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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Old English Libraries, by Ernest Savage
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+
+Title: Old English Libraries
+ The Making, Collection, and Use of Books during the Middle Ages
+
+Author: Ernest Savage
+
+Release Date: December 28, 2014 [EBook #1615]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OLD ENGLISH LIBRARIES ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Chuck Greif and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was
+produced from images available at The Internet Archive)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+ THE ANTIQUARY’S BOOKS
+ GENERAL EDITOR: J. CHARLES COX, LL.D., F.S.A.
+
+ OLD ENGLISH LIBRARIES
+
+[Illustration: ABBOT WHETHAMSTEDE]
+
+
+
+
+ OLD ENGLISH
+ LIBRARIES
+
+ THE MAKING, COLLECTION, AND USE OF BOOKS
+ DURING THE MIDDLE AGES
+
+ BY
+
+ ERNEST A. SAVAGE
+
+ WITH FIFTY-TWO ILLUSTRATIONS
+
+ METHUEN & CO. LTD.
+ 36 ESSEX STREET W.C.
+ LONDON
+
+ _First Published in 1911_
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+With the arrangement and equipment of libraries this essay has little to
+do: the ground being already covered adequately by Dr. Clark in his
+admirable monograph on _The Care of Books_. Herein is described the
+making, use, and circulation of books considered as a means of literary
+culture. It seemed possible to throw a useful sidelight on literary
+history, and to introduce some human interest into the study of
+bibliography, if the place held by books in the life of the Middle Ages
+could be indicated. Such, at all events, was my aim, but I am far from
+sure of my success in carrying it out; and I offer this book merely as a
+discursive and popular treatment of a subject which seems to me of great
+interest.
+
+The book has suffered from one unhappy circumstance. It was planned in
+collaboration with my friend Mr. James Hutt, M.A., but unfortunately,
+owing to a breakdown of health, Mr. Hutt was only able to help me in the
+composition of the chapter on the Libraries of Oxford, which is chiefly
+his work. Had it been possible for Mr. Hutt to share all the labour with
+me, this book would have been put before the public with more
+confidence.
+
+More footnote references appear in this volume than in most of the
+series of “Antiquary’s Books.” One consideration specially urged me to
+take this course. The subject has been treated briefly, and it seemed
+essential to cite as many authorities as possible, so that readers who
+were in the mood might obtain further information by following them up.
+
+In a book covering a long period and touching national and local history
+at many points, I cannot hope to have escaped errors; and I shall be
+grateful if readers will bring them to my notice.
+
+I need hardly say I am especially indebted to the splendid work
+accomplished by Dr. Montague Rhodes James, the Provost of King’s
+College, in editing _The Ancient Libraries of Canterbury and Dover_, and
+in compiling the great series of descriptive catalogues of manuscripts
+in Cambridge and other colleges. I have long marvelled at Dr. James’
+patient research; at his steady perseverance in an aim which, even when
+attained--as it now has been--could only win him the admiration and
+esteem of a few scholars and lovers of old books.
+
+I have to thank Mr. Hutt for much general help, and for reading all the
+proof slips. To Canon C. M. Church, M.A., of Wells, I am indebted for
+his kindness in answering inquiries, for lending me the illustration of
+the exterior of Wells Cathedral Library, and for permitting me to
+reproduce a plan from his book entitled _Chapters in the Early History
+of the Church of Wells_. The Historic Society of Lancashire and
+Cheshire have kindly allowed me to reproduce a part of their plan of
+Birkenhead Priory. Illustrations were also kindly lent by the Clarendon
+Press, the Cambridge University Press, Mr. John Murray, Mr. Fisher
+Unwin, the Editor of _The Connoisseur_, and Mr. G. Coffey, of the Royal
+Irish Academy. A small portion of the first chapter has appeared in _The
+Library_, and is reprinted by kind permission of the editors. Mr. C. W.
+Sutton, M.A., City Librarian of Manchester, has been in every way kind
+and patient in helping me. So too has Mr. Strickland Gibson, M.A., of
+the Bodleian Library, especially in connexion with the chapter on Oxford
+Libraries. Thanks are due also to the Deans of Hereford, Lincoln, and
+Durham, to Mr. Tapley-Soper, City Librarian of Exeter, and to Mr. W. T.
+Carter, Public Librarian of Warwick; also to my brother, V. M. Savage,
+for his drawings. The general editor of this series, the Rev. J. Charles
+Cox, LL.D., F.S.A., gave me much help by reading the manuscript and
+proofs; and I am grateful to him for many courtesies and suggestions.
+
+ERNEST A. SAVAGE
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+CHAP. PAGE
+I. THE USE OF BOOKS IN EARLY IRISH MONASTERIES 1
+
+II. THE ENGLISH MONKS AND THEIR BOOKS 23
+
+III. LIBRARIES OF THE GREAT ABBEYS--BOOK-LOVERS AMONG
+THE MENDICANTS--DISPERSAL OF MONKISH LIBRARIES 45
+
+IV. BOOK MAKING AND COLLECTING IN THE RELIGIOUS HOUSES 73
+
+V. CATHEDRAL AND CHURCH LIBRARIES 109
+
+VI. ACADEMIC LIBRARIES: OXFORD 133
+
+VII. ACADEMIC LIBRARIES: CAMBRIDGE 155
+
+VIII. ACADEMIC LIBRARIES: THEIR ECONOMY 165
+
+IX. THE USE OF BOOKS TOWARDS THE END OF THE MANUSCRIPT PERIOD 173
+
+X. THE BOOK TRADE 199
+
+XI. THE CHARACTER OF THE MEDIEVAL LIBRARY, AND
+THE EXTENT OF CIRCULATION OF BOOKS 209
+
+APPENDIX A. PRICES OF BOOKS AND MATERIALS FOR BOOK-MAKING 243
+
+APPENDIX B. LIST OF CERTAIN CLASSIC AUTHORS FOUND IN
+MEDIEVAL CATALOGUES 258
+
+APPENDIX C. LIST OF MEDIEVAL COLLECTIONS OF BOOKS 263
+
+APPENDIX D. LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL REFERENCE WORKS 286
+
+
+
+
+LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT
+
+ PAGE
+WRITING IN THE BOOK OF KELLS 14
+From THOMPSON’S _Greek and Latin Palæography_
+
+WRITING IN BOOK OF ARMAGH 15
+From THOMPSON’S _Greek and Latin Palæography_
+
+WRITING IN GRÆCO-LATIN ACTS, PROBABLY USED BY BEDE 27
+From MS. Bodl. Laud. Gr. 35, f. 63
+
+WRITING IN BENEDICTIONAL OF ST. ETHELWOLD 43
+From _Archæologia_, xxiv.
+
+PLAN OF SCRIPTORIUM, BIRKENHEAD PRIORY 74
+Redrawn from _Trans. of the Lancashire and Cheshire Historic
+Society_
+
+ANCIENT STALL, OR CARRELL, IN BISHOP’S CANNINGS CHURCH,
+WILTS 77
+From COX AND HARVEY’S _English Church Furniture_
+
+TABLET CASE AND WAXED TABLET 84
+From COFFEY’S _Celtic Antiquities in the Museum of the R.I.A._
+
+PLAN SHOWING DISPOSITION OF BOOKS IN CISTERCIAN
+HOUSES 93
+Redrawn from GASQUET’S _English Monastic Life_
+
+PLAN SHOWING PROBABLE SITUATION OF LIBRARY OF WELLS
+CATHEDRAL IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY 122
+Redrawn from Canon CHURCH’S _Chapters in the History of
+Wells Cathedral_
+
+BEREBLOCK VIEW OF DUKE HUMFREY’S LIBRARY 140
+From MS. Bodl. 13
+
+AUTOGRAPH OF DUKE HUMFREY OF GLOUCESTER 191
+From MS. Harl. 1705. f. 96_a_
+
+RECORD OF SALE OF BOOK CAPTURED AT POITIERS 234
+From MS. Reg. 19, D ii. opposite f. 1
+
+
+
+
+LIST OF PLATES
+
+
+ABBOT WHETHAMSTEDE _Frontispiece_
+From MS. Cott. Nero, D vii. f. 27_a_
+
+PLATE FACING PAGE
+
+I. (_a_) ANCIENT SATCHEL OF IRISH MISSAL, CORPUS CHRISTI
+COLLEGE, OXFORD 12
+By permission of the Governing Body
+
+(_b_) COVER OF STOWE MISSAL 12
+Museum of Royal Irish Academy, Dublin (A.D. 1023-1052)
+
+II. ILLUMINATED PAGE OF BOOK OF KELLS 14
+From WESTWOOD’S _Facsimiles_
+
+III. THE SHRINE OF THE CATHACH PSALTER, ELEVENTH
+CENTURY 16
+From _The Connoisseur_, by permission of the Editor
+
+IV. CUMDACH OF ST. MOLAISE’S GOSPELS: FRONT AND
+BOTTOM 20
+From COFFEY’S _Celtic Antiquities in Museum of Royal Irish
+Academy_, by permission of the Council
+
+V. BENEDICTIONAL OF ST. ETHELWOLD: NATIVITY OF
+ST. JOHN THE BAPTIST 42
+From _Archæologia_, xxiv.
+
+VI. BENEDICTIONAL OF ST. ETHELWOLD: THE ASCENSION 44
+From _Archæologia_, xxiv.
+
+VII. (_a_) ABBOT ROGER DE NORTHONE WITH HIS BOOKS 48
+From MS. Cott. Nero, D vii. f. 18_b_
+
+(_b_) ABBOT GARIN WITH HIS BOOKS 48
+From MS. Cott. Claud., E iv. pt. i., f. 125_a_
+
+VIII. ABBOT SIMON OF ST. ALBANS AT HIS BOOK-CHEST 50
+From MS. Cott. Claud., E iv. pt. i. f. 124
+
+IX. GREY FRIARS, LONDON (CHRIST’S HOSPITAL): OLD
+HALL AND WHITTINGTON’S LIBRARY 54
+From Trollope’s _History of Christ’s Hospital_
+
+X. GREY FRIARS CATALOGUE OF CONVENTUAL LIBRARIES 58
+From MS. Bodl. Tanner, 165, f. 119
+
+XI. TWELFTH CENTURY ILLUMINATION FROM BURY ST.
+EDMUND’S ABBEY 64
+From MS. 2, f. 281_b_, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge,
+by permission of the Master and Fellows
+
+XII. WESTMINSTER ILLUMINATION, THIRTEENTH CENTURY 68
+From MS. Reg. 2 A xii. f. 14, Brit. Mus.
+
+XIII. THE CLOISTERS, GLOUCESTER, SHOWING CARRELLS 76
+From MURRAY’S _Cathedrals_
+
+XIV. A SCRIBE AND HIS TOOLS, FROM A VERY ANCIENT MS. 82
+From MS. Harl. 2820, f. 120
+
+XV. FURNESS ABBEY: CLOISTERS AND CHAPTER HOUSE 94
+
+XVI. FACSIMILE OF LIBRARY CATALOGUE OF SYON MONASTERY 104
+From BATESON’S _Catalogue of Syon Monastery_
+
+XVII. MEDIEVAL BINDING: MR. YATES THOMPSON’S HEGESIPPUS 108
+From BATESON’S _Mediæval England_
+
+XVIII. ANCIENT BOOK-BOX IN EXETER CATHEDRAL 110
+Photo by HEATH & BRADNEE, Exeter
+
+XIX. CHAINED BOOKS, HEREFORD CATHEDRAL LIBRARY 116
+By permission of the Dean of Hereford
+
+XX. OLD LIBRARY, LINCOLN CATHEDRAL 118
+Photo by G. HADLEIGH, Lincoln. By permission of the
+Dean of Lincoln
+
+XXI. WELLS CATHEDRAL: LIBRARY OVER CLOISTER 122
+Photo by T. W. PHILLIPS, Wells
+
+XXII. ST. MARY’S CHURCH, OXFORD: FIRST HOME OF
+UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 132
+
+Photo by H. W. TAUNT, Oxford
+
+XXIII. (_a_) ILLUMINATOR OF ST. ALBANS 134
+
+From MS. Cott. Nero, D iii. f. 105
+
+
+(_b_) DOCUMENT BEARING THE NAMES OF MEMBERS
+OF THE BOOK-TRADE, _c._ 1180 134
+
+From BARNARD’S _Companion to English History_
+
+
+XXIV. (_a_) DUKE HUMFREY AND ELEANOR OF GLOUCESTER
+JOINING THE CONFRATERNITY OF ST. ALBANS 138
+
+From MS. Cott. Nero, D vii. f. 154_a_
+
+
+(_b_) ANCIENT ROOF OF DUKE HUMFREY’S LIBRARY 138
+
+Photo by JAS. HUTT, M.A.
+
+
+XXV. DUKE HUMFREY’S LIBRARY, OXFORD 142
+
+Photo by H. W. TAUNT
+
+
+XXVI. LIBRARY OF CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE, OXFORD 144
+
+Photo by H. W. TAUNT
+
+
+XXVII. MERTON COLLEGE LIBRARY, OXFORD 152
+
+Photo by H. W. TAUNT
+
+
+XXVIII. PUBLIC SCHOOLS AND LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY,
+CAMBRIDGE 156
+
+From LOGGAN’S _Cantab. Illus._
+
+
+XXIX. LIBRARY OF CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE, OXFORD,
+FROM MASTER’S GARDEN 170
+
+Photo by H. W. TAUNT
+
+
+XXX. CARMELITE IN HIS STUDY 184
+
+From MS. Reg. 14 E i. f. 3, Brit. Mus.
+
+
+XXXI. A SCRIBE (ST. MARK WRITING HIS GOSPEL), FROM
+THE BEDFORD HOURS 196
+
+From Add. MS. 18850, f. 24, Brit. Mus.
+
+XXXII. A SCRIBE AT WORK, FROM EADWINE’S PSALTER,
+_c._ 1150 202
+
+From BATESON’S _Mediæval England_
+
+XXXIII. ENGLISH ILLUMINATED WORK UNDER FRENCH INFLUENCE,
+FROM TENISON PSALTER 214
+
+From MS. Add. 24686, f. 12, Brit. Mus.
+
+XXXIV. FRESCO OF THE SEVEN LIBERAL ARTS, BY T. GADDI,
+CHURCH OF S. M. NOVELLA, FLORENCE 222
+
+Photo by ALINARI
+
+XXXV. ANCIENT VELLUM BOOK-MARKER 230
+
+From MS. 49, Corpus Christi College, Camb., by permission
+of the Master and Fellows
+
+
+
+
+OLD ENGLISH LIBRARIES
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+INTRODUCTORY--THE USE OF BOOKS IN EARLY IRISH MONASTERIES
+
+ “What tyme þat abbeies were first ordeyned
+ and monkis were first gadered to gydre.”
+ --Inscribed in MS. of _Life of Barlaam and Josaphat_,
+ Peterhouse, Camb.
+
+
+§ I
+
+To people of modern times early monachism must seem an unbeautiful and
+even offensive life. True piety was exceptional, fanaticism the rule.
+Ideals which were surely false impelled men to lead a life of idleness
+and savage austerity,--to sink very near the level of beasts, as did the
+Nitrian hermits when they murdered Hypatia in Alexandria. But this view
+does not give the whole truth. To shut out a wicked and sensual world,
+with its manifold temptations, seemed the only possible way to live
+purely. To get far beyond the influence of a barbaric society, utterly
+antagonistic to peaceful religious observance, was clearly the surest
+means of achieving personal holiness. Monachism was a system designed
+for these ends. Throughout the Middle Ages it was the refuge--the only
+refuge--for the man who desired to flee from sin. Such, at any rate, was
+the truly religious man’s view. And if monkish retreats sheltered some
+ignorant fanatics, they also attracted many representatives of the
+culture and learning of the time. This was bound to be so. At all times
+solitude has been pleasant to the student and thinker, or to the moody
+lover of books.
+
+By great good fortune, then, the studious occupations which did so much
+to soften monkish austerities in the Middle Ages, were recognised early
+as needful to the system. Even the ascetics by the Red Sea and in Nitria
+did not deprive themselves of all literary solace, although the more
+fanatical would abjure it, and many would be too poor to have it. The
+Rule of Pachomius, founder of the settlements of Tabenna, required the
+brethren’s books to be kept in a cupboard and regulated lending them.
+These libraries are referred to in Benedict’s own Rule. We hear of St.
+Pachomius destroying a copy of Origen, because the teaching in it was
+obnoxious; of Abba Bischoi writing an ascetic work, a copy of which is
+extant; of anchorites under St. Macarius of Alexandria transcribing
+books; and of St. Jerome collecting a library _summo studio et labore_,
+copying manuscripts and studying Hebrew at his hermitage even after a
+formal renunciation of the classics, and then again, at the end of his
+life, bringing together another library at Bethlehem monastery, and
+instructing boys in grammar and in classic authors. Basil the Great,
+when founding eremitical settlements on the river Iris in Pontus, spent
+some time in making selections from Origen. St. Melania the younger
+wrote books which were noted for their beauty and accuracy. And when
+Athanasius introduced Eastern monachism into Italy, and St. Martin of
+Tours and John Cassian carried it farther afield into Gaul, the same
+work went on. In the cells and caves of Martin’s community at Marmoutier
+the younger monks occupied their time in writing and sacred study, and
+the older monks in prayer.[1] Sulpicius Severus (_c._ 353-425), the
+ecclesiastical historian, preferred retirement, literary study, and the
+friendship and teaching of St. Martin to worldly pursuits. At the famous
+island community of Lérins, in South Gaul, were instructed some of the
+most celebrated scholars of the West, among them St. Hilary. “Such were
+their piety and learning that all the cities round about strove
+emulously to have monks from Lérins for their bishops.”[2] Another
+centre of studious occupation was the monastery of Germanus of Auxerre;
+while near Vienne was a community where St. Avitus (_c._ 525) could earn
+the high reputation for holiness and learning which won him a
+metropolitan see. Many other facts and incidents prove the literary
+pursuits of the Gallic ascetics; as, for example, the reputation the
+nuns of Arles in the sixth century won for their writing; and the
+curious story of Apollinaris Sidonius driving after a monk who was
+carrying a manuscript to Britain, stopping him, and there and then
+dictating to secretaries a copy of the precious book which had so nearly
+escaped him.[3]
+
+
+§ II
+
+Monachism of this Eastern type came from Gaul to Ireland.[4] St. Patrick
+received his sacred education at Marmoutier; under Germanus at Auxerre;
+and possibly at Lérins. His companions on his mission to Ireland, and
+the missionaries who followed him, nearly all came from the same
+centres. Naturally, therefore, the same practices would be observed, not
+only in regard to religious discipline and organisation, but in regard
+to instruction and study. Even the mysterious Palladius, Patrick’s
+forerunner, is said to have left books in Ireland.[5] But the earliest
+important references to that use of books which distinguishes the
+educated missionary from the mere fanatical recluse are in connexion
+with Patrick. Pope Sixtus is said to have given him books in plenty to
+take with him to Ireland. Later he is supposed to have visited Rome,
+whence he brought books home to Armagh.[6] He gave copies of parts of
+the Scriptures to Irish chieftains. To one Fiacc he gave a case
+containing a bell, a crosier, tablets, and a meinister, which, according
+to Dr. Lanigan, may have been a cumdach enclosing the Gospels and the
+vessels for the sacred ministry, or, according to Dr. Whitley Stokes,
+simply a credence-table.[7] He sometimes gave a missal (_lebar nuird_).
+He had books at Tara. On one occasion his books were dropped into the
+water and were “drowned.” Presumably the books he distributed came from
+the Gallic schools, although his followers no doubt began transcribing
+as opportunity offered and as material came to hand. Patrick himself
+wrote alphabets, sometimes called the “elements”; most likely the
+elements or the A B C of the Christian doctrine, corresponding with the
+“primer.”[8]
+
+This was the dawn of letters for Ireland. By disseminating the
+Scriptures and these primers, Patrick and his followers, and the train
+of missionaries who came afterwards,[9] secured the knowledge and use of
+the Roman alphabet. The way was clear for the free introduction of
+schools and books and learning. “St. Patrick did not do for the Scots
+what Wulfilas did for the Goths, and the Slavonic apostles for the
+Slavs; he did not translate the sacred books of his religion into Irish
+and found a national church literature.... What Patrick, on the other
+hand, and his fellow-workers did was to diffuse a knowledge of Latin in
+Ireland. To the circumstance that he adopted this line of policy, and
+did not attempt to create a national ecclesiastical language, must be
+ascribed the rise of the schools of learning which distinguished Ireland
+in the sixth and seventh centuries.”[10]
+
+Mainly owing to the labours of Dr. John Healy, we now know a good deal
+about the somewhat slow growth of the Irish schools to fame; but for our
+purpose it will do to learn something of them in their heyday, when at
+last we hear certainly of that free use of books which must have been
+common for some time. From the sixth to the eighth century Ireland
+enjoyed an eminent place in the world of learning; and the lives and
+works of her scholars imply book-culture of good character. St. Columba
+was famed for his studious occupations. Educated first by Finnian of
+Moville, then by another tutor of the same name at the famous school of
+Clonard, he journeyed to other centres for further instruction after his
+ordination. From youth he loved books and studies. He is represented as
+reading out of doors at the moment when the murderer of a young girl is
+struck dead. In later life he realized the importance of monastic
+records. He had annals compiled, and bards preserved and arranged them
+in the monastic chests. At Iona the brethren of his settlement passed
+their time in reading and transcribing, as well as in manual labour.
+Very careful were they to copy correctly. Baithen, a monk on Iona, got
+one of his fellows to look over a Psalter which he had just finished
+writing, but only a single error was discovered.[11] Columba himself
+became proficient in copying and illuminating. He could not spend an
+hour without study, or prayer, or writing, or some other holy
+occupation.[12] He transcribed, we are told, over three hundred copies
+of the Gospels or the Psalter--a magnification of a saint’s powers by a
+devout biographer, but significant as it testifies to Columba’s love of
+studious labours, and shows how highly these ascetics thought of work of
+this kind. On two occasions, being a man as well as a saint, he broke
+into violence when crossed in his love of books. One story tells how he
+visited a holy and learned recluse named Longarad, whose much-prized
+books he wished to see. Being denied, he became wroth and cursed
+Longarad. “May the books be of no use to you,” he cried, “nor to any one
+after you, since you withhold them.” So far the tale is not improbable,
+but a little embroidery completes a legend. The books became
+unintelligible, so the story continues, the moment Longarad died. At the
+same instant the satchels in all the Irish schools and in Columba’s cell
+slipped off their hooks on to the ground.
+
+A quarrel about a book, we are told, changed his career. He borrowed a
+Psalter from Finnian of Moville, and made a copy of it, working secretly
+at night. Finnian heard of the piracy, and, as owner of the original,
+claimed the copy. Columba refused to let him have it. Then Diarmid, King
+of Meath, was asked to arbitrate. Arguing that as every calf belonged to
+its cow, so every copy of a book belonged to the owner of the original,
+he decided in Finnian’s favour. Columba thought the award unjust, and
+said so. A little later, after another dispute with Diarmid on a
+question of monastic immunity, he called together his tribesmen and
+partisans, and offered battle. Diarmid was defeated. For some reason,
+not quite clear, these quarrels led to Columba’s voluntary exile (_c._
+563). He sailed from Ireland, and landed upon the silver strand of
+Iona, and to the end of his days his work lay almost entirely amid the
+heather-covered uplands and plains of this little island home.[13] Iona
+became a renowned centre of missionary work, quite over-shadowing in
+importance the earlier “Scottish” settlement of Whitherne or Candida
+Casa. Pilgrims went thither from Ireland and England to receive
+instruction, and returned to carry on pioneer work in their own
+homeland. Thence went forth missionaries to carry the Christian message
+throughout Scotland and northern England. Perhaps, too, here was planned
+the expedition to far-off Iceland. “Before Iceland was peopled by the
+Northmen there were in the country those men whom the Northmen called
+Papar. They were Christian men, and the people believed that they came
+from the West, because Irish books and bells and crosiers were found
+after them, and still more things by which one might know that they were
+west-men, _i.e._ Irish.”[14]
+
+Not only to the far north, but to the Continent, did the Irish press
+their energetic way. In Gaul their chief missionary was Columban (_c._
+543-615), who had been educated at Bangor, then famous for the learning
+of its brethren. His works display an extensive acquaintance with
+Christian and Latin literature. Both the Greek and Hebrew languages may
+have been known to him, though this seems improbable and
+inconceivable.[15] In his Rule he provides for teaching in schools,
+copying manuscripts, and for daily reading.[16]
+
+The monasteries of Luxeuil, Bobio, and St. Gall, founded by him and his
+companions on their mission in Gaul and Italy, became the homes of the
+most famous conventual libraries in the world--a result surely traceable
+to the example set by the Irish ascetics, and to the tradition they
+established.[17]
+
+Other Irish monks are better known for their literary attainments than
+for missionary enterprise. St. Cummian, in a letter written about 634,
+displays much knowledge of theological literature, and a good deal of
+knowledge of a general kind.[18] Another monk named Augustine (_c._ 650)
+quotes from Eusebius and Jerome in a work affording many other evidences
+of learning.[19] Aileran (_c._ 660), abbot of Clonard, wrote a religious
+work which proves his acquaintance with Jerome, Philo, Cassian, Origen,
+and Augustine.[20]
+
+An Englishman supplies valuable evidence of the state of Irish learning.
+Aldhelm’s (_c._ 656-709) works prove him to have had access in England
+to a good library; while in one learned letter he compares English
+schools favourably with the Irish, and declares Theodore and Hadrian
+would put Irish scholars in the shade. Yet he is on his mettle when
+communicating with Irish friends or pupils; he clearly reserves for them
+the flowers of his eloquence.[21] The Irish schools were indeed
+successful rivals of the English schools, and Irish scholars could use
+libraries as good, or nearly as good, as that at Aldhelm’s disposal. At
+this time the attraction which Ireland and Iona had for English students
+was extraordinary. English crowded the Irish schools, although the
+Canterbury school was not full.[22] The city of Armagh was divided into
+three sections, one being called Trian-Saxon, the Saxon’s third, from
+the great number of Saxon students living there.[23]
+
+In 664 many English, both high and low in rank, left their native land
+for Ireland, where they sought instruction in sacred studies, or an
+opportunity to lead a more ascetic life. Some devoted themselves
+faithfully to a monkish career. Others applied themselves to study only,
+and for that purpose journeyed from one master’s cell to another. The
+Irish welcomed all comers. All received without charge daily food:
+barley or oaten bread and water, or sometimes milk--_cibus sit vilis et
+vespertinus_--a plain meal, once a day, in the afternoon. Books were
+supplied, or what is more likely, waxed tablets folded in book form.
+Teaching was as free as the open air in which it was carried on.[24]
+
+Among the English at one time or another taking advantage of Irish
+hospitality were Gildas (_c._ 540), first native historian of
+England;[25] Ecgberht, presbyter, a Northumbrian of noble birth;
+Ethelhun, brother of Ethelwin, bishop of Lindsay; Oswald, king of
+Northumbria; Aldfrith, another Northumbrian king, who was educated
+either in Ireland or Iona; Alcuin, who received instruction at
+Clonmacnoise;[26] one named Wictberht, “notable ... for his learning and
+knowledge, for he had lived many years as a stranger and pilgrim in
+Ireland”; and St. Willibrord, who at the age of twenty journeyed to
+Ireland for purposes of study, because he had heard that learning
+flourished in that country.[27]
+
+
+§ III
+
+Most of the references we have made above belong to the sixth and
+seventh centuries, usually regarded as the best age of Irish monachism.
+But the Irish enjoyed their reputation unimpaired for a long time. Just
+before and after the Northmen descended on their land in 795, we find
+them making their mark abroad, not so much as missionaries but as
+scholars and teachers.[28]
+
+A few instances will suffice. “_The Acts of Charles_, written by a monk
+of St. Gallen late in the ninth century, tells us of ‘two Scots from
+Ireland,’ who ‘lighted with the British merchants on the coast of Gaul,’
+and cried to the crowd, ‘If any man desireth wisdom, let him come unto
+us and receive it, for we have it for sale.’ They were soon invited to
+the court of Charles. One of them, Clement, partly filled the place of
+Alcuin as head of the palace school.”[29] His reputation soon became
+widespread, and the abbot of Fulda sent several of his most capable
+monks to him to learn grammar.[30] His companion, Dungal, went on to
+Italy. He enjoyed a full share of the learning of his time; was a
+student of Cicero and Macrobius; knew Virgil well; and had some
+Greek.[31] A few fine books were bequeathed by him to the Irish
+monastery of Bobio, where copies were written and distributed through
+Italy. According to the learned Muratori, in one of these manuscripts is
+an inscription proving Dungal’s ownership.[32] One of the books so
+bequeathed was the famous Antiphonary of Bangor, now in the Ambrosian
+library at Milan.
+
+Clement and Dungal were not the only Irishmen of note on the Continent.
+One, Dicuil, was an exponent of geography. He founded his treatise (_c._
+825) on Cæsar, Pliny, and Solinus; he quotes and names many other
+writers, including fourteen Greek; and generally impresses us with his
+earnest studentship. An Irish monk named Donatus wandered to Italy and
+became bishop of Fiesole (_c._ 829); he, too, was a scholar acquainted
+with Virgil, a teacher of grammar and prosody, and a lecturer on the
+saints.[33] Sedulius, the commentator, an Irish monk of Liége, copied
+Greek psalters, wrote Latin verses, knew Cicero’s letters, the works of
+Valerius Maximus, Vegetius, Origen, and Jerome; was well acquainted with
+mythology and history, and perhaps had some Hebrew.[34] Another
+Irishman, John the Scot (Joannes Scotus Erigena), became the most
+eminent scholar of his time: he alone, among all the learned men Charles
+the Bald had about him, was able to translate from Greek (_c._ 858-860).
