Troy book. | + 1478 | Bp. William Grey gave 200 books to | Coxe, _Cat. Cod. Oxon.-Balliol_; + |Balliol College, Oxford. Nearly all | Mullinger, + |were collected in Italy. Plato (_Timaeus_ | _Hist. of Univ. of Camb._, 397. + |and _Euthyphro_, new translations), the | + |Golden Verses of Pythagoras, Cicero, | + |incl. some hitherto unknown speeches, | + |Quintilian, Seneca. Petrarch’s _Letters_, | + | orations of Poggio Bracciolini, Leonardo | + | Bruni, and Guarino da Verona. | + 1479 | Thomas Pynchebek of York left 4 books: | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 199n. + | incl. Richard Rolle of Hampole. | + 1479-80 | Robt. Lythe, chaplain, left 6 books, and | _Ibid._, xlv. 199 and n. + | John Burn, another chaplain, | + | 5--unimportant. | + _c._ 1480| Bishop John Shirwood of Durham owned | _E. H. R._, xxv. 455. + | a good library, including a fair | + | collection of the classics, and Theodore| + | Gaza’s Greek grammar. | + 1481 | William of Waynflete gave 800 books to | Warren, _Magd. Coll._, + | Magdalen College, Oxford. | 18. + 1481 | Sir Thos. Lyttleton left a _Catholicon_, | _Library_, i. 411. + | _Constitutiones Provinciales_, and | + | _Gesta Romanorum_ to Halesowen Church, | + | Worcester. | + 1482 | Dr. John Warkworth gave 55 books to | James^{3}, 23-26. + | Peterhouse. Terence, Statius: Liber | + | Cronic’ in Anglicis, Liber in Gallicis;| + | much theology. | + 1482 | At Leicester Abbey there were over 350 | Nichols, _Hist. of Leicester_ + | books in the library. Bibles and | (1815), i. pt. 2, + |commentaries, medieval schoolmen, grammar,| App. 102-08. + |sermons, Lucan, Ovid, Horace, | + |Virgil, Cicero, Plato, French books, | + |Mandevile, Gower; logic, astronomy, | + |physics. | + 1483 | Robert Flemming left books, which he | Einstein, 23. + | had collected in Italy, to Lincoln | + | College, Oxford. | + 1486 | Church of S. Christopher le Stocks, | _Archæologia_, xlv. (1880) + | London, had a collection of church | 118. + | books only. | + 1486 | At this time only 52 volumes were in St. | Dugdale, _Hist. of S. + | Paul’s Cathedral; chiefly liturgical. | Paul’s_, 399. + 1486 |John Lese of Pontefract left 5 theological| _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 220-21 n. + | books. | + 1488 | 31 books presented to Oxford University | + | Library by an old scholar. | + 1489 |128 volumes presented to Oxford University| _Mun. Acad._, 357. + | Library by Dr. Litchfield, archdeacon | + | of Middlesex. | + 1489-94 | John Auckland, Prior, presented to | Rudd, _Codd. MSS. + | Durham Priory, some 33 books; ordinary | Eccles. Cath. Dun. + | medieval character. | Catal._, 1825, _passim_. + 1491 | Richard Lovet, vicar of Ruddington, left | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 221 n. + | a few theological books. | + 1491 | Thomas Symson of York left 7 theological | _Ibid._, xlv. 160 n. + | books. | + 1491 | Over 40 books given to All Souls College,| Robertson, _All Souls_ + | Oxford, by John Stokys, Warden. | (Coll. Hist.), 33. + 1493 | Roger Drury left “ij Ingyshe bocks, called| _Cam. Soc._, Bury Wills, + | Bochas, of Lydgat’s makyng.” | 246. + _c._ 1497 | St. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury, | James, lvii. 173. + | contained 1837 books. Scriptures, theology,| + | natural history, history, philosophy, | + | music, geometry, astronomy, medicine, | + | logic, grammar, poetry, alchemy, canon | + | law. Plato (_Timaeus_), Aristotle (a great| + | deal: _Metaphysica_, _Physica_, _Rhetorica_, | + | _Ethica_, _Politica_, new trans. of _Historia| + | naturalium_), Terence, Cicero, Horace, | + | Virgil (_Aeneid_, _Georgics_, _Bucolics_),| + | Ovid, Lucan, Seneca (incl. _Tragedies_), | + | Juvenal, Quintilian, Statius; French | + | books--_Charlemagne_, _Historia Britonum_,| + | _Guy of Warwick_, _Lancelot_, _Perceval | + | of Galles_, _Holy Graal_, _Guillaume | + | le Maréchal_, etc. | + 1498 | Collegiate Church of Auckland possessed | _Surtees Soc._, ii. 101-03. + | some 40 volumes. Bible, theological | + | and liturgical books, canon law; | + | Cicero’s _Letters_. | + 1498 | John Gunthorpe, Dean of Wells, bequeathed | James^{16}, 13. + | to Jesus College, Cambridge, | + | some manuscripts collected in Italy. | + 1499 | William Holcombe left books to Exeter | Oliver, _Mon. D. Exon._, + | College and to friends: including | 278. + | Hugutio, _Gesta Alexandri_. | + 1500 | Archbp. Rotherham left to Jesus College, | James^{13}, 5-8. + | Rotherham, some hundred volumes. | + | Chiefly theology. Terence, Cicero’s | + | _Orations_, _ad Familiares_, Horace, | + | Sallust’s _Catilina_ and _Jugurtha_, Ovid’s| + | _Metamorphoses_, _Ars amandi_, _Remedia | + |Amoris_, etc., Petrarch (_de Vita solitaria_,| + |_de Remediis utriusque fortunae_). | + 1506 | 363 volumes in Exeter Cathedral. | Oliver, 366-75. + 1508 | 306 books repaired at Christ Church, | James, 152. + | Canterbury. Theological, homiletic | + | and law books. Livy, _Liber grecorum_. | + 1508 | Abp. Warham gave books to New College. | _O. H. S._ 32, _Collect._ + | | 232-33. + 1509 | Christ’s College, Cambridge, received 57 | _C. A. S._, iii. (N.S., + | liturgical books bequeathed by the | 8vo), 361. + | Lady Margaret. | + 1519-20 | William Grocyn’s Library comprised 105 | Leland, ii. 317; _O. H. S._ + | printed books and 17 manuscripts. | 16, _Collect._ 319-23. + | Much theology; leading Latin classics. | + | Greek and Latin New Testament. | + | Petrarch, Boccaccio, Ficino, Filelfo, | + | Lorenzo della Valle, Aeneas Sylvius, | + | Perotti. _Adagia_ of Erasmus. | + 1519 | Robert Same, chaplain, bequeathed 1 | _Cam. Soc._, Bury Wills, + | book to Wetheringsett Church. | 253. + 1524 | 292 books at Canterbury College, Oxford, | James, 165. + | theology, law, philosophy. Aristotle | + | (incl. _Ethica_ newly translated); Cicero,| + | Horace, Virgil, Lucan; Boccaccio, | + | Lorenzo della Valle. | + 1504-26 | At least 1421 volumes in Syon Monastery, | Bateson, _passim_. + | Isleworth. Of the rough classification | + | Miss Bateson wrote: “Generally speaking | + | A includes grammar and classics (77 | + | volumes); B, medicine, astrology, a few | + | classics (55); C, philosophy (46); D, | + | commentaries on the Sentences (128); | + | E, Bibles and concordances (75); F-I, | + | commentaries on the Old and New | + | Testament (232); K, History (65); L, | + | dictionaries (58); M, Lives of the Saints | + | (121); N, Fathers (88); O, devotional | + | tracts (98); P to S, chiefly sermons, | + | over 70 books in each class; T, canon | + | law (104); V, civil law (21),”--p. vii. | + | Of Latin Renascence literature there | + | are works by Coluccio Salutati, Leonardo | + | Bruni, Poggio, Bessarion, Platina, | + | Poliziano, Pico della Mirandola; and | + | translations from the Greek by Hermolaus | + | Barbarus, Gaza, Erasmus, and | + | others. Also Petrarch (_Psalmi poenitentiales_), | + | Boccaccio (_de geneal. deor. | + | gent._), Savonarola (_de virtute fidei_), | + | Reuchlin. This catalogue is of the | + | men’s library only: there was another | + | library for women. Many of the books | + | were printed; nearly 400 editions have | + | been identified. | + ----------+----------------------------------------------+----------------- + + + + +APPENDIX D + +LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL WORKS REFERRED TO FOR THIS BOOK + + + ADAMNAN Adamnan. Vita S. Columbae. Ed., Reeves. 1874. + + ALLEN Allen, J. R. Celtic Art. 1904. Antiquary’s books. + + ARCHÆOLOGIA Archæologia, various volumes; especially vol. xliii. + and vol. lvii. (Church, Rev. C. M., Library of Wells + Cathedral). + + ARCHDALL Archdall, M. Monasticon Hibernicum. 2 vols. 1786. + + *BATESON Bateson, Mary, ed. Catalogue of the Library of Syon + Monastery, Isleworth. 1898. + + *BECKER Becker, G. Catalogi Bibliothecarum antiqui. Bonn, + 1885. + + *BIBLIO. SOC. Bibliographical Society’s Transactions and Monographs. + Especially Monogr. 10 and 13, Strickland + Gibson, early Oxford bindings; and G. J. Gray, + earlier Cambridge stationers. + + BOTFIELD Botfield, B. Notes on the Cathedral Libraries of + England. 1849. + + BRADLEY Bradley, J. W. Dictionary of Miniaturists, Calligraphers, + and Copyists. 3 vols. 1887-9. + + BRADSHAW Bradshaw, H. Collected papers. 1889. + + BRADSHAW SOC. Henry Bradshaw Society. Customary of the Benedictine + Monasteries, Canterbury. 2 vols. 1902. + + B. M. COTT. CLAUD., E. iv. + + B. M. COTT. DOMIT., A. viii. + + B. M. COTT. GALBA, C. iv. + + B. M. COTT. NERO, D. vii. + + B. M. REG. 2, E. ix. + + B. M. REG. 13, D. iv. + + BRYCE Bryce, W. M. Scottish Grey Friars. 2 vols. 1909. + + BURY Bury, J. B. Life of Saint Patrick. 1905. + + CAMBRIDGE STAT. Documents relating to the University and Colleges. + 3 vols. 1852. + + C. A. S. Cambridge Antiquarian Society. Publications and + communications. Various volumes. + + CAM. SOC. Camden Society Publications. Various volumes. + + CAMB. LIT. Cambridge History of English Literature, vols. i.-iv. + 1907-9. Especially vol. i. ch. ii., Runes and MSS., + and ch. x., English Scholars of Paris and Franciscans + of Oxford; vol. ii. ch. xv., English and Scottish + Education; vol. iii. ch. i., Englishmen and the + Classical Renascence; vol. iv. ch. xix., Foundation + of Libraries. [And bibliographies to these chapters.] + + *CLARK Clark, J. W. Care of Books: Essay on the Development + of Libraries and their Fittings. 1909. 2nd ed. + + COOPER Cooper, C. H. Annals of Cambridge. 5 vols. 1842-{53}, 1908. + + DAVENPORT Davenport, C. The Book: Its History and Development. 1907. + + DELISLE Delisle, L. Le Cabinet des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque + Impériale. 1868-74. + + D. C. B. Dictionary of Christian Biography. + + D. N. B. Dictionary of National Biography. + + *DUGDALE Dugdale, Sir W. Monasticon Anglicanum. Ed., + Caley, Ellis, and Bandinel. 9 vols. 1817-30. + + EDWARDS Edwards, E. Memoirs of Libraries. 2 vols. 1859. + + EDWARDS^{2} Edwards, E. Free Town Libraries. 1869. + + EDWARDS^{3} Edwards, E. Libraries and Founders of Libraries. + 1864. + + EINSTEIN Einstein, L. Italian Renaissance in England. New + York, 1892. + + E. H. R. English Historical Review. + + FLOYER Floyer, Rev. J. K. Catalogue of MSS. preserved in + the Chapter House of Worcester Cathedral. 1906. + + FLOYER Floyer, Rev. J. K. Thousand Years of a Cathedral + Library. _Reliquary_, Jan. 1901. + + GASQUET Gasquet, F. A. English Monastic Life. 1905. + Antiquary’s Books. + + GASQUET^{2} Gasquet, F. A. Eve of the Reformation. 1909. + + GASQUET^{3} Gasquet, F. A. Last Abbot of Glastonbury, etc. 1908. + + GASQUET^{4} Gasquet, F. A. Old English Bible and other Essays. + 1897. + + *GOTTLIEB Gottlieb, T. Ueber Mittelalterliche Bibliotheken. + Leipzig, 1890. + + GRACE B. Grace Books Δ and I. Proctor’s Accounts and Other + Records of the University of Cambridge. Ed., + Leathes and Bateson. 1897. + + HADDAN Haddan, A. W. Remains. 