+Well might Eric of Auxerre, writing to Charles, express his astonishment
+at this train of philosophers from Ireland, that barbarous land on the
+confines of the world.[35] All these wanderers, and many more, must have
+been responsible for the dissemination of the books produced by Irish
+hands; and, in fact, many manuscripts of Celtic origin and early in
+date, are still on the Continent, or have been found there and brought
+to Ireland.[36]
+
+In some respects the evidence of book-culture in Ireland in these early
+centuries is inconsistent. The jealous guard Longarad kept over his
+books, the quarrel over Columba’s Psalter, and the great esteem in which
+scribes were held,[37] suggest a scarcity of books. The practice of
+enshrining them in cumdachs, or book-covers, points to a like
+conclusion. On the other hand, Bede tells us the Irish could lend
+foreign students books, so plentiful were they. His statement is
+corroborated by the number of scribes whose deaths have been recorded by
+the annalists; the _Four Masters_, for example, note sixty-one eminent
+scribes before the year 900, forty of whom belong to the eighth
+century.[38] In some of the monasteries a special room for books was
+provided. The _Annals of Tigernach_ refer to the house of
+manuscripts.[39] An apartment of this kind is particularly mentioned as
+being saved from the flames when Armagh monastery was burned (1020).
+Another fact suggesting an abundance of books was the appointment of a
+librarian, which sometimes took place.[40] Although a special book-room
+and officer are only to be met with much later than the best age of
+Irish monachism, yet we may reasonably assume them to be the natural
+culmination of an old and established practice of making and using
+books.
+
+Such statements, however, are not necessarily contradictory. Manuscripts
+over which the cleverest scribes and illuminators had spent much time
+and pains would be jealously preserved in cases or shrines; still, when
+we remember how many precious fruits of the past must have
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE I_
+
+ANCIENT SATCHEL OF IRISH MISSAL
+
+COVER OF THE STOWE MISSAL]
+
+perished, the number of beautiful Irish manuscripts extant goes to prove
+that books even of this character could not have been extraordinarily
+rare. “Workaday” copies of books would be made as well, in comparatively
+large numbers, and would no doubt be used very freely. Besides books
+properly so called, the religious used waxed tablets of wood, which were
+sometimes called books. St. Ciaran, for example, wrote on staves, which
+are called in one place his tablets, and in two other places the whole
+collection of his staves is called a book.[41] Such tablets were indeed
+books in which the fugitive pieces of the time were written.[42]
+Considering all things, Bede was without doubt quite correct in saying
+the Irish had enough books to lend to foreign students.
+
+
+§ IV
+
+Our account of the work accomplished by the Irish monks would be
+incomplete without reference to their writing, illuminating, and
+book-economy, the relics of which are so finely rare.
+
+The old Irish runes gave place slowly to the Roman alphabet, which came
+into use, as we have already observed, after St. Patrick’s mission. This
+new writing was in two forms--round and pointed--but both were derived
+from the Roman half-uncial style. The clear and beautifully-shaped
+Irish round hand is closely akin to the half-uncial character of fifth
+and sixth century Latin writings found on the Continent. The Book of
+Kells, written probably at the end of the seventh century, is the finest
+example of the ornamental Irish round hand. St. Chad’s Gospels, now at
+Lichfield, written about the same time, is a manuscript of like
+character, but not so good. A later manuscript, the Gospels of MacRegol,
+which dates from the beginning of the ninth century, shows marked
+deterioration in the writing.
+
+[Illustration: BOOK OF KELLS, SEVENTH CENTURY]
+
+The Irish pointed style, used for quicker writing, is but a modified,
+pointed variety of the round hand, the letters being laterally
+compressed. This hand appears in some pages of the Book of Kells, but
+the best example is in the Book of Armagh.[43]
+
+Although the Roman alphabet was introduced by Augustine at the
+Canterbury school, it wholly failed to have any effect on the native
+hand from that source. On the other hand, when, in the seventh century,
+Northumbria
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE II_
+
+ILLUMINATED PAGE OF THE BOOK OF KELLS]
+
+was converted by Irish missionaries, the new Christians copied the Irish
+writing, so well, indeed, that the earliest specimens extant can hardly
+be distinguished from the beautiful penmanship of the Irish. The Book of
+Durham, generally called the Lindisfarne Gospels, of about 700, is an
+exquisite Northumbrian example of the Irish round hand, in the
+characteristic broad, heavy-stroke letters. Another good specimen of
+this style is the eighth century manuscript of Bede’s Ecclesiastical
+History, in Cambridge University Library.
+
+[Illustration: BOOK OF ARMAGH, BEFORE A.D. 844]
+
+Irish illumination is as characteristic as the writing. Pictures and
+drawings of the human figure are not so common as in the work of other
+schools, and when they do appear are not often good. Still, some of
+them, as the scenes from the life of Christ in the Book of Kells, are
+quite unlike the illuminations of any other school; while the portraits
+of the Evangelists in the same book, in the Book of MacRegol, and in the
+Lindisfarne Gospels, are singularly interesting. Floral work is also
+rare. But in geometrical ornament, beautifully symmetrical--diagonal
+patterns, zigzags, waves, lozenges, divergent spirals, intertwisted and
+interwoven ribbon and cord work--and in grotesque zoological
+forms,--lizards, snakes, hounds, birds, and dragons’ heads,--the Irish
+school attained their highest artistic development. Their art is
+striking, not for originality, not for its beauty, which is nevertheless
+great, but for painstaking. Knowing but one style of making a book
+beautiful, they lavished much time and loving care to achieve their end.
+The detail is extraordinarily minute and complicated. “I have counted,”
+writes Professor Westwood, “[with a magnifying glass] in a small space
+scarcely three-quarters of an inch in length by less than half an inch
+in width, in the Book of Armagh, no less than 158 interlacements of a
+slender ribbon pattern formed of white lines edged with black ones.”
+But, this intricacy notwithstanding, the designs as a whole are usually
+bold and effective. In the best kind of Irish illumination gold and
+silver are not used, but the colours are varied and brilliant, and are
+employed with taste and discretion; while the occasional staining of a
+leaf of vellum with a fine purple sometimes adds beauty and much
+distinction to an excellent design.
+
+Of intricate geometrical ornament and grotesque figures, the
+illumination representing the symbols of the Four Evangelists (fo. 290)
+of the Book of Kells is perhaps the best example. Of divergent spirals
+and interlaced ribbon work the frontispiece of St. Jerome’s Epistle in
+the Book of Durrow affords notable examples. Two of the peculiar
+features of Irish decoration--the rows of red dots round a design and
+the dragon’s head--appear in the earliest, or nearly the earliest, Irish
+manuscript extant, namely, the Cathach Psalter, now in the Museum of the
+Royal Irish Academy. Whether the essential and peculiar features of this
+ornamentation are purely indigenous, as Professor Westwood contends, or
+whether they are of Gallo-Roman origin, as Fleury argues, is a moot
+point, calling for complicated discussion which would be out of place
+here.
+
+The amount of illumination in the existing manuscripts varies, but the
+pages chosen for illuminating are nearly always the same. In the Book of
+Kells the illuminations consist of three portraits of the Evangelists,
+three scenes from the life of Christ, three combined symbols of the four
+Evangelists, eight pages of the Eusebian canons, and many
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE III_
+
+THE SHRINE OF THE CATHACH PSALTER
+
+ELEVENTH CENTURY]
+
+initials. The Book of Durham contains four portraits of the Evangelists,
+six initial pages, one ornamental page before each Gospel, and before
+St. Jerome’s Epistle, and eight pages of the Eusebian canons. The Book
+of Durrow has sixteen illuminated pages: four of the symbols of the
+Evangelists, six pages of initials, one ornamental page at the
+frontispiece, one before the letter of St. Jerome, and one before each
+Gospel.
+
+The oldest Irish manuscript in existence is probably the Domnach
+Airgrid, or manuscript of the Silver Shrine, also called St. Patrick’s
+Gospels. Dr. Petrie believed the Domnach to be the identical reliquary
+given by St. Patrick to St. Mac Cairthinn, when the latter was put in
+charge of the see of Clogher, in the fifth century. “As a manuscript
+copy of the Gospels apparently of that early age is found with it, there
+is every reason to believe it to be that identical one for which the box
+was originally made.”[44] But both case and manuscript are now held to
+be somewhat later in date. Another very early manuscript is the sixth
+century fragment of fifty-eight leaves of a Latin Psalter, styled the
+Cathach or “Battler.” For centuries this fragment has been preserved in
+a beautiful case as a relic of Columba; as, indeed, the actual cause of
+the dispute between Columba and Finnian of Moville.
+
+
+§ V
+
+Two features of book-economy, although not peculiar to Ireland, are
+rarely met with outside that country. The religious used satchels or
+wallets to carry their books about with them. We are told Patrick once
+met a party of clerics and gillies with books in their girdles; and he
+gave them the hide he had sat and slept on for twenty years to make a
+wallet.[45] Columba is said to have made satchels, and to have blessed
+them. When these satchels were not carried they were hung upon pegs set
+in the wall of the cell or the church or the tower where they were
+preserved.[46] We have already noted the legend which tells how all the
+satchels in Ireland slipped off their pegs when Longarad died. A modern
+writer visiting the Abyssinian convent of Souriani has seen a room
+which, when we remember the connection between Egyptian and Celtic
+monachism, we cannot help thinking must closely resemble an ancient
+Irish cell.[47] In the room the disposition of the manuscripts was very
+original. “A wooden shelf was carried in the Egyptian style round the
+walls, at the height of the top of the door.... Underneath the shelf
+various long wooden pegs projected from the wall; they were each about a
+foot and a half long, and on them hung the Abyssinian manuscripts, of
+which this curious library was entirely composed. The books of Abyssinia
+are ... enclosed in a case tied up with leathern thongs; to this case is
+attached a strap for the convenience of carrying the volume over the
+shoulders, and by these straps the books were hung to the wooden pegs,
+three or four on a peg, or more if the books were small; their usual
+size was that of a small, very thick quarto. The appearance of the room,
+fitted up in this style, together with the presence of long staves, such
+as the monks of all the Oriental churches lean upon at the time of
+prayer, resembled less a library than a barrack or guardroom, where the
+soldiers had hung their knapsacks and cartridge boxes against the wall.”
+The few old Irish satchels remaining are black with age, and the
+characteristic decoration of diagonal lines and interlaced markings is
+nearly worn away. Two of them are preserved in England and Ireland:
+those of the Book of Armagh, in Trinity College, Dublin, and of the
+Irish Missal in Corpus Christi College, Oxford. The wallet at Oxford
+looks much like a modern schoolboy’s satchel; leather straps are fixed
+to it, by which it was slung round the neck. The Armagh wallet is made
+of one piece of leather, folded to form a case a foot long, a little
+more than a foot broad, and two and a half inches thick. The Book of
+Armagh does not fit it properly. Interlaced work and zoömorphs decorate
+the leather. Remains of rough straps are still attached to the sides.
+
+The second special feature of Irish book-economy was the preservation of
+manuscripts in cumdachs or rectangular boxes, made just large enough for
+the books they were intended to enshrine. As in the case of the wallet,
+the cumdach was not peculiar to Ireland, although the finest examples
+which have come down to us were made in that country.[48] They are
+referred to several times in early Irish annals. Bishop Assicus is said
+to have made quadrangular book-covers in honour of Patrick.[49] In the
+_Annals of the Four Masters_ is recorded, under the year 937, a
+reference to the cumdach of the Book of Armagh, or the Canon of Patrick.
+“Canoin Phadraig was covered by Donchadh, son of Flann, king of
+Ireland.” In 1006 the _Annals_ note that the Book of Kells--“the Great
+Gospel of Columb Cille was stolen at night from the western erdomh of
+the Great Church of Ceannanus. This was the principal relic of the
+western world, on account of its singular cover; and it was found after
+twenty nights and two months, its gold having been stolen off it, and a
+sod over it.”[50] These cumdachs are now lost; so also is the jewelled
+case of the Gospels of St. Arnoul at Metz, and that belonging to the
+Book of Durrow.
+
+By good hap, several cumdachs of the greatest interest are still
+preserved for our inspection. One of them, the Silver Shrine of the
+so-called St. Patrick’s Gospels, is a very peculiar case. It consists of
+three covers. The first, or inner, is of yew, and was perhaps made in
+the sixth or seventh century. The second, of copper, silver-plated, is
+of later make. The third, or outermost, is of silver, and was probably
+made in the fourteenth century. The cumdach of the Stowe Missal (1023)
+is a much more beautiful example. It is of oak, covered with plates of
+silver. The lower or more ancient side bears a cross within a
+rectangular frame. In the centre of the cross is a crystal set in an
+oval mount. The decoration of the four panels consists of metal plates,
+the ornament being a chequer-work of squares and triangles. The lid has
+a similar cross and frame, but the cross is set with pearls and
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE IV_
+
+CUMDACH OF ST. MOLAISE’S GOSPELS: BOTTOM
+
+CUMDACH OF ST. MOLAISE’S GOSPELS: FRONT]
+
+metal bosses, a crystal in the centre, and a large jewel at the end of
+each arm. The panels consist of silver-gilt plates embellished with
+figures of saints. The sides, which are decorated with enamelled bosses
+and open-work designs, are imperfect. On the box are inscriptions in
+Irish, such as the following: “Pray for Dunchad, descendant of Taccan,
+of the family of Cluain, who made this”; “A blessing of God on every
+soul according to its merit”; “Pray for Donchadh, son of Brian, for the
+king of Ireland”; “And for Macc Raith, descendant of Donnchad, for the
+king of Cashel.”[51] Other cumdachs are those in the Royal Irish Academy
+for Molaise’s Gospels (_c._ 1001-25), for Columba’s Psalter (1084), and
+those in Trinity College, Dublin, for Dimma’s book (1150) and for the
+Book of St. Moling. There are also the cumdachs for Cairnech’s Calendar
+and that of Caillen; both of late date. The library of St. Gall
+possesses still another silver cumdach, which is probably Irish.
+
+These are the earliest relics we have of what was undoubtedly an old and
+established method of enshrining books, going back as far as Patrick’s
+time, if it be correct that Bishop Assicus made them, or if the first
+case of the Silver Shrine is as old as it is believed to be. The
+beautiful lower cover of the Gospels of Lindau, now in Mr. Pierpont
+Morgan’s treasure-house, proves that at least as early as the seventh
+century the Irish lavished as much art on the outside of their
+manuscripts as upon the inside.[52] It is natural to make a beautiful
+covering for a book which is both beautiful and sacred. All the volumes
+upon which the Irish artist exercised his talent were invested with
+sacred attributes. Chroniclers would have us believe they were sometimes
+miraculously produced. In the life of Cronan[53] is a story telling how
+an expert scribe named Dimma copied the four Gospels. Dimma could only
+devote a day to the task, whereupon Cronan bade him begin at once and
+continue until sunset. But the sun did not set for forty days, and by
+that time the copy was finished. The manuscript written for Cronan is
+possibly the book of Dimma, which bears the inscription: “It is
+finished. A prayer for Dimma, who wrote it for God, and a blessing.”[54]
+
+It was believed such books could not be injured. St. Ciaran’s copy of
+the Gospels fell into a lake, but was uninjured. St. Cronan’s copy fell
+into Loch Cre, and remained under water forty days without injury. Even
+fire could not harm St. Cainnech’s case of books.[55] Nor is it
+surprising they should be looked upon as sacred. The scribes and
+illuminators who took such loving care to make their work perfect, and
+the craftsmen who wrought beautiful shrines for the books so made, were
+animated with the feeling and spirit which impels men to erect beautiful
+churches to testify to the glory of their Creator. As Dimma says, they
+“wrote them for God.”
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+THE ENGLISH MONKS AND THEIR BOOKS
+
+ “There are delightful libraries, more aromatic than stores of
+ spicery; there are luxuriant parks of all manner of volumes; there
+ are Academic meads shaken by the tramp of scholars; there are
+ lounges of Athens; walks of the Peripatetics; peaks of Parnassus;
+ and porches of the Stoics. There is seen the surveyor of all arts
+ and sciences Aristotle, to whom belongs all that is most excellent
+ in doctrine, so far as relates to this passing sublunary world;
+ there Ptolemy measures epicycles and eccentric apogees and the
+ nodes of the planets by figures and numbers....”
+
+Richard De Bury, _Philobiblon_, Thomas’ ed. 200
+
+
+
+
+
+§ I
+
+The Benedictine order established monastic study on a regular plan.
+Benedict’s forty-eighth rule is clear in its directions. “Idleness is
+hurtful to the soul. At certain times, therefore, the brethren must work
+with their hands, and at others give themselves up to holy reading.”
+From Easter to the first of October the monks were required to work at
+manual labour from prime until the fourth hour. From the fourth hour
+until nearly the sixth hour they were to read. After their meal at the
+sixth hour they were to lie on their beds, and those who cared to do so
+might read, but not aloud. After nones work must be resumed until
+evening. From October the first until the beginning of Lent they were to
+read until the ninth hour. At the ninth hour they were to take their
+meal and then read spiritual works or the Psalms. Throughout Lent they
+were required to read until the third hour, then work until the tenth.
+Every monk was to have a book from the library, and to read it through
+during Lent. On Sundays reading was their duty throughout the day,
+except in the case of those having special tasks. During reading hours
+two senior brethren were expected to go the rounds to see that the monks
+were actually reading, and not lounging nor gossiping. But the brethren
+were not allowed to have a book or tablets or a pen of their own.
+
+Benedict’s inclusion of these directions was of capital importance in
+the advance of monkish learning. Being milder and more flexible,
+communal instead of eremitical, and so altogether more humane and
+attractive, his Rule gradually took the place of existing orders. And as
+the change came about, ill-regulated theological study gave way to
+superior methods of learning, solely due to the better organisation and
+greater liberality of the Benedictine order.
+
+Benedictinism came to England with Augustine (597). The Rule, however,
+does not seem to have been strictly or consistently observed for a long
+time. But the studious labours of the monks remained just as important a
+part of their lives as they would have been had the monasteries closely
+followed Benedict’s directions. Especially would this be the case in the
+seventh century, and afterwards, during the time continental monachism
+was in rivalry with the Celtic missionaries.
+
+
+§ II
+
+From the first we hear of books in connexion with Canterbury. Gregory
+the Great gave to Augustine, either just before his English mission, or
+sent to him soon afterward, nine volumes, which were put in St.
+Augustine’s monastery--the monastery of SS. Peter and Paul, beyond the
+walls. Being for church purposes, the books were very beautiful and
+valuable. There was the Gregorian Bible in two volumes, with some of its
+leaves coloured rose and purple, which gave a wonderful reflection when
+held to the light; the Psalter of Augustine; a copy of the Gospels
+called the Text of St. Mildred, upon which a countryman in Thanet swore
+falsely and, it is said, lost his sight; as well as another copy of the
+Gospels; a Psalter, with plain silver images of Christ and the four
+Evangelists on the cover; two martyrologies, one adorned with a silver
+figure of Christ, the other enriched with silver-gilt and precious
+stones; and an Exposition of the Gospels and Epistles, also enriched
+with gems.[56] Some of these books were kept above the altar. Bede also
+records the gift by Gregory to Augustine of “many manuscripts,” and his
+authority is unimpeachable, as he derived his knowledge of Canterbury
+affairs from written records and information supplied by Albinus, first
+English abbot of Augustine’s house.[57] This monastery “was thus the
+mother-school, the mother-university of England, ... at a time when
+Cambridge was a desolate fen, and Oxford a tangled forest in a wide
+waste of waters. They remind us that English power and English religion
+have, as from the very first, so ever since, gone along with knowledge,
+with learning, and especially with that learning and that knowledge
+which those old manuscripts give--the knowledge and learning of the
+Gospel.”[58] Few books would be treasured more carefully and treated
+with greater reverence by English churchmen and book lovers than these
+“first books of the English church,” if any of them could be found. They
+are referred to as existing when William Thorne wrote his chronicle
+(_c._ 1397),[59] and Leland tells us he saw and admired them; but after
+his time nearly all trace of them is lost.[60]
+
+No further hint of books occurs until Theodore became Archbishop more
+than seventy years later. Theodore, who had been educated both at Tarsus
+and Athens, where he became a good Greek and Latin scholar, well versed
+in secular and divine literature, began a school at Canterbury for the
+study of Greek, and provided it with some Greek books. None of these
+books has been traced with certainty. Some may have existed in
+Archbishop Parker’s time. “The Rev. Father Matthew,” says Lambarde, in
+his _Perambulation of Kent_, ... “showed me, not long since, the Psalter
+of David, and sundry homilies in Greek, Homer also, and some other Greek
+authors, beautifully written on thick paper with the name of this
+Theodore prefixed in the front, to whose library he reasonably thought
+(being led thereto by show of great antiquity) that they sometime
+belonged.” The manuscript of Homer, now in Corpus Christi Library,
+Cambridge, did not belong to Theodore, but to Prior Selling, of whom we
+shall hear later. But possibly the famous Graeco-Latin copy of the Acts,
+now in the Bodleian Library, belonged either to Theodore or to his
+companion, Hadrian.[61]
+
+[Illustration: FROM THE GRÆCO-LATIN COPY OF THE ACTS, PROBABLY USED BY
+BEDE]
+
+Theodore, with Hadrian’s help, not only started the Canterbury School,
+but encouraged similar foundations in other English monasteries. In
+southern England, however, Canterbury remained the centre of learning,
+and many ecclesiastics were attracted to it in consequence. Bede amply
+proves its efficiency as a school. And forasmuch as both Theodore and
+Hadrian were “fully instructed both in sacred and in secular letters,
+they gathered a crowd of disciples, and rivers of wholesome knowledge
+daily flowed from them to water the hearts of their hearers; and,
+together with the books of Holy Scripture, they also taught them the
+metrical art, astronomy, and ecclesiastical arithmetic. A testimony
+whereof is, that there are still living at this day some of their
+scholars, who are as well versed in the Greek and Latin tongues as in
+their own, in which they were born.”[62] Elsewhere he mentions some of
+these scholars by name. Albinus, already referred to as the first
+English abbot of St. Augustine’s, “was so well instructed in literary
+studies, that he had no small knowledge of the Greek tongue, and knew
+the Latin as well as the English, which was his native language.”[63] “A
+most learned man” was another disciple, Tobias, bishop of Rochester,
+who, besides having a great knowledge of letters, both ecclesiastical
+and general, learned the Greek and Latin tongues “to such perfection,
+that they were as well known and familiar to him as his native
+language.”[64]
+
+Canterbury’s most notable scholar was Aldhelm, the first bishop of
+Sherborne. In him were united the learning of the Canterbury and the
+Irish monks, for he studied first under Maildulf, the Irish monk and
+scholar who founded and gave his name to Malmesbury, and then under
+Hadrian. When he went to be consecrated an incident befell him which at
+once shows his zeal for learning, and casts a welcome ray of light on
+the importation of books. While at Canterbury he heard of the arrival of
+ships at Dover, and thither he journeyed to see whether they had brought
+anything in his way. He found on board plenty of books, among them one
+containing the complete Testaments. He offered to buy it, but his price
+was too low; although, afterwards, when it was believed his prayers had
+delivered the owner from a storm, he secured it on his own terms.[65]
+
+Aldhelm at length became abbot of Malmesbury (_c._ 675), and under him
+it grew to much greater eminence, and attracted a large number of
+students. Here, in the solitude of the forest tract, he passed his time
+in singing merry ballads to win the ear of the people for his more
+serious words, playing the harp, in teaching, and in reading the
+considerable library he had at hand. Bede describes him as a man “of
+marvellous learning both in liberal and ecclesiastical studies.” Judging
+by his writings he was in these respects in the forefront of his
+contemporaries, although his learning was heavy and pretentious. From
+them also it is perfectly evident he could make use not only of the
+Bible, but of lives of the saints, of Isidore, of the _Recognitions of
+Clement_, of the _Acts of Sylvester_, of writings by Sulpicius Severus,
+Athanasius, Gregory, Eusebius, and Jerome, as well as of Terence,
+Virgil, Horace, Juvenal, Persius, and Prosper, and some other
+authors.[66]
+
+
+§ III
+
+Meanwhile Northumbria had become one of the leading centres of learning
+in Europe, almost entirely through the labours and influence of Irish
+missionaries. St. Aidan, an ascetic of Iona who journeyed to Northumbria
+at King Oswald’s request, founded Lindisfarne, which became the monastic
+and episcopal capital of that kingdom. Aidan required all his pupils,
+whether religious or laymen, to read the Scriptures, or to learn the
+Psalms. The education of boys was a part of his system. Wherever a
+monastery was founded it became a school wherein taught the monks who
+had followed him from Scotland. Cedd, the founder and abbot of
+Lastingham, was Aidan’s pupil, so was his brother, the great bishop
+Ceadda (Chad), who succeeded him in his abbacy. At Lindisfarne was
+wrought by Eadfrith (_d._ 721) the beautiful manuscript of the Gospels
+now preserved in the British Museum, and a little later the fine cover
+for it. Lastingham, founded on the desolate moorland of North Yorkshire,
+“among steep and distant mountains, which looked more like
+lurking-places for robbers and dens of wild beasts, than dwellings of
+men,” upheld the traditions of the Columban houses for piety,
+asceticism, and studious occupations. Thither repaired one Owini, not to
+live idle, but to labour, and as he was less capable of studying, he
+applied himself earnestly to manual work, the while better-instructed
+monks were indoors reading.
+
+In many directions do we observe traces of Aidan’s good work. Hild, the
+foundress of Whitby Abbey, was for a short time his pupil. Her monastery
+was famous for having educated five bishops, among them John of
+Beverley, and for giving birth, in Caedmon, to the father of English
+poetry. “Religious poetry, sung to the harp as it passed from hand to
+hand, must have flourished in the monastery of the abbess Hild, and the
+kernel of Bede’s story concerning the birth of our earliest poet must be
+that the brethren and sisters on that bleak northern shore spoke ‘to
+each other in psalms and hymns and spiritual songs.’”[67] Of Melrose, an
+offshoot of Aidan’s foundation, the sainted Cuthbert was an inmate. At
+Lindisfarne, where “he speedily learned the Psalms and some other
+books,” the great Wilfrid was a novice. Of his studies, indeed, we know
+little: he seems to have sought prelatical power rather than learning.
+But he and his followers were responsible for the conversion of the
+Northumbrian church from Columban to Roman usages, and the introduction
+of Benedictinism into the monasteries; and consequently for bringing the
+studies of the monks into line with the rules of Benedict’s order.
+
+Such progress would have been impossible had not the rulers of
+Northumbria from Oswald to Aldfrith been friendly to Christianity.
+Aldfrith had been educated at Iona, and was a man of studious
+disposition. His predecessor had advanced Northumbria’s reputation
+enormously by giving Benedict Biscop (629-90) sites for his monasteries
+of Wearmouth and Jarrow.[68] We know enough of this Benedict to wish we
+knew very much more. He suggests to us enthusiasm for his cause, and
+energy and foresight in labouring for it. Naturally, Aldhelm’s writings
+have gained him far more attention in literary histories than the
+Northumbrian has received. But the influence of Benedict, a man of much
+learning, wide-travelled, was at least as great and as far-reaching.
+Lérins, the great centre of monachism in Gaul, and Canterbury under
+Theodore, had been his schools. On six occasions he flitted back and
+forth to Rome, and to go to Rome, in those days, was a liberal
+education, both in worldly and spiritual affairs. Not a little of his
+influence was the direct outcome of his book-collecting. From all his
+journeys to Rome he is said to have returned laden with books. He
+certainly came back from his fourth journey with a great number of books
+of all kinds.[69] He also obtained books at Vienne. His sixth and last
+journey to Rome was wholly devoted to collecting books, classical as
+well as theological. When he died he left instructions for the
+preservation of the most noble and rich library he had gathered
+together.[70] “If we consider how difficult, fatiguing, ... even
+dangerous a journey between the British Islands and Italy must have been
+in those days of anarchy and barbarism, we can appreciate the intensity
+of Benedict’s passion for beautiful and costly volumes.”[71] The library
+he formed was worthy of the labour, we cannot doubt: possibly was the
+best then in Britain. It served as the model for the still more famous
+collection at York. The scholarship of Bede, who used it in writing his
+works, proclaims its value for literary purposes.[72] Bede tells us he
+always applied himself to Scriptural study, and in the intervals of
+observing monastic discipline and singing daily in the church, he took
+pleasure in learning, or teaching, or writing.[73] The picture of Bede
+in his solitary monastery, leading a placid life among Benedict’s
+books, poring over the beautifully-wrought pages with the scholar’s
+tense calm to find the material in the Fathers and the historians, and
+to seek the apt quotation from the classics, must always flash to the
+mind at the mere mention of his name.[74] Every fact in connexion with
+his work testifies to the excellent equipment of his monastery for
+writing ecclesiastical history, and to the cordial way in which the
+religious co-operated for the advancement of learning and research.
+
+
+§ IV
+
+Canterbury, Malmesbury, Lindisfarne, Wearmouth and Jarrow, and York were
+like mountain-peaks tipped with gold by the first rays of the rising
+sun, while all below remains dark. Yet while not indicative of
+widespread means of instruction, the existence of these centres, and the
+character of the work done in them, suggests that at other places the
+same sort of work, on a smaller and less influential scale, soon began.