1876. + + HARDY Hardy, Sir T. D. Descriptive Catalogue of MSS. + relating to the History of Great Britain and Ireland. + 4 vols. Rolls Series. + + HEALY Healy, J. Ireland’s Ancient Schools and Scholars. + 4th ed. 1902. + + HIST. MSS. Historical MSS. Commission Reports. + + HUNTER Hunter, J. English Monastic Libraries. 1831. + + HYDE Hyde, D. Literary History of Ireland. 1899. Library + of Literary History. + + *JAMES James, M. R. Ancient Libraries of Canterbury and + Dover. 1903. + + *JAMES^{1} James, M. R. Abbey of St. Edmund at Bury. 1895. + + JAMES^{2} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in + the Library of King’s College. 1895. + + *JAMES^{3} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in + the Library of Peterhouse. 1899. + + JAMES^{4} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the Western + MSS. in the Library of Emmanuel College. + + JAMES^{5} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the Western + MSS. in the Library of Christ’s College. 1905. + + JAMES^{6} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in + the Library of Trinity Hall. 1907. + + JAMES^{7} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the Western + MSS. in the Library of Clare College. 1905. + + JAMES^{8} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in + the Library of Gonville and Caius College. 2 vols. + 1907-8. + + JAMES^{9} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in + the Library of Jesus College. 1895. + + JAMES^{10} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in + the Library of Pembroke College, Cambridge. 1905. + + JAMES^{11} James, M. R. The Western MSS. in the Library of + Trinity College: Descriptive Catalogue. 4 vols. + 1900-04. + + JAMES^{12} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the Western + MSS. in the Library of Queens’ College, Cambridge. + 1905. + + JAMES^{13} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in + the Library of Sidney Sussex College. 1895. + + JAMES^{14} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in + the Library of Eton College. 1895. + + JAMES^{15} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in + the Fitzwilliam Museum. 1895. + + JAMES^{16} James, M. R. Archbishop Parker’s MSS. 1899. + + JAMES^{17} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in + Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. Part I. 1909. + + JAMES^{18} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts + in the College Library of Magdalene College, + Cambridge. 1909. + + JOYCE Joyce, P. W. Social History of Ancient Ireland. + 2 vols. + + LECOY DE LA MARCHE Lecoy de la Marche, A. Les Manuscrits et la Miniature. + [1884.] Bibliothèque de l’Enseignement des + Beaux-Arts. + + LELAND Leland, J. Collectanea. 6 vols. 1715. + + LELAND^{2} Leland, J. Itinerary. Ed., Smith. 1907-8. + + LELAND^{3} Leland, J. De Scriptoribus Britannicis. 1709. + + LIBRARY The Library, vols. i.-x. New series, vols. i.-x. + + L. A. R. Library Association Record, vol. i. to date. + + LYTE Lyte, H. C. Maxwell. History of the University of + Oxford to 1530. 1886. + + MACLEAN Maclean, M. Literature of the Celts. 1902. + + MACRAY Macray, W. D. Annals of the Bodleian Library. 1890. + + MADAN Madan, F. Books in Manuscript. 1893. Books + about Books. + + *MAITLAND Maitland, S. R. The Dark Ages. 1844. + + MERRYWEATHER Merryweather, F. S. Bibliomania in the Middle Ages. + 1849. + + *MON. FR. Monumenta Franciscana. Ed., Brewer. 1858. Rolls + series. + + *MUN. ACAD. Munimenta academica. Ed., Anstey. 2 vols. 1858. + Rolls series. + + MULLINGER Mullinger, J. B. University of Cambridge to 1535. + 1873. + + OXFORD STAT. Statutes of the Colleges of Oxford. 3 vols. 1853. + + O. H. S., 27, BOASE Oxford Historical Society, vol. xxvii. Boase, C. W. + Registrum Collegii Exoniensis. + + O. H. S., 35, 36, O. H. S. Anstey, H. Epistolae academicae. 2 vols. ANSTEY 1898. + + O. H. S., 5, 16 O. H. S. Collectanea. Series 1-3. 1885, 1890, and 32, COLLECT. 1896. + + O. H. S., 20, LITTLE O. H. S. Little, A. G. Grey Friars in Oxford. 1892. + + PIETAS Pietas Oxoniensis in Memory of Sir Thomas Bodley. 1902. + + PUTNAM Putnam, G. Books and their Makers in the Middle + Ages. 2 vols. 1896-7. + + RASHDALL Rashdall, H. Universities of Europe in the Middle + Ages. 2 vols. 1895. + + R. DE B. Richard of Bury. Philobiblon. Ed., Thomas. 1888. + + ROBINSON Robinson, J. A., and James, M. R. The MSS. of + Westminster Abbey. 1909. + + ROGERS Rogers, J. E. T. History of Agriculture and Prices. + 6 vols. 1866-87. + + ROUVEYRE Rouveyre, Edouard. Connaissances nécessaires à un + bibliophile. 10 vols. 1899. + + R. H. S. Royal Historical Society. Transactions. + + *SANDYS Sandys, J. E. History of Classical Scholarship. + Vols. i. (2nd ed., 1906) and ii. + + S. H. R. Scottish Historical Review. + + STEVENSON Stevenson, F. S. Robert Grosseteste. 1899. + + STOKES (G. T.) Stokes, G. T. Ireland and the Celtic Church. 1886. + + STOKES (M.) Stokes, Margt. Early Christian Art in Ireland. 1887. + + STOKES (M.)^{2} Stokes, M. Six Months in the Apennines. 1892. + + STOKES (M.)^{3} Stokes, M. Three Months in the Forests of France. + 1895. + + STOKES (W.) Stokes, W., ed. Tripartite Life. 2 vols. 1887. + Rolls series. + + STOW Stow, J. Survey of London. Ed., C. L. Kingsford. + 2 Vols. 1908. + + *SURTEES SOC. Surtees Society Publications. Various volumes; + especially vol. vii., Catalogi veteres librorum. + 1840. + + TAYLOR Taylor, H. O. Classical Heritage of the Middle Ages. + New York, 1901. + + THOMPSON Thompson, Sir E. M. Greek and Latin Palæography. + 3rd ed. 1906. + + WARTON Warton, T. History of English Poetry. 4 vols. 1871. + + WATTENBACH Wattenbach, W. Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter. + 3rd ed. Leipzig, 1896. + + WILLIAMS Williams, J. W. Somerset Medieval Libraries. + + WORDSWORTH Wordsworth, C., and Littlehales, H. Old Service + Books of the English Church. Antiquary’s Books. + + ZENTRALBLATT Centralblatt für Bibliothekswesen. Various volumes. + +NOTE.--_Books marked with an asterisk * are important._ + + + + +INDEX + + +Abdy, Robert, 150-151 + +Abingdon Abbey, 33, 39, 41, 78, 87, 88, 97, 98, 269 + +Abyssinian libraries, 18 + +Academic libraries, 133 _seqq._; + Cambridge, 155 _seqq._; + Character of books in, 222 _seqq._; + economy, 165 _seqq._; + Oxford, 133 _seqq._ + +Acca, Bp., 34 + +Adam de Brome, 135 + +Aelfric, 44, 85 + +Aelfric, Abp., 44 + +Aelfward, Abbot, 44, 263 + +Aeneas Silvius, 120, 277 + +Aethelwold, 40-41, 263 + +Aidan, St., 30 + +Aileran, 8 + +Albinus, 25, 28 + +Alcuin, 9, 10, 35-36, 78, 80, 263 + +Aldfrith of Northumbria, 9, 31 + +Aldhelm, 8, 28-29, 31 + +Aleby, Thomas, 279 + +Alfred the Great, 37-39 + +All Souls College, 147, 149, 151, 153, 165, 166, 167, 168, 170, 186, 277, 283 + +Alne, Robert, 156, 277 + +Annalists, monastic, 231-232 + +Anselm, 83, 214 + +Antiphonaries, value of, 246 + +Antiphonary of Bangor, 11 + +Arabian works imported, 217-218 + +Aristotle, works introduced, 53, 217-222; + influence, 240 + +Armagh, Book of, 14, 15, 16, 19, 20 + +Armagh monastery, 4, 9, 12 + +_Armaria_, 91 + +_Armarius_, 96-97 + +Arnoul of Metz, Gospels of, 20 + +Arundel, Abp., 139, 190, 275 + +Asser, 38 + +Assicus, Bp., 20, 21 + +Astronomical text-books, 225 + +Athelney monastery, 39 + +Athelstan, King, 263 + +Audit of books in monasteries, 102-103 + +Augustine, St., 14, 24 + +Augustine, Irish Monk, 8 + +Aumbries, 91, 92 + +Austin Friars’ libraries, 55, 56, 67-68, 103, 271 + + +Bacon, Friar, 178, 216, 218-219, 220-221 + +Baldock, Ralph, 119-120, 269 + +Bale, John, 66-67 + +Balliol College, 54, 146, 148, 150, 153, 186, 192, 193, 281, 282 + +Balsham, Hugh of, 158 + +Bangor monastery, 7 + +Baret, John, 280 + +Baringham, John, 279 + +Barking nunnery, 33 + +Basil the Great, 2 + +Basingstoke, John of, 219-220, 267 + +Bateman, Bp. William, 158-159, 270 + +Battle Abbey, 62 + +Beauchamp, Guy de, 177, 269 + +Beaufort, Card., 188, 190 + +Beaufort, Sir Thomas, 162 + +Beaulieu Abbey, 93 + +Becket, Thomas à, 89 + +Beckford Cell, 47 + +Bede, 26 _n._, 27, 32-33; + his library, 33 _n._; + _Ecclesiastical History_, MSS., 15, 110; + _Apocalypse_ MS., 110-111 + +Bedford, Duke of. _See_ John of Lancaster + +Bedyll, Thomas, 68 + +Bek, Bp., 269 + +Bekynton, Bp., 123 _n._, 190 + +Benedict Biscop, 31-32, 33, 86 + +Benedictines, use of books among, 23-24, 49, 63 + +_Benedictional_ of Abp. Robert, 42 + +_Benedictional_ of Ethelwold, 42, 43 + +Bethum, Sir Edward, 280 + +Beverley Minster, 128 + +Bible, Latin, correcting text, 58; + circulation, 239; + prices of, 243-244 + +Biblical literature in monasteries, 210-212 + +Bicchieri, Guala, Card., 86-87 + +Bicester Priory, 175 + +Binding, 107-108; + prices, 256-257 + +Birkenhead Priory, 73, 74 + +Bishop Auckland Church, 194, 277, 283 + +Black Death, 138, 138 _n._, 159 + +Black Friars’ books, 55 + +Bobio, 8, 10, 87 + +Bodleian Library, 113 + +Bohun, Eleanor, of Gloucester, 177 + +Bolton, S. Mary’s Church, 129 + +Boniface, 34 + +Book-boxes, 113-114, 123 + +Bookrooms, in colleges, 149-151, 164, 186; + in churches, 112, 115, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122-123, 124, 126, 128, 130, 186; + in monasteries, 12, 63, 93-96 + +Books, care of, 97-98; + extent of circulation, 232-241; + destruction and dispersal, 59 _seqq._, 152-154, 157-158; + prices of, 243 _seqq._ + +Booksellers, 199 _seqq._ + +Book-trade in Oxford, 133 _seqq._, 199 _seqq._; + Cambridge, 155, 205 _seqq._; + London, 207 + +Bordesley Abbey, 67, 67 _n._ + +Boston Church, 129 + +Boston, John, 59 + +Bowet, Abp., 123 _n._, 178, 189, 276 + +Bragge, Canon, 177, 274 + +Brantingham, Bp., 149, 150 _n._ + +Brasenose College, 168 + +Bredon, Simon de, 146, 271 + +Brensall-in-Craven, S. Wilfrid’s, 129 + +Breviaries, prices of, 244-245 + +Brigsley Church, 129 + +Bristol, S. Mary Redcliffe, 128, 275 + +Browne (Cordone), Archdeacon, 123, 129, 139, 189, 278 + +Brownyng, William, 279 + +Bubwith, Nicholas of, 123 + +Buckfast Abbey, 90 + +Burley, Sir S., 272 + +Burton-on-Trent Abbey, 264 + +Bury, R. de, 50, 58, 60-61, 170-172, 178 _seqq._, 267, 269 + +Bury St. Edmunds Abbey, 44, 49, 59, 61, 63, 68 _n._, 69, 71, 84, 86, 88, 90, 96, 162, 265 + + +Caedmon, 30 + +_Calami_, 85 + +Caldey, Henry, 278 + +Calligraphy. _See_ Writing + +Cambridge, book-trade, 155, 205 _seqq._; + college libraries, 158 _seqq._; + University Library, 70, 155 _seqq._, 164, 276, 281. + _See_ also names of Colleges + +Cambuskenneth monastery, 57 + +Candida Casa, 7 + +Canterbury (Christ Church), 46, 46 _n._, 49, 63, 64, 65, 70, 71, 76, 80, 89, 95, 100, 101, 102, 150, 177, 190, 196-197, 220, 239, 265, 267, 269, 270, 275, 284 + +Canterbury (S. Augustine’s), 9, 14, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, 33, 40, 47, 49, 69, 70, 71, 83, 88, 89, 95, 96 _n._, 103, 104, 175, 178, 263, 283 + +Canterbury College, Oxford, 138 _n._, 150, 195, 284 + +_Capsae_, 19 _n._ + +Carilef, William de, 90, 264 + +Carmelite Friars’ libraries, 54, 55 + +Carpenter, Bp. John, 115 + +Carpenter, John, 187, 278 + +Carrells, 75-77, 92 + +Cathach Psalter. _See_ Columba’s Psalter + +Catalogues of monastic books, 103-107 + +Cathedral libraries, 109 _seqq._ + +_Catholicon_, 132, 224 + +Cawod, William, 275 + +Ceadda (Chad), 30 + +Cedd, 30 + +Chace, Thomas, 150 + +Chad, St., 30; + Gospels of, 14 + +Chained books, 109, 112, 117 + +Charles the Great, 35, 107 + +Charleton, Bp., 116 + +Chaucer, Geoffrey, 85, 174, 182-184, 240 + +Chaundler, Thomas, 190 + +Chertsey Abbey, 33 + +Chester, Richard, 160 + +Chester, S. Werburgh’s, 61, 76, 92 + +Chesterton Church, 87, 87 _n._ + +Chests for books, 91 + +Chichele, Abp. Henry, 95 + +Chichele, William, 187, 276 + +Christ Church, Oxford, 151 _n._ + +Christ’s College, Cambridge, 164, 284 + +Church, Canon C. M., 110, 121, 124 _n._ + +Church libraries, 109 _seqq._ + +Ciaran, St., 13, 22 + +Circulation of books, extent, 232-241 + +Clare College, 138 _n._, 158, 164 + +Clare, Elizabeth, 158, 177, 270 + +Clark, Dr. J. W., 92, 95, 113 + +Classical literature in monasteries, 212-215, 258 _seqq._ + +Clement, 10, 11 + +Clergy and books, 177-178 + +Clifford, J. de, 177 + +Clonard, 5 + +Cluni Abbey, 103 + +Cobham, Bp., 134-136, 269 + +Cockersand Abbey, 73 + +_Codex Exoniensis_, 87, 110, 113 + +_Codex Vercellensis_, 87, 87 _n._ + +Coldingham, 34, 271 + +College libraries, 145 _seqq._, 158 _seqq._ + +Columba, St., 5, 6, 17; + Psalter, 6, 16, 17, 21 + +Columban, St., 7 + +_Coopertoria librorum_, 19 _n._ + +Corbie, 78, 89 + +Corpus Christi College, Camb., 70, 110, 113, 138 _n._, 159, 163, 164, 277 + +Corpus Christi College, Oxford, 70, 151 _n._, 154, 170, 227 + +_Correctoria_, 58, 85 + +Corvey, 89 + +Coventry Priory, 268 + +Cronan, St., 21, 22 + +Croucher, John, 156 + +Crowland, 33, 37 + +Culross, 56 + +Cumdachs, 4, 12, 19, 19 _n._ + +Cummian, St., 8 + +Cupboards for books, 91 + +Cuthbert, Abbot, 80 + +Cuthbert, St., 31 + + +Dalby, T. de, 274 + +Daniel, Bp. of Winchester, 34 + +Darell, G., 276 + +Deeping Priory, 268 + +Derby, All Saints, 130 + +Despenser, Hugh le, elder, 177 + +Dicuil, 11 + +Dimma’s Book, 21, 22 + +Domnach Airgrid (S. Patrick’s Gospels), 17, 20 + +Donatus, 11 + +Dover, S. Martin’s Priory, 70, 71, 90, 105, 106, 272 + +Downham, W., 280 + +Dreff, Ralph, 189, 278 + +Drury, Roger, 283 + +Duffield, Canon W., 189, 278 + +Dungal, 10, 11 + +Dunstan, 40, 41, 41 _n._ + +Durham, Book of (Lindisfarne Gospels), 15, 17 + +Durham Hall, Oxford, 54, 148, 150, 170, 179, 269, 274 + +Durham Priory, 63, 73, 75, 80, 91, 103, 107, 162, 211, 217, 264, 269, 273, 275, 276, 283 + +Durrow, Book of, 16, 20 + + +Eastern monachism, 1-3 + +Easton, Card., 90 + +Eastry Prior, 70, 89, 95, 216, 269 + +Ebesham, W., 207-208 + +Ecgberht, 9 + +Echard, R., 281 + +Edlyngton, J., 279 + +Edward II., 176 + +Eleanor of Gloucester, 274 + +_Electio librorum_, 166 _n._, 167 + +Eltisle, T. de, 159 + +Ely Priory (cathedral), 33, 86, 88, 101 + +Embleton Church, 128, 271 + +Emmanuel of Constantinople, 194-195 + +English monastic libraries, 23 _seqq._ + +English scholars in Ireland, 8, 9 + +Erghome, John, 56 + +Erigena, or Scotus, John, 11, 39 + +Ernulf of Rochester, 47 + +Est, R., 129, 281 + +Ethelwold, 40, 41, 263 + +Eton College, 144, 159-160, 161 + +Evesham Abbey, 33, 44, 47, 76, 88, 90, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 272 + +Exeter Book, 87, 110, 113 + +Exeter Cathedral, 44, 110-114, 186, 263, 269, 284 + +Exeter College, Oxford, 87, 111-112, 113 _n._, 146, 148, 149-150, 151, 166, 166 _n._, 168, 186, 272, 274, 279, 280, 284 + +Exeter, Grey Friars, 54, 267 + +_Explicitus_, 81-82 + + +Fairs, selling books at, 200, 206-207 + +Farnylaw, T. de, 128, 271 + +Fastolf, Sir J., 188 + +Felton, Sir W. de, 146 + +Feriby, W. de, 124 _n._, 177, 272 + +Fernell, J., 280 + +Fiacc, 4, 13 _n._ + +Finnian of Moville, 5, 6, 17 + +Fitzhugh, Bp. R., 156, 277 + +Fitzralph, Abp., 57 + +Flemming, Robert, 147, 153, 193, 282 + +Fleury Abbey, 88 + +Flexley Abbey, 266 + +Floyer, Rev. J. K., 115 + +Foxe, Bp., 194 + +Foxle, Sir J. de, 271 + +Francis, St., 52-53 + +Franciscan libraries, 52 _seqq._ + +Free, John. 64, 192, 193 + +Friars, bibliographical work, 58-59; + as book-collectors, 57-58; + correction of texts, 58; + libraries, 52 _seqq._ + +Furness Abbey, 94 + + +Gascoigne, Dr. T., 54, 147, 148, 153, 277, 279 + +Gateshead, S. Edmund’s Hospital, 269 + +Gaul, Irish missionaries in, 7-8, 10 + +Gaul, monachism in, 2, 3, 4, 7, 8 + +Geoffrey of Monmouth, 240 + +Gerbert of Bobio, 78, 87 + +Germanus of Auxerre, 3 + +Gildas, 9 + +Glastonbury Abbey, 34, 39, 41, 45 _n._, 48, 63, 64, 263, 264, 266, 268, 269 + +Gloucester Abbey, 34, 48, 63, 76, 96, 264, 268 + +Gloucester, Duke of. _See_ Humfrey of Gloucester + +Golden Book of Edgar, 42 + +Gonville and Caius College, 158, 159, 164 + +Gower, John, 182 + +Grammatical text-books, 223-224 + +Grandisson, Bp., 111, 111 _n._, 112, 113, 150, 270 + +Gravesend, Bp. R. de, 146, 178, 267 + +Gravesend, Bp. S. de, 270 + +Greek books imported, 194-198, 217-222; + in monasteries, 26, 64 + +Greek, knowledge of, in monasteries, 7, 10, 11, 195-198, 217-222 + +Greeks in England, 194-195, 219-220 + +Greenwood, T., 178, 276 + +Gregory the Great’s books, 24 + +Grey Friars’ libraries, 52 _seqq._ + +Grey, Bp. William, 150, 153, 192-193, 282 + +Grimbald, 38 + +Grocyn, William, 198, 226-227, 284 + +Grosseteste, Robert, 53, 54, 57, 86, 220 + +Gunthorpe, Dean, 123 _n._, 192-193, 284 + + +Hadley, Wm., 195 + +Hadrian, 26, 28, 29 + +Halesowen Church, 129 + +Halton, T. de, 273 + +Hamo, Chancellor, 118 + +Hamundson, John, 281 + +Harris, J., 156 + +Hawk, W., 281 + +Healy, Dr. John, 5 + +Hebbeden, T., 277 + +Hebrew books in Friars’ libraries, 54, 56; + in Ramsey Abbey, 268 + +Hedyan, J., 278 + +Henry II., 176 + +Henry VI., 148, 159-160 + +Hereford Cathedral, 116-117, 162, 186, 266 + +Herrys, John, 156 + +Hiberno-Saxon writing, 15, 46 + +Hild, 30, 31 + +Hinton Priory, 101, 270 + +Holcombe, W., 284 + +Holes, Andrew, 192 _n._, 277 + +Holme, Canon N., 129, 280 + +Holme, Richard, 156 + +Hopton, J., 273 + +Hoskyn, Robert, 278 + +Hugh of Balsham, 158 + +Hugh of Leicester, 118, 264 + +Hulne, 273 + +Humfrey of Gloucester, 139-143, 144, 154, 160, 181, 190-191, 191 _n._, 192, 277 + +Hurte, John, 164, 281 + +Hyde Abbey. _See_ Winchester (New Minster) + + +Iceland, Irish in, 7 + +Illuminating, prices for, 255-256 + +Illumination, Irish, 15; + Winchester, 42 + +Illuminators, 79, 199 _seqq._ + +Iona, 5, 7, 9, 30, 31 + +Ireland, English scholars in, 8, 9 + +Irish illumination, 15 + +Irish manuscripts on the Continent, 8 _n._, 11, 11 _n._ + +Irish missal, satchel of, 19 + +Irish missionaries, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10 + +Irish monasteries, use of books in, 1 _seqq._ + +Irish satchels, 17, 18, 19 + +Irish scribes, 12, 12 _n._ + +Irish writing, 13-15 + +Italian influence in England, 189 _seqq._ + +Italian scholars, 191 + + +James, Dr. M. R., 46, 47, 49, 67, 70, 71, 89, 95, 102, 163, 195, 196 + +Jarrow, 31, 33, 37 + +Jerome, St., 2 + +Jesus College, 164, 284 + +John, King, 176, 266 + +John of Beverley, 30 + +John of Corvey, 38 + +John of Lancaster, Duke of Bedford, 139, 181, 188, 272 + +John of London, 89, 178, 221-222 + +John Scotus Erigena, 11, 39 + + +Kells, Book of, 14, 15, 16, 20 + +Kelso Abbey, 99 + +Kempe, John, Card., 103, 145, 188, 279 + +King’s College, Camb., 144, 156, 159-161, 279 + +King’s Hall, Camb. _See_ Trinity College + +King’s Norton Church, 129 + +Kirkstall Abbey, 94 + +Kyrkby, R. de, 275 + + +Lacy, Bp., 150 + +Lane, Dr. T., 162 + +Lanfranc, 45, 46, 47, 85, 101, 213 + +Langham, Simon, 90, 178, 271 + +Langley, Bp. T., 277 + +Lanthony Priory, 68, 265 + +Lassehowe, J., 279 + +Lastingham, 30, 37 + +_Laudian Acts_, 26 _n._, 27 + +Law books in Middle Ages, 215-217, 226-227 + +Layton, Dr., 152 + +Leather, 107, cost of, 257 + +Leicester Abbey, 282 + +_Leicester Codex_, 195 + +Leland, John, 69, 131 + +Lending monastic books, 98, 101 + +Leofric, Bp., 44, 110-111, 113, 263 + +Leofric Missal, 111 + +Leominster church, 265 + +Lérins, 3, 31 + +Lese, J., 283 + +Librarian, University, 136, 137 + +Librarians, monastic, 12, 96-97 + +_Librarii_, 199 + +_Libri distribuendi_, 166, 169 + +Lichfield Cathedral, 126, 186, 270 + +Linacre, Thomas, 197-198 + +Lincoln Cathedral, 118-119, 186, 264, 278 + +Lincoln College, 54, 147, 148, 149, 151, 153, 165, 166, 186, 193, 277 + +Lindau, Gospels of, 21, 108 + +Lindisfarne, 30, 31, 33, 37 + +Lindisfarne Gospels (Book of Durham), 15, 17 + +Litchfield, Dr., 145, 283 + +Logical text-books, 225 + +Lombard’s _Sentences_, 215, 239-240 + +London book-trade, 207 + +London, Friars’ libraries, 55-56 + +London, Guildhall Library, 186-187, 276, 278 + +London, S. Christopher-le-Stocks, 131, 282 + +London, S. Mary’s Hospital, Cripplegate, 278 + +London, St. Michael’s, Cornhill, 131 + +London, S. Peter’s, Cornhill, 131, 131 _n._ + +London, S. Paul’s, 119-120, 186, 266, 268, 269, 280, 282 + +London, S. Stephen Magnus, 268 + +Longarad legend, 6, 7 _n._, 12, 18 “Losinga,” Herbert, 86, 213 + +Lovet, Richard, 283 + +Lowe, Prior, 55 + +Lytham Cell, 280 + +Lythe, R., 282 + +Lyttleton, Sir T., 129, 282 + + +MacRegol, Gospels of, 14, 15 + +Magdalen College, Oxford, 147, 149, 151, 154, 166, 168, 170, 175, 186, 282 + +Magdalene College, Cambridge, 164 + +Malmesbury Abbey, 29, 33, 66, 108 + +Manthorp, J. de, 277 + +Mare, Thomas de la, 270 + +Mare, William de la, 58 + +Marisco, Adam de, 53, 57, 85, 86 + +Markaunt, Thomas, 163, 163 _n._, 277 + +Marleberge, T. de, 90, 266 + +Marmoutier, 2, 3 + +Marshall, Dr. R., 162 + +Meaux Abbey, 63, 94, 274 + +_Medulla grammatice_, 132 + +Melrose Abbey, 31, 34, 37 + +Mendicants’ libraries, 52 _seqq._ + +Mertherderwa, R., 278 + +Merton College, 138, 146, 148, 149, 153, 166, 168, 170, 272 + +Michelham Priory, 62 + +Millyng, Thomas, 197 + +Minstrels, 173 _seqq._ + +Missals, prices of, 244 + +Molaise’s Gospels, 21 + +Moling, Book of St., 21 + +Molyneux, Adam de, 139, 190 + +Monachism, Eastern, 1 + +Monachism in England, progress, 48; + decline, 59-60; + dissolution, 65 _seqq._ + +Monachism in Ireland, 1 _seqq._ + +Monastic libraries, English, 45 _seqq._; + economy, 73 _seqq._; + decline and dispersal, 59 _seqq._, 100; + saving books, 69 _seqq._; + catalogues, 102-107 + +Monastic libraries, Irish, 5 _seqq._ + +Monte Cassino, 97, 217 + +Montford, Simon of, 176-177 + +Moreton, J., 278 + +Morley, Daniel of, 218 + +Morton, T., 278 + +Neville, Abp., 195 + +Newcastle, S. Nicholas’ Church, 128, 271 + +New College, 69, 138, 138 _n._, 147, 148, 149, 151, 152, 165, 166, 169, 175, 186, 197, 272, 280, 284 + +Newstead Priory (Notts), 100 + +Newton, J. de, 125, 162, 178, 275 + +Nicholas of Bubwith, Bp., 123 + +Nicholas the Greek, 219-220 + +Northumbria, learning in, 30, 31, 37 + +Norwich Priory, 62, 90 + +_Notarii_, 199 + +Nottingham, S. Mary’s Church, 129 + + +Ordericus Vitalis, 80 + +Oriel College, 54, 135, 138, 146, 148, 151, 154, 166, 168, 169, 271 + +Osmund, Bp., 117, 263 + +Oswald of Northumbria, 9, 30, 31 + +Oxford, academic libraries, 133 _seqq._ + +Oxford, book-trade, 133, 199 _seqq._ + +Oxford, decrease