+At Lichfield, on the moorland at Ripon, in “the dwelling-place in the
+meadows” at Peterborough, in the desolate fenland at Crowland and at
+Ely, on the banks of the Thames at Abingdon, and of the Avon at Evesham,
+in the nunneries of Barking and Wimborne, at Chertsey, Glastonbury,
+Gloucester, in the far north at Melrose, and even perhaps at Coldingham,
+Christianity was speeding its message, and learning--such as it was,
+primitive and pretentious--caught pale reflections from more famous
+places. Now and again definite facts are met with hinting at a spreading
+enlightenment. Acca, abbot and bishop of Hexham, for example “gave all
+diligence, as he does to this day,” wrote Bede, “to procure relics of
+the blessed Apostles and martyrs of Christ.... Besides which, he
+industriously gathered the histories of their martyrdom, together with
+other ecclesiastical writings, and erected there a large and noble
+library.” Of this library, unfortunately, there is not a wrack left
+behind. A tiny school was carried on at a monastery near Exeter, where
+Boniface was first instructed. At the monastery of Nursling he was
+taught grammar, history, poetry, rhetoric, and the Scriptures; there
+also manuscripts were copied. Books were produced under Abbess Eadburh
+of Minster, a learned woman who corresponded with Boniface and taught
+the metric art. Boniface’s letters throw interesting light on our
+subject. Eadburh sent him books, money, and other gifts. He also wrote
+home asking his old friend Bishop Daniel of Winchester for a fine
+manuscript of the six major prophets, which had been written in a large
+and clear hand by Winbert: no such book, he explains, can be had abroad,
+and his eyes are no longer strong enough to read with ease the small
+character of ordinary manuscripts. In another letter written to Ecgberht
+of York is recorded an exchange of books, and a request for a copy of
+the commentaries of Bede.
+
+A decree of the Council held at Cloveshoe in 747, pointing out the want
+of instruction among the religious, and ordering all bishops, abbots,
+and abbesses to promote and encourage learning, whether it means that
+monkish education was on the wane or that it was not making such quick
+progress as was desired, at any rate does not mean that England was in a
+bad way in this respect, or that she lagged behind the Continent. On the
+contrary, England and Ireland were renowned homes of learning in Western
+Europe. Perhaps a few centres on the mainland could show libraries as
+good as those here; but certainly no country had such scholars.
+England’s pre-eminence was recognized by Charles the Great when he
+invited Alcuin to his court (781).
+
+Alcuin was brought up at York from childhood. In company with Albert,
+who taught the arts and grammar at this northern school, Alcuin visited
+Gaul and Rome to scrape together a few more books. On returning later he
+was entrusted with the care of the library: a task for which he was well
+fitted, if enthusiasm, breaking into rime, be a qualification:--
+
+ “Small is the space which contains the gifts of heavenly Wisdom
+ Which you, reader, rejoice piously here to receive;
+ Better than richest gifts of the Kings, this treasure of Wisdom,
+ Light, for the seeker of this, shines on the road to the Day.”[75]
+
+York could not retain Alcuin long. Fortunately, just when dissensions
+among the English kings, and the Danish raids began to harass England,
+and to threaten the coming decline of her learning, he was invited to
+take charge of a school established by Charles the Great. Charles had
+undertaken the task of reviving literary study, well-nigh extinguished
+through the neglect of his ancestors; and he bade all his subjects to
+cultivate the arts. As far as he could he accomplished the task,
+principally owing to the aid of the English scholar and of willing
+helpers from Ireland.
+
+Alcuin was soon at the head of St. Martin’s of Tours where he was
+responsible for the great activity of the scribes in his day. He
+persuaded Charles to send a number of copyists to York. “I, your
+Flavius,” he writes, “according to your exhortation and wise desire,
+have been busy under the roof of St. Martin, in dispensing to some the
+honey of the Holy Scriptures. Others I strive to inebriate with the old
+wine of ancient studies; these I nourish with the fruit of grammatical
+knowledge; in the eyes of these again I seek to make bright the courses
+of the stars.... But I have need of the most excellent books of
+scholastic learning, which I had procured in my own country, either by
+the devoted care of my master, or by my own labours. I therefore beseech
+your majesty ... to permit me to send certain of our household to bring
+over into France the flowers of Britain, that the garden of Paradise may
+not be confined to York, but may send some of its scions to Tours.” What
+the “flowers of Britain” were at this time Alcuin has told us in Latin
+verse. At York, “where he sowed the seeds of knowledge in the morning of
+his life,” thou shall find, he rimes:--
+
+ “The volumes that contain
+ All the ancient fathers who remain;
+ There all the Latin writers make their home
+ With those that glorious Greece transferred to Rome,--
+ The Hebrews draw from their celestial stream,
+ And Africa is bright with learning’s beam.”
+
+Then, after including in his metrical catalogue the names of forty
+writers, he proceeds:--
+
+ “There shalt thou find, O reader, many more
+ Famed for their style, the masters of old lore,
+ Whose many volumes singly to rehearse
+ Were far too tedious for our present verse.”[76]
+
+A goodly store indeed in such an age.
+
+
+§ V
+
+Sunlight and shadow follow one another rapidly across England’s early
+history. The migration of York’s renowned scholar took place six years
+before the Viking irruptions began, and about twelve years before a
+heavy blow was struck at Northumbrian learning by the ravaging and
+destruction of the monasteries of Lindisfarne, and Wearmouth and Jarrow.
+After this there was but little peace for England. Kent was often
+attacked. In 838 the marauders fell upon East Anglia. Between 837 and
+845 they made various fierce attacks upon Wessex. In 851 the pillage of
+Canterbury and London was a severe blow to the English. About fifteen
+years later, at the hands of the Danes, Melrose, Tynemouth, Whitby, and
+Lastingham shared Wearmouth’s fate. Of York and its library we hear no
+more. Peterborough and its large collection of sacred books perished at
+the hands of the same raiders as those who burnt Crowland (870). So bad
+grew affairs that Alfred the Great, writing to Bishop Werfrith, bewailed
+the small number of people south of the Humber who understood the
+English of their service, or could translate from Latin into English.
+Even beyond the Humber there were not many; not one could he remember
+south of the Thames when he began to reign. And he bethought himself of
+the wise men, both church and lay folk, formerly living in England, and
+how zealous they were in teaching and learning, and how men came from
+abroad in search of wisdom and instruction. Apparently some decline from
+this standard had been noticeable before ruin completely overtook the
+monasteries. He remembered how, before the land had been ravaged and
+burnt, “its churches stood filled with treasures and books, and with a
+multitude of His servants, but they had very little knowledge of the
+books, and could not understand them, for they were not written in their
+own language.... When I remembered all this, I much marvelled that the
+good and wise men who were formerly all over England, and had perfectly
+learnt all these books, did not wish to translate them into their own
+tongues.” By way of remedying this omission, he translated _Cura
+Pastoralis_ into English. “I will send a copy to every bishopric in my
+kingdom; and on each there is a clasp worth 50 mancus. And I command in
+God’s name that no man take the clasp from the book or the book from the
+minster; it is uncertain how long there may be such learned bishops as
+now are, thanks be to God, nearly everywhere.”[77]
+
+This letter, written in 890, marks the revival of interest in letters
+under Alfred. In adding to his own knowledge, and in promoting education
+among his people, he was assiduous and determined. During the leisure of
+one period of eight months, Asser seems to have read to him all the
+congenial books at hand, Alfred’s custom being to read aloud or to
+listen to others reading. Asser was a Welsh bishop, brought to Wessex to
+help the king in his work. For the same purpose Archbishop Plegmund[78]
+and Bishop Werfrith were brought from Mercia. Other scholars came from
+abroad. One named Grimbald, a monk from St. Bertin, came to take charge
+of the abbey of Hyde, Winchester, which Alfred had planned. John, of
+Old-Saxony, a learned monk of the flourishing Westphalian Abbey of
+Corvey--where a library existed in this century,[79]--was made by Alfred
+abbot of Athelney monastery and school. Perhaps John, called the Scot or
+Erigena, also came, but we do not know certainly. Alfred also introduced
+teachers, both English and foreign, into his monasteries, his aim being
+to provide the means of educating every freeborn and well-to-do youth.
+During the whole of the latter part of his reign the copying of
+manuscripts went on, though with only moderate activity.
+
+That Alfred, amid the cares of a troublesome kingship, could find time
+to devote to this work, and realised the importance of vernacular
+literature, is one of the chief signs of his greatness. What he did had
+a lasting influence upon our literature. He tapped the wellspring of
+English prose. Mainly owing to his initiative, from his day till the
+Conquest all the literature of importance was in the vernacular, and the
+impulse so given to the language as a literary vehicle was strong enough
+to preserve it from extinction during the Norman domination, when it was
+superseded as the court and official language. But, so far as the making
+and circulation of books is concerned, the “revival” under Alfred did
+not prosper. The necessary machinery was almost entirely wanting. The
+monastic schools, the great--the only--means of disseminating the
+learning of the time, were few in number and not very influential. For
+Athelney, a small monastery, Alfred had difficulty in finding monks at
+all: he had to get them from abroad; while the rule in this house does
+not seem to have been wholly satisfactory. At the time of his death
+(_c._ 901) monachism was in a bad way. Fifty years later its plight
+would seem to have been worse. Only two houses, Abingdon and
+Glastonbury, could be really called monastic. “In the middle of the
+tenth century the Rule of St. Benedict, the standard of monasticism in
+Western Christendom, was, according to virtually contemporary authority,
+completely unknown in England. This will not appear strange if we
+consider that it was never very generally or strictly carried out here,
+that the Danish invasions had broken the continuity of monastic life,
+and that not many years earlier the very existence of the Rule had been
+forgotten in not a few continental monasteries.”[80] Although England
+always responded to the slightest effort to affect her culture, as the
+long deer grass waves an answer to every breath of the wind, yet the
+surprising eminence of some of the churchmen in the latter half of the
+century and the excellence of their work cannot be accounted for if the
+influence of Alfred’s reign had utterly died out. But it had not. Only
+the machinery was defective. The driving power remained, latent but
+ready for action. One indication of a surviving interest in these
+matters at this time is the gift of some nine books to St. Augustine’s
+Abbey by King Athelstan--an interesting little collection including
+Isidore _de Natura Rerum_, Persius, Donatus, Alcuin, Sedulius, and
+possibly a work by Bede. The machinery, however, was soon to be
+improved. Dunstan, Oswald, Edgar, and Ethelwold set matters right by
+reforming and extending the monastic system, and by making it the means
+of encouraging education and learning.
+
+The leaders were Dunstan and Ethelwold. In youth the former was renowned
+for his eagerness in studying, and for the wealth and knowledge he
+acquired. He was a “lover of ballads and music,” “a hard student, an
+indefatigable worker, busy at books”; spending his leisure in reading
+sacred authors, and in correcting manuscripts, sometimes at daybreak. He
+was also very skilful at working in metal and at drawing and
+illuminating. Maybe the picture of him kneeling before the Saviour which
+is preserved in the Bodleian Library is by his own hand; this, however,
+is not certain.[81] But some relics of his literary work were preserved
+at Glastonbury until the Reformation--passages transcribed from Frank
+and Roman law books, a pamphlet on grammar, a mass of Biblical
+quotations, a collection of canons drawn from Dunstan’s Irish teachers,
+a book on the Apocalypse, and other works.[82] He entirely reformed
+Glastonbury and made it a flourishing school, where the Scriptures,
+ecclesiastical writings, and grammar were taught.
+
+Ethelwold was a Glastonbury scholar and assistant to Dunstan.
+Glastonbury, and Abingdon, where he became Abbot, and Winchester, to
+which see he was consecrated, were the centres whence, during the sixty
+years succeeding Edgar’s accession, some forty monasteries were founded
+or restored. Winchester became pre-eminent. Ethelwold himself was a
+teacher of grammar. It was his delight to teach boys and young men, and
+to help them in their translations; hence it came to pass that many of
+his pupils became abbots and bishops.[83] A curious story is told in
+illustration of his studious disposition. One night, when reading after
+prolonged watching, sleep overcame him, and as he slept the candle fell
+on the page and remained burning there until a brother came along and
+snatched it up, when the book by a miracle was found to be
+uninjured.[84] A vignette of pure and true medievalism: the long and
+solitary watching, the saintly pursuit of divine wisdom, the wide-open
+book, with the bold and beautiful text, and the quaint decoration,
+wrought by loving hands, and the inevitable miracle,--the suggestion of
+a Divine Providence watching over and protecting all that is sacred.
+
+Some beautiful examples of work of this period have been preserved.
+“Winchester” work is a familiar and expressive term in illumination, and
+nobody will ask why this is so if they have seen a manuscript executed
+there towards the end of the tenth century. The Benedictional and Missal
+of Archbishop Robert, which is certainly English, and most likely an
+example of New Minster work, is illuminated with miniatures, foliated
+and architectural borders, and capitals and letters of gold, in virile
+workmanship. A still finer example--the finest example of Old Minster
+craft--is the Benedictional of Ethelwold, now in the Duke of
+Devonshire’s library. The versified dedication, inscribed in letters of
+gold, tells us, in substance--“The Great Æthelwold ... illustrious,
+venerable and mild ... commanded a certain monk subject to him to write
+the present book: he ordered also to be made in it many arches elegantly
+decorated and filled up with various ornamented pictures expressed in
+divers beautiful colours, and gold.”[85] Godeman, abbot of Thorney, was
+the scribe, but the illuminator is unknown. Each full page has nineteen
+lines of writing, with letters nearly a quarter of an inch long.
+Alternate lines in gold, red, and black occur once or twice in the same
+page. There are thirty miniatures and thirteen fully illuminated pages,
+some of these having framed borders, foliated, others columns and
+arches. The figures are remarkably well drawn, the drapery being
+especially good. The whole is in a fine state of preservation,
+especially the gold ornaments; the gold used was leaf upon size,
+afterwards well burnished. Of the rival craftsmanship at New Minster we
+have a splendid example in the Golden Book of Edgar, so called
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE V_
+
+NATIVITY OF ST. JOHN THE BAPTIST, BENEDICTIONAL OF ETHELWOLD]
+
+[Illustration: WRITING IN THE BENEDICTIONAL OF ETHELWOLD]
+
+
+
+on account of its raised gold text.[86] Work of this grand character is
+the best testimony to the noble spirit of monachism in the days of
+Ethelwold.
+
+One of Ethelwold’s pupils was Ælfric, who became Archbishop of
+Canterbury in 995. He was responsible for the canon requiring every
+priest, before ordination, to have the Psalter, the Epistles, the
+Gospels, a Missal, the Book of Hymns, the Manual, the Calendar, the
+Passional, the Penitential, and the Lectionary. On his death he
+bequeathed all his books to St. Albans.[87]
+
+Another pupil of the same name is still more famous. This scholar’s
+grammar, with its translated passages, his glossary--the oldest
+Latin-English dictionary--and his conversation-manual of questions and
+answers, with interlinear translations, suggest that he must have done
+much to make the study of Latin easier and more congenial; while his
+homilies display his art in making knowledge popular, and prove him to
+be the greatest master of English prose before the Conquest.
+
+Several other interesting and suggestive facts belonging to this period
+have been preserved for us. Abbot Ælfward, for example, gave to his
+abbey of Evesham many sacred books and books on grammar (_c._ 1035):
+here, at any rate, progress was real.[88] At a manor of the abbey of
+Bury St. Edmunds were thirty volumes, exclusive of church books
+(1044-65).[89] Bishop Leofric also obtained over sixty books for Exeter
+Cathedral about sixteen years before the Conquest, a collection to which
+we must refer later.
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE VI_
+
+MINIATURE OF THE ASCENSION IN THE BENEDICTIONAL OF ETHELWOLD]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+LIBRARIES OF THE GREAT ABBEYS--BOOK-LOVERS AMONG THE
+MENDICANTS--DISPERSAL OF MONKISH LIBRARIES
+
+
+§ I
+
+The Conquest wrought both good and evil to literature--evil because the
+Normans thought books written in the vernacular unworthy of
+preservation;[90] good because the change brought to the country settled
+government, and to the church an opportunity for reformation. Lanfranc
+was the moving spirit of reform, both in church administration and in
+the learning of its members. While still in Normandy he had built up a
+reputation for the monastic school at Bec, and probably had a share in
+collecting the excellent library that we know the monastery possessed in
+the twelfth century.[91] When he was appointed to the see of Canterbury
+he continued to work for the same ends, although his primacy can have
+left him little leisure. A fresh beginning had to be made in Canterbury.
+In 1067 a fire destroyed the city, including the cathedral and almost
+the whole of the monastic buildings; and in this disaster many “sacred
+and profane books” were burned. It was Lanfranc’s task to repair this
+loss. He brought books with him,[92] and introduced some changes and
+more method in the making and use of them. In the customary of the
+Benedictine order which he drew up to correspond with the best monastic
+practice, he included minute instructions about lending and reading
+books. He was also responsible in the main for the substitution of the
+continental Roman handwriting for the beautiful Hiberno-Saxon hand. In
+another respect his influence was more beneficial. Both at Bec and in
+England he aimed to turn out accurate texts of patristic books, and the
+better to achieve this end he himself corrected manuscripts. In the
+abbey of St. Martin de Sécz at one time there was a copy of the first
+ten _Conferences_ of Cassian with his corrections; and in the library of
+Mans is a St. Ambrose which was overlooked by him.[93] Happily he was in
+a position to lend texts to monks for transcribing, and his help in this
+direction was sought by Abbot Paul of St. Albans. Recent research by Dr.
+Montagu James suggests that Lanfranc’s work for the Canterbury library
+was a good deal more practical and influential than has been usually
+believed. Among the survivors of the Canterbury collections at Trinity
+College, Cambridge, and elsewhere, “are some scores of volumes
+undoubtedly from Christ Church, all of one epoch,” the eleventh and
+twelfth centuries, and all written in hands modelled on an Italian
+style. “Another distinguishing mark,” writes Dr. James, “in these
+volumes is the employment of a peculiar purple in the decorative
+initials and headings.... The nearest approaches I find to it in England
+are in certain manuscripts which were once at St. Augustine’s Abbey, and
+in others which belonged to Rochester. It can be shown that books did
+occasionally pass from Christ Church to St. Augustine’s, and it can also
+be shown that certain of the Rochester books were written at Christ
+Church.” All these books, therefore, Dr. James believes, were given by
+Lanfranc or produced under his direction.[94]
+
+Lanfranc also encouraged original composition, for Osbern, monk of
+Canterbury, compiled his lives of St. Dunstan, St. Alphege, and St. Odo
+under his eye.
+
+In this work of bookmaking and collecting Lanfranc was supported or his
+example was followed by other monks from Normandy: by Abbot Walter of
+Evesham, who made many books;[95] by Ernulf of Rochester, who compiled
+the _Textus Roffensis_; and by many others. At this time grew up the
+practice of using English houses to supply books for Norman abbeys; this
+partly explains the number of manuscripts of English workmanship now
+abroad. A manuscript preserved in Paris contains a note by a canon of
+Ste-Barbe-en-Auge referring to Beckford in Gloucestershire, an English
+cell of his house, whence books were sent to Normandy.[96]
+
+From Lanfranc to the close of the thirteenth century, was the
+summer-time of the English religious houses. The Cluniac or reformed
+Benedictines settled here about 1077. In 1105 the Austin Canons first
+planted a house in this country. The White Monks, another reformed
+Benedictine order, entered England in 1128, and in the course of four
+and twenty years founded fifty houses. Soon after, in 1139, the English
+Gilbertines were established, then came the White Canons, and in 1180
+the Carthusian monks. The land was peppered with houses. In less than a
+century and a half, from the Conquest to about 1200, it is estimated
+that no fewer than 430 houses were founded, making, with 130 founded
+before the Conquest, 560 in all.[97] Many were wealthy: some were
+powerful, because they owned much property, and popular because, like
+Malmesbury, they were “distinguished for their ‘delightful hospitality’
+to guests who, arriving every hour, consume more than the inmates
+themselves.”[98] The Cluniacs could almost be called a fashionable
+order.
+
+During this prosperous age some of the great houses did their best work
+in writing and study. Thus to pick out one or two facts from a string of
+them. In 1104 Abbot Peter of Gloucester gave many books to the abbey
+library. In 1180 the refounded abbey of Whitby owned a fair library of
+theological, historical, and classical books.[99] About the same time
+Abbot Benedict ordered the transcription of sixty volumes, containing
+one hundred titles, for his library at Peterborough.[100] By 1244, in
+spite of losses in the fire of 1184, Glastonbury had a library of some
+four hundred volumes, historical books consorting with romances, Bibles
+and patristical works almost crowding out some forlorn classics.[101]
+Nearly half a century later
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE VII_
+
+ABBOT ROGER DE NORTHONE WITH HIS BOOKS
+
+ABBOT GARIN WITH HIS BOOKS]
+
+Abbot John of Taunton added to Glastonbury forty volumes, a notable gift
+in those days of costly books, while Adam of Domerham tells us he also
+made a fine, handsome, and spacious library.[102] In 1277 a general
+chapter of the Benedictines ordered the monks, according to their
+capabilities, to study, write, correct, illuminate, and bind books,
+rather than to labour in the field.[103]
+
+To such facts as these should be added the record of the Canterbury,
+Dover, and Bury libraries, the histories of which have been so admirably
+written by Dr. M. R. James.[104] Of the library of St. Albans Abbey we
+have not such a fine series of catalogues. Yet no abbey could have a
+nobler record. From Paul (1077) to Whethamstede (_d._ 1465) nearly all
+its abbots were book-lovers.[105] Paul built a writing-room, and put in
+the aumbries twenty-eight fine books (_volumina notabilia_), and eight
+Psalters, a Collectarium, books of the Epistles and Gospels for the
+year, two copies of the Gospels adorned with gold and silver and
+precious stones, without speaking of ordinals, customaries, missals,
+troparies, collectaria, and other books. Here, as everywhere, the
+library began with church books: later, easier circumstances made the
+stream of knowledge broader, if shallower. The next abbot also added
+some books. Geoffrey, the sixteenth abbot, was the author of a miracle
+play, an industrious scribe, and the donor of some books finely
+illuminated and bound. His successor, at one time the conventual
+archivist, loved books equally well, and got together a fair collection.
+Great Abbot Robert had many books written--“too many to be
+mentioned.”[106] Simon, the next abbot (1167), a learned and good-living
+man who encouraged others to learn, was especially fond of books, and
+had many fine manuscripts written for the painted aumbry in the church.
+He repaired and improved the scriptorium. He also made a provision
+whereby each succeeding abbot should have at work one special scribe,
+called the historiographer, an innovation to which we owe the matchless
+series of chronicles of Roger of Wendover, Matthew Paris, William
+Rishanger, and John of Trokelowe. In a Cottonian manuscript is a
+portrait of Abbot Simon at his book-trunk, a picture interesting because
+it illustrates his predominant taste for books, as well as one
+method--then the usual method--of storing them.
+
+John, worthy follower of Simon, was a man of learning, who added many
+noble and useful books to St. Albans’ store. William of Trompington
+(1214) distinguished himself by giving to the abbey books he had taken
+from his prior. Abbot Roger was a better man, and gave many books and
+pieces; but John III and IV and Hugh are barren rocks in our fertile
+valley, for apparently they did nothing for the library. Richard of
+Wallingford did worse than nothing. He bribed Richard de Bury with four
+volumes, and sold to him thirty-two books for fifty pounds of silver,
+retaining one-half of this sum for himself, and devoting the other
+moiety to Epicurus--“a deed,” cries the chronicler, “infamous to all who
+agreed to it, so to make the only nourishment of the soul serve the
+belly, and upon any account to apply spiritual dainties to the demands
+of the flesh.”[107] Abbot Michael de Mentmore, who had been educated at
+Oxford, and became schoolmaster at St. Albans, encouraged the
+educational work of the abbey by making
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE VIII_
+
+ABBOT SIMON OF ST. ALBANS AT HIS BOOK CHEST]
+
+studies for the scholars. As he also ordered the morning mass to be
+celebrated directly after prime, or six o’clock, instead of at tierce,
+or about nine, to allow the students more time, it is safe to assume he
+was more zealous than popular. He also gave books which cost him more
+than £100. His successor, Thomas, enlarged his own study, and bought
+many books for it; and, with the assistance of Thomas of Walsingham,
+then precentor and master of the scriptorium, he built a writing-room at
+his own expense.
+
+But Whethamstede was St. Albans’ greatest book-loving abbot. An ardent
+book-lover, especially fond of finely-illuminated volumes, he indulged
+his passion for manuscripts, and for conventual buildings, vestments,
+and property, until he got the abbey into debt, and was led to resign.
+After the death of his successor, Whethamstede was re-elected. In his
+time no fewer than eighty-seven volumes were transcribed.[108] In
+1452-53 he built a new library at a cost of more than £150. Another
+library was erected for the College of the Black Monks at Oxford, for
+£60.[109] It was described as a “new erection of a library joyning on
+the south-side of the chapel, containing on each side five or more
+divisions, as it may be partly seen to this day by the windows thereof,
+to which he gave good quantity of his own study, and especially those of
+his own composition, which were not a few, and to deter plagiaries and
+others from abusing of them, prefixt these verses in the front of every
+one of the same books, as he did also to those that he gave to the
+publick library of the University:
+
+ “Fratribus Oxoniae datur in munus liber iste
+ Per patrem pecorum prothomartyris Angligenarum;
+ Quem, si quis rapiat raptim, titulumve retractet,
+ Vel Judae laqueum, vel furcas sentiat; Amen
+
+“In other books which he gave to the said library these:
+
+ “Discior ut docti fieret nova regia plebi
+ Culta magisque Deae datur hic liber ara Minervae,
+ His qui Diis dictis libant holocausta ministris
+ Et circa bibulam sitiunt prae nectare limpham
+ Estque librique loci, idem dator, actor et unus.”[110]
+
+This, in brief, is the story of St. Albans’ tribute to learning. In most
+monasteries the same kind of work went on, in a more circumscribed
+fashion, and without the same distinction of finish, which could
+probably only be attained at the big places where expert scribes and
+illuminators could be well trained.[111]
+
+
+§ II
+
+Fortunately, just when the great houses had attained the summit of their
+prosperity, and were beginning the slow decline to dissolution, learning
+and book-culture were freshly encouraged by the coming of the Friars.
+
+The Black Friars settled at Canterbury and in London, near the Old
+Temple in Holborn, in 1221. The Grey Friars were at London, Oxford, and
+Cambridge in 1224, and by 1256 they were in forty-nine different
+localities.[112] It is strange how the latter order, founded by a man
+who forbade a novice to own a Psalter, came to be as earnest in buying
+books as the Benedictines were in copying them. St. Francis’ ideal,
+however, was impossible. The peripatetic nature of their calling, and
+their duty of tending the sick, compelled many friars to learn foreign
+languages, and to acquire some medical knowledge. Books were,
+therefore, useful to them, if not essential; as indeed St. Francis
+ultimately recognized. However, they could not own books themselves, but
+only in common with other members of the convent. If a friar was
+promoted to a bishopric, he had to renounce the use of the books he had
+had as a friar; and Clement IV forbade the consecration of a bishop
+until he had returned the books to his friary. When a book was given to
+a friar--and this often happened--he was in duty bound to hand it to his
+Superior. But if the friar was a man of parts the gift was devoted to
+acquiring books for his studies, or to giving him other necessary
+assistance; the duty, it was held, which the Superior owed him.[113] But
+these principles do not seem to have been strictly observed. In little
+more than thirty years after St. Francis’ death it was found necessary
+to draw up rules forbidding the brethren to own books except by leave
+from the chief officer of the order, or to keep any books which were not
+regarded as the property of the whole order, or to write books, or have
+them written for sale.[114]
+
+By the end of the thirteenth century the Mendicants of Oxford were
+fairly well provided with books. Michael Scot came to Oxford, at the
+time of the greatest literary activity of the brethren, and introduced
+to them the physical and metaphysical works of Aristotle (1230).[115]
+Adam de Marisco seems to have been responsible for the first
+considerable additions to the collection. From his brother, Bishop
+Richard, he had already received a library; possibly this, with his own
+books, came into possession of the convent. Then out of love for him,
+Grosseteste left his writings or his library--it is not clear which--to
+the Grey Friars.[116] This gift may have formed part--it is not
+certain--of the two valuable hoards existing in the fifteenth century in
+the same friary, one the convent library, open only to graduates, the
+other the Schools library, for seculars living among the brethren for
+the sake of the teaching they could get. In these collections were many
+Hebrew books, which had been bought upon the banishment of the Jews from
+England (1290).[117] Such books were not often found in the abbeys,
+although some got to Ramsey, where Grosseteste’s influence may be
+suspected.
+
+The White Friars also had a library at Oxford, wherein they garnered the
+works of every famous writer of their order. They are praised for taking
+more care of their books than the brethren of other colours.[118] In
+later times, at any rate, some cause for the complaint against the Grey
+Friars existed. They appear to have sold many manuscripts to Dr. Thomas
+Gascoigne (_c._ 1433). He ultimately gave them to the libraries of
+Lincoln, Durham, Balliol, and Oriel Colleges. As the friars’ mode of
+life grew easier and the love of learning less keen, they got rid of
+many more books. In Leland’s time the library had melted away. After
+much difficulty he was allowed to see the book-room, but he found in it
+nothing but dust and dirt, cobwebs and moths, and some books not worth a
+threepenny piece.[119]
+
+Roger de Thoris, afterwards Dean of Exeter, presented a library to the
+Grey Friars of his city in 1266.[120] What became of it we do not know.