of students at, 152 + +Oxford, Ewelme Almshouse, 280 + +Oxford, Friars’ libraries, 53, 54, 58, 75 + +Oxford, monastic libraries, 51 + +Oxford, St. Mary’s Church, 129, 133, 134, 153, 275 + +Oxford scholars’ libraries, 189, 236-237 + +Oxford University library, 133 _seqq._, 151-154, 186, 269, 283 + +Oxford. _See_ also under Names of Colleges + + +Pachomius, St., 2 + +Palladius, 3 + +Parchment, 84; + cost of, 257 + +Parker Abp., 26, 70, 113 + +Paternoster Row, 207 + +Patrick, St., 3, 4, 5, 17; + Gospels of (Domnach Airgrid), 17, 20 + +Pembroke College, Cambridge, 69, 103, 107, 158, 163, 164, 167, 168, 170, 186, 274 + +_Pennae_, 85 + +Percyhay, John, 177, 273 + +Peter of Gloucester, Abbot, 48, 264 + +Peterborough Abbey, 33, 37, 48, 216, 263, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 273 + +Peterhouse College, 100, 158, 162, 164, 165, 166, 167-168, 169, 186, 271, 275 + +_Philobiblon_, 179 + +_Piers Plowman_, 182, 240 + +Pius II. (Æneas Sylvius), 120, 277 + +Plane, Richard, 279 + +Plegmund, Abp., 38, 38 _n._ + +Poggio Bracciolini, 190, 191 + +_Polaires_, 9, 13, 13 _n._ + +Precentor’s duties, 80, 96, 97, 98 + +Prices of books, 243 _seqq._ + +Processionals, value of, 246 + +Psalters, value of, 245-246 + +Pudsey, Hugh, 90, 107 + +Pynchebek, Thomas, 282 + + +Queen’s College, Oxford, 146, 148, 149, 151, 153, 166 + +Queens’ College, Cambridge, 162, 164, 186, 281 + + +Ragenhill, R., 125, 276 + +Ralph de Diceto, 119, 266 + +Ralph of Maidstone, 116, 266 + +Ramsey Abbey, 54, 63, 68, 89, 220, 268 + +Raventhorpe, J., 276 + +Rayleigh, 131 + +Reading Abbey, 64, 176, 265, 266 + +Reading aloud, 173 _seqq._ + +Redmarshall Church, 129 + +Reed, Bp., 148, 149, 272 + +_Registrum librorum Angliae_, 58-59 + +Reichenau, monastery of, 8 _n._ + +Repyngton, Bp., 139 + +Rhetoric, books of, 224-225 + +Richard de Bury, 50, 58, 60-61, 170-172, 178 _seqq._, 267, 269 + +Richard de Wyche, bequests to friars, 54-55 + +Richard of Stowe, 268 + +Rievaulx, 265 + +Rochester Priory, 47, 99, 130, 266 + +Romance literature, 227-231 + +Roos, Sir R. de, 177, 273 + +Rotherham, Jesus College, 284 + +Rotherham, Thomas, 130, 157, 163, 281, 284 + +Rous, John, 127, 128 _n._ + +Ruddington Church, 130 + +Runes, 13 + +Rygge, R., 274 + + +St. Albans Abbey and library, 44, 49 _seqq._, 63, 73, 78, 88, 91, 96, 98, 105, 108, 179, 219, 263, 264, 267, 269, 270, 276 + +St. Albans’ chroniclers, 50 + +St. Catherine’s Hall, 161, 164, 281 + +St. Gall, 8, 8 _n._, 10, 21, 73, 94, 97 + +St. John’s College, Cambridge, 151 _n._, 164, 186 + +Salisbury Cathedral, 117-118, 186, 263 + +Same, Robert, 284 + +Satchels, book, 6, 17, 18, 19 + +Scardeburgh, J. de, 273 + +Scarle, J. de, 274 + +Scot, Michael, 53, 218 + +Scotland, monachism in, 5, 7 + +Scotland, Friars’ libraries, 56-57 + +Scotus Erigena, John, 11, 39 + +Scribes, 199 _seqq._; + monkish, 73 _seqq._; + Irish, 12, 12 _n._; + tools, 85 + +Scriptorium, 50, 51, 73-77, 80, 82, 88 + +Scrope, Archd. S., 125, 159, 275 + +Sedulius, 11 + +Seggefyld, J., 279 + +Selling, William of, 26, 64, 66, 66 _n._, 76, 95, 195-197, 280 + +Semer, R., 277 + +Servatus Lupus, 85, 87 + +Sherborne Hospital, 267 + +Skirwood, Bp., 194, 282 + +Shrines for books, 4, 12, 19, 19 _n._ + +Signs used for books, 82-83 + +Simon, Abbot, 50, 91 + +Skirlaw, Bp., 123 _n._, 148, 274 + +Smart, William, 69 + +Somersett, John, 139, 143 + +Spray, T., 279 + +Stafford, Bp. E. de, 150 + +Stafford, Bp. J. de, 123, 123 _n._, 276 + +Stamford Cell, 276 + +Stationers, 199 _seqq._ + +Stationers Co., 207 + +Stirling, Friars’ library, 56 + +Stokys, J., 283 + +Stow, John, 70 + +Stowe Missal, 20 + +Stratford, Abp. J., 177 + +Symson, Thomas, 283 + +Syon monastic library, 63, 83, 90 _n._, 104, 105, 106, 285 + +Sywardby, Elizabeth, 280 + + +Talbot, R., 69 + +_Textus Roffensis_, 47 + +Theodore, 8, 26, 26 _n._, 28, 31 + +Theological books in monasteries, 210-212 + +Thomas, Abbot, 178 + +Thomas of England, 191, 273 + +Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester, 274 + +Thompson, Mr. Yates, 107 + +Thoris, R. de, 54, 267 + +Tiptoft, John, Earl of Worcester, 139, 192, 279 + +Titchfield Abbey, 95, 105, 274 + +Tobias, Bp., 28 + +Trevaur, Bp., 270 + +Trinity College (King’s Hall), Cambridge, 159, 164, 273 + +Trinity College, Oxford, 150 _n._ + +Trinity Hall, Cambridge, 138 _n._, 158, 164, 169, 216, 270 + +Twyne, Brian, 70 + +Twyne, John, 69 + +Tynemouth, 37 + +Tywardreath Priory, 268 + + +University College, Oxford, 138, 145-146, 148, 149, 165, 167, 168, 170, 186, 274, 281 + +University Hall, Cambridge. _See_ Clare College + +University libraries. _See_ Oxford and Cambridge + + +Vellum, 84; + cost of, 257 + +Vercelli Book, 87, 87 _n._ + +Vicario, 216 + +Vitelli, Cornelius, 197 + + +Wallets, book, 17, 18, 19 + +Walter of Evesham, 47, 264 + +Waltham, William de, 275 + +Warham, Abp., 284 + +Warkworth, J., 162, 282 + +Warwick, S. Mary’s Church, 127, 280 + +Wax tablets, 9, 13, 13 _n._, 18, 83, 84 + +Wearmouth, 31, 33, 37 + +Wells Cathedral, 110, 121-124, 186, 276 + +Werfrith, Bp., 37, 38, 114 + +Westminster Abbey, 64, 71, 88, 90, 99, 112, 271 + +Wetheringsett Church, 130, 284 + +Whalley Abbey, 94 + +Whelpdale, Roger, 148, 276 + +Whethamstede, Abbot, 49, 51-52, 139, 153, 181 + +Whitby Abbey, 30, 37, 48, 88, 265 + +White Friars’ libraries, 54, 55 + +Whitherne (Candida Casa), 7 + +Whittington, Richard, 55, 186-187 + +Whittlesey, Abp., 271 + +Wigmore Abbey, 62 + +Wilfrid, St., 31 + +William of Waynflete, 143, 147, 282 + +William of Wykeham, 147, 272 + +Willibrord, St., 9 + +Willoughby, Sir R., 129, 280 + +Wimborne nunnery, 33 + +Winchelsey, Dr. T., 56 + +Winchester College, 175, 276 + +Winchester (Hyde Abbey, New Minster), 38, 42, 86, 174 + +Winchester (S. Swithin’s, Old Minster), 42, 88, 96, 175 + +Winchester illumination, 42 + +Windsor Collegiate Church, 126, 271 + +Wodelarke, Dr. R., 162 + +Wolveden, R., 125, 276 + +Woollaton Church, 129 + +Worcester College, 51 + +Worcester Priory (Cathedral), 76, 92, 96, 114-116, 162, 234 + +Worthington, T., 281 + +Writing: Irish, 13; + Hiberno-Saxon, 15, 46; + payments for, 254-255 + +Writing-rooms, 50, 51, 73-77, 80, 82, 88 + +Wyche, R. de, 54-55, 267 + +Wymondham Abbey, 62 + + +York Abbey and Cathedral, 33, 35, 36, 124-125, 186, 263 + +York, All Saints, Peseholme, 129 + +York, Austin Friars’ library, 56, 67, 68, 103, 271 + +York, Holy Trinity, Goodramgate, 128 + +York, S. Mary’s, Castlegate, 128, 273 + + _Printed by MORRISON & GIBB LIMITED, Edinburgh_ + + * * * * * + +A SELECTION OF BOOKS + +PUBLISHED BY METHUEN + +AND COMPANY LIMITED + +36 ESSEX STREET + +LONDON W.C. + + +CONTENTS + + PAGE + + General Literature 1 + Ancient Cities 15 + Antiquary’s Books 15 + Arden Shakespeare 15 + Classics of Art 16 + “Complete” Series 16 + Connoisseur’s Library 16 + Handbooks of English Church History 17 + Illustrated Pocket Library of Plain and Coloured Books 17 + Leaders of Religion 18 + Library of Devotion 18 + Little Books on Art 19 + Little Galleries 19 + Little Guides 19 + Little Library 20 + Little Quarto Shakespeare 21 + Miniature Library 21 + New Library of Medicine 21 + New Library of Music 22 + Oxford Biographies 22 + Romantic History 22 + Handbooks of Theology 22 + Westminster Commentaries 23 + + Fiction 23 + Books for Boys and Girls 28 + Novels of Alexandre Dumas 29 + Methuen’s Sixpenny Books 29 + + * * * * * + +A SELECTION OF + +MESSRS. 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G.).= THE SEA LADY. + + + =White (Percy).= A PASSIONATE PILGRIM. + + PRINTED BY + + WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, + + LONDON AND BECCLES. + + +Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber: + +not of sufficent worth and importance=> not of sufficient worth and +importance {pg 170} + +and made Nìccolò Perotti=> and made Niccolò Perotti {pg 192} + + +FOOTNOTES: + + [1] Healy, 46. + + [2] Healy, 50. + + [3] Sandys, i. 245. + + [4] On the connection between Eastern and Celtic monachism, see Stokes + (G.T.). + + [5] Stokes (W.), _T. L._, i. 30; ii. 446. + + [6] _Ib._ ii. 421; ii 475. + + [7] _D. N. B._, xliv. 39; Stokes (W.), _T. L._, i. 191. + + [8] _Abgitorium, abgatorium; elementa, elimenta._ Stokes (W.), _T. + L._, i. cliii.; also i. 111, 113, 139, 191, 308, 320, 322, 326, 327, + 328. + + [9] In 536, fifty monks from the Continent landed at + Cork.--Montalembert, ii. 248n. Migrations from Gaul were frequent + about this time. + + [10] Bury, 217; cp. 220. + + [11] Joyce, i. 478. + + [12] Adamnan, lib. ii. c. 29, iii. c. 15 and c. 23. + + [13] Dr. Skene says the Psalter incident “bears the stamp of spurious + tradition”; so does the Longarad story; but it is curious how often + sacred books play a part in these tales. + + [14] Henderson, _Norse Influence on Celtic Scotland_, 5-6. + + [15] Moore, _Hist. of Ireland_, i. 266. + + [16] Healy, 379; Stokes (M.)^{2}, 118. Ergo quotidie jejunandum est, + sicut quotidie orandum est, quotidie laborandum, quotidie est legendum. + + [17] A ninth century catalogue of St. Gall mentions thirty-one + volumes and pamphlets in the Irish tongue--Prof. Pflugk-Harttung, + in _R. H. S._ (N. S.), v. 92. Becker names only thirty, p. 43. At + Reichenau, a monastery near St. Gall, also famous for its library, + there were “Irish education, manuscripts, and occasionally also Irish + monks.” “One of the most ancient monuments of the German tongue, the + vocabulary of St. Gall, dating from about 780, is written in the Irish + character.” + + [18] _D.C.B._ _sub nom._ + + [19] Stokes (G. T.), 221. + + [20] _Ib._ 220. + + [21] Haddan, 267. + + [22] Hyde, 221. + + [23] Joyce, _Short Hist. of I._, 165. + + [24] Bede, _H. E._, iii. 27; Healy, 101; Stokes (G. T.), 230. + + [25] _Camb. Lit._, i. 66. + + [26] Healy, 272. + + [27] Alcuin, _Willibrord_, c. 4. + + [28] See full account, _R. H. S._ (N. S.), v. 75. + + [29] Sandys, i. 480. + + [30] _R. H. S._ (N. S.), v. 90. + + [31] Sandys, i. 480; Stokes (M.)^{2}, 210. + + [32] + + “Sancte Columba tibi Scotto tuus incola Dungal + Tradidit hunc librum, quo fratrum corda beentur. + Qui leges ergo Deus pretium sit muneris, oro.”--Healy, 392. + + + + [33] Stokes (M.)^{2}, 206-7, 247. + + [34] Sandys, i. 463. + + [35] Moore, _Hist. of I._, i. 299; _Boll. Iul._ _t._ vii. 222. + + [36] The following, among others, are still on the Continent: Gospels + of Willibrord (Bibl. Nat. Lat. 9389, 739), Gospel of St. John (Cod. 60 + St. Gall _c._ 750-800); Book of Fragments (No. 1395, St. Gall, _c._ + 750-800); The Golden Gospels (Royal library, Stockholm, 871); Gospels + of St. Arnoul, Metz (Nuremberg Museum, 7th c.).--Cp. Maclean, 207-8; + Hyde, 267. + + [37] Adamnan, 365n. + + [38] Hyde, 220; Stokes (M.), 10, “Connachtach, an Abbot of Iona + who died in 802, is called in the Irish annals ‘a scribe most + choice.’”--Trenholme, _Iona_, 32. + + [39] _Tech-screptra; domus scripturarum._ + + [40] _Leabhar coimedach._ Adamnan, 359, note m. + + [41] Joyce, i. 483. + + [42] At vero hoc audiens Colcius tempus et horam _in tabula_ + describens.