+About the same time, in 1253 to be exact, the will of Richard de Wyche,
+Bishop of Chichester, is notable for its bequests to the friars; thus he
+left books to various friaries of the Grey Brethren--at
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE IX_
+
+GREY FRIARS, LONDON: THE OLD HALL AND WHITTINGTON’S LIBRARY]
+
+Chichester his glossed Psalter, at Lewes the Gospels of St. Luke and St.
+John, at Winchelsea the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Mark, at
+Canterbury Isaiah glossed, at London the Epistles of St. Paul glossed,
+and at Winchester the twelve Prophets glossed; as well as some volumes
+to the Black Friars--at Arundel the _Book of Sentences_, at Canterbury
+Hosea glossed, at London the Books of Job, the Acts, the Apocalypse,
+with the canonical epistles, and at Winchester the _Summa_ of William of
+Auxerre.[121] Such friendliness for the Mendicants was far from common
+among the secular clergy. Besides the southern places mentioned in this
+bequest, friaries in the east, at Norwich and Ipswich, and in the west,
+at Hereford and Bristol, had goodly libraries.
+
+The friary collections in London seem to have been important, especially
+that given to the Grey Friars in 1225,[122] just when they had settled
+near Newgate. The Austin Friars may have owned a library before 1364,
+when two of their number left the London house, taking with them books
+and other goods.[123] Early in the fifteenth century a library was built
+and a large addition was made to the books of this house by Prior Lowe,
+a friar afterwards occupying the sees of St. Asaph and of
+Rochester.[124] At this time the friars of London were specially
+fortunate. The White Friars enjoyed a good library, to which Thomas
+Walden, a learned brother of the order, presented many foreign
+manuscripts of some age and rarity.[125] The Grey Friars’ library was
+founded or refounded by Dick Whittington (1421).[126] The room “was in
+length one hundred twentie nine foote, and in breadth thirtie one: all
+seeled with Wainscot, having twentie eight desks, and eight double
+setles of Wainscot. Which in the next yeare following was altogither
+finished in building, and within three yeares after, furnished with
+Bookes, to the charges of” over £556, “whereof Richard Whittington bare
+foure hundred pound, the rest was borne by Doctor Thomas Winchelsey, a
+Frier there.”[127] On this occasion one hundred marks were paid for
+transcribing the works of Nicholas de Lyra, a Grey Friar highly esteemed
+for his knowledge of Hebrew, and “the greatest exponent of the literal
+sense of Scripture whom the medieval world can show.”[128]
+
+Of few of the friary libraries have we definite knowledge of their size
+and character. But in the case of the Austin Friars of York, a catalogue
+of their library is extant. The collection was a notable one. The
+inventory was made in 1372, and the items in it, forming the bulk of the
+whole, with some later additions, amounted to 646. One member of the
+society named John Erghome was a remarkable man. He was a doctor of
+Oxford, where he had studied logic, natural philosophy, and theology.
+More than 220 books were his contribution to this splendid library, and
+he it was who added the Psalter and Canticles in Greek and a Hebrew
+book,--rarities indeed at that date. Classical literature is fairly well
+represented in the collection as a whole, but theology, and especially
+logic and philosophy, make up the bulk.[129]
+
+In Scotland, too, the Grey Friars were busy library-making. We find the
+convent at Stirling buying five dozen parchments (1502). Fifty pounds
+were paid for books sent to them this year by the Cistercians of
+Culross, and to the Austin Canons of Cambuskenneth in the following
+year about half as much was paid; and similar records appear in the
+accounts.[130]
+
+Other interesting testimony to the bookcraft and collecting habits of
+the friars is not wanting. Adam de Marisco writes to the Friar Warden of
+Cambridge asking for vellum for scribes.[131] Or he expresses the hope
+that Richard of Cornwall may be prevailed upon to stay in England, but
+if he goes he will be supplied with books and everything necessary for
+his departure.[132] From this letter, it was evidently usual for friars
+to seek and obtain permission to carry away books with them when going
+abroad, or going from one custody to another.[133] Then again Adam
+writes asking Grosseteste to send Aristotle’s _Ethics_ to the Grey
+Friars’ convent in London.[134] In getting books the friars were
+sometimes unscrupulous. A royal writ was issued commanding the Warden of
+the Grey Friars at Oxford and another friar, Walter de Chatton, to
+return two books worth forty shillings which they were keeping from the
+rightful owner (1330).[135] More striking testimony to the
+book-collecting habits of the friars is the complaint to the Pope of
+their buying so many books that the monks and clergy had difficulty in
+obtaining them. In every convent, it was urged, was a grand and noble
+library, and every friar of eminence in the University had a fine
+collection of books.[136] Archbishop Fitzralph, who made this statement,
+detested the friars, and was besides prone to exaggerate; but he was not
+wholly wrong in this instance, as De Bury tells a similar tale.
+“Whenever it happened,” he says, “that we turned aside to the cities and
+places where the mendicants ... had their convents, we did not disdain
+to visit their libraries ...; there we found heaped up amid the utmost
+poverty the utmost riches of wisdom. These men are as ants.... They have
+added more in this brief [eleventh] hour to the stock of the sacred
+books than all the other vine-dressers.”[137] Instead of declaiming
+against the hawks, De Bury trained them to prey for him, and was well
+rewarded for his pains. Nor is it beyond the bounds of probability that
+he enriched his own collection at the expense of the Grey Friars’
+library at Oxford.[138]
+
+The friars were not merely collectors. The scholarship of Bacon and
+other brethren does not concern us. But their correction of the texts of
+Scripture, and their bibliographical work, are germane to our subject.
+In mid-thirteenth century some Black Friars of Paris laboured to correct
+the text of the Latin Bible; and to enable copyists to restore the true
+text when transcribing, they drew up manuals, called _Correctoria_. One
+such manual, now known as the _Correctorium Vaticanum_, was prepared by
+William de la Mare, a Grey brother of Oxford, in the course of forty
+years’ labour; and it is “a work which before all others laid down sound
+principles of true scientific criticism upon which to base a correction
+of the Vulgate text.”[139]
+
+Another special work of the Grey brethren, the _Registrum Librorum
+Angliae_[140] was less important, although it more clearly illustrates
+their high regard for books. Some time in the fourteenth century, by
+seeking information from about one hundred and sixty monasteries, some
+friars drew
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE X_
+
+THE GREY FRIARS’ CATALOGUE OF CONVENTUAL LIBRARIES
+
+BODL. MS. TANNER 165, F. 119]
+
+up a list of libraries under the heads of the seven custodies or
+wardenships of their order in England, and catalogued the writings of
+some eighty-five authors represented in these collections. In this way
+was formed a combined bibliography and co-operative catalogue. Of this
+catalogue we are able to reproduce a page on which are indexed five
+authors, with numerical references to the libraries containing each
+work. Early in the fifteenth century a monk of Bury St. Edmunds, John
+Boston by name--possibly the librarian of that house--expanded the
+register by increasing to nearly seven hundred the number of authors,
+and by adding a score of names to the list of libraries. He also
+provided a short biographical sketch of each author “drawn from the best
+sources at his disposal; so that the book in its completed form might
+claim to be called a dictionary of literature.”[141]
+
+
+§ III
+
+We would fain fill in the outline we have given, for the friars and
+their book-loving ways are interesting. But enough has been written to
+show the origin and growth of libraries among the religious both of the
+abbeys and the friaries. Of the later days of monachism it is not so
+pleasant to write. The story has been well told many times, but no two
+writers, even in a broad and general way, let alone in detail, have read
+the facts alike. On the one hand it is urged that monachism became
+degenerate, both in reverence for spiritual affairs and in love of
+learning. Many monks, we are told, came to find more enjoyment in easy
+living than in ascetic and religious observances. Apart from the savage
+onslaughts in _Piers Plowman_, and the yarns of Layton and Legh, now
+quite discredited, we have the most credible evidence in Chaucer’s
+gentle satire:--
+
+ “A monk ther was, a fair for the maistrye,
+ An out-rydere, that lovede venerye; [hunting]
+ A manly man, to been an abbot able,
+ Ful many a deyntee hors hadde he in stable:
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ He was a lord ful fat and in good point [well-equipped]
+ His eyen stepe, and rollinge in his heed.” [eyes bright]
+
+The friars, too, were sometimes “merye and wantoun,” and
+
+ “knew the tavernes wel in every toun,
+ And everich hostiler or gay tappestere.”
+
+And an indictment of some force might be based on the fact that the
+general chapter of the Benedictine order at Coventry in 1516 found it
+necessary to make regulations against immoderate and illicit eating and
+drinking, and against hunting and hawking.[142]
+
+No doubt also many a monk would argue with himself:--
+
+ “What sholde he studie, and make him-selven wood [mad]
+ Upon a book in cloistre alwey to poure
+ Or swinken with his handes, and laboure [toil]
+ As Austin bit?” [As St. Augustine bids]
+
+De Bury declaimed against the monks’ neglect of books. “Now slothful
+Thersites,” he cries, “handles the arms of Achilles and the choice
+trappings of war-horses are spread upon lazy asses, winking owls lord it
+in the eagle’s nest, and the cowardly kite sits upon the perch of the
+hawk.
+
+ “Liber Bacchus is ever loved,
+ And is into their bellies shoved,
+ By day and by night.
+ Liber Codex is neglected,
+ And with scornful hand rejected
+ Far out of their sight.”
+
+“And as if the simple monastic folk of modern times were deceived by a
+confusion of names, while Liber Pater is preferred to Liber Patrum, the
+study of the monks nowadays is in the emptying of cups and not the
+emending of books; to which they do not hesitate to add the wanton music
+of Timotheus, jealous of chastity, and thus the song of the merrymaker
+and not the chant of the mourner is become the office of the monks.
+Flocks and fleeces, crops and granaries, leeks and potherbs, drink and
+goblets, are nowadays the reading and study of the monks, except a few
+elect ones, in whom lingers not the image but some slight vestige of the
+fathers that preceded them.”[143] Specific instances of neglect and
+worse are recorded. We have already mentioned the giving and selling of
+books by the monks of St. Albans to Richard de Bury. From the account
+books of Bolton Abbey it would appear that three books only were bought
+during forty years of the fourteenth century.[144] At St. Werburgh’s,
+Chester, discipline was very lax. Two monks robbed the abbot of a book
+valued at £20, and of property valued at £100 or more, and stole from
+two of their brethren books and money (1409). About four years later one
+of the thieves was elected abbot, and his respect for learning may be
+gauged from the fact that in 1422 he was charged with not having
+maintained a scholar at Oxford or Cambridge for twelve years, although
+it was his duty to do so by the rules of his order.[145]
+
+At Bury books were going astray in the first half of the fifteenth
+century. Abbot William Curteys (1429-45) issued an ordinance in which he
+declares books given out by the precentor to the brethren for purposes
+of study had been lent, pledged, and even stolen by them. Some of them
+he had recovered, and he hoped to secure more, but the process of
+recovery had been expensive and troublesome, both to himself and the
+people he found in possession of the books. He therefore sternly forbade
+the brethren to alienate books, and decrees certain punishments if his
+order was disobeyed. Brethren studying at the University seem to have
+been not immune from such faults.[146] The prior of Michelham sold
+books, papers, horses, and timber for his own personal profit (1478). A
+visitation of Wigmore showed that books were not “studied in the
+cloister because the seats were uncomfortable.”[147] Bishop Goldwell’s
+visitation of his diocese of Norwich in 1492 showed that at Norwich
+Priory no scholars were sent to study at Oxford, and at Wymondham Abbey
+the monks “refused to apply themselves to their books.” At Battle Abbey,
+in 1530, the one time fine library was in a sad state of neglect; no
+doubt books had been parted with. And as the last years of the
+monasteries coincided with a renewed interest among seculars in learning
+and with a revival of book-collecting, the monks of all houses must have
+been sorely tempted to sell books which laymen coveted, as the monks of
+Mount Athos have been bartering away their libraries ever since the
+seventeenth century.
+
+But among so many houses some were bound to be ill-conducted. And it is
+important to remember that irregularities would be recorded oftener than
+more favourable facts. What had been usual would go unnoted; what was
+strange, and a departure from the highest standard of monachism, would
+be observed with regret by friends and dwelt on with spite by enemies.
+Although human memory is apt to register evil acts with more assiduity
+and fidelity than good, yet a contrary view of the last state of
+monachism may be argued with as much reason and with the support of
+equally reliable evidence. The great majority of the houses were not
+under lax control. The general organisation was not defective; nor was
+every monk a “lorel, a loller, and a ‘spille-tyme.’” Setting aside the
+question of general conduct, with which we have little to do, plenty of
+evidence may be collected to show that the work of the earlier periods
+was not only continued in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, but
+that some of the monks enjoyed special distinction among their
+contemporaries. Writing was encouraged by directions of chapters in
+1343, 1388, and 1444.[148] The early part of the fifteenth century was
+an age of library building, in the monasteries, as at the Universities.
+Special rooms for books were put up at Gloucester, Christ Church
+(Canterbury), Durham, Bury St. Edmunds, and other houses. Large and
+growing monastic libraries were in existence--at St. Albans and
+Peterborough, two at Canterbury of nearly two thousand volumes each, two
+thousand volumes at Bury, a thousand and more at Durham, six hundred at
+Ramsey, three hundred and fifty at Meaux. When John Leland crossed the
+threshold of the library at Glastonbury he stood stock still for a
+moment, awestruck and bewildered at the sight of books of the greatest
+antiquity. In 1482, the abbess of Syon monastery, Isleworth, entered
+into a regular contract for writing and binding books.[149] Some forty
+years later this abbey had at least fourteen hundred and twenty-one
+printed and manuscript volumes in its library.[150] More facts of
+similar character will be noted in the next chapter. Here we will
+content ourselves with noting a few of the most conspicuous instances of
+monkish scholarship in these later days. At Glastonbury, Abbot John
+Selwood was familiar with John Free’s work; indeed, presents a monk with
+one of that scholar’s translations from the Greek.[151] His successor,
+Bere, was a pilgrim to Italy, and was in correspondence with Erasmus,
+who desired him to examine his translation of the New Testament from the
+Greek. A monk of Westminster, who became abbot of his house in 1465, was
+a diligent student, noted for his knowledge of Greek.[152] At Christ
+Church, Canterbury, Prior Selling was particularly zealous on behalf of
+the library, and was one of the first to import Greek books into England
+in any considerable quantity.[153] Two manuscripts now in the library of
+Corpus Christi College, Oxford, and one in New College, were transcribed
+by a Greek living at Reading Abbey (1497-1500).[154] These few
+references to the study of Greek are especially significant, as the
+revival of Greek studies had only just begun.
+
+
+§ IV
+
+The whole truth about the later days of the monasteries will never be
+known. Many of the original sources of our knowledge are tainted with
+partisanship and religious rancour and flagrant dishonesty. What does
+seem to be true is that in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries
+monastic influence grew slowly weaker, although the system may not have
+been degenerate in itself. The cause is to be found in the very
+prosperity of monachism, which brought to the religious houses wealth
+and all its responsibilities. Wealth always imposes fetters, as every
+rich man, from Seneca downwards, has declared with unctuous lamentation.
+But
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XI_
+
+TWELFTH CENTURY ILLUMINATION FROM BURY ST. EDMUNDS ABBEY
+
+THE MINIATURE IS ON SPECIAL VELLUM STUCK ON TO THE LEAF. MS. 2 FO. 281
+B. C.C. COLL. CAMB.]
+
+what first strikes the student who compares early English monachism with
+the later is, that whereas the monks of the first period were most
+concerned with their monastic duties, their religious observances, and
+their scribing and illuminating, the monks of the later period, and
+especially during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, were immersed
+in business, in the management of their wealth, the control of large
+estates. The possession of wealth led in one direction to excessive
+display, and to purchasing land and building beyond their means; a
+course which monks might easily persuade themselves was progressive and
+exemplary of true religious fervour, but which attracted to them envious
+eyes. Heavy subsidies to the Crown and the Pope oppressed them. Then
+again, many houses indulged in unwise and excessive almsgiving, which
+the monks might well believe to be right, but which brought them only
+the interested friendship of the needy. And in the management of their
+estates much litigation obstinately pursued caused internal dissension,
+was costly, and gained them only bitter enemies. Had the monasteries
+been allowed to exist, probably these evils would have cured themselves.
+But, owing to these evils,--to the decline of monastic influence of
+which they were the cause,--the Dissolution, once decided upon, could be
+carried out with terrible swiftness and completeness; no influence nor
+power which the religious could wield was able to delay or avert the
+blow struck by the king. Within a few years over one thousand houses
+were closed and their lands and property confiscated.
+
+In the hastiness of the overthrow some conventual books were destroyed,
+or stolen, or sold off at low prices. In a few places damage was done
+even before the actual dissolution. At Christ Church, Canterbury, for
+example, the drunken servants of a royal commission carelessly brought
+about a fire, almost entirely destroying the library of Prior
+Selling,[155] which he probably designed to add to the collection of his
+monastery. But when the houses were suppressed, we are told, “whole
+libraries were destroyed, or made waste paper of, or consumed for the
+vilest uses. The splendid and magnificent Abbey of Malmesbury, which
+possessed some of the finest manuscripts in the kingdom, was ransacked,
+and its treasures either sold or burnt to serve the commonest purposes
+of life. An antiquary who travelled through that town, many years after
+the Dissolution, relates that he saw broken windows patched up with
+remnants of the most valuable manuscripts on vellum, and that the bakers
+had not even then consumed the stores they had accumulated, in heating
+their ovens.”[156] John Bale tells us the loss of the libraries had not
+mattered so much, “beynge so many in nombre, and in so desolate places
+for the more parte, yf the chiefe monumentes and most notable workes of
+our excellent wryters had been reserved. If there had been in every
+shyre of Englande but one solempne lybrary to the preservacyon of those
+noble workes, and preferrement of good lernynges in oure posteryte, it
+had bene yet sumwhat. But to destroye all without consyderacyon, is and
+wyll be unto Englande for ever, a most horryble infamy amonge the grave
+senyours of other nacyons. A great nombre of them whych purchased these
+superstycyouse mansyons reserved of those lybrary bokes, some to serve
+theyr jakes, some to scoure theyr candlestycks, and some to rubbe theyr
+bootes. Some they sold to the grossers and sopesellers, and some they
+sent over see to the bokebynders, not in small nombre, but at tymes
+whole shyppes full, to the wonderynge of the foren nacyons. Yea, the
+unyversytees of this realme are not all clere in this detestable
+fact.... I know a merchant man which shall at thys tyme be namelesse,
+that boughte the contentes of two noble lybraryes for xl shyllynges
+pryce, a shame it is to be spoken. Thys stuffe hath he occupyed in the
+stede of graye paper by the space of more than these x years, and yet he
+hath store ynough for many yeares to come.”[157] To some extent Bale’s
+account of the contemptuous treatment of books is confirmed by records
+of sales: as, for example, the following:--
+
+ Item, sold to Robert Doryngton, old boke, and a cofer in the library ijs.
+ Item, old bokes in the vestry, sold to the same Robert viiid.
+ Item, sold to Robert Whytgreve, a missale viijd.
+ Fyrst, sold to Mr. Whytgreve, a masse boke xijd.
+ Item, old bokes in the quyer vjd.
+ Item, a fryers masse boke, solde to Marke Wyrley iiijd.[158]
+
+Bale’s statement is sadly borne out by the fate of the library of the
+Austin Friars of York. At one time this friary owned between six and
+seven hundred books. Now but five are known to remain.[159] “It is
+hardly open to doubt,” writes Dr. James, “that nine-tenths of the books
+have ceased to exist. To be sure, it is no news to us that thousands,
+perhaps hundreds of thousands, of manuscripts were destroyed in the
+first half of the sixteenth century; but the truth comes heavily home
+when we are confronted with the actual figures of the loss sustained in
+one small corner of the field. We may fairly reckon that what happened
+in the case of the Austin Friars at York happened to many another house
+situated like it, in a populous centre, and thus enjoying good
+opportunities for acquiring books.”[160]
+
+But the loss may be--and has been--exaggerated. In some instances a good
+part of a library was preserved. The Prior of Lanthony, a house in the
+outskirts of Gloucester, saved the books of his little community. From
+him they passed into the hands of one Theyer; later, possibly through
+Archbishop Bancroft, they found an ultimate resting-place in Lambeth
+Palace. During this interval many of them were perhaps lost or sold, but
+to-day some one hundred and thirty are known certainly to have come from
+Lanthony, or may be credited to that place on reasonably safe
+evidence.[161]
+
+Then again Henry’s myrmidons--to use the classic word--would be unlikely
+to carry their vandalism too far. To do so, in view of the great value
+of books, would bring them no profit. Knowing their character, may we
+not reasonably assume that they sold as many books as they could to make
+illicit gains?[162] Sometimes they fell in love with their finds, as was
+natural. “Please it you to understand,” writes Thomas Bedyll, one of
+Henry VIII’s commissioners, “that in the reding of the muniments and
+charters of the house of Ramesey, I found a charter of King Edgar,
+writen in a very antiq Romane hand, hard to be red at the first sight,
+and light inowghe after that a man found out vj or vij words and after
+compar letter to letter. I am suer ye wold delight to see the same for
+the straingnes and antiquite thereof.... I have seen also there a
+chartor of King Edward writen affor the Conquest.”[163]
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XII_
+
+“WESTMINSTER” ILLUMINATION
+
+THIRTEENTH CENTURY]
+
+John Leland was one of those who saved books. Already he had been
+commissioned to examine the libraries of cathedrals, abbeys, priories,
+colleges, and other places wherein the records of antiquity were kept,
+when, observing with dismay the threatened loss of monastic treasures,
+he asked Cromwell to extend the commission to collecting books for the
+king’s library. The Germans, he says, perceiving our “desidiousness” and
+negligence, were daily sending young scholars hither, who spoiled the
+books, and cut them out of libraries, and returned home and put them
+abroad as monuments of their own country.[164]
+
+His request was granted in part, and he tells us he sent to London for
+the royal library the choicest volumes in St. Augustine’s Abbey; but
+very few of these books now remain.[165] He had, he said, “conservid
+many good autors, the which otherwise had beene like to have perischid
+to no smaul incommodite of good letters, of the whiche parte remayne yn
+the moste magnificent libraries of yowr royal Palacis. Parte also
+remayne yn my custodye. Wherby I truste right shortely so to describe
+your most noble reaulme, and to publische the Majeste and the excellent
+actes of yowr progenitors.”[166]
+
+Robert Talbot, rector of Haversham, Berkshire (_d._ 1558), collected
+monastic manuscripts: the choicest of them he left to New College. A
+portreeve of Ipswich, named William Smart, came into possession of some
+hundred volumes from Bury Abbey library. In 1599 he gave them to
+Pembroke College, where they are now.[167] John Twyne, (_d._ 1581),
+schoolmaster and mayor of Canterbury, certainly once owned the
+fifteenth-century catalogue of the St. Augustine’s Abbey library, and
+seems to have possessed many manuscripts. Both catalogue and manuscripts
+were transferred to Dr. John Dee, the famous alchemist. The catalogue,
+with some other books belonging to the doctor, got to the library of
+Trinity College, Dublin. But the manuscripts passed into the hands of
+Brian Twyne, John’s grandson, who bequeathed them to Corpus Christi
+College, Oxford; they are still there.[168] John Stow, whose gatherings
+form part of the Harleian collection, saved some books which once
+reposed in claustral aumbries, mainly owing to the protection and help
+of Archbishop Parker.
+
+Archbishop Parker himself was assiduous in garnering books. “I have
+within my house, in wages,” he writes to Lord Burleigh, in 1573,
+“drawers and cutters, painters, limners, writers and bookbinders.”
+Again, “I toy out my time, partly with copying of books.” He made a
+strenuous endeavour to recover as many of the monks’ books as possible,
+using money and influence to this end; and accumulated an unusually
+large library, quite priceless in character.[169] Most of his choice
+books were presented to Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, and
+twenty-five of them to Cambridge University Library (1574). Dr. Montagu
+James, the leading authority on the provenance of Western manuscripts,
+has discovered or made suggestions as to the origin of nearly two
+hundred out of about three hundred and eighty.[170] Forty-seven are
+traced to Christ Church, Canterbury; twenty-six to St. Augustine’s
+Abbey. Later Dr. James extended his work to identifying the manuscripts
+which were once in the Canterbury abbeys and in the priory of St. Martin
+at Dover. From the fragmentary Christ Church catalogue of 1170, Dr.
+James has identified two, and possibly six, manuscripts; from Henry
+Eastry’s catalogue (14 cent.) of Christ Church books, he has identified
+either certainly or with much probability about one hundred and eighty;
+from the catalogue of St. Augustine’s Abbey library (_c._ 1497) over one
+hundred and seventy-five; as well as twenty from the Dover catalogue
+(1389). In addition, Dr. James has identified about one hundred and
+fifty manuscripts still extant which are certainly or probably
+attributable to Christ Church monastic library, but which are not in the
+catalogues handed down to us; and over sixty which are likewise
+attributable to St. Augustine’s monastery.[171] There are therefore
+about five hundred and seventy Canterbury manuscripts now remaining to
+us.
+
+By making a similarly thorough investigation Dr. James has traced about
+three hundred and twenty-two manuscripts from Bury St. Edmunds.[172] Of
+the Westminster Abbey manuscripts it is difficult to say how many are
+extant, as the common medieval press marks are absent from the books of
+this house. But the presence of eleven manuscripts in the British
+Museum; two in Lambeth Palace; one at Sion College; three at the
+Bodleian, and five more in Oxford colleges; two at the Cambridge
+University Library, and two more in the colleges there; one at the
+Chetham Library, Manchester; and two at Trinity College, Dublin, well
+illustrate how the monastic books have been scattered since the
+Dissolution.[173] To these special examinations Dr. James has gradually
+added vastly to our knowledge of the provenance of manuscripts by his
+masterly series of catalogues of the ancient treasures of the Cambridge
+colleges, and he has proved to us that a considerable number of monastic
+books still survive.[174] Much more work of the same kind remains to be
+done; other labourers are needed; but the men of parts who are able and
+content to labour at a task without remuneration and with small thanks
+are few and far between; while fewer still are the publishers who can be
+persuaded to produce the results of these researches.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+BOOK-MAKING AND COLLECTING IN THE RELIGIOUS HOUSES
+
+ “For if hevene be on this erthe . and ese to any soule,
+ It is in cloistere or in scole . be many skilles I fynde;
+ For in cloistre cometh no man . to chide ne to fighte,
+ But alle is buxomnesse there and bokes . to rede and to lerne.”
+ _Piers Plowman_, B. x. 300
+
+
+§ I
+
+Before leaving the subject of monastic libraries, it is desirable to say
+something about their economy.
+
+They were built up partly by importing books, partly by bequests from
+wealthy ecclesiastics, but largely--and in some cases wholly--by the
+labours of scribes. The scene of the scribe’s craft was the scriptorium
+or writing-room, which was usually a screened-off portion of the
+cloister, or a room beside the church and below the library, as at St.
+Gall, or a chamber over the chapter-house, as at St. Albans under Abbot
+Paul, at Cockersand Abbey and Birkenhead Priory. As a rule the monk was
+not allowed to write outside the scriptorium, although in some houses he
+could read elsewhere--as at Durham, where a desk to support books was
+fitted in the window of each dormitory cubicle. But brothers whose work
+was highly valued were allowed a small writing-room or scriptoriolum.
+Nicholas, Bernard’s secretary, had a room on the right of the cloister
+with its
+
+[Illustration: PLAN OF SCRIPTORIUM, BIRKENHEAD PRIORY]5
+
+door opening
+into the novices’ room--a cell, he says, “not to be despised; for it is
+... pleasant to look upon, and comfortable for retirement. It is filled
+with most choice and divine books ... is assigned to me for reading, and
+writing, and composing, and meditating, and praying, and adoring the
+Lord of Majesty.”[175] Perhaps Nicholas’s room was like that shown in
+one manuscript, where we see a monk seated on a stool before a
+reading-stand of odd shape. The table, which is the top of a hexagonal
+receptacle for parchment and writing materials, or books, can be moved
+up and down on the screw. Above the screw is a bookrest; at the foot a
+pedestal, with the ink-bottle upon it. Apparently the room also contains
+cupboards for storing books. Nicholas, however, was favoured, for in the
+same passage he refers to the older monks reading the “books of divine
+eloquence in the cloister.” In Cistercian monasteries certain monks were
+so favoured, although they were not allowed to use their studies during
+the time the monks were supposed to be in the cloister.[176] At Oxford,
+after mid-fourteenth century, every student friar had set apart for him
+a place fitted with a combined desk and bookcase, or studium, of the
+kind commonly depicted in medieval illuminations. Grants of timber for
+making these studia are recorded: to the Black Friars of Oxford, for
+example, of seven oaks to repair their studies.[177]
+
+The arrangements in the cloister are carefully described in the Durham
+Rites. At Durham “in the north syde of the cloister, from the corner
+over against the church dour to the corner over againste the Dortor
+dour, was all fynely glased, from the hight to the sole within a litle
+of the grownd into the cloister garth. And in every wyndowe iij pewes or
+carrells, where every one of the old Monks had his carrell, severall by
+himselfe, that, when they had dyned, they dyd resorte to that place of
+Cloister and there studyed upon there books, every one in his carrell,
+all the after nonne, unto evensong time. This was there exercise every
+daie. All there pewes or carrells was all fynely wainscotted and verie
+close, all but the forepart, which had carved wourke that gave light in
+at ther carrell doures of wainscott. And in every carrell was a deske to
+lye there books on. And the carrells was no greater then from one
+stanchell of the wyndowe to another.”[178] There were carrells at
+Evesham in the fourteenth century.[179] In 1485 Prior Selling
+constructed in the south walk at Christ Church, Canterbury, “the new
+framed contrivances called carrells” for the comfort of the monks at
+study.[180] Such recesses are to be found at Worcester and Gloucester;
+remains of some exist at the south end of the west walk of the cloisters
+at Chester, and others were in the destroyed south walk.[181] At
+Gloucester Cathedral, which was formerly the Benedictine Abbey of St.