--Adamnan, 66. Columba is said to have blessed one hundred + pólaires or tablets (_Leabhar Breac_, fo. 16-60; Stokes (M.), 51). + The boy Benen, who followed Patrick, bore tablets on his back + (_folaire_, corrupt for _pólaire_).--Stokes (W.), _T. L._, 47. Patrick + gave to Fiacc a case containing a tablet. _Ib._ 344. An example of + a waxed tablet, with a case for it, is in the Museum of the Royal + Irish Academy. The case is a wooden cover, divided into hollowed-out + compartments for holding the styles. This specimen dates from the + thirteenth or fourteenth century. Slates and pencils were also in use + for temporary purposes.--Joyce, i. 483. + + [43] See Thompson, 236, where Irish calligraphy is fully dealt with; + _Camb. Lit._, i. 13. + + [44] _Trans. R. I. Acad._, vol. xviii. 1838. + + [45] Stokes (W.), _T. L._, 75. The terms used for satchels are + _sacculi_ (Lat.), and _tiag_, or _tiag liubhair_ or _teig liubair_ + (Ir.). There has been some confusion between _pólaire_ and _tiag_, the + former being regarded as a leather case for a single book, the latter + a satchel for several books. This distinction is made in connection + with the ancient Irish life of Columba, which is therefore made to + read that the saint used to make _cases_ and _satchels_ for books + (_pólaire ocus tiaga_), _v._ Adamnan, 115. Cf. Petrie, _Round Towers_, + 336-7. But the late Dr. Whitley Stokes makes _pólaire_ or _pōlire_, + or the corruption _folaire_, derive from _pugillares_ = writing + tablets.--Stokes (W.), _T. L._, cliii. and 655. This interpretation + of the word gives us the much more likely reading that Columba made + _tablets_, and _satchels_ for books. + + [46] Stokes (M.), 50. + + [47] Curzon, _Monasteries of the Levant_, 66. + + [48] Mr. Allen, in his admirable volume on _Celtic Art_, p. 208, + in this series, says cumdachs were peculiar to Ireland. But they + were made and used elsewhere, and were variously known as _capsae_, + _librorum coopertoria_ (_e.g._ ... librorumque coopertoria; quædam + horum nuda, quædam vero alia auro atque argento gemmisque pretiosis + circumtecta.--_Acta SS._, _Aug._ iii. 659c), and _thecae_. Some of + these cases were no doubt as beautifully decorated as the Irish + cumdachs. William of Malmesbury asserts that twenty pounds and sixty + marks of gold were used to make the coopertoria librorum Evangelii for + King Ina’s chapel. At the Abbey of St. Riquier was an “Evangelium auro + Scriptum unum, cum capsa argentea gemmis et lapidibus fabricata. Aliae + capsae evangeliorum duae ex auro et argento paratae.”--Maitland, 212. + In 1295 St. Paul’s Cathedral possessed a copy of the Gospels in a case + (capsa) adorned with gilding and relics.--Putnam, i. 105-6. + + [49] _Leborchometa chethrochori_, and _bibliothecae + quadratae_.--Stokes (W.), _T. L._, 96 and 313. + + [50] Stokes (M.), 90. + + [51] Stokes (M.), 92-3. + + [52] See _La Bibliofilia_, xi. 165. + + [53] _Acta SS. Ap._, iii. 581c. + + [54] Healy, 524. + + [55] Other instances are cited in Adamnan, book ii., chap. 8. + + [56] _Hist. mon. S. Augustini, Cant._, 96-99, “Et haec sunt primitiae + librorum totius ecclesiae Anglicanae,” 99. + + [57] _H. E._, i. 29. + + [58] Stanley, _Hist. Mem. of C._ (1868), 42. + + [59] _Hist. mon. S. Aug._, xxv. + + [60] B. M. Reg. I. E. vi. may be a part of the Gregorian Bible, or the + second copy of the Gospels mentioned above, if this second copy is not + Corpus Christi, Camb. 286. Corpus C. 286 is a seventh century book, + certainly from St. Augustine’s; it was probably brought to England in + the time of Theodore, and though it may be one of the books referred + to above, is, therefore, not Augustinian. The Psalter bearing the + silver images is “most likely” Cott. Vesp. A. 1, an eighth century + manuscript; it is, therefore, not Augustinian, although it may be a + copy of the original Psalter given by Gregory.--James, lxvi. + + [61] Known as Codex E, or the Laudian Acts (Laud. Gr. 35). Bede refers + to a Greek manuscript of the Acts in his _Retractationes_; possibly + this is the actual copy. The last page of the book bears the signature + “Theodore”; did Archbishop Theodore bring the volume to England? “It + is at least safe to say that the presence of such a book in England + in Bede’s time can hardly be entirely independent of the influence of + Theodore or of Abbot Hadrian.”--James (M. R.), xxiii. + + [62] _H. E._, iv. 2, _tr._ Sellar. + + [63] _Ib._ v. 20. + + [64] _Ib._ v. 23. + + [65] This copy was still at Malmesbury in the twelfth century.--W. of + Malmesbury, _Ang. Sacr._, ii. 21. + + [66] Sandys, i. 466; _Camb. Eng. Lit._, i. 75. + + [67] _Camb. Eng. Lit._, i. 45. + + [68] These foundations were regarded as one house, the inmates being + bound together by “a common and perpetual affection and intimacy.” + + [69] “Innumerabilem librorum omnis generis copiam apportavit.”--_Vitae + Abbatum_, § 4. + + [70] “Copiosissima et nobilissima bibliotheca.”--_Ib._ § 11. + + [71] Lanciani, _Anc. Rome_, 201. + + [72] Ceolfrid, Benedict Biscop’s successor, added a number of books + to the library, among them three copies of the Vulgate, and one of + the older version. One copy of the Vulgate Ceolfrid took with him to + Rome (716) to give to the Pope. He died on the way. The codex did not + go to Rome; now, it is in the Laurentian Library, Florence, where it + is known as the Codex Amiatinus. The writing is Italian, or at any + rate foreign, so it must have been imported, or written at Jarrow by + foreign scribes. This volume is the chief authority for the text of + Jerome’s translation of the Scriptures. + + [73] _H. E._, v. 24. + + [74] Bede frequently quotes Cicero, Virgil, and Horace; usually + selecting some telling phrase, _e.g._ “caeco carpitur igni” (_H. + E._ ii. 12). In his _De Natura rerum_ he owes a good deal to Pliny + and Isidore. In his commentaries on the Scriptures he displays + an extent of reading which we have no space to give any idea of. + His chronologies were based on Jerome’s edition of Eusebius, on + Augustine and Isidore. In his _H. E._ he uses “Pliny, Solinus, + Orosius, Eutropius, Marcellinus Comes, Gildas, probably the _Historia + Brittonum_, a _Passion of St. Alban_, and the _Life of Germanus of + Auxerre_ by Constantius”; while he refers to lives of St. Fursa, St. + Ethelburg, and to Adamnan’s work on the Holy Places. Cf. Sandys, i. + 468; _Camb. Lit._, i. 80-81. Bede also got first-hand knowledge: + the Lindisfarne records provided him with material on Cuthbert; + information came to him from Canterbury about Southern affairs and + from Lastingham about Mercian affairs. Nothelm got material from the + archives at Rome for him. + + [75] Tr. in Morley, _Eng. Writers_, ii. 160. + + [76] Tr. in West, _Alcuin_, 34-35. + + [77] Tr. in _King’s Letters_, ed. Steele (1903), 1. Cf. Bodl. _MS. + Hatton_, 20; _Cott. MS. Otho_ B 2; Corpus C. C., Camb. MS. 12. + + [78] _MS. Cott. Tib._ B xi.--a copy of Alfred’s version of the _Cura_, + or what is left of it--has been connected with Archbishop Plegmund, + the evidence being a Saxon inscription on the manuscript. Wanley, + however, doubted the conclusiveness of this evidence, which, together + with most of the text, was lost in the fire of 1731.--James, xxiii-iv. + + [79] Sandys, i. 484. + + [80] Hunt, _Hist. of Eng. Church_, i. 326. + + [81] Strutt, _Saxon Antiq._, i. 105, pl. xviii. The picture is in a + large volume containing part of a grammar and certain other pieces + used at Glastonbury.--_MS. Auct._ F. iv. 32. Over the picture is the + inscription: _Pictura et scriptura hujus paginae subtus visa est de + propria manu Sci. Dunstani._ + + [82] Stubbs, _Mem. of Dunstan_, cx.-cxii. + + [83] _Chron. Mon. de Abingdon_, ii. 263. + + [84] _Ibid._, ii. 265. + + [85] _Archaeologia_, xxiv. 19. + + [86] _B. M. Cott. Vesp._, A. viii., written 966. + + [87] Hook, _Archbishops_, i. 453 (1st ed.). + + [88] _Chron. Abb. de E._, 83. + + [89] James^{1}, 5-6. + + [90] Most old English poems are preserved in unique manuscripts, + sometimes not complete, but in fragments; two fragments, for example, + were found in the bindings of other books.--Warton, ii. 7. In 1248, + only four books in English were at Glastonbury, and they are described + as old and useless.--John of G., 435; Ritson, i. 43. About fifty + years later only seventeen such books were in the big library at + Canterbury.--James (M. R.), 51. A striking illustration of the disuse + of the vernacular among the religious is found in an Anglo-Saxon + Gregory’s _Pastoral Care_, which is copiously glossed in Latin, in + two or three hands. This manuscript, now in Corpus Christi College, + Cambridge, No. 12, came from Worcester Priory.--James^{17}, 33. + + [91] Becker, 199, 257. + + [92] In an eleventh century manuscript in Trinity College Library, + Cambridge (MS. B. 16, 44), is an inscription, perhaps by Lanfranc + himself, recording that he brought it from Bec and gave it to Christ + Church. + + [93] At the end of the manuscript of Cassian is written: “Hucusque ego + Lanfrancus correxi.”--_Hist. Litt. de la France_, vii. 117. At the end + of the Ambrose (_Hexaemeron_) the note reads, “Lanfrancus ego correxi.” + + [94] James (M. R.), xxx. + + [95] _Chron. Abb. de Evesham_, 97. + + [96] Library of Ste. Geneviève, Paris, MS. E. l. 17, in 40, fol. 61. + The note reads: Quia autem apud Bequefort victualium copia erat, + scriptores etiam ibi habebantur quorum opera ad nos in Normaniam + mittebantur.--_Library_, v. 2 (1893). + + [97] Stevenson, _Grosseteste_, 149. + + [98] _Gesta R. Angl._, lib. v.; _Camb. Lit._, i. 159-60. + + [99] _Surtees S._, lxix. 341. + + [100] Merryweather, 96-7. + + [101] Joh. Glaston, _Chronica_, ed. Hearne (1726), ii. 423-44; + Merryweather, 140. + + [102] Librariam fecit optimum pulcherrimum et copiosum.--Holmes, + _Wells and Glastonbury_, 229. + + [103] _MS. Twyne_, Bodl. L., 8, 272. + + [104] James, and James^{1}. + + [105] In the fine MS. Cott. Claud. E. iv. (_Gesta Abbatum_) is a + series of portrait miniatures of the abbots, and in most cases they + are represented as reading or carrying books, or with books about them. + + [106] Fecit etiam scribi libros plurimos, quos longum esset enarrare. + + [107] Some of the books were restored, others were resold to the abbey. + + [108] A lot of forty-nine, with prices attached, is given in _Annales + a J. Amund._, ii. 268 _et seq._ + + [109] Gloucester House, now Worcester College. + + [110] Dugdale, iv. 405. + + [111] For St. Albans see _Gesta Abbatum_, i. 58, 70, 94, 106, 179, + 184; ii. 200, 306, 363; iii. 389, 393. + + [112] _Mon. Fr._, ii. lviii. + + [113] Bryce, i. 440 n., 29. + + [114] Clark, 62. + + [115] These works would be Latin translations based upon Arabic + versions. _Opus Majus_, iii. 66; _Camb. Lit._, i. 199; Gasquet^{3}, + 156. + + [116] Close roll, 10 Hen. III, m. 6 (3rd Sep.); Trivet, + _Annales_, 243; _Mon. Fr._, i. 185; Stevenson, 76; _O. H. S._, Little, + 57. + + [117] Wood, _Hist. Ant. U. Ox._ (1792), i. 329. + + [118] There is an imperfect catalogue of their library in Leland, iii. + 57. + + [119] Leland^{3}, 286. + + [120] Oliver, _Mon. Dioc. Exon._, 332, 333. + + [121] _Sussex Archaeol. Collections_, i. (1848), 168-187. + + [122] _Mon. Fr._, ii. 18. + + [123] _Cal. of Pap. Letters_, iv. 42-43. + + [124] Leland, iii. 53. + + [125] _Camb. Mod. Hist._, i., 597. + + [126] For date see Stow (Kingsford’s ed.), i. 108; i. 318; _Mon. Fr._ + i. 519. + + [127] Stow, i. 318. + + [128] _Camb. Mod. Hist._, i. 591 + + [129] The catalogue is edited by Dr. M. R. James in _Fasciculus Ioanni + Willis Clark dicatus_, 2-96. + + [130] Bryce, i. 369. + + [131] _Mon. Fr._, i. 391. + + [132] _Ibid._ i. 366. + + [133] But see _O. H. S._, Little, 56; _Mon. Fr._, ii. 91--Libri + fratrum decedentium.... + + [134] _Mon. Fr._, i. 114. + + [135] _Bodl. MS. Twyne_, xxiii. 488; _O. H. S._, Little, 60. + + [136] R. Armachanus, _Defensorium Curatorum_; cf. Wyclif’ English + _Works_, ed. Matthew, 128, 221. + + [137] _R. de B._, Thomas’ ed. 203. + + [138] Stevenson, 87. + + [139] Gasquet^{3}, 140, _q.v._ for full description of these + _Correctoria_. + + [140] _MS. Bodl._ Tanner, 165. + + [141] _Camb. Mod. Hist._, i. 592; James, xlix. + + [142] _Hist. et Cart. Mon. Glouc._, iii. lxxiv. + + [143] _R. de B._, _c. v._ 183. + + [144] Whitaker, _Hist. of Craven_, (1805), 330; another computus, + discovered later, does not refer to books (ed. 1878). + + [145] Morris, _Chester during Plantagenet and Tudor Reigns_, 128-129. + + [146] James, M. R.^{1}, 109-110. + + [147] Bateson, _Med. Eng._, 339. + + [148] Gasquet^{4}, 49. + + [149] _E. H. R._, xxv. 122. + + [150] Bateson, vii. + + [151] _Synesius de laude Calvitii_, MS. Bodl. 80. + + [152] Gasquet^{2}, 36-37. + + [153] Sandys., ii. 225; and see _post_, p. 195. + + [154] Gasquet^{2}, 37; Rashdall and Rait, _New Coll._ (1901), 251. + + [155] A few volumes escaped: a copy of Basil’s Commentary on + Isaiah, presumably in Greek, and some others. “Among them must in + all probability be reckoned the first copy of Homer whose presence + can be definitely traced in England since the days of Theodore of + Tarsus.”--_Camb. Mod. Hist._, i. 598. Cp. James, li. + + [156] Aubrey, _Lett. of Em. Per. from the Bod._, i. 278. + + [157] _Laboryouse Journey and Serche of Johann Leylande for Englandes + Antiquitees_, by Bale, 1549. Cf. Strype, _Parker_ (1711), 528. + + [158] Accounts of John Scudamore (kings receiver), detailing proceeds + of sale of goods from Bordesley Abbey, and other monasteries.--_Cam. + Soc._, xxvi. 269, 271, 275. + + [159] _Fasciculus I. W. Clark dicatus_, 16, and cf. 96. + + [160] _Fasciculus I. W. Clark dicatus_, 16, 17. + + [161] _C. A. S. 8vo. Publ._, No. 33 (1900), Dr. James on MSS. in the + Library of Lambeth Palace, pp. 1, 2, 6. + + [162] See Dr. James’ view of the dispersion of Bury Abbey + Library.--James^{1}, 9-10. + + [163] Monasticon, Dugdale, ii. 586-587. + + [164] _Ath. Ox._ (1721), 82, 83. + + [165] James (M. R.), lxxxi. + + [166] Leland, _Itinerary_ (1907), i. xxxviii. + + [167] James (M. R.)^{1}, 11. + + [168] _Notes and Q._, 2. i. 485; James (M. R.), lvii, lxxxii. + + [169] Strype, _Parker_ (1711), 528. + + [170] James (M. R.), _Sources of Archbishop Parker’s MSS_. (Camb. + Antiq. Soc.). + + [171] James (M. R.), 505-534. + + [172] James (M. R.)^{1}, 42; _ibid._ xciv. But later Dr. James was + less certain of some of his identifications. See James (M. R.)^{10}, + viii. + + [173] Robinson. + + [174] See also Macray’s _Annals of the Bodleian_. + + [175] Maitland, 404-405. + + [176] _Stat. selecta Cap. Gen. O. Cisterc._, A.D. 1278, Martène, iv. + 1462; Maitland, 406. + + [177] _O. H. S._, Little, 55. + + [178] _Surtees Soc._, xv., Durham Rites, 70-71. + + [179] _Chron. abb. de Evesham_, 301. + + [180] James (M. R.), li.; Cox, _Canterbury_, 199. + + [181] Windle, _Chester_, 171-172; _Library_, ii. 285. + + [182] Géraud, _Essai sur les livres_, 181. + + [183] Sandys, i. 266. + + [184] Cp. Du Cange, _Gloss_. art. _Scriptores_; citation from Const. + of Carthusians. + + [185] Maitland, 56. + + [186] _Chron. mon. de Abingd_., ii. 371. + + [187] _Gesta abb. m. S. Albani_, i. 57-58. + + [188] From the Porkington MS.; this treatise has been printed in + _Early English Miscellanies_, ed. J. O. Halliwell, for the Warton + Club (1855), p. 72. Other treatises are in Mrs. Merrifield’s _Arts of + Painting_ (1849). + + [189] Madan, 37. + + [190] Pez, _Thesaurus_, i. xx. + + [191] Bede, _Works_, ed. Plummer, xx. + + [192] _O. V._, pars II. lib. iv. + + [193] Hardy, iii. xiii. + + [194] _Surtees Soc._, vii. xxv. + + [195] Lecoq de la Marche, 103. + + [196] In a MS. of Joh. Andreas, _Super Decretales_, Peterhouse, + Camb.--James^{3}, 29. + + [197] MS. on surgery, Peterhouse, Camb.--James^{3}, 137. + + [198] Du Cange, _Gloss._, art., _Scriptorium_. + + [199] Martène, _De Ant. Mon. Ritibus_, v. c. 18, § 4. + + [200] _E. H. R._, xxv. 121. + + [201] Thompson, pp. 19 ff., 322. + + [202] _Customary of St. A._ (H. Brads. Soc.), i. 401. These tablets + were called _ceratae tabellae_, _tabellae cerae_, or simply _cerae_. + The name of a book, _caudex_, _codex_, was first given to these + tabellae when they were strung together to form a square “book.”--_V. + Antiquary_, xii. 277. + + [203] James^{1}, 7; _ibid._^{17}, 3. + + [204] _Works_, ed. Skeat, i. 379. + + [205] _Mon. Fr._, i. 359. + + [206] _Epp._, 8. 69; Sandys, i. 487-488. + + [207] James (M. R.)^{10}. + + [208] Stevenson, _Suppl. to Bentham’s Ch. of Ely_. + + [209] Warton, i. 213. + + [210] _Mon. Fr._, i. 206. + + [211] _O. H. S._, Little, 135; best account of Adam in this book. + + [212] _C. A. S._ (N.S.), 8vo ser. vii. 187 (1909). The story of the + connexion between Chesterton and Vercelli is most interesting. A + list of the books is in Lampugnani, _Sulla Vita di Guala Bicchieri, + Vercelli_ (1842), 125 _et seq._; but I have not been able to see the + book. See further Bekynton’s _Correspondence_, ii. 344 (Rolls Ser.); + and Kennedy, _Poems of Cynewulf_ (1910), 6. + + [213] _O. H. S._, 27 Boase, xxxvii n. + + [214] Sandys, i. 486-489, _q.v._ for other interesting facts about + this abbot. + + [215] _Gesta Abbatum_, i. 57. + + [216] _Chron. mon. de Abingd._, ii. 153. A list of the precentor’s + rents, applied to expenses of the writing-room and the organ, will be + found in ii. 328. + + [217] _H. Mon. S. A._, 392. + + [218] Stewart, _Ely Cath._, 280; _Surtees Soc._, lxix. 15-20; + Robinson, I. + + [219] _Chron. abb. de Evesham_, 208-210. + + [220] Full document in Edwards, i. 283. + + [221] _Chron. abb. Rameseiensis_, 356. + + [222] James, 535-544. + + [223] _Chron. abb. de Evesham_, 267. + + [224] Robinson, 4. + + [225] _O. H. S._, 27, Boase, 19. + + [226] Rymer, _Foedera_, viii. 501; cf. James^{17}, 153. + + [227] Cam. Soc., _Bury Wills_ (1850), 105. Many of the gifts to Syon + monastery came from priests.--Bateson, xxiii-xxvii. Cf. also lists of + donors in James (M. R.), 535 _et seq._ + + [228] Cf. James (M. R.), lxxii n. + + [229] _Customary of Barnwell_ (Harl. MS. 3061). + + [230] _Surtees Soc._ xv., Durham Rites, 70-71. The library would be + that built by Wessington in 1446. + + [231] But see Robinson, 3. + + [232] Sandys, i. 266. + + [233] _Archæol. Jour._ (1848), v. 85. + + [234] _Lancs. and Ches. Hist. Soc._, xix. 106. + + [235] _Chron. mon. de Melsa_, iii. lxxxiii. + + [236] James (M. R.), xliv. + + [237] _Anglia Sacra_, i. 145-6; James (M. R.), l-li. + + [238] MS. Arundel 57, Brit. Mus. See James (M. R.), lxxvii. “This + boc is dan Michelis of Northgate, y-write an englis of his ozene + hand. thet hatte: Ayenbyte of Inwyt. And is of the bochouse of Saynt + Austines of Canterberi. mid the letters _CC_.” “Ymende, thet this boc + is volveld ine the eve of the holy apostles Symon an Judas, of ane + brother of the cloystre of Sauynt Austin of Canterberi, ine the yeare + of oure lhordes beringe (birth) 1340.” + + [239] _Surtees Soc._, xv., Durham Rites, 26. + + [240] _C._ 1429-45. Most likely over the cloister. The books seem + to have been arranged flat on sloping desks, to which they were + chained.--James (M. R.)^{1}, 41. + + [241] _Chron. mon. de Abingd._, ii. 373. + + [242] Hardy, iii. xiii. + + [243] _Chron. mon. de Abingd._, ii. 371; _Customary of St. August._, + _Cant._ (H. Brads. Soc.), introd. + + [244] _Customary of St. August._, i. 96; ii. 36. + + [245] _Panni, camisiae librorum._ + + [246] _Stat. ant. ord. Carthus._, _c._ xvi. § 9. + + [247] MS. Lat. 12296, Bibl. Nat., Paris. + + [248] _Bibl. Cluniacensis_, lib. i.; Maitland, 440. + + [249] James (M. R.)^{10}, 171. + + [250] B. M. MS. Reg. 12 G. ii.; Warton, i. 182. + + [251] Harl. MS. 2798. + + [252] See anathema in Trin. Coll. Camb. MS. B. S. 17. + + [253] James^{17}, 126. + + [254] _Mon. Fr._, ii. 41. + + [255] Bryce, i. 27. + + [256] _Hist. MSS._, 6th Rept. 296_b_. + + [257] _Records of the Borough of Nottingham_, i. 335. + + [258] _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. 397. + + [259] See particularly James (M. R.), xlv-xlvi, 146-149. + + [260] Delisle, _Bibl. de l’École des chartes_, iii^{e} ser. i. 225. + + [261] _Hist. MSS._ 6th Rept. 296_a_. + + [262] _Literae Cantuarienses_, ii. 146. + + [263] _Mon. Fr._, ii. 91. + + [264] _Literae Cantuarienses_, ii. 146; James (M. R.), 146. + + [265] James (M. R.), xlv, 502-503; Camb. Univ. Lib. MS., Ff. 4. 40, + last fol. + + [266] Clark, 133. + + [267] _Surtees Soc._, vii. 85. + + [268] See also Bateson, vi-vii. + + [269] Bateson, vii. + + [270] Pemb. Coll., Camb., MS. 180. + + [271] Madan, 7, 8. + + [272] Bateson, 202. Ut scilicet prima particula de numero et + perfecta voluminum cognicione loci precentorem informet, secunda + ad solicitam leccionis frequenciam ffratres studiosos provocet, et + tercia de singulorum tractatuum repercione festina scolaribus itinera + manifestet.--James, 407. + + [273] James (M. R.), 410. For further information on monastic + catalogues consult _Surtees Soc._, vii; Becker; James (M. R.); + Bateson; _Zentralblatt_; Gottlieb. + + [274] Bateson, _Med. Eng._, 86. + + [275] Now in Mr. Pierpont Morgan’s library. Illustrated in _La + Bibliofilia_, xi. 169. + + [276] Cf. _Register of S. Osmund_, ii. 127. Textus unus aureus magnus + continens saphiros xx., et smaragdos [emeralds] vi., et thopasios + viii., et alemandinas [? carbuncle or ruby] xviii., et gernettas + [garnets] viii., et perlas xii. Also i. 276; ii. 43. Jerome, _Ad + Eustoch_, Ep. 18. + + [277] _MS._, 41; James^{17}, 81. + + [278] _C. A. S._, 8vo. publ. No. 33 (1900), 25. + + [279] _MS. Bodl._, Auct. D. 2. 16 fo. 1ª; Dugdale, ii. 527; _Oxford + Philol. Soc. Trans._, 1881-83, p. 2. + + [280] Full inventory in Oliver, _Lives of the Bps._, 301-310. + + [281] _C. A. S._ (N.S.), 8vo. ser. iv. 311. + + [282] Ego I. de G. Exon., do Eccle. Exon librum istum cum pari suo, + in festo Annuntiationis Dominice. Manu mea, anno consecrationis mee + xxxix.