+Peter, are twenty beautiful carrells in the south cloister. They project
+below the ten main windows, two in each, and are arched, with
+battlemented tops or cornices. Except for the small double window which
+lights them, they look like recesses for statuary.
+
+The Carthusian Rule records that few monks of the order could not
+write.[182] But this was by no means invariably the case. In early
+monastic times writing was usually the occupation of the weaker
+brethren: for example,
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XIII_
+
+THE CLOISTERS, GLOUCESTER, SHEWING CARRELLS]
+
+[Illustration: ANCIENT STALL, OR CARRELL, IN BISHOPS CANNINGS CHURCH,
+WILTS]
+
+Ferreolus, in his rules (_c_. 550), deems reading and copying fit
+occupations for monks too weak for severer work.[183] Later, in some
+monasteries, less labour in the field and more writing was done. At
+Tours, Alcuin took the monks away from field labour, telling them study
+and writing were far nobler pursuits.[184] But it was not commonly the
+case to find in monasteries “ech man a scriveyn able.”
+
+When books were not otherwise obtainable, or not obtainable quickly
+enough, it was the practice to hire scribes from outside the house.
+Abbot Gerbert, in a letter to the abbot of Tours, mentions that he had
+been paying scribes in Rome and various parts of Italy, in Belgium, and
+Germany, to make copies of books for his library “at great
+expense.”[185] At Abingdon hired scribes were sometimes employed, and
+the rule was for the abbot to find the food, and the armarius, or
+librarian, to pay for the labour.[186] This was commonly done when
+libraries were first formed. When Abbot Paul began to collect a library
+at St. Albans none of his brethren could write well enough to suit him,
+and he was obliged to fill his writing-room with hired scribes. He
+supplied them with daily rations out of the brethren’s and cellarer’s
+alms-food; such provision was always handy, and the scribes were not
+retarded by leaving their work.[187] Sometimes scribes were employed
+merely to save the monks trouble. At Corbie, in the fourteenth century,
+the religious neglected to work in the writing-room themselves, but
+allowed benefactors to engage professional scribes in Paris to swell the
+number of books. The Gilbertine order forbade hired scribes altogether,
+perhaps wisely.
+
+The scribe’s method of work was simple. First he took a metal stylus or
+a pencil and drew perpendicular lines in the side margins of his
+parchment, and horizontal lines at equal distances from top to bottom of
+the page. Then the task of copying was straightforward. If the book was
+to be embellished he left spaces for the illuminator to fill in. When
+the illuminator took the book over, he carefully sketched in his designs
+for the capitals and miniatures, and then worked over them in colour,
+applying one colour to a number of sketches at a time. Anybody who is
+curious as to medieval methods of illuminating should read a little
+fifteenth-century treatise which describes “the crafte of lymnynge of
+bokys.” “Who so kane wyesly considere the nature of his colours, and
+kyndely make his commixtions with naturalle proporcions, and mentalle
+indagacions connectynge fro dyvers recepcions by resone of theyre
+naturys, he schalle make curius colourys.” Thereafter follow recipes to
+“temper vermelone to wryte therewith”; “to temper asure, roset, ceruse,
+rede lede,” and other pigments; “to make asure to schyne bryȝt,” “to
+make letterys of gold,” “blewe lethyre,” and “whyte lethyre”; with other
+curious information.[188]
+
+In monasteries where the rule was strict the scribe wrought at his task
+for six hours daily.[189] All work was done by daylight, artificial
+light not being allowed. Lewis, a monk of Wessobrunn in Bavaria, in a
+copy of Jerome’s Commentary on Daniel, speaks of writing when he was
+stiff with cold, and of finishing by the light of night what he could
+not copy by day.[190] Such diligence was not usual.
+
+In summer-time work in the cloister may well have been pleasant; in
+winter quite the contrary, even when the cloister and carrells were
+screened, as at Durham and Christ Church, Canterbury. Imagine the poor
+scribe rubbing his hands to restore the sluggish circulation, and being
+at last compelled to forgo his labour because they were too numbed to
+write. Cuthbert, the eighth-century abbot of Wearmouth and Jarrow,
+writes to a correspondent telling him he had not been able to send all
+Bede’s works which were required, because the cold weather of the
+preceding winter had paralysed the scribes’ hands.[191] Again, Ordericus
+Vitalis winds up the fourth book of his ecclesiastical history by
+saying--_nunc hyemali frigore rigens_--he must break his narrative here,
+and take up other occupations for the winter.[192] Jacob, abbot of
+Brabant (1276), built scriptoria, or possibly carrells, round the
+calefactory, or warming-room, where the common fire was kept burning,
+and the lot of the scribe was made somewhat easier to bear.
+
+A scribe could only write what the abbot or precentor set him. When his
+portion had been given out he could not change it for another.[193] If
+he were set to copy Virgil or Ovid or some lives of the saints the task
+would conceivably be pleasant. But such was seldom the scribe’s fortune.
+The continual transcription of Psalters and Missals and other service
+books must have been infinitely wearisome, at any rate, to the less
+devout members of the community. In some large and enterprising houses a
+scribe copied only a fragment of a book. Several brethren worked upon
+the same book at once, each beginning upon a skin at the point where
+another scribe was to leave off.[194] Or the book to be transcribed was
+dictated to the scribes, as at Tours under Alcuin. Both methods had the
+advantage of “publishing” a book quickly, but the work was as
+mechanical as is that of the compositor to-day. Under Abbot Trithemius
+of Sponheim, subdivision of labour was carried to its extreme limit. One
+monk cut the parchment, another polished it, the third ruled the lines
+to guide the scribe. After the scribe had finished his copying, another
+monk corrected, still another punctuated. In decorating, one artist
+rubricated, another painted the miniatures. Then the bookbinder collated
+the leaves and bound them in wooden covers. Even in the case of waxed
+tablets, one monk prepared the boards, another spread the wax. The whole
+process was designed to expedite production.
+
+When a manuscript was fully written the scribe wrote his colophon or
+“explicit,” a short form of the phrase “explicitus est liber.” Sometimes
+the scribe plays upon words, thus: “Explicit iste liber; sit scriptor
+crimine liber”; or he exultantly praises: “Deo gratias. Ego, in Dei
+nomine, Warembertus scripsi. Deo gratias”; or he is modest: “Nomen
+scriptoris non pono, quia ipsum laudare nolo”;[195] or he feels
+querulous: “Be careful with your fingers; don’t put them on my writing.
+You do not know what it is to write. It is excessive drudgery: it crooks
+your back, dims your sight, twists your stomach and sides. Pray then, my
+brother, you who read this book, pray for poor Raoul, God’s servant, who
+has copied it entirely with his own hand in the cloister of St. Aignan.”
+Another inscription, in a manuscript at Worcester Cathedral, suggests
+that books were not read: why, argues this monk, write them?--nobody is
+profited; books are for the edification of readers, not of scribes. Note
+also the following:--
+
+ Finito libro sit laus et gloria Christo
+ Vinum scriptori debetur de meliori
+ Hic liber est scriptus qui scripsit sit benedictus. Amen.[196]
+
+And this:--
+
+ Here endþ þe firste boke of all maner sores þe
+ whyche fallen moste commune and withe þe grace of gode I
+ will writte þe ij Boke þe whyche ys cleped the Antitodarie
+ Explicit quod scripcit Thomas Rosse.[197]
+
+To a poor Raoul of mechanical ability the rule of silence must have been
+very irksome; the student would be grateful for it. Alcuin forbade
+gossip to prevent mistakes in copying. Among the Cluniacs the rule was
+strictly enforced in the church, refectory, cloister, and dormitory. A
+chapter of the Cistercian order (1134) enjoined silence in all rooms
+where the brethren were in the habit of writing.[198] The better to
+maintain silence nobody was permitted to enter the scriptorium save the
+abbot, the prior and sub-prior, and the precentor. When necessary it was
+permissible to speak in a low voice in the ear. But among the Cluniacs
+whispering was avoided as far as possible. Watch the monks communicating
+with the librarian. One wants a Missal, and he pretends, as the children
+say, to turn over leaves, thereby making the general sign for a book;
+then he makes the sign of the Cross to indicate that he wants a Missal
+book. Another wants the Gospels, and he makes the sign of the Cross on
+the forehead. This brother wants a pagan book, and, after making the
+general sign, he scratches his ear with his finger as an itching dog
+would with his feet; infidel writers were not unfairly compared with
+such creatures.[199] If such sign-language were really maintained, it
+must have been extensively supplemented as the library grew in size, for
+although striking the thumb and little
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XIV_
+
+A SCRIBE AND HIS TOOLS]
+
+finger together would describe an Antiphonary, or making the sign of the
+Cross and kissing the finger would indicate a Gradual, yet some
+additions to the signs for a pagan book and a tract were necessary to
+signify what particular tract or book was wanted. But probably if this
+rule was observed at all--and we do not think it likely--the signs were
+used only for church books, and most often in church. In nearly every
+monastery the rule of silence was made. In the Brigittine house of Syon
+“silence after some convenience is to be kepte in the lybrary, whyls any
+suster is there alone in recordyng of her redynge.”[200] But it was at
+all times difficult to enforce, as the monks, in experience and habits,
+were but children.
+
+For notes, exercises, brief letters, bills, first drafts, daily services
+of the church, the names of officiating brethren,--for all temporary
+purposes waxed tablets were used. They were in common use from classic
+times: some Greek and many Latin tablets are still preserved;[201] they
+were much used in ancient Ireland, as we have seen; and they continued
+to be of service until the late Middle Ages. Anselm habitually wrote his
+first drafts upon them. At St. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury, the monks
+were supplied with tablets, for a novice’s outfit included, after
+profession, a stylus, tablets, and a knife.[202] The writing was
+scratched on the wax with a stylus, a sharp instrument of bone or metal.
+The other end of it was usually flattened for pressing out an incorrect
+letter; among the Romans the term “vetere stylum” became common in the
+sense of correcting a work.
+
+[Illustration: TABLET CASE AND WAXED TABLET]
+
+For all permanent purposes “bōc-fel,” or book-skin, was used; either
+vellum or “parchëmyn smothe, whyte and scribable.” Vellum and parchment
+were interchangeable terms in medieval times; but parchment was commonly
+used. In early monastic days it was prepared by the monks themselves,
+being rubbed smooth with pumice-stone; later it was bought from
+manufacturers ready-made. It was not so expensive as vellum: the average
+price being two shillings per dozen skins as compared with eight
+shillings per dozen skins of vellum. For a Bible presented to Bury St.
+Edmunds Abbey, finest Irish (or Scottish) vellum was procured (_c._
+1121-48). This special material was used for the paintings, which seem
+to have been pasted down on the leaves of inferior vellum. This
+manuscript is now in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.[203]
+
+The pens used for writing were either made of reeds (_calami_) or of
+quills (_pennae_). The quill was introduced after the reed, and largely,
+though not entirely, superseded it. Other implements of the expert
+scribe were a pencil, compasses, scissors, an awl, a knife for erasures,
+a ruler, and a weight to keep down the vellum.
+
+Numerous passages might be dug out of old records warning scribes
+against errors in transcribing. Ælfric, in the preface to his homilies,
+adjures the copyist, by our Lord Jesus Christ and by His glorious
+coming, to transcribe correctly. Chaucer, in a well-known verse,
+expresses his wish that Adam the scrivener shall copy _Boëthius_ and
+_Troilus_ “trewe” and not write it “newe.”[204] In copying, however,
+especially when it is mechanically done, it is almost as difficult to
+write “trewe” as it is to write “newe”: the imp of the perverse makes
+his home at the elbow of the scribe, ever ready to profit by drowsiness
+or trifling inattention. But, as a rule, monkish scribes were
+exceedingly careful, and their work was invariably corrected by another
+hand. More than this: they endeavoured to get accurate texts to copy.
+Lanfranc’s care in this respect, and the Grey Friars’ work in compiling
+_correctoria_, have already been noted. Reculfus expected his clergy to
+have books corrected and pointed by those in the “holy mother church”;
+Adam de Marisco sent a manuscript to be corrected in Paris, begging to
+have it back as soon as done;[205] and Servatus Lupus, the great abbot
+of Ferrières, frequently borrowed from his friends books which he might
+collate with his own copies, and rectify errors and insert
+omissions.[206]
+
+Before work could be started in the writing-room, books for copying had
+to be obtained. Usually a few books were bought or borrowed; then
+several copies were made of each, the superfluous volumes being sold or
+exchanged for fresh manuscripts to transcribe. Benedict Biscop, as we
+have seen, obtained his books from Rome and Vienne. Cuthwin, bishop of
+the East Angles (_c._ 750) was of those who went to Rome, and brought
+back with him a life of St. Paul, “full of pictures.” Herbert “Losinga,”
+abbot of Ramsey and afterwards bishop of Norwich, was a zealous
+book-collector;--asks for a Josephus on loan from a brother abbot, a
+request not granted because the binding needed repair; and sends abroad
+for a copy of Suetonius. Robert Grosseteste got a rare book, Basil’s
+_Hexaemeron_, from Bury St. Edmunds in exchange for a MS. of
+_Postillae_.[207] At Ely, in the fourteenth century, when the scribes
+there were very active, the precentor was always on the look-out for
+“copy.” On one occasion he was paid 6s. 7d. for going to Balsham to
+inquire for books (1329).[208] Abbot Henry of Hyde Abbey exchanged a
+volume containing Terence, Boëthius, Suetonius, and Claudian for four
+Missals, the _Legend of St. Christopher_, and Gregory’s _Pastoral
+Care_.[209] On one occasion Adam de Marisco tries to get from a brother
+of Nottingham the _Moralia_ of St. Gregory, and Rabanus Maurus. He sends
+from Oxford to an abbot at Vercelli an exposition of the Angelic
+Salutation, and begs for the abbot’s writings in exchange.[210] Adam had
+studied at Vercelli,[211]--a new Italian centre with a close English
+connexion. About 1217 Cardinal Guala Bicchieri, afterwards bishop of
+Vercelli, was granted the church of Chesterton, near Cambridge, and
+when he died ten years later he left all his estate, including the
+church, and a number of books which had been collected at Chesterton or
+in England, to Vercelli Abbey. Among the gifts were two service books in
+English, and the famous Codex Vercellensis, which is only less valuable
+than the Exeter Book as a first source of Anglo-Saxon poetry. The
+Vercelli Book is in Italy to this day.[212]
+
+In some abbeys the purchase of books, and the copying of them for sale,
+became just as much a business as the manufacture of Chartreuse. In 1446
+Exeter College, Oxford, paid ten shillings and a penny for twelve quires
+and two skins of parchment bought at Abingdon to send to the monastery
+of Plympton in Devonshire, where a book was being written for the
+College.[213] A part--and by no means a negligible part--of the income
+of Carthusian houses came from copying books. Two continental abbots,
+Abbot Gerbert of Bobio and Servatus Lupus of Ferrières, were book-makers
+and sellers on a commercial scale. Lupus, in particular, betrays the
+commercial spirit by refusing to give more than he was obliged in return
+for what he received. He will not send a book to a monk at Sens because
+his messenger must go afoot and the way was perilous: let us hope he
+thought more of the messenger than of the manuscript. On another
+occasion he refuses to lend a book because it is too large to be hidden
+in the vest or wallet, and, besides, its beauty might tempt robbers to
+steal it. These were good excuses to cover his general unwillingness to
+lend. For the loan of one manuscript he was so bothered that he thought
+of putting it away in a secure place, lest he should lose it
+altogether.[214]
+
+As a rule the expenses of the writing-room formed a part of the general
+expenses of the house, but sometimes particular portions of the monastic
+income and endowments were available to meet them. To St. Albans certain
+tithes were assigned by a Norman leader for making books (_c._
+1080).[215] The precentor of Abingdon obtained tithes worth thirty
+shillings for buying parchment.[216] St. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury,
+got three marks from the rentals of Milton Church for making books
+(1144).[217] The monks of Ely (1160), of Westminster (_c._ 1159), of the
+cathedral convent of St. Swithin’s, Winchester (1171), of Bury St.
+Edmunds, and of Whitby, received tithes and rents for a like
+purpose.[218] The prior of Evesham received the tithes of Bengworth to
+pay for parchment and for the maintenance of scribes; while the
+precentor was to receive five shillings annually from the manor of
+Hampton, and ten shillings and eightpence from the tithes of Stoke and
+Alcester for buying ink, colours for illuminating, and what was
+necessary for binding books and the necessaries for the organ.[219]
+
+In some houses a rate was levied for the support of the scriptorium, but
+we have not met with any instance of this practice in English
+monasteries. At the great Benedictine Abbey of Fleury a rate was levied
+in 1103 on the officers and dependent priories for the support of the
+library; forty-three years later it was extended, and it remained in
+force until 1562.[220] Besides this impost every student in the abbey
+was bound to give two books to the library. At Corbie, in Picardy, a
+rate was levied to pay the salary of the librarian, and to cover part of
+the cost of bookbinding. Here also each novice, on the day of his
+profession, had to present a book to the library; at Corvey, in Northern
+Germany, the same rule was observed at the end of the eleventh century.
+As all the monasteries of an order were conducted much on the same
+lines, it is difficult to believe that similar rates were not levied by
+some of the larger houses in England.
+
+The libraries were also augmented by gifts and bequests, as well as by
+purchase and by transcription in the scriptorium. In most abbeys it was
+customary for the brethren to give or bequeath their books to their
+house. A long list of such benefactors to Ramsey Abbey is extant, and
+one of the brothers, Walter de Lilleford, prior of St. Ives, gave what
+was in those days a considerable library in itself.[221] Much longer
+still are the lists of presents given to Christ Church and St.
+Augustine’s, Canterbury. Dr. James has indexed nearly two hundred donors
+to Christ Church alone. In most cases the gifts are of one or a few
+books, but occasionally collections of respectable size were received,
+as when T. Sturey, senior, enriched the library with nearly sixty books,
+when Thomas à Becket left over seventy, and when Prior Henry Eastry left
+eighty volumes at his death. As many or more donors to St. Augustine’s
+are indexed. Here also some of the donations were fairly large: for
+example, Henry Belham and Henry Cokeryng gave nineteen books each, a
+prior twenty-seven, a certain John of London eighty-two, J. Mankael
+thirty-nine, Abbot Nicholaus sixteen, Michael de Northgate twenty-four,
+Abbot Poucyn sixteen, J. Preston twenty-three, a certain Abbot Thomas
+over a hundred, and T. Wyvelesberghe thirty-one. Some sixty persons are
+also indexed as donors to St. Martin’s Priory, Dover.[222]
+
+William de Carilef, bishop of Durham, endowed his church with books and
+bequeathed some more at his death (1095). John, bishop of Bath,
+bequeathed to the abbey church his whole library and his decorated
+copies of the Gospels (1160). Another bishop of Durham, Hugh Pudsey,
+bequeathed many books to his church (1195). Thomas de Marleberge (_d._
+1236), when he became prior of Evesham, gave a large collection of books
+in law, medicine, philosophy, poetry, theology, and grammar.[223] Simon
+Langham bequeathed seven chests of books to Westminster Abbey
+(1376).[224] William Slade (_d._ 1384) left to the Abbey of Buckfast, of
+which he was abbot, thirteen books of his own writing.[225] Cardinal
+Adam Easton (_d._ 1397) sent from Rome “six barrells of books” to his
+convent of Norwich, where he had been a monk.[226] One of these books, a
+fourteenth-century manuscript in an Italian hand, is now preserved in
+the library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge: the inscription
+attesting this reads--“Liber ecclesie norwycen per magistrum Adam de
+Eston monachum dicti loci.” Nor did the poor priest forget to add his
+mite to the general hoard: “I beqweth to the monastery of Seynt Edmund
+forseid,” willed a priest named Place, “my book of the dowtes of Holy
+Scryptur, to ly and remayn in the cloister of the seid monastery as long
+as yt wyll ther indure.”[227] Such gifts were always highly valued, and
+in Lent the librarian was expected to remind the brethren of those who
+had given books, and to request that a mass should be said for
+them.[228]
+
+
+§ II
+
+Some miniatures in early manuscripts give us a good idea of the way
+books were stored in the Middle Ages. They are shown lying flat on
+sloping shelves which extend part-way round the room. Curtains are
+occasionally shown hanging in front of the shelves to protect the books
+from dust. Or a sloping shelf was fitted to serve as a readingdesk, and
+a second flat shelf ran beneath it to take books lying on their sides
+one above the other. In several miniatures lecterns of very curious
+design are often depicted; some of them stood on a cupboard or cupboards
+wherein books were stowed away.
+
+In the monasteries books were stored in various places,--in chests,
+cupboards, or recesses in the wall. When the collection was small, a
+chest served; a receptacle of this kind is illustrated at p. 50.
+Cassiodorus had the books of his monastery stored in presses, or
+armaria. The manuscripts of Abbot Simon of St. Albans were preserved in
+“the painted aumbry in the church.” An aumbry was a recess in the wall
+well lined inside with wood so that the damp of the masonry should not
+spoil the books. It was divided vertically and horizontally by shelves
+in such a way that it was possible to arrange the books separately one
+from another, and so to avoid injury from close packing, and delay in
+consulting them.[229] The same term was applied to a detached closet or
+cupboard. At Durham the monks distributed their books--keeping some in
+the spendimentum or cancellary, some near the refectory, and the bulk
+in the cloister. Two classes of books were in the cancellary: one stored
+in a large closet with folding doors, called an armariolum, and used by
+all the monks; the other kept in an inner room, and apparently reserved
+for special uses. The books assigned to the reader in the refectory were
+stored by the doorway leading to the infirmary, and not in the refectory
+itself, as we should expect: maybe this arrangement was exceptional, and
+was adopted for special reasons of convenience. Probably two places were
+reserved for books in the cloister. One case or chest contained the
+books of the novices, whose place of study was in that part of the
+cloister facing the treasury. The main store was on the north side of
+the cloister. “And over against the carrells against the church wall did
+stande sertaine great almeries of waynscott all full of bookes, wherein
+dyd lye as well the old auncyent written Doctors of the church as other
+prophane authors, with dyverse other holie mens wourks, so that every
+one dyd studye what Doctor pleased them best, havinge the librarie at
+all tymes to goe studie in besydes there carrells.”[230] Dr. J. W.
+Clark, the leading authority on early library fittings, has tried to
+show, from evidences of a similar arrangement at Westminster, that this
+part of the cloister formed a long room, with glazed windows and
+carrells on the one hand, bookcases on the other, and screens at each
+end shutting off the library and writing-place from the rest of the
+cloister.[231]
+
+Along the south wall of the cloister at Chester is a series of recesses
+which are believed to have been used for bookcases. Two recesses for
+aumbries are still to be seen in the cloister at Worcester: it is
+recorded that one book, the _Speculum Spiritualium_, was to be
+delivered “to ye cloyster awmery.” At Beaulieu the arched recesses in
+the south wall of the church may have been put to a similar use. These
+recesses are shown on the plan here reproduced; so also is the common
+aumbry in the wall of the south transept.
+
+[Illustration: PLAN SHOWING DISPOSITION OF BOOKS IN CISTERCIAN HOUSES]
+
+In large continental houses a bookroom was sometimes needed very early.
+One of the monasteries of Cassiodorus included a special room for the
+library, with at least nine presses in it.[232] At St. Gall, a special
+bookroom was planned, if not actually built, as early as the ninth
+century. According to the old drawing still preserved at St. Gall, this
+room was to be on the north side of the presbytery, symmetrically with
+the sacristy on the south side. It was in two stories. The ground floor
+was to be arranged as a writing-room,--_infra sedes scribentium_,--the
+furniture being a large table in the centre, and seven writing-desks
+against the walls. The upper story was the library.[233] In England we
+hear of bookrooms oftenest in the fifteenth century, They were a usual
+feature in later Cistercian houses. The plan just given shows the
+position of this room between the church and the chapter-house, and not
+far from the common claustral aumbry. At Whalley Abbey, also a
+Cistercian house, there was evidently a separate library room, because
+an inventory of the house’s goods taken in 1537 refers to the “litle
+Revestry next unto the lebrary.”[234] Kirkstall and Furness also had
+bookrooms. On each side of the massive arch of the Chapter House at
+Furness Abbey is a similar arch leading to a small square room, most
+likely used for books. The illustrations facing this show the position
+of these rooms on either side of the Chapter House doorway. An extant
+catalogue of another Cistercian house, that of Meaux in Yorkshire,
+clearly indicates the whereabouts of the conventual books. Some church
+books were before the great altar, others were in the choir, a few in
+the infirmary chapel, and in the common press and other presses of the
+church. The bulk of them was in the common aumbry, not apparently in the
+open cloister, but in a room off the cloister. Over the door, on a shelf
+or in a cupboard, were four Psalters; thirty-six books were on
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XV_
+
+FURNESS ABBEY: CLOISTERS
+
+FURNESS ABBEY: CHAPTER-HOUSE. INTERIOR]
+
+the top shelf on the other side of the room; the remainder, to the
+number of about 270, were on other shelves marked by letters of the
+alphabet.[235]
+
+At the Premonstratensian Abbey of Titchfield the books were stored in a
+small room, in four cases, each having eight shelves. We do not
+positively know that a separate room existed at the Benedictine house of
+Christ Church, Canterbury, before the fifteenth century, “yet,” as Dr.
+James says, “the form of Prior Eastry’s catalogue, with its division
+into Demonstrations and Distinctions, irresistibly suggests that the
+collection must in his time [1284-1331] have occupied a special room, of
+which the two Demonstrations represent the two sides. The Distinctions
+would be narrow vertical divisions of these, and each of them would have
+its numerous subdivisions into Gradus. As the best English equivalent of
+_Demonstratio_ I would suggest the word ‘Display,’ which fairly gives
+the idea of a wall-surface covered with books; and I figure the building
+to myself as an enlarged example of those Cistercian bookrooms with
+which Dr. J. W. Clark’s researches have familiarized us. It would thus
+be no place for study, such as the later libraries were, but merely a
+storeroom whence books were fetched to be read at leisure in the
+cloister.”[236] Between 1414 and 1443 a library was built over the
+Prior’s Chapel by Archbishop Chichele: it was about sixty-two feet long
+on the north side, fifty-four on the south side, and twenty-two feet
+broad. This was the room which Prior Selling fitted up with wainscot,
+and put books in for the benefit of the studious.[237] At St.
+Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury, there was a bookroom in 1340, for the
+manuscript of the _Ayenbite of Inwyt_ contains a note that it belongs to
+the “bochouse.”[238] The form of the catalogue of _c._ 1497 also
+suggests that a bookroom was then in use.
+
+At Gloucester a special room was built, probably in the fourteenth
+century. Durham apparently did without a room until early in the
+fifteenth century. “There ys a lybrarie in the south angle of the
+lantren, whiche is nowe above the clocke, standinge betwixt the
+Chapter-House and the Te Deum wyndowe, being well replenished with ould
+written Docters and other histories and ecclesiasticall writers.”[239]
+To this room the books were transferred gradually from the cloister and
+chancellary: the words “in libraria,” or “Ponitur in libraria,” being
+written in the margin of the catalogue opposite to the book upon its
+removal.
+
+The Benedictine houses of Winchester, Worcester, Bury St. Edmunds,[240]
+and St. Albans also had special bookrooms.
+
+For the safe keeping of the conventual books the precentor was
+responsible.[241] As he had charge of the armarium or press for storing
+books, he was also sometimes styled “armarius.” He was required to keep
+clean all the boys’ and novices’ presses and other receptacles for
+books; when necessary he was to have these fittings repaired. To provide
+coverings for the books; to see that they were marked with their proper
+titles; to arrange them on the shelves in suitable order, so that they
+might be quickly found, were all duties within his province.[242] He had
+to keep them in repair: in some houses he was expected to examine all
+of them carefully several times a year, and to check, if possible, the
+ravages of bookworms and damp. If necessary, he could call in skilled
+labour to keep his library and books in order; but usually several
+brethren were trained in the necessary arts, as at Sponheim. The
+Abingdon regulations, which are in the usual form, forbade him to sell,
+give away, or pledge books. All the materials for the use of the scribes
+and the manuscripts for copying were to be provided by him.[243] He made
+the ink, and could dole it out not only to the brethren but to lay folk
+if they asked for it civilly.[244] He also controlled the work in the
+scriptorium: setting the scribes their tasks, preventing them from
+idling or talking; walking round the cloister when the bell sounded to
+collect the books which had been forgotten by careless monks.