--Oliver, _Lives of the Bps._, 85. + + [283] Lego eisdem libros meos episcopales, majorem et minorem, quos + ego compilavi.--_Ibid._ 86. + + [284] In 1329 he wrote to Richard de Ratforde from Chudleigh: + “Regraciamur vobis quod Librum Sermonum Beati Augustini pro nobis, + prout Magister Ricardus filius Radulphi, ex parte nostra, vos rogavit, + retinuistis, nobisque et condiciones ejusdem significastis et precium. + Et, quia ipsum Librum habere volumus, lx solidos sterlingorum Magistro + Johanni de Sovenaisshe [Sevenashe], Magistro Scolarum nostre Civitatis + Exoniensis, pro ipso Libro tradi fecimus, ut nobis eundem, quamcicius + nuncii securitas affuerit, transmittatis. Libros, eciam, Theologicos + Originales, veteres saltem et raros, ac Sermones antiquos, eciam sine + Divisionibus Thematum, pro nostris usibus exploretis; scribentes nobis + condiciones et precium eorundem.”--_O.H.S._, 27 Boase, 2. + + [285] Robinson, 63. + + [286] Building accounts in _C. A. S._ (N.S.), 8vo. ser. iv. 296. + + [287] Oliver, 366-375. + + [288] Between 1385 and 1425 the bishops giving books to Exeter + College, Oxford. + + [289] Oliver, 359, 360, 366-375. + + [290] List in Oliver, _Lives_, 376; _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iv. 306 (8vo. + ser.). + + [291] Oliver, 376. + + [292] _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iv. 312. + + [293] I have to thank my friend Mr. Tapley Soper, F.R.Hist.S., for his + willing help in sending me information about this library. + + Our account of church libraries will appear inadequate if it is not + borne in mind that we do not propose to go beyond the manuscript age. + An excellent account of modern church libraries is given in _English + Church Furniture_, in this series. Also see Clark, 257. + + [294] _Reliquary_, vii. 11 (Floyer). + + [295] _Reliquary_, vii. 14 (Floyer). + + [296] _Ibid._, 17. + + [297] The best account of Worcester Cathedral Library is in + _Reliquary_, vii. 11, by the Rev. J. K. Floyer, M.A. + + [298] Havergal, _Fasti Heref._ (1869), 181-182. + + [299] W. of Malmesbury, _Gesta Pont._, 184. + + [300] _Register of St. Osmund_, i. 8, 214. + + [301] _Register of St. Osmund_, i. 224. + + [302] Cox and Harvey, _English Church Furniture_, 331. + + [303]See list in Giraldus Cambrensis, vii. 165-166. + + [304] _Archaeologia_, l. 496. + + [305] _Hist. MSS., 9th Rept._, App. 46a. + + [306] _Ep._, 126; Creighton, _Papacy_, iii. 53n. + + [307] Stow, i. 328. + + [308] Dugdale, _Hist. of St. Paul’s_, 392-398. + + [309] _Ibid._, 399. + + [310] Stow, i. 328. + + [311] _Ibid._, ii. 346; Simpson, _Reg. S. Pauli_, 13, 78, 133, 173, + 227. + + [312] Pp. 1, 325-327. + + [313] In the fifteenth century the bishops of Wells were good friends + of learning: Skirlaw gave books to University College, Oxford; Bowet + left a large library; Stafford gave books; Bekynton was the companion + of the most cultivated men of his time. Dean Gunthorpe is well known + as a pilgrim to Italy, who returned laden with manuscripts (see p. + 192). + + [314] _Hist. MSS. Rept._ 3, App. 363a. + + [315] _Mun. Acad._, 649. + + [316] _Mun. Acad._, 652-653. + + [317] _L. A. R._, viii. 372; Canon Church’s account of the library, in + _Archaeologia_, lvii. pt. 2, is very full and interesting. + + [318] _Surtees Soc._, xxxv. 36-40. + + [319] Hunter, _Notes of Wills in Registers of York_, 15. + + [320] _Surtees Soc._, xxxv., 45-46. + + [321] _Ibid._, iv. 385; xlv. 89, 91. + + [322] _W. Salt Arch. Soc._, vi. pt. 2, 211. + + [323] _Capit. Acts_, v. 3. + + [324] Harwood, _Hist. and Antiq. of the Ch.... of Lichfield_ (1806), + 109. + + [325] _Vict. County Hist. of Berkshire_, ii. 109. + + [326] _Vict. Hist. Warwickshire_, ii. 127 b. + + [327] _Ibid._, ii. 128 a. + + [328] Johannes Rous, capellanus Cantariae de Guy-Cliffe, qui + super porticum australem librariam construxit, et libris + ornavit.--_Gentleman’s Magazine_ (N.S.), xxv. 37. The chapel of Guy’s + Cliffe was erected by Richard Beauchamp for the repose of the soul of + his “ancestor,” Guy of Warwick, the hero of romance. + + [329] Mr. W. T. Carter of the Warwick Public Library, has kindly given + me much information about St. Mary’s Church library. + + [330] _Arch. Inst. City of York_ (1846), 10-11; _Surtees Soc._, iv. + 102-103, 196; xlv. 57-59, 159, 171, 220-222, 221n.; xxvi. 2-3; xxx. + 219, 275; Cox and Harvey, _English Church Furniture_, 331; _Mun. + Acad._, 648-649; _Library_, i. 411; Cam. Soc., _Bury Wills_, 253. + + [331] Cox, J. C., and Hope, W. H. St. John, _Chronicles of the Colleg. + Ch. of All Saints, Derby_ (1881), 175-177. + + [332] _Ibid._, 157. + + [333] _Library_, i. 417. + + [334] Stow, i. 194. Leland, iv. 48, has a note of four MSS. “in + bibliotheca Petrina Londini.” Possibly this library was formed by + Rector Hugh Damlet, who was a learned man, and gave several books to + Pembroke College, Cambridge.--James^{10}, 184. + + [335] _Archaeologia_, xlv. 118, 120. + + [336] _R. H. S._, vi. 205. + + [337] Sandys, i. 606; Le Clerc, _Hist. Litt._ (2nd ed.), 430. + + [338] N. Bishop’s Collectanea, now at Cambridge; Wood, _Hist. and + Antiq. U. of O._, ed. Gutch, 1796^{2}, vol. ii. pt. 2, 910. + + [339] _Mun. Acad._, 270. + + [340] Clark, 144; _Pietas O._, 5; Lyte, 97; Oriel document. + + [341] _O. H. S._ 5 _Collect._, i. 62-65. + + [342] _Univ. Arch. W. P. G._, 4-6. + + [343] _Mun. Acad._, 226-228. + + [344] _Ibid._, 267. + + [345] _Mun. Acad._, 265. + + [346] _Ibid._, 261 _et seq._ + + [347] After the Black Death, Trinity Hall, Cambridge, possibly Corpus + Christi, Cambridge, Canterbury College and New College, Oxford, were + founded, and University (Clare) Hall, Cambridge, was enlarged, partly, + at any rate, to repair the ravages the plague had made among the + clergy.--_Camb. Lit._, ii. 354; cf. _Hist. MSS._, 5th Rep., 450. + + [348] _Mun. Acad._, 267. + + [349] _Ibid._, 266; _O. H. S._ 35-36, Ansley, 222, 229, 279, 313, 373, + 382, 397. + + [350] _Mun. Acad._, 266. + + [351] The indenture in which the books are catalogued mentions nine + books received before: possibly these were the gift of 1435.--_Mun. + Acad._, 758; _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 177. + + [352] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 184-90. + + [353] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 184. + + [354] _Mun. Acad._, 758. + + [355] _O. H. S._ 35, Ansley, 246. + + [356] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 187-89; _Mun. Acad._, 326-29. + + [357] _Athenæum_, Nov. 17, ’88, p. 664; Hulton, _Clerk of Oxford in + Fiction_, 35. + + [358] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 197, 204. + + [359] See lists of Gloucester’s books in _Mun. Acad._, 758-65; _O. H. + S._, Anstey, 179, 183, 232. + + [360] He also owned some French manuscripts: what he gave to Oxford + formed part of a much larger private library. + + [361] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 294-95. + + [362] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 285-86, 300-1, 318. + + [363] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 9, 46. + + [364] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 245-46. + + [365] _O. H. S._ 35-36, Anstey, 326, 439. + + [366] The plan resembled that of the old library built by Adam de + Brome. For notes on the architectural history of this library, see + _Pietas O._ + + [367] _Mun. Acad._, 58, 59; cf. Smith, _Annals of U.C._, 37-39. + + [368] _Commiss. Docts., Oxford_, i., Statutes, p. 24. + + [369] Lyte, 181. + + [370] Paravicini, _Ball. Coll._, 169, 173. + + [371] _O. H. S._ 5, _Collect._, i. 66. + + [372] _Hist. MSS._, ix. 1, 46. + + [373] _O. H. S._ 32, _Collect._, iii. 225; cf. _Hist. MSS._ 2nd Rep., + App. 135a; Walcott, _W. of Wykeham_, 285. + + [374] _Hist. MSS._ 9th Rep., i. 46; _Reg. Abp. Whittlesey_, fo. 122, + cited by Lyte, 181. + + [375] Rogers, _Agric. and Prices_, iv. 599-600. + + [376] _O. H. S._ 32, _Collect._, 223, 214-15. + + [377] See the gifts to Exeter College, _O. H. S._ 27, Boase, _passim_. + + [378] _Mun. Acad._, ii. 706. + + [379] _Hist. MSS._ 2nd Rep., 140a. + + [380] _Hist. MSS._ App. 2nd Rep., 129; _O. H. S._ 27, Boase, xlvii. + + [381] Brantingham gave £20 towards the building; More, £10. Account + of building expenses, amounting to £57, 13s. 5½d., is given in _O. H. + S._, 27, Boase, 345; see p. liii. + + [382] _O. H. S._ 27, Boase, xlviii. In 1392 “iiii_s_ pro ligacione + septem librorum et I_d_ pro cervisia in eisdem + ligatoribus, VI_d_ erario pro labore suo circa eosdem + libros, et II_d_ Johanni Lokyer pro impositione + eorundem librorum in descis.” + + [383] _Ibid._, xlviii. + + [384] The building, which is still standing as a part of Trinity + College, cost £42; fittings, £6, 16s. 8d. Blakiston, _Trin. Coll._, 26. + + [385] James, xlvii. + + [386] Cf. Willis, _Arch. Hist. Camb._, ii. 410. + + [387] Willis, iii. 410. + + [388] _Hist. MSS._ 2nd Rep., 141a + + [389] _O. H. S._ 27, Boase; _O. H. S._ 5, _Collect._, 62. At C. C., + Christ Church, and St. John’s Colleges the least useful books could be + sold if the libraries became too large.--Oxford Stat. + + [390] _Camb. Lit._, iii. 50. + + [391] _Cam. Soc._, xxvi. 71. + + [392] _I.e._ for practically nothing, a mere song. + + [393] Wood (Gutch), 918-19. + + [394] With Bodley’s noble work this book has no concern. The story has + been told briefly in Mr. Nicholson’s _Pietas Oxoniensis_, and with + more detail in Dr. Macray’s _Annals of the Bodleian_. + + [395] _MS. français_, I. 1. + + [396] Delisle, _Le Cabinet des MSS._, i. 152. + + [397] Cooper, i. 128, 152, 224. + + [398] _Surtees Soc._, xxx. 78-79. + + [399] Bradshaw, 19-34; Willis, iii. 404. + + [400] Cooper, i. 170; _Rotuli Parl._, iv. 321. + + [401] Willis, _Arch. Hist. Camb._, iii. 11. + + [402] _Ibid._, iii. 12. + + [403] _Ibid._, iii. 5. + + [404] Bradshaw, 35-53; _C. A. S. Comm._, ii. 258. + + [405] Willis, iii. 25. + + [406] Mullinger, ii. 50. + + [407] Willis, iii. 25. + + [408] _Ibid._, iii. 25-26n. + + [409] _C. A. S. Comm._, ii. 73; Willis, iii. 402. + + [410] _Surtees Soc._, iv. 385. + + [411] Willis, i. 370. + + [412] Willis, i. 537. + + [413] Lyte, _Eton_, 28-29. + + [414] James^{2}, 72-83. + + [415] James^{2}, 70-71; and see p. 144. + + [416] Willis, i. 356. + + [417] Lyte, _Eton_, 37; Willis, i. 393. + + [418] Willis, i. 414. + + [419] Lyte, _Eton_, 101. + + [420] James^{14}, viii. + + [421] Lyte, _Eton_, 29. + + [422] _C. A. S. Comm._, ii. 165. + + [423] _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. (8vo. ser.) 398. + + [424] _Ibid._, 399. + + [425] _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. (8vo. ser.), 399. + + [426] James (M. R.)^{10}, xiii.-xvii.; _C. A. S._, ii. (8vo. ser. + 1864), 13-21. + + [427] MS. 232, in the library, contains his will, a list of his books + with their prices, another catalogue, and a register of the borrowers + of the books from 1440 to 1516. + + [428] _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 220-22. + + [429] Willis, i. 200, 226; iii. 411. + + [430] Clark, 140. + + [431] In winter 1382 “vii_d._ _ob_ pro ligatura cuiusdam textus + philosophie de eleccione Johannis Mattecote.” Winter 1405, “i_d._ + _ob_ pro pergameno empto pro novo registro faciendo pro eleccione + librorum”; winter 1457, “iiii_d._ More stacionario pro labore + suo duobus diebus appreciando libros collegii qui traduntur in + eleccionibus sociorum.” Autumn 1488, “ii_s._ i_d._ pro redempcione + librorum quondam eleccionis domini Ricardi Symon.”--_O. H. S._ 27, + _Boase_, xlix. + + [432] P.R.O., _Anc. Deeds_, c. 1782. + + [433] See further, _Documents relating to the University and Colleges + of Cambridge_ (3v. 1852); _Statutes of the College of Oxford_ (3v. + 1853), especially i. 54, 97; ii. 60, 89; and _Mun. Acad._ Cf. Willis, + _Camb._, iii. 387. + + [434] Lyte, 81. + + [435] _Ibid._, 84. + + [436] _R. de B._, ed. Thomas, pp. 246-48. + + [437] _Piers Plowman._ + + [438] _Hous of Fame_, l. 1198. + + [439] _Troilus_, Bk. v. ll. 1797-98. + + [440] Furnivall’s ed., _Rolls S._, pt. 1, p. 1. + + [441] MS. _Reg._ 17, C. viii. f. 2; cited in Skeat’s Chaucer, v. 194. + + [442] Warton, 96-99; Rashdall and Rait, _New Coll._, 60. + + [443] Stubbs, _Lect. on Med. Hist._, 137. + + [444] James (M. R.), 148. + + [445] Coulton, _Chaucer and his England_, 99. + + [446] James (M. R.), lxxii.; this number is probably correct, but + owing to confusion between three Abbots of this name it is not + certainly right. + + [447] _Ibid._, lxxiv. + + [448] Robinson, 4-7. + + [449] _O. H. S._, 32, _Collect._ 36-40; also 9. + + [450] Blakiston, _Trin. Coll._ 5, 7; A. de Murimuth, 171. + + [451] R. de B., 197-199. + + [452] “R. de Bury ... qui ipsum episcopatum et omnia sua beneficia + prius habita per preces magnatum et ambitionis vitium adquisivit, + et ideo toto tempore suo inopia laboravit et prodigus exstitit in + expensis.”--Murimuth, 171. + + [453] “Volens tamen magnus clericus reputari.”--Murimuth, 171. + + [454] Skeat’s Chaucer, vi. 381. + + [455] _Hous of Fame_, Works, iii. bk. ii. l. 656-58. + + [456] _Book of the Duchesse_, 44. + + [457] _Legend of Good Women_, prol. 30ff. + + [458] Valerie: possibly _Epistola Valerii ad Rufinum de uxore non + ducenda_, attributed to Walter Mapes; it is a short treatise of about + eight folios; it is printed in _Cam. Soc._ xvi. 77. Theofraste: + _Aureolus liber de Nuptiis_, by one Theophrastus. + + [459] Ll. 669-85. + + [460] _Troilus_, ii. 81-105. + + [461] It seems to be Chaucer’s own; only about a third of the poem + comes from Boccaccio’s _Filostrato_. Chaucer had a copy of _Thebais_ + of Statius.--_Troilus_, v. l. 1484. + + [462] _Letter-book_ K, fo. 39, July 4, 1426. + + [463] From schedule of the possessions of the Guildhall College, July + 24, 1549.--_L. A. R._, x. 381. + + [464] Chichele Register, pt. 1, fo. 392b, Lamb. Pal.; _L. A. R._, x. + 382. + + [465] _Conf. of Librarians_ (1877), 216; _L. A. R._, x. 382. + + [466] _Hist. MSS., 8th Rept._, pt. 1, 268a. + + [467] Gasquet^{2}, 20; Sandys, ii. 220; Legrand, _Bibliographie + Hellénique_, i. (1885) xxiv., where the date is 1405-6. + + [468] _Epp._ (ed. Tonelli, 1832-61), i. 43, 70, 74. + + [469] “Cest livre est a moy Homfrey Duc de Glocestre, lequel je fis + translater de Grec en Latin par un de mes secretaires, Antoyne de + Beccariane de Verone.”--Cam. Soc. 1843, Ellis, _Letters_, 357. + + [470] Gherardi, _Statuti della Univ. e Studio Fiorentino_, 364; + Sandys, ii. 220; Einstein, 15. + + [471] _O.H.S._, 35, Anstey, 17, 45. + + [472] “Messer Andrea Ols” in Italian authority; identified by Dr. + Sandys. + + [473] _O.H.S._, 36, Anstey, ii. 389-91; Sandys, ii. 221-26; Einstein, + 26. + + [474] _MS._ 587 _Bodl._ + + [475] Leland^{3}, 463; Leland, iii. 13; Einstein, 23, 54-5; _C.A.S._, + 8vo ser., No. 32 (1899), 13. + + [476] _E. H. R._, xxv. 449. + + [477] Rymer, _Foedera_, xii. 214, 216; _E. H. R._, xxv. 450. + + [478] Now _MS._ li. 4, 16, at Cambridge University Library. + + [479] On Shirwood’s books see _E. H. R._, xxv. 449-53. + + [480] Leiden, _Voss. MSS. Graec._, 56. + + [481] On this group see Harris, Jas. Rendel, _The Leicester Codex._ + + [482] _E. H. R._, xxv. 446-7; James. + + [483] _Literae Cant._ (Rolls Ser.), iii. 239; cf. Campbell, _Matls for + Hist. of H. VII._, ii. 85, 114, 224. + + [484] Leland^{3}, 482. The Obit in _Christ Church MS._ D. 12 refers to + Selling as “Sacrae Theologiae Doctor. Hic in divinis agendis multum + devotus et lingua Graeca et Latina valde eruditus.”--Gasquet^{2}, 24. + + [485] Gasquet^{2}, 24; James, li. + + [486] Homer and Euripides are in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge; + the others are in Trinity College, Cambridge.--James^{16}, 9; + Gasquet^{2}, 30. + + [487] Gasquet^{2}, 37. + + [488] The point is disputed; cf. Einstein, 32; Lyte, 386; _Camb. + Lit._, iii. 5, 6; Rashdall and Rait, _New. Coll._, 93; Dr. Sandys does + not mention Vitelli. + + [489] Rashdall, ii. 343. + + [490] _Biblio. Soc. Monogr._ x. (S. Gibson), 43-6. + + [491] _Ibid._, p. 1; _O.H.S._, 29; Madan, 267, contains long list of + references. + + [492] _O. H. S._, 27, Boase, xxxvi. + + [493] Cf. _Grace B._ Δ ix, xlii, xliii.; _O.H.S._, 29, Madan, _Early + Oxf. Press_, 266; _Mun. Acad._, 532, 544, 579. + + [494] _Mun. Acad._, 52. + + [495] _Ibid._, 174, 346. + + [496] _Ibid._, xxxviii. + + [497] _Mun. Acad._, xl.-xlii. + + [498] _Ibid._, 253. + + [499] _Mun. Acad._, 383-7. + + [500] _Ibid._, 233-4. + + [501] R. de B., 205. + + [502] _Mun. Acad._, 550. + + [503] Bodl. MS. Rawlinson, 34, fo. 21, _Stat. Coll. S. Mariae pro + Oseney: De Libraria_. + + [504] Cooper, i. 57, 104, 141, 262; cf. _Biblio. Soc. Monogr._ 13, p. + 1-6. + + [505] 3 H. vii., cap. 9, 10, _Stat. of the Realm_, ii. 518. + + [506] _Donnée des comptes des Roys de France, au 14^{e} siècle_ + (1852), 227; Putnam, i. 312; _Library_, v. 3-4. + + [507] Gairdner, _Paston letters_, v. 1-4, where the whole bill is + transcribed. + + [508] Cited in _Gasquet_^{2}, 17. + + [509] Martène, _Thesaurus_, i. 511. + + [510] _Opera_, fo. 1523. Fo. xlvii. 7, _Doctrinale juvenum_, c. v. + + [511] _Ibid._, c. iv. + + [512] Maitland, 200. + + [513] _Surtees Soc._, vii. 80. + + [514] V. Catalogues in _Becker_; James (M. R.); Bateson; _Surtees + Soc._, vii.; etc. + + [515] Sandys, i. 638; and see Jerome, _Ep._ xxii., ed. 1734, i. 114. + + [516] Sandys i. 618. + + [517] Comparetti, _Vergil in the M. A._, 77. + + [518] Taylor, _Classical Heritage_, 37. + + [519] Sandys, i. 638-39; see what is said about use of Ovid at + Canterbury. + + [520] On the use of classics in the Middle Ages see Sandys, i. 630 + (Plautus and Terence), 631 (Lucretius), 633 (Catullus and Virgil), 635 + (Horace), 638 (Ovid), 641 (Lucan), 642 (Statius), 643 (Martial), 644 + (Juvenal), 645 (Persius), 648 (Cicero), 653 (Seneca), 654 (Pliny), 655 + (Quintilian), etc. + + [521] Rashdall, i. 42. + + [522] Lyte, 88-89; Einstein, 180. + + [523] Bacon, _Op. ined_., 84, 148. + + [524] Mullinger, 211. + + [525] Rashdall, i. 77-8. + + [526] Becker, 244. + + [527] Cf. Becker, index. + + [528] On Michael, see Bacon, _Op. maj._, 36, 37; Dante, _Inferno_, xx. + 116; Boccaccio, 8 day, 9 novel; Scott, _Lay_, II. xi.; Brown, _Life + and Legend of M. S._ (1897). + + [529] Bacon, _Op. ined., Comp. stud._, 472 (Rolls Series). + + [530] In Peterhouse Library, Cambridge, is a manuscript of Aristotle’s + _Metaphysica_, with Latin translations from the Arabic and the Greek + in parallel columns: the one being called the old translation, the + other the new. The manuscript is of the thirteenth or fourteenth + century.--James^{3}, 43. + + [531] Gasquet^{3}, 143-44; see other instances, _Camb. Mod. Hist._, i. + 588. + + [532] Jourdain, _Recherches ... traductions Latines d’A._, 187; + Gasquet^{3}, 148. + + [533] Paris, _Chron. Maj._, iv. 232-3; cp. Bacon, _Op. ined._, 91, 434. + + [534] Stevenson, 224, 227; _Camb. Mod. Hist._, i. 586; James, lxxxvi. + + [535] MS. Ff. i. 24; Paris, _C.M._ iv. 232; cf. v. 285. + + [536] Sandys, i. 576. + + [537] Now Canon. gr. 35 Bodleian; James, lxxxvi. This may be the + _Liber grecorum_ in the list of books repaired in 1508.--James, + lxxxvi., 163. + + [538] James^{16}, 10. + + [539] _Op. Maj._, 46. + + [540] _Op. Tertium_, p. 55, 56. + + [541] James (M. R.), lxxiv. + + [542] _Mun. Acad._, 86, 430, 444; cf. Lyte, 235. Donatus came to + be regarded as a synonymous term for grammar. In _Piers Plowman_ a + grammatical lesson or text-book is called “Donet.” A Greek grammar was + called a “Donatus Graecorum.” + + [543] _Mun. Acad._, 441. + + [544] In the right-hand doorway of the west front of Chartres + Cathedral are figures of the Seven Arts, Grammar being associated + with Priscian, Logic with Aristotle, Rhetoric with Cicero, Music with + Pythagoras, Arithmetic with Nicomachus, Geometry with Euclid, and + Astronomy with Ptolemy. Cf. Marriage, _Sculp. of Chartres Cath._, + 71-73 (1909). + + [545] On medieval studies see further _Mun. Acad._, 34, 242-43, 285, + 412-13; Sandys, i. 670. + + [546] _Oxford Stat._, _c._ 21. + + [547] _Toxophilus_, Arber’s ed., p. 19. + + [548] _Camb. Eng. Lit._, iii. 364. + + [549] Cf. Warton, ii. 95. + + [550] By Jehan de Tuim, _c._ 1240. + + [551] Wace or Layamon. + + [552] _Amadas et Idoine_, an anonymous Norman French poem of the + twelfth century. + + [553] Sir Beves of Hamtoun (Fr. 13 cent., Eng. 14 cent.). + + [554] Character in romance of _Tristrem_, by Thomas the Rymer. + + [555] _Haveloke._ For other metrical catalogues see first and second + prologues to _Richard Cœur de Lion_.--Ritson, _Anc,. Eng. Metr. + Romances_, i. 55. + + [556] Gladly, blithely. + + [557] From beginning of _Handlyng Synne_, by Robert Mannying of Brunne. + + [558] Bateson x.; Gasquet^{4}, 30-31; James (M.R.), 148. + + [559] Written at the end of the manuscript, which is in the Douce + collection.--Warton, i. 182-83. + + [560] MS. Burney, 11; James (M.R.), 515. + + [561] _B.M. MS. Reg._, 9 B ix. 1. + + [562] Lyte, 135. + + [563] _Mun. Acad._, 665. Cf. p. 661. + + [564] _Mun. Acad._, ci. + + [565] _Mun. Acad._, lxxvii. + + [566] _Lyte_, 93. + + [567] Lounsbury, _Studies in Chaucer_, ii. 265. + + [568] _Wife of Bath’s Prologue_, ll. 673-81. + + [569] _E. H. R._, xxv. 453. + + [570] _Camb. Lit._, i. 262. + + [571] _Piers Plowman_, 186. + + [572] “Quendam libru’ meu’ de Cant^{rbury} Tales.”--_N. & Q._, 11 ser. + ii. 26. + + [573] _Camb. Lit._, i. 262. + + [574] Jusserand, _Piers_, 13. + + + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Old English Libraries, by Ernest Savage + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OLD ENGLISH LIBRARIES *** + +***** This file should be named 1615-0.txt or 1615-0.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/1/6/1/1615/ + +Produced by Chuck Greif and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images available at The Internet Archive) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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