+
+As a rule the monks so highly prized their books--saving them first, for
+example, in time of danger, as when the Lombards attacked Monte Cassino
+and the Huns St. Gall--that rules for the care of them would seem almost
+superfluous. Still, such rules were made. When reading, the monks of
+some houses were required to wrap handkerchiefs round the books, or to
+hold them with the sleeve of their robe. Coverings, perhaps washable,
+were put upon books much in use.[245] The Carthusian brethren were
+exhorted in their statutes to take all possible care to keep the books
+they were reading clean and free from dust.[246] Elsewhere we have
+referred to an “explicit” urging readers to have a care for the scribe’s
+writing: in another manuscript once belonging to Corbie, the kind reader
+is bidden to keep his fingers off the pages lest he should mar the
+writing on them--a man who knows nothing of the scribe’s business cannot
+realize how heavy it is, for though only three fingers hold the pen, the
+whole body toils.[247]
+
+
+§ III
+
+One of the precentor’s chief duties was to regulate lending books. At
+Abingdon he could only lend to outsiders upon a pledge of equal or
+greater value than the book required, and even so could only lend to
+churches near by and to persons of good standing. It was deemed
+preferable to confiscate the pledge than to proceed against a defaulting
+borrower. In some houses more than a pledge was demanded if the book
+were lent for transcription, the borrower being required to send a copy
+when he returned the manuscript. “Make haste to copy these quickly,”
+wrote St. Bernard’s secretary, “and send them to me; and, according to
+my bargain, cause a copy to be made for me. And both these which I have
+sent you, and the copies, as I have said, return them to me, and take
+care that I do not lose a single tittle.”[248] The extra copy was
+demanded, not so much for purposes of gain as to put a check upon
+borrowing, a practice which many abbots did not encourage, on account of
+the danger of loss. Books, like gloves, are soon lost. We can well
+understand how uncommonly easy it was to forget to return a coveted
+manuscript. To help borrowers to overcome the insidious temptation, the
+scribe sometimes wrote upon the manuscript the name of the monastery it
+belonged to, and threatened a defaulter with anathema. In some of the
+St. Albans’ books is the following note in Latin: “This book is St.
+Alban’s book: he who takes it from him or destroys the title be
+anathema.”[249] The prior and convent of Rochester threatened to
+pronounce sentence of damnation on anyone who stole or hid the Latin
+translation of Aristotle’s _Physics_, or even obliterated the
+title.[250] Apparently no fate was too bad for the thief who took the
+Vulgate Bible: let him die the death; let him be frizzled in a pan; the
+falling sickness and fever should rage in him; he should be broken on
+the wheel and hanged; Amen.[251] Two curious notes are to be found in a
+manuscript of the works of Augustine and Ambrose in the Bodleian
+Library. “This book belongs to St. Mary of Robert’s Bridge: whoever
+steals it, or sells it, or takes it away from this house in any way, or
+injures it, let him be anathema-maranatha.” Underneath, another hand has
+written: “I, John, bishop of Exeter, do not know where the said house
+is: I did not steal this book, but got it lawfully.”[252] In a beautiful
+manuscript of Chaucer’s _Troilus_, not perhaps a conventual book, occurs
+the following:--
+
+ “he that thys Boke rentt or stelle
+ God send hym sekenysse swart (?) of helle.”[253]
+
+All the same, losses were common. About 1290 William of Pershore, once a
+Benedictine monk, and at the time a Grey Friar, returned to his old
+order at Westminster, and took with him some books. A big dispute arose
+over this apostate, and one of the items of the subsequent settlement
+was that the Westminster monks should return the books.[254]
+
+A similar thing took place in Scotland (1331). A friar of Roxburgh
+forsook his grey habit for the Cistercian white by entering Kelso Abbey.
+He made his new associates envious with an account of the goods of the
+friaries at Roxburgh and Berwick. They persuaded him and two other
+apostate friars to rob these convents of the “Bibles, chalices, and
+other sacred books,” and, with the aid of night, the enterprise met with
+more success than they deserved.[255]
+
+The prior and convent of Ely traced some of their books to Paris. They
+wrote to Edward III (1332): “Because a robber has taken out of our
+church four books of great value, viz.--The Decretum, Decretals, the
+Bible and Concordance, of which the first three are now at Paris,
+arrested and detained under sequestration by the officer of the Bishop
+of Paris, whom our proctor has often prayed in form of law to deliver
+them, but he behaves so strangely that we shall find in him neither
+right, grace, nor favour:--We ask you to write to the Bishop of Paris to
+intermeddle favourably and tell his official to do right, so that we may
+get our things back.”[256] In 1396-7 William, prior of Newstead, and a
+brother canon, proceeded against John Ravensfield for the return of a
+book by Richard of Hampole, entitled _Pricke of Conscience_, “and now
+the parties aforesaid are agreed by the licence of the court, and the
+said John is in ‘misericordia’; he paid the amercement in the
+hall.”[257] Another record tells us of two monks of Christ Church,
+Canterbury, being sent into Cambridgeshire to recover a book.
+
+The risk of loss owing to the practice of lending books was great--how
+great may be judged from the fact that of the equal portions of the
+Peterhouse College library of 1418, 199 volumes of the chained portion
+remain, but only ten of all those assigned to the Fellows are left.[258]
+In spite of the risk, lending was extensively carried on. In one year
+(1343), for example, the unimportant priory of Hinton lent no fewer than
+twenty books to another monastery.[259] Then again, it was thought to be
+only common charity to lend books to poor students, and in 1212 a
+council at Paris actually forbade monks to refuse to lend books to the
+poor, and requested them to divide their libraries into two
+divisions--one for the use of the brothers, the other for lending.[260]
+Whether this ever became a practice in England is more than doubtful.
+But seculars of position or influence appear to have been able to borrow
+monastic books. For example, in 1320, the prior and convent of Ely
+acknowledge receiving ten books from the executors of a rector of
+Balsham, who had borrowed them.[261] Some years later, at an audit of
+books of Christ Church, Canterbury, seventeen manuscripts--thirteen of
+them on law--were noted as in the hands of seculars, among whom was
+Edward II.[262]
+
+Lending books to brethren in the monastery was conducted according to
+strict rules, of which those of Lanfranc, based on the Cluniac
+observances, afford a good example. Before the brethren went into
+chapter on the Monday after the first Sunday in Lent, the librarian laid
+out on a carpet in the chapter-house all the books which were not on
+loan. After the assembly of the brethren, the librarian read his
+register of the books lent to the monks. Each brother, on hearing his
+name, returned the book which had been entrusted to him. If he had not
+made good use of the book, he was expected to prostrate himself, confess
+his neglect, and beg forgiveness. When all books were returned, others
+were issued, and a new record made. In some monasteries the abbot would
+question the monks on the books they had read, to test their knowledge
+of them, and whenever the answers were unsatisfactory would lend the
+same books again instead of fresh ones. As a rule only one book was
+issued at a time, so that the monk had plenty of time to digest its
+contents. In Carthusian houses two books were lent at a time. Sick
+brethren were freely permitted to borrow books for their solace, but
+such books were returned to the library nightly, at lighting-up time.
+
+Among the Cluniacs it was the custom to take stock of the books given
+out to the monks once a year; while the Franciscans kept a register of
+their books, and every year it was read and corrected before the convent
+in assembly.[263]
+
+An excellent example of a stocktaking record made at Christ Church,
+Canterbury, has been preserved. The inspection took place in 1337. First
+are recorded the books missing from the two “demonstrations,” as
+recorded “in magnis tabulis,” _e.g._,
+
+ Primo: deficit liber Transfiguratus in Crucifixum, ad quem est in
+ nota Frater W. de Coventre.
+
+Nineteen books were missing from the two “demonstrations,” or displays.
+Nineteen service books were missing “in parvis tabulis.” No less than
+thirty-eight books, twenty-eight of them for service, either of the
+large or the small tables, were wanting: for these deceased brethren had
+been responsible.[264]
+
+The “large tables” are believed to be boards whereon the borrowers of
+books had their names and borrowings noted. “I find,” writes Dr. James,
+“in a St. Augustine’s manuscript a note written on the fly-leaf by a
+monk, of the books ‘pro quibus scribor in tabula’--‘for which I am down
+on the board.’”[265] Large tables were in use at Pembroke College,
+Cambridge; probably they were of a similar kind. “And let the said
+keeper,”--so the statute runs--“have ready large pieces of board
+(_tabulas magnas_), covered with wax and parchment, that the titles of
+the books may be written on the parchment, and the names of the Fellows
+who hold them on the wax beside it.”[266] Monastic catalogues were
+sometimes written on such boards. At Cluni, Mabillon and Martène found
+the catalogue inscribed on parchment-covered boards three feet and a
+half long and a foot and a half wide--great tablets which closed
+together like a book.
+
+Besides the example of an audit at Canterbury we have one belonging to
+Durham, a little later in date (1416). The list of books assigned to the
+Spendement was evidently read over, and a tick or point was put against
+every volume found in its place. On a second check certain books were
+accounted for, and notes of their whereabouts were added to the
+inventory. Some were found in the cloister, others were in the library;
+the prior of Finchale had a number; many had been sent to Oxford. In one
+case a book is noted as given to Bishop Kempe of London.[267]
+
+The catalogue was usually a simple inventory. Sometimes the entries were
+classified, as in the case of a catalogue of the York library of the
+Friars Eremites of the Augustinian order. The fifteenth-century
+catalogue of St. Augustine’s, Canterbury, is classified under sixteen
+headings, but it is probably incomplete.[268] As a rule the entries were
+only just sufficient to identify the books: all the treatises in a
+volume were not often recorded, but only the title of the first. This is
+an entry from a Durham catalogue:--
+
+ F. Legenda Sanctorum, sive Passionarum pro mensibus
+ Februaria et Marcii. II. fo., non surrexerunt.
+
+The letter F was employed as a distinctive mark. The note “II. fo., non
+surrexerunt” signifies that the second folio began with these words, and
+was used as the most convenient method of distinguishing two copies of
+the same book, for it would rarely happen that one scribe would begin
+the second sheet with the same word as another. In some houses the
+practice was extended to printed books in the sixteenth century; and
+consequently no fewer that nearly four hundred editions have been named
+in the catalogue of Syon monastery.[269] In some other catalogues the
+information given was fuller. The catalogue of Syon notes first the
+press-mark in a bold hand; then on the left side the donor’s name, and
+on the opposite side the words of the second folio; and beneath the
+description of the book.
+
+ GRAUNTE P 1^{m} indutu_m_ est
+
+ Biblia perpulcra et completa cum interpretacionibus.
+ ¶ Tabula sentencialis super eandem per totum. ¶ Item
+ alia tabula expositoria vocabulorum difficilium eiusdem
+ Biblie.
+
+ WOODE P 2 osce 2º
+
+ Concordancie cum textu expresso.
+
+The catalogue of St. Augustine’s, already referred to, recorded the
+general title of the volume, or of the first treatise in it; the name of
+the donor; the other contents of the volume; the first words of the
+second leaf, and the press-mark. Where necessary, cross-references were
+supplied. The press-marks used for monastic books are generally of two
+kinds: press-marks properly so called, or class-marks. At St.
+Augustine’s, Canterbury, the distinctions or tiers were numbered, as D
+3; and the gradus or shelves of each distinction were numbered, as
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XVI_
+
+FACSIMILE OF THE LIBRARY CATALOGUE OF SYON MONASTERY]
+
+G 4. A similar method seems to have been adopted for St. Albans; in one
+book from that abbey is this mark: “de armariolo 4/A et quarto gradu
+liber quartus.”[270] But such a mark assigned a book to one particular
+place and fixed its relation to other books. Consequently, if any large
+accession were made to the library, the classification of the books in
+broad subject-divisions could only be maintained by the alteration of
+many press-marks, both on the books and in the catalogue. At Titchfield
+each class was marked with a letter of the alphabet, and the shelves
+bearing it were numbered: thus a book might be assigned to G 2, or class
+G, shelf 2.[271] This method of marking was more flexible. But at Syon
+Monastery the books were arranged quite independently of the presses and
+shelves; each volume receiving a different number, as well as a
+class-letter.
+
+The most elaborate example of monkish cataloguing comes from Dover
+Priory, a cell belonging to Canterbury. One John Whytefield compiled it
+in 1389. The note preceding the catalogue tells of unbounded enthusiasm
+for the library and a meticulous regard for order. No better proof of
+the care taken of books by most monks could be found. The catalogue is
+in three parts. First there is a brief inventory of the books as they
+are arranged on the shelves. This is a shelf-list designed for the use
+of the precentor; just the sort of record modern librarians regard as
+indispensable in the administration of their libraries. Secondly, our
+industrious monk has provided a catalogue,--a repetition of the
+shelf-list, but with all the contents of each volume set out. His chief
+aim in making this compilation is to show up fully the resources of his
+collection, and to lead studious brethren to read zealously and
+frequently. Lastly, an analytical index to the catalogue is supplied:
+it is in alphabetical order, and is intended to point out to the user
+the whereabouts in a volume of any individual treatise. A similar index,
+by the way, is appended to the catalogue of Syon monastery.[272] The
+library seems to have been spread over nine tiers (distinctions) of
+book-casing, each marked with a letter of the alphabet. A tier had seven
+shelves (_gradus_) marked by Roman numeral figures, the numbers
+beginning from the bottom of the tier. Each book bore a small Arabic
+figure which fixed its order on the shelf. The full press-mark of a book
+was therefore A. V. 4. Such marks were written inside the books and on
+their bindings. On the second, third, or fourth leaf of a book, or
+thereabouts, the title was written on the bottom margin, with the
+press-mark and the first words of that leaf. All these marks were copied
+in the inventory or shelf-list: first the tier letter, then the shelf
+number, afterwards the book number; followed by the title, the number of
+the leaf whence the identifying words were taken, then the identifying
+words, with the number of leaves in the volume, and finally the number
+of tracts it contains. Here are some entries:--
+
+ A. v.
+
+ +-----------+-----------+------------+------------+----------+------------+
+ | Ordo | Nomina | Loca | Dicciones |Summa | Numerus |
+ |locacionis.|voluminum. |probacionum.|probatorie. |ffoliorum.|contentorum.|
+ +-----------+-----------+------------+------------+----------+------------+
+ | 1 |Psalterium | 6 |apprehendite| 105 | 1 |
+ | | vetus | | disci | | |
+ | | glosatum | | | | |
+ | 2 |Prima pars | 4 |cument que | 195 | 2 |
+ | | psalterii| | il lait | | |
+ | | glosata | | | | |
+ | | gallice | | | | |
+ | 3 |Glose super| |nullas | 104 | 2 |
+ | | spalterio| 6 | habebunt | | |
+ | | | | veri | | |
+ +-----------+-----------+------------+------------+----------+------------+
+
+In the second part, or catalogue following the shelf-list, are set out
+the tier letter, shelf number, book number, short title; then the number
+of the folio on which each tract in a volume begins, and finally the
+first words of the tract itself.[273]
+
+Most books were bound by the monks themselves. The commonest materials
+used for ordinary manuscripts were wooden boards, covered with deerskin
+and calfskin, either coloured red or used in its natural tint, and
+parchment usually stained or painted red or purple. Charles the Great
+authorised the Abbot of St. Bertin to enjoy hunting rights so that the
+monks could get skins for binding. In mid-ninth century, Geoffroi
+Martel, Count of Anjou, commanded that the tithe of the roeskins
+captured in the island of Oléron should be used to bind the books in an
+abbey of his foundation. Few monastic bindings have been preserved,
+because many great collectors have had their manuscripts rebound.
+Several examples of Winchester work remain. Mr. Yates Thompson has a
+mid-twelfth century manuscript bound in the monastic style, the leather
+being stamped with cold irons of many curious rectangular shapes. The
+manuscript of the Winton Domesday has a binding with stamps exactly like
+those on Mr. Thompson’s book. “At Durham in the last half of the twelfth
+century there was an equally important school of binding, with some one
+hundred and fourteen different stamps. The binding for Hugh Pudsey’s
+Bible has nearly five hundred impressions.”[274] In Pembroke College
+library an excellent specimen of twelfth century stamped binding remains
+on MS. 147. Such stamps were small, and frequently of geometrical or
+floral design, always rudimentary; but animals of the quaintest
+form--grotesque birds and dragons--were also introduced. A hammer or
+mallet was employed to obtain an impression from the stamp. Sometimes
+the oak boards were not covered with skin but were painted.
+
+If a book was specially prized the binding was often rich. The covers of
+the Gospels of Lindau, a superb example of Carolingian art, bear nearly
+five hundred gems encrusted in gold.[275] Abbot Paul of St. Albans gave
+to his church two books adorned with gold and silver and gems. Abbot
+Godfrey of Malmesbury, partly to meet a heavy tax imposed by William
+Rufus, stripped twelve Gospels of their decorations. “Books are clothed
+with precious stones,” cried St. Jerome, “whilst Christ’s poor die in
+nakedness at the door.”[276] In spite of the many references to jewelled
+monastic bindings in medieval records, very few are extant.
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XVII_
+
+MEDIEVAL BINDING: MR. YATES THOMPSON’S HEGESIPPUS]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+CATHEDRAL AND CHURCH LIBRARIES
+
+
+§ I
+
+To the books of the monastery some human interest clings: we can at once
+conjure up a picture of the cloister and the scribe at his work; the
+handling of an old manuscript, the turning over of finely-written and
+quaintly-illuminated yellow pages, throws the mind flashing back
+centuries to the silent writer in his carrell. But the church library is
+not rich in associations. It was a small “working” collection: one part
+for the use of the clergy, the other part--consisting of a few chained
+books--for the use of the people. These chained books, which now suggest
+a scarcely conceivable restriction upon the circulation of
+literature--even theological literature--were, in fact, the sign of a
+glimmer of liberal thought in the church. During the fourteenth and
+fifteenth centuries, not only were monastic books issued to lay people
+more freely, but many more books were chained in places of worship than
+in the sixteenth century, when the proclamation for the “setting-up” of
+Bibles in churches was granted unwillingly.
+
+Some collections which later were distinctively church libraries were at
+first claustral. For convenience’ sake we shall treat all of them as
+church libraries. The amount of information on medieval church libraries
+is surprisingly extensive, albeit a great deal more must remain hidden
+still, for all our cathedral libraries have not been subjects of such
+loving scholarship as Canon Church has bestowed upon the ancient
+treasure-house at Wells. Still the material is extensive, and our
+difficulty in making a selection for such a compendious book as the
+present is complicated, because we often do not find it possible to say
+whether the books referred to in the available records are merely
+service books, or books of an ordinary character. To evade this
+difficulty we must ignore all material relating to unnamed books, which
+we cannot reasonably suppose to have been the nucleus of a more general
+collection, or an addition to it.
+
+Exeter Cathedral Library was a monastic hoard. It originated with Bishop
+Leofric, who got together over sixty books about sixteen years before
+the Conquest. His books were a curious collection: among copies of the
+classics and ecclesiastical works were books of night songs, summer and
+winter reading books, a precious book of blessings, and a “Mycel Englisc
+boc”--a large English book, on all sorts of things, wrought in verse.
+The last is the famous Exeter book, still preserved in the library. A
+small folio of 130 leaves of vellum, it is remarkable to the student of
+manuscripts for its bold, clear, and graceful calligraphy, and priceless
+to the student of literature as the only source of much of our small
+store of Anglo-Saxon poetry. Some other Leofrican books remain. In the
+library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, is an eleventh century
+copy of Bede’s history in Anglo-Saxon, which was given to Exeter by
+Leofric, although it is not mentioned in the list of his gifts in the
+Bodleian manuscript. The inscription in it reads: _Hunc librum dat
+leofricus episcopus ecclesie sancti petri apostoli in exonia ubi sedes
+episcopalis est ad utilitatem successorum suorum. Si quis illum
+abstulerit inde, subiaceat maledictioni. Fiat. Fiat. Fiat._[277] A
+manuscript of Bede on
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XVIII_
+
+ANCIENT BOOK-BOX IN EXETER CATHEDRAL]
+
+the Apocalypse, now at Lambeth Palace, seems almost certainly to have
+come from St. Mary’s Church, Crediton, and it bears the
+inscription:--“A: in nomine domini. Amen. Leofric_us_ Pater.”[278]
+Another book given by Leofric, a missal dating from 969, is preserved in
+the Bodleian Library.[279]
+
+Although the age of these books suggests that the collection has existed
+continuously since the eleventh century, after Leofric’s time no
+important reference to the library occurs until 1327, when an inventory
+of the books was drawn up. Then about 230 volumes (excluding service
+books) were in the possession of the Chapter.[280] In this same year a
+breviary and a missal were chained up in the choir for the use of the
+people.[281] Twelve months later John Grandisson arrived at Exeter to
+take charge of his diocese. A book-loving bishop, he was a benefactor to
+the library, maybe to a very praiseworthy extent; but a few words will
+record what is definitely known about this part of his work. In 1366 he
+gave two folio volumes, still extant. One contains Lessons from the
+Bible, and the homilies appointed to be read, and the other is the
+Legends of the Saints.[282] In his will he gave two other books, perhaps
+Pontificals of his own compilation, to his successors.[283] He himself
+owned an extensive library, which he divided principally between his
+chapter and the collegiate churches of Ottery, Crediton, and Boseham,
+and Exeter College, Oxford.[284] All St. Thomas Aquinas’ works he
+bequeathed to the Black Friars’ convent at Exeter. To Simon Islip,
+Archbishop of Canterbury, he gave a fine copy of St. Anselm’s letters,
+now by good fortune in the British Museum. A Hebrew Pentateuch once
+belonging to him is in the capitular library of Westminster: is it
+possible that the bishop was a Hebrew scholar?[285] Among the books of
+Windsor College was a volume, _De Legendis et Missis de B. V. Mariâ_,
+which had been given by him.
+
+A library room was built over the east cloister in 1412-13.[286]
+Probably the building was found necessary on account of a considerable
+accession of books, and we hazard a guess that Grandisson’s bequest,
+received in 1370, formed the bulk of the accretion. At all events, among
+the accounts for the building are charges for 191 chains for books not
+secured before. No fewer than 67 books were also sewed or bound on this
+same occasion, the master binder being paid £6 and his man 36s. 8d. Thus
+at the beginning of the fifteenth century--the age of library
+building--the capitular hoard at Exeter was furbished up, newly housed,
+and arranged. But the interest in the collection seems to have waned.
+Another chain was bought for sixteenpence in 1430-31 for a copy of
+_Rationale Divinorum_, which was given by one Rolder; but such gifts
+were few and far between. In 1506 the Chapter owned 363 volumes, but
+133 more than in 1327,[287] so that few additions besides Grandisson’s
+were made in nearly two centuries, or many books were lost.[288]
+According to this second inventory the books were arranged in eleven
+desks; eight books were chained opposite the west door; twenty-eight
+were not chained; seven were chained behind the treasurer’s stall (a
+Bible in three volumes, Lyra also in three, and a Concordance); and
+fourteen volumes of canon and civil law behind the succentor’s
+stall.[289] The Dean and Chapter were in a strangely generous mood at
+the end of this century. In 1566 they gave one of Leofric’s books to
+Archbishop Parker: it is now in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. The
+collection was despoiled of eighty-one of its finest books to enrich
+Bodley’s foundation at Oxford, 1602.[290] Although the book-lover does
+not like to see treasures torn from their associations, yet in this
+instance the alienation was fortunate. By 1752 only twenty volumes noted
+in the inventory of 1506 were left at Exeter.[291]
+
+Besides the Exeter Book, one other very ancient and valuable manuscript
+is preserved in the Cathedral: this is the part of the Domesday Book
+referring to Devon, Cornwall, and Somerset, which is probably not much
+later in date than the Exchequer record. Two ancient book-boxes are also
+to be found there. These are fixed in a sloping position by means of
+iron supports embedded in the pillars. The late Dr. J. W. Clark was led
+to believe them to be intended for books by finding a wooden bookboard
+nailed to the inside bottom of one of the boxes. For the protection of
+the book each box has a cover, which does not seem ever to have been
+fastened: a reader would raise the lid when he wanted to use the
+manuscript, and close it before he went away.[292] Erasmus seems to have
+seen similar boxes fixed to the pillars in the nave at Canterbury.[293]
+
+
+§ II
+
+When gifts or bequests were received by a church or monastery, it was a
+beautiful custom to lay them, or something to represent them, upon the
+altar: “a book, or turf, or, in fact, almost any portable object, was
+offered for property such as land; or a bough or twig of a tree, if the
+gift were a forest.” King Offa’s gift of churches to Worcester monastery
+in 780 was accompanied by a great book with golden clasps, with every
+probability a Bible.[294] A gift was made under similar circumstances in
+_c._ 1057, about the time Bishop Leofric was founding the library at
+Exeter, when Lady Godiva, the wife of another Leofric, restored some
+manors to Worcester, and with them gave a Bible in two parts. Before
+this, Bishop Werfrith, to whom we have referred before as a helper of
+King Alfred, had sent to Worcester the Anglo-Saxon version of Gregory’s
+_Cura Pastoralis_; the very copy of it is now in the Bodleian Library.
+
+Such were perhaps the beginnings of the library of Worcester Cathedral.
+We cannot but think that a collection of books was formed slowly and
+steadily here, as in other foundations of the same kind, although
+actual records are scanty and meagre. In over forty of the manuscripts
+now at Worcester are inscriptions on fly-leaves stating where they were
+procured: sometimes the price is given. The dates of these inscriptions
+run from about 1283 to 1462, or later.[295] “In 1464,” writes the Rev.
+J. K. Floyer, in his article entitled _A Thousand Years of a Cathedral
+Library_, “we first hear of a regular endowment for the acquisition of
+books. Bishop Carpenter made a library in the charnel house chantry, and
+endowed it with £10 for a librarian. The charnel house was near the
+north porch of the Cathedral, and stood on or near the site of the
+present Precentor’s house. It was a separate institution from the
+monastery, and had its own endowments and priests. Bishop Carpenter’s
+foundation was probably entirely separate from the collection of books
+kept for the use of the monks in the cloister.”[296] At the same time,
+the bishop made regulations for the use of the library. The keeper was
+to be a graduate in theology, and a good preacher. He was to live in the
+chantry, where a dwelling had been erected for him at the end of the
+library. Among other duties he had to take care of the books. The
+library was to be open to the public every week day for two hours before
+Nones (or nine), and for two hours after Nones. This alone was a most
+liberal regulation, for making which Bishop Carpenter deserves all
+honour. But he went still further. When asked to do so the keeper was to
+explain difficult passages of Scripture, and once a week was to deliver
+a public lecture in the library. The Bishop’s idea of a library is
+precisely that embodied in the modern town library: a collection of good
+books, for the free use of the public, with some personal help to the
+proper use of them when necessary. Three lists of the books were to be
+drawn up, one to be kept by the Bishop, the second by the sacrist, and
+the third by the keeper. Once a year stock was taken, and if a book were
+missing through the keeper’s neglect, he was to forfeit its value within
+a month, or in default was to pay forty-shillings more than the value of
+it, one half of the sum to go to the Bishop, the other half to the
+sacrist. Unfortunately these and other regulations were not observed
+with care, and within forty years the Bishop’s work was completely
+neglected and forgotten.
+
+At the Dissolution the Priory was deprived of much of its church plate,
+service books and vestments, and probably of many of its books. But the
+library there suffered a good deal less than those of other houses, and
+the Cathedral now has in its possession some respectable remains of its
+ancient collection of books.[297]
+
+
+§ III
+
+The history of an old library can only be traced intermittently, the
+facts playing hide and seek like a distant lantern carried over broken
+ground. Little is known of the early history of Hereford’s cathedral
+library. An ancient copy of the Gospels, said to have been bequeathed by
+the last Saxon bishop, Athelstan (1012), is one of the earliest gifts.
+In 1186 Bishop Robert Folliott gave “multa bona in terris et libris.”
+Bishop Hugh Folliott also left ornaments and books. Another bishop, R.
+de Maidstone, although “vir magnae literaturae, et in theologia
+nominatissimus,” only seems to have given the church two antiphonaries,
+some psalters, and a _Legenda_. Bishop Charleton (1369) left a Bible, a
+concordance, a glossary, Nicholas de Lyra, and five Books of Moses, all
+to be chained in the cathedral. Very shortly
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XIX_
+
+HEREFORD CATHEDRAL LIBRARY: CHAINED BOOKS]
+
+afterwards we hear of fittings, for in 1395 Walter of Ramsbury gave £10
+for making the desks. Probably a book-room, which was over the west
+cloister, was then put up. A long interval elapsed, during which little
+seems to have been done for the library. But between _c._ 1516-35 Bishop
+Booth and Dean Frowcester left many fine volumes. In 1589 the book-room
+was abandoned and the contents shifted to the Lady Chapel.
+
+A new library was built in 1897. Herein are to be seen what are almost
+certainly the original bookcases, albeit they have been taken to pieces
+and somewhat altered before being fitted together again. One of the
+bookcases still has all the old chains and fittings for the books, and
+it presents a very curious appearance. Every chain is from three to four
+feet long, with a ring at each end, and a swivel in the middle. One ring
+is strung on to an iron rod, which is secured at one end of the bookcase
+by metal work, with lock and key. For convenience in using the book on
+the reading slope which was attached to the case, the ring at the other
+end of the chain was fixed to the fore edge of the book-cover instead of
+to the back; when standing on the shelves the books therefore present
+their fore edges to the reader. The cases are roughly finished, but very
+solid in make.[298]
+
+
+§ IV
+
+At Old Sarum Church, Bishop Osmund (1078-99) collected, wrote, and bound
+books.[299] In his time, too, the chancellor used to superintend the
+schools and correct books: either books used in the school or service
+books.[300] The income from a virgate of land was assigned to
+correcting books towards the end of the twelfth century (1175-80).[301]
+The new Salisbury Cathedral was erected in the thirteenth century; but
+apparently a special library room was not used until shortly after 1444,
+when it was put up to cover the whole eastern cloister. This room was
+altered and reduced in size in 1758. About the time the room was
+completed one of the canons gave some books, on the inside covers of two
+of which is a note in a fifteenth century hand bidding they should be
+chained in the new library.[302] Nearly two hundred manuscripts, of
+various date from the ninth to the fourteenth century, are now in the
+library. Among them several notable volumes are to be found: a Psalter
+with curious illuminations; another Psalter, with the Gallican and
+Hebrew of Jerome’s translation in parallel columns, also illuminated;
+Chaucer’s translation of Boëthius; Geoffrey of Monmouth’s _History of
+the Kings of Britain_ of the twelfth century; a thirteenth century
+Lectionary, with golden and coloured initials; a Tonale according to
+Sarum use, bound with a fourteenth century Ordinal; and a fifteenth
+century Processional containing some notes on local customs.
+
+
+§ V
+
+Books were given to Lincoln Cathedral about 1150 by Hugh of Leicester;
+one of them bears the inscription, _Ex dono Hugonis Archidiaconi
+Leycestriae_. They may still be seen at Lincoln. Forty-two volumes and a
+map came into the charge of Hamo when he became chancellor in 1150.[303]
+During his chancellorship thirty-one volumes were added by gift, so
+making the total seventy-three volumes: Bishops Alexander and Chesney
+were among the benefactors. But here, as at
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XX_
+
+THE OLD LIBRARY, LINCOLN CATHEDRAL]
+
+Salisbury, not until the fifteenth century was a separate library room
+built. Two gifts “to the new library” by Bishop Repyngton--who also
+befriended Oxford University Library--and Chancellor Duffield in 1419
+and 1426, fix the date. It was put up over the north half of the eastern
+cloisters, relatively the same position as at Salisbury and Wells.
+Originally it had five bays, but in 1789 the two southernmost bays were
+pulled down: In this room the fine fifteenth century oaken roof, with
+its carved ornaments, has been preserved, but at Salisbury the roof is
+modern, with a plaster ceiling. Lincoln’s new library, designed by Wren
+and erected in 1674, is next to this old room. According to a 1450
+catalogue now preserved at Lincoln the library contained one hundred and
+seven works, more than seventy of which now remain. Among the most
+important manuscripts are a mid-fifteenth century copy of old English
+romances of great literary value, collected by Robert de Thornton,
+archdeacon of Bedford (_c._ 1430); and a contemporary copy of Magna
+Carta.
+
+
+§ VI
+
+In an inventory of St. Paul’s Cathedral, taken in 1245, mention is made
+of thirty-five volumes.[304] Before this, in Ralph of Diceto’s time, a
+binder of books was an officer of the church. As at Salisbury, the
+chancellor’s duties included taking charge of the school books. In 1283
+a writer of books was included among the ministers. The two offices were
+combined in the beginning of the next century. When Dean Ralph Baldock
+made a visitation of St. Paul’s treasury in 1295, he found thirteen
+Gospels adorned with precious metals and stones; some other parts of the
+Scriptures; and a commentary of Thomas Aquinas. In 1313 Baldock, who
+died Bishop of London, bequeathed fifteen volumes, chiefly theological
+books.[305] To Baldock’s time probably belongs the reference to twelve
+scribes, no doubt retained for business purposes as well as for
+book-making. They were bound by an oath to be faithful to the church and
+to write without fraud or malice. Æneas Sylvius tells us he saw a Latin
+translation of Thucydides in the sacristy of the cathedral (1435).[306]
+
+A library room was erected in the fifteenth century. “Ouer the East
+Quadrant of this Cloyster, was a fayre Librarie, builded at the costes
+and charges of Waltar Sherington, Chancellor of the Duchie of Lancaster,
+in the raigne of Henrie the 6 which hath beene well furnished with faire
+written books in Vellem.”[307] The catalogue of 1458 bears out Stow’s
+description of the library as well-furnished. Some one hundred and
+seventy volumes were in the Chapter’s possession; they were of the usual
+kind, grammatical books, Bibles and commentaries, works of the fathers;
+books on medicine by Galen, Hippocrates, Avicenna, and Egidius; Ralph de
+Diceto’s chronicles; and some works of Seneca, Cicero, Suetonius, and
+Virgil.[308] In 1486, however, only fifty-two volumes were found after
+the death of John Grimston the sacrist.[309] Leland gives a list of only
+twenty-one manuscripts, but it was not his habit to make full
+inventories. In Stow’s time, however, few books remained.[310] Three
+volumes only can be traced now--(1) a manuscript of Avicenna, (2) the
+Chronicle of Ralph de Diceto in the Lambeth Palace Library, and (3) the
+Miracles of the Virgin, in the Aberdeen University Library.[311]
+
+
+§ VII
+
+Although neither a monastic nor a collegiate church, Wells was already
+in the thirteenth century a place with some equipment for educational
+work. Besides the choristers’ school, a _schola grammaticalis_ of a
+higher grade was in existence. After 1240 the Chancellor’s duties
+included lecturing on theology. Not improbably, therefore, a collection
+of books was formed very early. And indeed the Dean and Chapter in 1291
+received from the Dean of Sarum books lent by the Chapter, and some
+others bequeathed to them. Hugo of St. Victor, _Speculum de
+Sacramentis_, and Bede, _De Temporibus_, were the books returned from
+Sarum; among those bequeathed were Augustine’s _Epistles_ and _De
+Civitate Dei_, Gregory the Great’s _Speculum_, and John Damascenus. We
+know nothing of the character and size of the library at this time,
+although it seems to have been preserved in a special room. In 1297, the
+Chapter ordered the two side doors of the choir screen in the aisles to
+be shut at night. One door near the library (_versus librarium_) and the
+Chapter was only to be open from the first stroke of matins until the
+proper choir door was opened at the third bell. At other times during
+the day it was always to be closed, so that people could not injure the
+books in the library, or overhear the conferences of the Chapter
+(_secreta capituli_). This library was most likely on the north side of
+the church, with the Chapter House beside it, in the north transept, as
+shown conjecturally in the plan given in Canon Church’s admirable
+_Chapters in the Early History of the Church of Wells_.[312] That so
+early, in a church neither monastic nor collegiate, a school was at
+work, and a library had been formed, is a specially significant fact in
+the study of our subject.
+
+[Illustration: PLAN SHOWING PROBABLE SITUATION OF LIBRARY OF WELLS
+CATHEDRAL IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.]
+
+In this position the library remained until the fifteenth century. Two
+notices occur of it, one in 1340 and another in 1406, in both cases in
+connection with an image of the Holy Saviour, “near the library.”
+
+But in the fifteenth century a new library was built
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XXI_
+
+WELLS CATHEDRAL LIBRARY, OVER CLOISTER]
+
+over the eastern cloister. Bishop Nicholas of Bubwith, in his will of
+1424, bequeathed one thousand marks to be faithfully applied and
+disposed for the construction and new building of a certain library to
+be newly erected upon the eastern space of the cloister, situate between
+the south door of the church next the chamber of the escheator of the
+church and the gate which leads directly from the church by the cloister
+into the palace of the bishop.[313] The work was begun by his executors,
+but certain signs of break in the building suggest some delay in
+finishing it. This room is probably the only cathedral library built
+over a cloister which remains in its original completeness. It is 165
+feet by 12 feet; now only about two-thirds of it are devoted to the
+library. When this room was first fitted up as a library no one knows;
+but tradition fixes the date at 1472. The present fittings were put in
+during Bishop Creighton’s time (1670-72).
+
+Shortly after the date of Bubwith’s will Bishop Stafford (1425-43) gave
+ten books--not an inspiriting collection--but he desired to retain
+possession of them during his lifetime.[314] In 1452 Richard Browne
+(_alias_ Cordone), Archdeacon of Rochester, left to the library of
+Wells, Petrus de Crescentiis _De Agricultura_, and two other books,
+Jerome’s _Epistles_, and Lathbury _Super librum Trenorum_, which were to
+be kept in the church in wooden cases.[315] Were these cases to resemble
+the boxes still remaining in Exeter Cathedral? The same will ordered the
+_Decretales_ of Clement, which had been borrowed for copying, to be
+restored to this library; two other books were also given back; and the
+will further notes that there are several books belonging to the library
+in a certain great bag in the inner room of the treasury at Wells.[316]
+
+Leland only mentions forty-six books in the library in his time. “I went
+into the library, which whilome had been magnificently furnished with a
+considerable number of books by its bishops and canons, and I found
+great treasures of high antiquity.” Among the books he found were
+sermons by Gregory and Ælfric in Anglo-Saxon, Terence, and “Dantes
+translatus in carmen Latinum.” Very few books belonging to the old
+library before the Dissolution have survived. Some are in the British
+Museum, the Bodleian, and certain collegiate libraries; and several
+manuscripts remain in the hands of the Dean and Chapter. Among them are
+three manuscripts known as Liber albus I, Liber ruber II, and Liber
+albus III, which contain an extremely valuable series of documents.[317]
+
+
+§ VIII
+
+In the York fabric rolls appear from time to time expenses for writing,
+illuminating, and binding church books; but we know little or nothing
+about the Chapter library, if such existed. William de Feriby, a canon,
+bequeathed his books in 1379. Between 1418 and 1422, a library was built
+at the south-west corner of the south transept. The building is in two
+floors, and the upper appears to have been the book-room; it is still in
+existence. In the rolls are several references to the building.
+
+ 1419. Et de 26_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ de elemosina domini Thomae Haxey ad
+ cooperturam novi librarii cum plumbo.
+
+Haxey was a good friend to the cathedral; and he gave handsomely toward
+the library. His arms were put up in one of the new library windows.
+
+ 1419. In sarracione iiij arborum datarum novo librario per Abbatem
+ de Selby, 6/8.
+
+ 1419. Et Johanni Grene, joynor, pro joynacione tabularum pro
+ libraria et planacione et gropyng de waynscott, per annum, 17_s._
+ 8_d._
+
+ In operacione cc ferri in boltes pro nova libraria per Johannem
+ Harpham, fabrum, 8s.[318]
+
+In 1418 John de Newton, the church treasurer, bequeathed to the Chapter
+a number of books, including Bibles, commentaries, and patristical and
+historical works, as well as Petrarch’s _De remediis utriusque
+fortunae_.[319] They were chained to the library desks, and were guarded
+with horn and studs, to protect them from the consequences of careless
+use by readers.
+
+ 1421. Johanni Upton pro superscriptura librorum nuper magistri
+ Johannis Neuton thesaurarii istius ecclesiae legatorum librario,
+ 2_s._ Thomae Hornar de Petergate pro hornyng et naillyng
+ superscriptorum librorum, 2_s._ 6_d._ Radulpho Lorymar de
+ Conyngstrete pro factura et emendacione xl cathenarum pro eisdem
+ libris annexis in librario predicto, 23_s._ 1_d._[320]
+
+From time to time a few other bequests were made: thus, Archdeacon
+Stephen Scrope bequeathed some books on canon law, after a beneficiary
+had had them in use during his life (1418). Robert Ragenhill, advocate
+of the court of York, enriched the church with a small collection
+(1430); and Robert Wolveden, treasurer of the church, left to the
+library his theological books (1432).[321]
+
+
+§ IX
+
+The Sacrist’s Roll of Lichfield Cathedral, under date 1345, contains an
+inventory of the books then in possession of the church. All of them
+were service books, excepting only a _De Gestis Anglorum_.[322]
+Thereafter we cannot discover a notice of the library until 1489, when
+Dean Thomas Heywood gave £40 towards building a home for the books. Dean
+Yotton assisted in the good work. By 1493 the building was finished. It
+stood on the north side of the Cathedral, west of the north door, or “ex
+parte boreali in cimeterio.”[323] The Dean and Chapter had it pulled
+down in 1758.
+
+Nearly all the books of the early collection perished during the Civil
+War; but the finest manuscript, known as St. Chad’s Gospels, was saved
+by the precentor. Among the other manuscripts in the possession of the
+Chapter are a fine vellum copy of Chaucer’s _Canterbury Tales_, with
+beautiful initials, and the _Taxatio Ecclesiastica_, a tithe book
+showing the value of church property in Edward I’s time.[324]
+
+
+§ X
+
+Many other churches, some of them small and unimportant, owned books,
+and received them as gifts or bequests. In the time of Richard II the
+Royal collegiate chapel of Windsor Castle had, besides service books,
+thirty-four volumes on different subjects chained in the church, among
+them a Bible and a Concordance, and two books of French romance, one of
+which was the _Liber de Rose_.[325]
+
+The library of St. Mary’s Church, Warwick, was first formed by the
+celebrated antiquary, John Rous. Before his time we hear only of one or
+two books. In 1407 there was a collection of fifty service books, and a
+_Catholicon_, the latter being perhaps the nucleus of a library.[326]
+“At my lorde’s auter,” that is, at the Earl of Warwick’s altar, were to
+be found among other goods and books, the Bible, the fourth book of the
+_Sentences_, _Pupilla Oculi_, a work by Reymond de Pennaforte, Isidore,
+and some canon law.[327] John Rous seems to have inherited the bookish
+tastes of his relative, William Rous. William had bequeathed his books
+to the Dean, charging him to allow John to read them when he came of age
+and had received priest’s orders.
+
+Among the Harleian MSS. in the British Museum is a small volume written
+on parchment by Humphrey Wanley, which includes a copy of a curious
+inventory of vestments, plate, books, and other goods made in the time
+of John Rous, 1464. A portion of this inventory has been printed in
+_Notices of the Churches of Warwickshire_, i. 15-16. “It. v bokes beynge
+in the handes of Maister John Rous now priest whuche were Sir William
+Rous and bequath hem to the Dean and Chapitre of the forseide Chirche
+Collegiall under condicōn that the seid maister John beynge priest
+shulde have hem for his special edificacōn duryng his lief. And after
+his decees to remayne and to be for ever to the seide Dean and Chapitre
+as it appereth by endentures thereof made whereof one party leveth with
+the Dean and Chapitre. That is to say i book quem composuit ffrater
+Antoninus Rampologus de Janis 2 fo Chorinth 14. It. 1 book cald pars
+dextera et pars sinistra 2 fo non ð carere. It. 1 bible versefied cald
+patris in Aurora 2 fo huic opifex. It. 1 book of powles epistoles
+glosed 2 fo de Jhu qui dr Xtus. It. 1 book cald pharetra 2 fo hora est
+jam nos de sompno surgere. It. 1 quayer in the whuche is conteyned the
+exposicōn of the masse 2 fo cois offerim.”
+
+John also seems to have given books as well as a room to house
+them.[328] An old view of the church, taken before the great fire which
+destroyed the town in 1694, shows the south porch surmounted with his
+library, as then standing; but this room was destroyed in the fire, and
+it seems certain the books were burnt. The present library was founded
+in 1701, and includes no part of the original collection.[329]
+
+Bequests to churches of service books, such as that to the church of St.
+Mary, Castle-gate, York (1394), were numerous; they may be set apart
+with bequests of vestments, plate, and money. Some bequests have a
+different character. A chancellor of York, Thomas de Farnylaw, leaves
+books, bound and unbound, to the Vicar of Waghen; a volume of sermons
+and a “quire” to the church of Embleton; and a Bible and Concordance to
+be chained in the north porch of St. Nicholas’ Church, Newcastle, “for
+common use, for the good of the soul of his lord William of Middleton”
+(1378). A chaplain leaves service books, _Speculum Ecclesiae_, and the
+Gospels in English to Holy Trinity Church, Goodramgate, York (1394). A
+Bristol merchant bequeaths two books on canon law to St. Mary Redcliffe
+Church, there to be preserved for the use of the vicar and chaplains
+(1416). In the same year a Canon of York enriches Beverley Church with
+all his books of canon and civil law. Books were also chained in the
+church of St. Mary of Oxford. Bishop Lyndwood of St. David’s bequeaths a
+copy of his digest of the synodal constitutions of the province of
+Canterbury for chaining in St. Stephen’s Chapel, “to serve as a standard
+for future editions” (1443). Richard Browne, or Cordone, who has left
+books to Wells, reserves for the parish church of Naas in Ireland a
+_Catholicon_ and other manuscripts (1452). To Boston Church a rector of
+Kirkby Ravensworth bequeaths several books, but one named John Bosbery
+was to have the use of them for life: among the gifts was
+_Polichronicon_ (1457). Canon Nicholas Holme leaves _Pupilla Oculi_ to
+the parish church of Redmarshall (1458). A chaplain bequeaths one book
+to St. Mary’s Church, Bolton, another to St. Wilfrid’s Church, Brensall
+in Craven, and a third to All Saints’ Church, Peseholme, York (1466).
+Sir Richard Willoughby orders church books and a _Crede mihi_ to be
+given to Woollaton Parish Church (1469). Robert Est, possibly a
+chantry-priest in York Minster, enriches the parish church of his native
+Lincoln village, Brigsley, with a copy of _Legends of the Saints_,
+_Speculum Christiani_, _Gesta Romanorum cum aliis fabulis Isopi et
+multis narrationibus_, and a Psalter (1474-75). To the church of St.
+Mary’s, Nottingham, the vicar leaves a _Golden Legend_, a
+_Polichronicon_, besides _Pupilla Oculi_, and a portiforium to Wragby
+Church, and a missal to Snenton Church (1476). Sir Thomas Lyttleton
+befriends King’s Norton Church by leaving it a Latin-English dictionary,
+and that of Halesowen in Worcestershire by leaving a _Catholicon_, the
+_Constitutiones Provinciales_ (possibly Lyndwood’s digest, the
+_Provinciale_), and the _Gesta Romanorum_ (1481). A man of Leicester was
+sued by the church wardens of the parish church of Welford, in the
+county of Leicester, on a charge of having taken away certain books
+belonging to the church and sold them (1490). The vicar of Ruddington
+bequeaths three books, “ad tenendum et ligandum cum cathena ferrea in
+quadam sede in capella B. M. de Rodington” (1491). Thomas Rotherham,
+benefactor of Cambridge University Library, gave to the church of
+Rochester ten pounds for building a library (1500). To Wetheringsett
+Church a chaplain of Bury carefully reserves “a book called Fasiculus
+Mors [_Fasciculus morum_], to lye in the chauncell, for priests to
+occupye ther tyme when it shall please them, praying them to have my
+soule in remembraunce as it shall please them of their charite”
+(1519).[330]
+
+A very little research would add considerably to our list; while, apart
+from records of gifts and bequests, are numberless references to books
+in churches. For example: in the churchwarden’s account book (_c._ 1525)
+of All Saints, Derby, occurs an entry beginning: “These be the bokes in
+our lady Chapell tyed with chenes yt were gyffen to Alhaloes church in
+Derby--
+
+ In primis one Boke called summa summarum.
+
+ Item A boke called Summa Raumundi [Summa poenitentia et matrimonio
+ of Reymond de Pennaforte of Barcelona].
+
+ Item Anoyer called pupilla occuli [Pupilla oculi, by J. de Burgo].
+
+ Item Anoyer called the Sexte [Liber Sextus Decretalium].
+
+ Item A boke called Hugucyon [see pp. 223-4].
+
+ Item A boke called Vitas Patrum.
+
+ Item Anoyer boke called pauls pistols.
+
+ Item A boke called Januensis super evangeliis dominicalibus
+ [Sermons of Jacobus de Voragine, Abp. of Genoa, on the Gospels for
+ the Sundays throughout the year].
+
+ Item a grette portuose [a large breviary].
+
+ Item Anoyer boke called Legenda Aurea [Legenda sanctorum aurea of
+ Jacobus de Voragine].”[331]
+
+This is a respectable list for such a church. Some sixty years before
+there were apparently only service books (1465).[332]
+
+From 1456 to 1475 charges occur in the accounts of St. Michael’s Church,
+Cornhill, for chains to fix psalters, and for writing.[333] At St.
+Peter’s upon Cornhill there would appear to have been a good library.
+“True it is,” writes Stow, “that a library there was pertaining to this
+Parrish Church, of olde time builded of stone, and of late repayred with
+bricke by the executors of Sir John Crosby Alderman, as his Armes on the
+south end doth witnes. This library hath beene of late time, to wit,
+within these fifty yeares, well furnished of bookes: John Leyland viewed
+and commended them, but now those bookes be gone, and the place is
+occupied by a schoolemaister.”[334] In 1483 the Church of St.
+Christopher-le-Stocks, London, seems to have had a collection only of
+service books; but five years later mention is made of “a grete
+librarie.” “On the south side of the vestrarie standeth a grete librarie
+with ii longe lecturnalles thereon to lay on the bookes.”[335] About the
+middle of the sixteenth century certain inhabitants of Rayleigh held a
+meeting one Sunday, after service, and, without the consent of the
+churchwardens, sold fifteen service books, and “four other manuscript
+volumes,” as well as some other church goods, for forty shillings.[336]
+
+But we might continue for a long time to bring together facts of this
+kind. Enough has been written to suggest the character and extent of the
+work done by the churches. Many of these small collections were for use
+in connexion with the schools; they were formed for the benefit of
+clergy and the increase of clergy. The few books chained up in the
+churches for the use of the people were displayed for various reasons.
+The _Catholicon_, a Latin grammar and a dictionary, was a large book,
+obtainable only at great cost, yet for reference purposes all students
+and scholars constantly needed it. Wealthy ecclesiastics and benefactors
+would therefore naturally leave such a book for chaining up in the
+church, which was then the real centre of communal life. The
+_Catholicon_ was chained up for reference in French churches, and the
+practice was imitated here, possibly in nearly all the large
+churches.[337] The _Medulla grammatice_, left to King’s Norton Church by
+Sir Thomas Lyttleton, was a book of similar character, and would be
+deposited in church for a like purpose. Books of canon law would also be
+useful for reference purposes when chained in the church. Some other
+shackled books were homiletical in character. Should we be accused of
+excess of imagination if we conjured up a picture of a little cluster of
+people standing by a clerk who reads to them a sermon or a passage of
+Holy Writ? The collection of tales, each with a moral, known as the
+_Gesta Romanorum_, would make especially attractive reading. Some books
+often found in churches and frequently mentioned in this book, as the
+_Summa Praedicantium_ of John de Bromyarde, _Pupilla Oculi_, by John de
+Burgo, and the _Speculum Christiani_, by John Walton, were manuals for
+the instruction of priests.
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XXII_
+
+ST. MARY’S CHURCH, OXFORD: THE FIRST HOME OF THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+ACADEMIC LIBRARIES: OXFORD
+
+“Ingenia hominum rem publicam fecerunt.”
+
+
+§ I
+
+Probably a few scribes plied their craft in Oxford in early days long
+before the students began to make a settlement, for the town had been a
+flourishing borough, one of the largest in England. But until the end of
+the twelfth century we hear nothing about books and their makers or
+users in Oxford. Then we find illuminators, bookbinders, parchmenters,
+and a scribe referred to in a document relating to the sale of land in
+Cat Street. This record is very significant, as it suggests the active
+employment of book-makers in the centre of Oxford’s student life. St.
+Mary’s Church was the hub. Cat Street, School Street running parallel
+with it from High Street to the north boundary, and Schydyard Street,
+the continuation of School Street on the southern side of High Street,
+alleys of the usual medieval narrowness and mean appearance, the
+buildings on either hand almost touching one another, and the way
+dark--were the haunts of masters and scholars and all those depending on
+them. Students, old and young, of high station and low, are crowded in
+lodging-houses, many of which are shabby, dirty, and disreputable. Hence
+they come forth to play their games or carry on their feuds. Some haunt
+taverns and worse places. Others eke out their means by begging at
+street corners. All get their teaching by gathering round masters whose
+rostrum is the church doorstep or the threshold of the lodging-house.
+Amid the manifold distractions of this queerly-ordered life the maker
+and seller of books earns what living he can; his chief patrons being
+indigent masters, who often must starve themselves to get books, and
+students so poor that pawning becomes a custom regulated by the
+University itself.
+
+Not till the University became firmly established as a corporate body
+could a common library be formed. The beginning was simple. The first
+books reserved for common use had their home in St. Mary’s Church: some
+lay in chests, and were lent in exchange for a suitable pledge; others
+were chained to desks so that students could readily refer to them.
+These books were almost certainly theological in character, and all were
+no doubt given by benefactors, now unknown. Such a gift was received
+early in the thirteenth century from Roger de L’Isle, Dean of York, who
+gave a Bible, divided into four parts for the convenience of copyists,
+and the Book of Exodus, glossed, but old and of little value.[338]
+Possibly some books remained in the church even after an independent
+library was founded, for as late as 1414 a copy of Nicholas de Lyra was
+chained in the chancel for public use, where it was inspected by the
+Chancellor and proctors every year.[339]
+
+To a “good clerk” who had gathered his learning at three
+Universities--the arts at Paris, canon law at Oxford, and theology at
+Cambridge--the University library appropriately owes its origin. Bishop
+Cobham left his books
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XXIII_
+
+ILLUMINATOR OF ST. ALBANS
+
+DOCUMENT TRANSFERRING LAND IN OXFORD, BEARING THE NAMES OF SEVEN MEMBERS
+OF THE BOOK TRADE, C. 1180]
+
+and three hundred and fifty marks for this purpose in 1327. He had
+proposed to build a two-storied building, the lower chamber to be the
+Congregation House, and the upper a library; or perhaps the Congregation
+House was already standing, and he had the idea of adding another story,
+for use as an oratory and library. Therein his books would bide when he
+died.[340] Not till long after his death was the building completed. His
+books did not come to the University without much trouble. Bequests were
+elusive in the Middle Ages, for people sometimes dreamed of projects
+they could not realize while they lived, and sanguinely hoped their
+executors would win prayers for the dead by successfully stretching poor
+means to a good end. Cobham died in debt. His books were pawned to
+settle his estate and pay for his funeral. Adam de Brome redeemed the
+pledges, and handed them over, not to the University, but to his
+newly-founded college of Oriel.[341] In peace the books were enjoyed at
+Oriel until four years after de Brome’s death. The Fellows claimed them,
+it appears, not only because he redeemed them, but because, as
+impropriating rectors of the church, both building and library were
+theirs, they argued, by right. The University was equally persistent in
+its claim. At last, ten years after Cobham’s death, the Commissary,
+taking mean advantage of the small number of Fellows in residence in
+autumn, went to Oriel with “a multitude of others,” and brought the
+books away by force. Thereafter the University held them, but it took
+nearly seventy years to settle the dispute about them, and to decide the
+ownership of the Congregation House (1410).[342]
+
+Long before 1410 the “good clerk’s” books had been made of real service
+to students. Fittings were put up in the library room (1365). Then
+regulations for managing the library were drawn up (1367). The books
+were to be put in the chamber over the Congregation House, marshalled in
+convenient order and chained. There, at certain times, scholars were to
+have access to them. Now first appeared upon the scene a University
+librarian. The University’s means were slender, and £40 worth of the
+books were sold to provide a stipend for a chaplain-librarian: in place
+of these books others of less value were bought; probably some of
+Cobham’s books were finely illuminated, and the intention was to
+purchase less costly copies in their stead. The chaplain was to pray for
+the souls of Cobham and of University benefactors; and to have the
+charge of the bishop’s books, of the books in the chests, and of any
+books coming to the University afterwards.[343]
+
+We can easily imagine what the library was like. The chamber over the
+Congregation House is small, scarcely larger than the average class-room
+of to-day; lighted by seven windows on each side. Between some, if not
+all, of the windows bookcases would stand at right angles to the wall,
+forming little alcoves, fit for the quiet pursuit of knowledge. Learning
+itself was shackled. Chains from a bar running the length of each case
+secured the books, which could only be read on the slope fixed a few
+feet above the floor. In each alcove was a bench for readers to sit
+upon. A large and conspicuous board, with titles and names of
+benefactors written upon it in a fair hand, hung up in the room.[344]
+Here then would come the flower of Oxford scholarship to study, any time
+after eight in the morning. Every student is welcome if he does not
+enter in wet clothing, or bring in ink, or a knife, or dagger. We like
+to picture this small room, fitted with solid, rude furniture, monastic
+in its austerity of appearance; full of students working eagerly in
+their quest for knowledge--making extracts in pencil, or with styles on
+their tablets, amid a silence broken only by the crackle of vellum
+leaves, and the rattle of a chain.
+
+Such a picture would perhaps be overdrawn. Young Oxford was not always
+quiet, or whole-heartedly studious. The liberal regulations seem to have
+been liable to abuse. Students soiled and damaged the books. The little
+room was more than full: it was overcrowded with scholars, and with
+“throngs of visitors” who disturbed the readers. After 1412 only
+graduates and religious who had studied philosophy for eight years could
+enter the library, and while there they must be robed. Even such mature
+students had to make solemn oath, in the Chancellor’s presence, to use
+the books properly: make no erasures or blots, or otherwise spoil the
+precious writing.[345] Under these regulations the library was open from
+nine to eleven in the morning, and from one to four in the afternoon,
+Sundays and mass days excepted. Strangers of eminence and the Chancellor
+could pay a visit at any time by daylight. The chaplain, who was to be a
+man of parts, of proved morality and uprightness, now received 106s. 8d.
+a year. The Proctors were bound to pay this stipend half-yearly, with
+punctuality, or be fined the heavy sum of forty shillings: the chaplain,
+it is explained, must have no grievance to nurse--no ground for carrying
+out his duties in a slovenly or perfunctory manner. He, indeed, was an
+important officer. For health’s sake he must have a month’s holiday
+during the long vacation. As it was absurd for him to have fewer
+perquisites than those below him in station, every beneficed graduate,
+at graduation, was required to give him robes.[346] The finicking
+character of these regulations suggests that the University
+statute-maker had as great a dislike for “understandings” as Dr.
+Newman.
+
+Thus was established firmly, in the early years of the fifteenth
+century, a University Library, an important resort of students; the
+proper place, as the common rendezvous of members of the University, for
+publishing the Lollard doctrines condemned at London in 1411. No town in
+England was better supplied with libraries than Oxford, for besides the
+collections of the University, the monastic colleges and the convents,
+libraries were already formed at Merton, University, Oriel and New
+Colleges. Such progress in providing scholars’ armouries is remarkable,
+the greater part of it being accomplished during a period of great
+social and religious unrest--not the unrest of a wind-fretted surface,
+but of a grim and far-sweeping underswell--a period when pestilence,
+violent tempests and earthquakes, seemed bodeful of Divine displeasure;
+not a time surely when the studious life would be attractive, or when
+much care would be taken to establish libraries, unless indeed
+controversy made recourse to books more necessary or the signs of the
+times gave birth to a greater number of benefactors.[347]
+
+But the University library was to become the richest and most
+considerable in the town. Benefactors were well greeted. Besides praying
+for their souls--and some of them, like Bishop Reed, were pathetically
+anxious about the prayers--the University showed every reasonable sign
+of its gratitude: posted up donors’ names in the library itself;
+submitted each gift to congregation three days after receiving it, and
+within twelve days later had it chained
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XXIV_
+
+DUKE HUMFREY AND ELEANOR OF GLOUCESTER JOINING THE CONFRATERNITY OF ST.
+ALBANS
+
+ANCIENT ROOF OF DUKE HUMFREY’S LIBRARY, SHOWING THE ARMS OF THE
+UNIVERSITY AND OF SIR THOMAS BODLEY]
+
+up.[348] Many gifts of books were received, some from the highest in the
+land: from King Henry the Fourth and his warlike and ambitious
+sons--Henry V, Clarence, Bedford, and Gloucester; from Edmund, Earl of
+March; from prelates--Archbishop Arundel, Repyngton of Lincoln, Courtney
+of Norwich, and Molyneux of Chichester; from great Abbot Whethamstede of
+St. Albans; from wealthy Archdeacon Browne or Cordone; from rich
+citizens of London--Thomas Knolles the grocer and T. Grauntt; and from
+Henry VI’s physician, John Somersett. John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester,
+also promised books worth five hundred marks, but after his death they
+did not come to hand.[349]
+
+By far the most generous of friends was the Duke of Gloucester, whose
+first gift was made before 1413,[350] and his last when he died in 1447.
+His record as the helper and protector of Oxford, his patronage of
+learning, and of such exponents of it as Titus Livius of Forli, Leonardo
+Bruni, Lydgate and Capgrave, the fact that, notwithstanding his “staat
+and dignyte,”
+
+ “His courage never doth appall
+ To study in bokes of antiquitie,”
+
+earned for him the name of the “good” duke--an appellation to which the
+shady labyrinth of his career as a politician, as a persecutor of the
+Lollards, and as a licentious man, did not entitle him. But then
+Oxford--and its library--was most in need of such a friend as this
+English Gismondo Malatesta; not only on account of his generosity, but
+because his royal connexions enabled him to exert influence on the
+University’s behalf, both at home and abroad.
+
+Of the character of the Duke’s gifts in 1413 and in
+
+[Illustration: OLD VIEW OF DUKE HUMFREY’S LIBRARY.]
+
+1430 we know nothing: in 1435 he gave books and money, but how many
+books or how much money is not recorded. Three years later the
+University sought another gift from him, and he forthwith sent no fewer
+than 120 volumes (1439).[351] The University’s gratitude was unbounded.
+On certain festivals during the Duke’s lifetime prayers were to be said
+for him, within ten days after he died a funeral service was to be
+celebrated, and on every anniversary of his death he and his consort
+were to be commemorated.[352] Their letters were fulsome: as a founder
+of libraries he was compared with Julius Cæsar--a compliment also paid
+him about the same time by Pier Candid Decembrio; Parliament was
+besought to thank him “hertyly, and also prey Godd to thanke hym in tyme
+commyng, wher goode dedys ben rewarded”;[353] as a prince he was most
+serene and illustrious, lord of glorious renown, son of a king, brother
+of a king, uncle of a king, “the very beams of the sun himself”; as a
+donor, as greatly and munificently liberal as the recipients were lowly
+and humble.[354]
+
+Congregation further marked its appreciation by decreeing a fresh set of
+library regulations. A new register, containing a list of the books
+already given, was to be made, and deposited in the chest “of five
+keys”; lists were also to be written in the statute books. No volume was
+to be sold, given away, exchanged, pledged, lent to be copied, or
+removed from the library--except when it needed repair, or when the Duke
+himself wanted to borrow it, as he could, though only under
+indenture.[355] All books for the study of the seven liberal arts--the
+_trivium_ and the _quadrivium_--and the three philosophies were to be
+kept in a chest called the “chest of the three philosophies and the
+seven sciences”; a name suggesting a talisman, like the golden fleece or
+the Holy Grail, for which one would exchange the world and all its ways.
+The librarian had charge of this wonderful chest. From it, by indenture,
+he could lend books--apparently these books were excepted from the
+general rule--to masters of arts lecturing in these subjects, or, if
+there were no lecturers, to principals of halls and masters. And,
+following older custom, a stationer set upon each book a price greater
+than its real value, to lead borrowers to take more care of it.[356]
+From a manuscript preserved in the library of Earl Fitzwilliam at
+Wentworth Woodhouse are taken the following curious lines indicating
+the character and arrangement of his books:--
+
+ “At Oxenford thys lord his bookis fele [many]
+ Hath eu’y clerk at werk. They of hem gete
+ Metaphisic; phisic these rather feele;
+ They natural, moral they rather trete;
+ Theologie here ye is with to mete;
+ Him liketh loke in boke historial.
+ In deskis XII hym selve as half a strete
+ Hath boked their librair uniu’al.”[357] [universal]
+
+A year later Gloucester sent 7 more books; then after a while 9 more
+(1440-41);[358] and a little later still his largest gift, amounting to
+135 volumes. These handsome accessions made the collection the finest
+academic library in England, not excepting the excellent library of 380
+volumes then at Peterhouse. It had a character of its own. The usual
+overwhelming mass of Bibles, of church books, of the Fathers and the
+Schoolmen does not depress us with its disproportion. The collection was
+strong in astronomy and medicine: Ptolemy, Albumazar, Rhazes, Serapion,
+Avicenna, Haly Abenragel, Zaæl, and others were all represented. Besides
+these, there was a fine selection of the classics--Plato, Aristotle,
+including the _Politica_ and _Ethica_, Æschines’ orations, Terence,
+Varro’s _De Originae linguae Latinae_, Cicero’s letters, Verrine and
+other orations, and “opera viginti duo Tullii in magno volumine,” Livy,
+Ovid, Seneca’s tragedies, Quintilian, Aulus Gellius, _Noctes Atticae_,
+the _Golden Ass_ of Apuleius, and Suetonius. But the most interesting
+items in the list of his books are the new translations of Plato, and of
+Aristotle, whose _Ethica_ was rendered by Leonardo Bruni; the Greek and
+Latin dictionary; and the works of Dante, Petrarch (_de Vita solitaria,
+de Rebus memorandis, de Remediis_
+
+[Illustration: _Plate XXV_
+
+DUKE HUMFREY’S LIBRARY, OXFORD]
+
+_utriusque fortunae_), Boccaccio, and of Coluccio Salutati’s
+letters.[359]
+
+The library’s character might still further have been freshened had
+Gloucester’s bequest of his Latin books--the books, we may suppose, he
+himself prized too highly to part with during his lifetime--been carried
+into effect.[360]
+
+“Our right special Lord and mighty Prince the Duke of Gloucester, late
+passed out of this world,--whose soul God assoil for his high
+mercy,--not long before his decease, being in our said University among
+all the doctors and masters of the same assembled together, granted unto
+us all his Latin books, to the loving of God, increase of clergy and
+cunning men, to the good governance and prosperity of the realm of
+England without end ... the which gift oftentimes after, by our
+messengers, and also in his last testament, as we understand, he
+confirmed.” But alas! Gloucester’s bequest was even more elusive than
+Cobham’s. These books they could, “by no manner of labours, since he
+deceased, obtain.”[361] What followed is interesting. Letters asking for
+the books were sent to the king, to Mr. John Somersett, His Majesty’s
+physician, “lately come to influence,” to William of Waynflete, provost
+of the king’s pet project, Eton College, and much in favour; and to the
+king’s chamberlain (1447). As these appeals were unavailing, another
+letter was sent to the king in 1450, and several others to influential
+persons, some being to Gloucester’s executors; then, in the same year,
+the House of Lords was petitioned. All this wire-pulling failed to serve
+its end. The University became angry. An outspoken letter was sent to
+Master John Somersett, “lately come to influence”: “Our proctor, Mr.
+Luke, tells us of your efforts for us to obtain the books given by the
+late Duke of Gloucester, and of your intercession with the king in our
+cause: also that you propose to add, of your own gift, other books to
+his bequest.” All this is very good of you, the letter proceeds, in
+effect, “but how is it that, under these circumstances, the Duke’s
+books, which came into your custody, are not delivered to us, unless it
+be that some powerful influence is exerted to prevent it; for a
+steadfast and good man will not be made to swerve from the path of
+justice by interest or cupidity. Use your endeavours to get these books:
+so do us a good favour; and clear your character.” Three years later it
+was discovered the books were scattered and in private hands
+(1453),[362] or, as seems likely, at King’s College, Cambridge, and
+Eton.
+
+Now the library over the Congregation House was all too small. A
+Divinity School seems to have been first projected in 1423; building
+began about seven years later;[363] but the work proceeded very slowly,
+owing to want of money, which the authorities tried to raise in various
+ways, even by granting degrees on easy terms. When Gloucester’s books
+came to overcrowd the old library--and the books were chained so closely
+together that a student when reading one prevented the use of three or
+four books near to it--the idea was apparently first mooted of erecting
+a bigger room over the new school, where scholars might study far from
+the hum of men (_a strepitu saeculari_). The University sent an appeal
+to the Duke for help to carry out this scheme (1445), but he had then
+lost power and was in trouble, and does not seem to have responded
+favourably, albeit they suggested adroitly the new library should bear
+his name.[364] The building was
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XXVI_
+
+LIBRARY OF CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE, OXFORD]
+
+finished forty years after his death. This ultimate success was due
+chiefly to the generosity of Cardinal Beaufort, the Duchess of Suffolk,
+and Cardinal Kempe--whose own library was magnificent.[365]
+
+By 1488, then, the University was in full enjoyment of the chamber known
+ever since as Duke Humfrey’s Library, the noblest storehouse of books
+then existing in England.[366] In the same year an old scholar, not
+known by name, gave 31 books, and in 1490 Dr. Litchfield, Archdeacon of
+Middlesex, presented 132 volumes and a sum of £200. These gifts mark the
+culminating point in the history of the first University library--a
+collection over a century and a half old, accumulated slowly by the
+forethought and generosity of the University’s friends, only, alas! in a
+few years’ time to be almost completely dispersed and destroyed.
+
+
+§ II
+
+Before speaking of the dispersion of the University collection it will
+be well to observe what had been done in the colleges, where libraries
+must have formed an important part of the collegiate economy. Books,
+indeed, were eagerly sought, carefully guarded and preserved; and
+wealthy Fellows--even Fellows not to be described as wealthy--often
+proved their affection for their college by giving manuscripts.
+
+The first house of the University, William of Durham’s Hall or
+University Hall (now University College), was founded between 1249 and
+1292, when its statutes were drawn up. In these statutes are the
+earliest regulations of the University for dealing with books in its
+possession.[367] It seems clear that the college enjoyed a
+library--perhaps of some importance,--with excellent regulations for its
+use, at the end of the thirteenth century. What is true of University
+College is true also of nearly all the other colleges. Although most of
+them were not rich foundations, one of the first efforts of a society
+was to collect books for common use. A few years after Merton’s
+inception (1264) the teacher of grammar was supplied with books out of
+the common purse, and directions were given for the care of books.[368]
+To Balliol, Bishop Gravesend of London bequeathed books (1336) some
+fifty years after the statutes were given by the founder’s wife.[369]
+Four years later Sir William de Felton presented to the college the
+advowson of the Church of Abboldesley, so that the number of scholars
+could be raised, each could have sufficient clothing, receive
+twelvepence a week, and possess in common books relating to the various
+Faculties.[370] The earliest reference to the library of Exeter College,
+or Stapledon Hall, occurs also about half a century after its
+foundation: in 1366 payment was made for copying a book called
+_Domyltone_--possibly one of John of Dumbleton’s works. Oriel College
+either had a library from its foundation, or the regulations of 1329
+were drawn up for Bishop Cobham’s books, which Adam de Brome had
+redeemed. In 1375 Oriel certainly had its own library of nearly one
+hundred volumes, more than half of them being on theology and
+philosophy, with some translations of Aristotle, but otherwise not a
+single classic work; a collection to be fairly considered as
+representative of the academic libraries of this period.[371] Queen’s
+College was one of those to which Simon de Bredon, the astronomer,
+bequeathed books in 1368, nearly thirty years after its
+foundation.[372] “Seint Marie College of Wynchestr,” or New College,
+made a better start than any house (1380). The founder, William of
+Wykeham, endowed it with no fewer than 240 or 243 volumes, of which 135
+or 138 were theology, 28 philosophy, 41 canon law, 36 civil law;
+somebody unnamed, but possibly the founder, presented 37 volumes of
+medicine and 15 chained books in the library; and Bishop Reed--also the
+good friend of Merton--gave 58 volumes of theology, 2 of philosophy, and
+3 of canon law.[373] Lincoln College had a collection of books at its
+foundation (1429); Dr. Gascoigne gave 6 manuscripts worth nearly three
+pounds apiece (1432); and Robert Flemming, a cousin of the founder,
+renowned for his travels and studies and collections in Italy, left a
+number of manuscripts, variously estimated at 25 and 38 in number, to
+his house. In 1474 this college had 135 manuscripts, stored in seven
+presses. Rules for the use of books were included in the first statutes
+of All Souls College, founded in 1438. At Magdalen the library had a
+magnificent start when William of Waynflete brought with him no fewer
+than 800 volumes on his visit in 1481; many of these were printed books.
+
+To tell the story of each of these early college libraries with
+continuity is not to our purpose, and is perhaps not feasible. So many
+details are lacking. We do not know whether all the libraries, once
+started, were constantly maintained; but it is reasonable to assume they
+were, as records--a few only--of purchases and donations are preserved.
+Usually gifts were made only to the college in which the donor felt
+special interest, but sometimes generous men were more catholic. Four
+colleges--University, Balliol, Merton, and Oriel--benefited under Bishop
+Stephen Gravesend’s will (1336); six--University, Balliol, Merton,
+Exeter, Oriel, and Queen’s--under the will of Simon de Bredon,
+astronomer and sometime Proctor of the University (1368): in both cases
+the testators distributed their gifts among all the secular colleges in
+existence at the time.[374] Dr. Thomas Gascoigne gave many books to
+Balliol, Oriel, Durham, and Lincoln Colleges (1432).[375] William Reed,
+Bishop of Chichester, also was the friend of more than one society, for
+New College, as we have seen, got 63 volumes from him, Exeter some
+others, and Merton 99.[376] Roger Whelpdale (_d._ 1423) bequeathed books
+to Balliol and Queen’s Colleges. Henry _VI_ gave 23 manuscripts to All
+Souls College (1440). Robert Twaytes gave books to Balliol in 1451: his
+example was followed by George Nevil, Bishop of Exeter and afterwards
+Archbishop of York (1455, 1475), Dr. Bole (1478), and John Waltham
+(1492). An old Fellow showed his gratitude to University College by
+bestowing 68 books, mostly Scriptural commentaries, on its library
+(1473). Some of the gifts were smaller.[377] A chancellor of the church
+of York bequeathed a single volume to Merton. Bishop Skirlaw--a good
+friend of the college in other ways--gave 6 books to University in 1404:
+they were to be chained in the library and never lent. Such gifts were
+received as gratefully as the larger donations; indeed, it was esteemed
+a feather in the cap of the Master that while he held office Skirlaw’s
+books were received. Never at any time were books more highly
+appreciated than in Oxford of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
+Sometimes gifts took the form of money for a curious purpose. For
+example, Robert Hesyl, a country rector, bequeathed the sum of 6s. 8d.
+“ad intitulandum nomina librorum in libraria collegii Lincoln:
+contentorum, supra dorsa eorum coöperienda cornu et clavis.”[378] But
+the colleges did not depend wholly on gifts, for records are preserved
+of purchases for Queen’s College in 1366-67;[379] All Souls College
+between 1449 and 1460; for Magdalen College between 1481 and 1539; for
+Merton College between 1322 and 1379; and for New College between 1462
+and 1481.
+
+The growth of the libraries made the provision of special bookrooms a
+necessity. A library on the ground floor of University College is
+referred to in the Bursar’s Roll (1391). At Merton the books were
+originally kept in a chest under three locks. A room was set apart quite
+early: books were chained up in it in 1284. In 1354 a carpenter was paid
+for fittings and “deskis.” Bishop Reed of Chichester erected a library
+building in 1377-79; Wyllyot and John Wendover contributed towards the
+cost, which amounted to £462. With the exception of the room thrown into
+the south library at its eastern end, of two large dormers, and of the
+glass in the west room, the original structure has been altered very
+little, and it is therefore one of the best examples of a medieval
+library in this country. When the old library of Exeter College was
+first used we do not know: it was possibly one of the tenements
+originally given to the college by Peter de Skelton and partly repaired
+by the founder. Money was disbursed for thatching it in 1375.[380]
+Nearly ten years later a new library was put up. Bishop Brantingham and
+John More, rector of St. Petrock’s, Exeter, contributed handsomely
+towards the cost; another Bishop of Exeter, Edmund Stafford,--in whose
+time the name of the house was changed from Stapledon Hall to Exeter
+College,--enlarged the building in 1404; and Bishops Grandisson,
+Brantingham, Stafford, and Lacy gave books.[381] In the library room
+some of the books were chained to desks, and some were kept in
+chests.[382] All this points to a flourishing library at Exeter;
+although, on occasions when their yearly expenses were heavier than
+usual, the Fellows were obliged to pawn books to one of the loan chests
+of the University, or even to their barber.[383]
+
+The monastic college of Durham enjoyed a “fayre library, well-desked and
+well flowred withe a timber Flowre over it,” built in 1417 and fitted in
+1431.[384] Another college belonging to the monks of Christ Church,
+Canterbury, also had a library, which had been replenished with books
+from the mother-house.[385] In 1431 a library building was begun at
+Balliol College by Mr. Thomas Chace, after he had resigned the office of
+Master. Bishop William Grey, besides enriching his college with
+manuscripts, also completed the home for them (_c._ 1477), on a window
+of which are still to be read his name and the name of Robert Abdy, the
+Master.
+
+ “His Deus adjecit; Deus his det gaudia celi;
+ Abdy perfecit opus hoc Gray presul et Ely.”[386]
+
+In another window, on the north side, was inscribed--
+
+ “Conditor ecce novi structus hujus fuit Abdy.
+ Praesul et huic Œdi Gray libros contulit Ely.”
+
+The first library of Oriel College, on the east side of the quadrangle,
+was not erected until about 1444; before that the books seem to have
+been kept in chests, although the collection was large for the
+time.[387] As early as 1388-89 payments were made for making desks for
+the library of Queen’s College.[388] In the case of New, Lincoln, All
+Souls, and Magdalen Colleges, library rooms were included when the
+college buildings were first erected. Magdalen’s library was copied from
+All Souls: the windows in it were “to be as good as or better than”
+those in the earlier foundation.
+
+
+§ III
+
+Towards the end of the fifteenth century the beginning of the sad end of
+all this good work may be traced. Some part of the collections
+disappeared gradually. In 1458 books were chained at Exeter College,
+because some of them had been taken away. When volumes became damaged
+and worn out, they were not replaced by others. Some were pledged, and
+although every effort was made to redeem them, as at Exeter College in
+1466, 1470, 1472 and 1473, yet it seems certain many were permanently
+alienated. Others were perhaps sold, or given away, as John Phylypp gave
+away two Exeter College manuscripts in 1468.[389] The University library
+was in similar case. When Erasmus saw the scanty remains of this
+collection he could have wept. “Before it had continued eighty years in
+its flourishing state,” writes Wood of the library, “[it] was rifled of
+its precious treasure by unreasonable persons. That several scholars
+would, upon small pledges given in, borrow books ... that were never
+restored. Polydore Virgil ... borrowed many after such a way; but at
+length being denied, did upon petition made to the king obtain his
+license for the taking out of any MS. for his use (in order, I suppose,
+for the collecting materials for his English History or Chronicle of
+England), which being imitated by others, the library thereby suffered
+very great loss.” Matters became still worse. Owing to the threatened
+suppression of the religious houses, the number of students at Oxford
+decreased enormously. In 1535, 108 men graduated, in the next year only
+44 did so; until the end of Henry VIII’s reign the average number
+graduating was 57, and in Edward’s reign the average was 33.[390]
+Naturally, therefore, some laxity crept into the administration of the
+University and the colleges. Active enemies of our literary treasures
+were not behindhand. In 1535 Dr. Layton, visitor of monasteries,
+descended upon Oxford. “We have sett Dunce [Duns Scotus] in Bocardo, and
+have utterly banisshede hym Oxforde for ever, with all his blinde
+glosses, and is nowe made a comon servant to evere man, faste nailede up
+upon postes in all comon howses of easment: id quod oculis meis vidi.
+And the seconde tyme we came to New Colege, affter we hade declarede
+your injunctions, we fownde all the gret quadrant court full of the
+leiffes of Dunce, the wynde blowyng them into evere corner. And ther we
+fownde one Mr. Grenefelde, a gentilman of Bukynghamshire, getheryng up
+part of the saide bowke leiffes (as he saide) therwith to make hym
+sewelles or blawnsherres to kepe the
+
+[Illustration: _Plate XXVII_
+
+MERTON COLLEGE LIBRARY]
+
+dere within the woode, therby to have the better cry with his
+howndes.”[391] A commission assembled at Oxford in 1550, and met many
+times at St. Mary’s Church. No documentary evidence of their treatment
+of libraries remains, but it was certainly most drastic. Any illuminated
+manuscript, or even a mathematical treatise illustrated with diagrams,
+was deemed unfit to survive, and was thrown out for sale or destruction.
+Some of the college libraries did not suffer severely. Most of Grey’s
+books survived in Balliol, although the miniatures were cut out.
+Queen’s, All Souls, and Merton came through the ordeal nearly unscathed.
+But Lincoln lost the books given by Gascoigne and the Italian
+importations of Flemming; Exeter College was purged. The University
+library itself was entirely dispersed. One of the commissioners, “by
+name Richard Coxe, Dean of Christ Church, shewed himself so zealous in
+purging this place of its rarities ... that ... savoured of
+superstition, that he left not one of those goodly MSS. given by the
+before mentioned benefactors. Of all which there were none restored in
+Q. Mary’s reign, when then an inquisition was made after them, but only
+one of the parts of Valerius Maximus, illustrated with the Commentaries
+of Dionysius de Burgo, an Augustine Fryer, and with the Tables of John
+Whethamsteed, Abbat of St. Alban’s. That some of the books so taken out
+by the Reformers were burnt, some sold away for Robin Hood’s
+pennyworths,[392] either to Booksellers, or to Glovers, to press their
+gloves, or Taylors to make measures, or to bookbinders to cover books
+bound by them, and some also kept by the Reformers for their own use.
+That the said library being thus deprived of its furniture was employed,
+as the schools were, for infamous uses. That in laying waste in that
+manner, and not in a possibility (as the academians thought) of
+restoring it to its former estate, they ordered certain persons in a
+Convocation (Reg. I. fol. 157ª) held Jan. 25, 1555-56 to sell the
+benches and desks therein; so that being stript stark naked (as I may
+say) continued so till Bodley restored it.”[393] The only cheerful
+reference to this period is that by Wood, who tells us some friendly
+people bought in a number of the manuscripts, and ultimately handed them
+over to the University after the library’s restoration.[394] But of all
+the books given by the Duke of Gloucester only three are now in the
+Bodleian, and only three others in Corpus Christi, Oriel, and Magdalen.
+The British Museum possesses nine; Cambridge one; private collectors
+two. Six are in France: two Latin--both Oxford books--and three French
+manuscripts in the Bibliothèque Nationale, and one manuscript at the
+Bibliothèque Ste. Geneviève. The Ste. Geneviève book[395] is a
+magnificent Livy, once belonging to the famous Louvre Library. It bears
+the inscription: “Cest livre est à moy Homfrey, duc de Gloucestre, du
+don mon très chier cousin le conte de Warewic.”[396]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+ACADEMIC LIBRARIES: CAMBRIDGE
+
+
+§ I
+
+As the libraries of Cambridge were mostly of later foundation than those
+at Oxford, and as the collections were of the same character, it is less
+necessary to describe them in detail, especially after having dealt
+fully with the collections of the sister university. Cambridge
+University does not seem to have owned books in common until the first
+quarter of the fifteenth century. Before that, in 1384, the books
+intended for use in the University were submitted to the Chancellor and
+Doctors, so that any containing heretical and objectionable opinions
+could be weeded out and burnt. In 1408-9 it was ordered that books
+suspected to contain Lollard doctrines should be examined by the
+authorities of both Universities; if approved by them and by the
+Archbishop of Canterbury, they could be delivered to the stationers for
+copying, but not before. And in 1480 keepers of chests were forbidden to
+receive as a pledge any book written _on paper_.[397] Certain
+regulations were also made with regard to the status of stationers and
+others engaged in book-making in the town. But there seems to have been
+no common library.
+
+About the time when Gloucester made his first gift of books to Oxford
+University a public library was possibly “founded” by John Croucher,
+who gave a copy of Chaucer’s translation of Boëthius’ _De Consolatione
+philosophiae_. Richard Holme, Warden of King’s Hall, who died in 1424,
+gave sixteen volumes. At this time the collection amounted to
+seventy-six volumes. Robert Fitzhugh, Bishop of London, now left two
+books, a _Textus moralis philosophiae_ and Codeton _Super quatuor libros
+Sententiarum_ (1435-6). By 1435 or 1440 it had increased to one hundred
+and twenty-two books: theology accounting for sixty-nine, natural and
+moral philosophy for seventeen, canon law for twenty-three, medicine for
+five, grammar for six, and logic and sophistry for one each. Besides
+Holme’s books there were in this library eight books given by John
+Aylemer, six given by Thomas Paxton, ten by James Matissale, five each
+by John Preston, John Water, Robert Alne (1440),[398] and John Tesdale:
+other benefactors gave one or two or three.[399]
+
+In 1423 one John Herrys or Harris gave ten pounds for the library,
+possibly for a building, as books do not seem to have been bought with
+it.[400] A common library is mentioned in 1438.[401] In the same year a
+grant was made by the king of the manor of Ruyslip and a place called
+Northwood for a library. The first room was erected between this year
+and 1457. After 1454 many entries occur in the University accounts for
+the roof of the new chapel and the library, for the general repairs of
+the same buildings, for the chaining and binding of books, and for their
+custody during a fire in the King’s College in 1457.[402] A sketch of
+the Schools quadrangle drawn about 1459 shows this library, _libraria
+nova_, above the Canon Law schools, on the west side.[403] Between the
+completion of this library
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XXVIII_
+
+SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITY LIBRARY, CAMBRIDGE, C. 1688]
+
+and 1470 the south side of the quadrangle was built, the school of civil
+law occupying the ground floor, and the Great Library or Common Library
+the first floor. The second extant catalogue of books (1473) relates to
+the books in this room: possibly the west room had been cleared for
+other purposes. Now the inventory proves the library to have been in
+possession of three hundred and thirty volumes, stored upon eight stalls
+or desks on the north side and upon nine stalls on the southern side,
+facing King’s College Chapel.[404] But in a few years the buildings were
+extended and the collection augmented munificently by Thomas Rotherham
+or Scot, then Chancellor of the University and Bishop of Lincoln,
+afterwards Archbishop of York. Rotherham completed the building begun on
+the east side of the quadrangle by erecting the library which occupies
+the whole of the first floor (1470-75). In this _libraria domini
+cancellarii_ his own books were stored. His generosity was recognised by
+the University in the fullest possible manner; special care was taken of
+his books, and his library came to be known as the private library, to
+which only a few privileged persons were admitted, while the great
+library remained in use as the public room.[405]
+
+The learned Bishop Tunstall gave some Greek books to the library in
+1529, just before he was translated to the see of Durham. Even then,
+however, the collection was on the down grade. Nine years later, owing
+to a decline in numbers at the University and a loss of revenue, some of
+the books, described as “useless,” were sold.[406] Then again, in 1547,
+occurs a more significant notice. A Grace was passed recommending the
+conversion of the great or common library into a school for the Regius
+Professor of Divinity, because “in its present state it is no use to
+anybody.”[407] Neglect and worse had laid this part of the library as
+waste as Duke Humfrey’s room at Oxford. Apparently then only the
+Chancellor’s library remained. More “old” books were removed from the
+collection in 1572-3. In this same year a catalogue was drawn up. Only
+one hundred and seventy-seven volumes were left: “moste parte of all
+theis bookes be of velam and parchment, but very sore cut and mangled
+for the lymned letters and pictures.”[408] Clearly sad havoc had been
+played with this library, which had started with so much promise.
+
+
+§ II
+
+The earliest collegiate libraries were Peterhouse, Pembroke Hall, Clare
+Hall, Trinity Hall, and Gonville. Peterhouse had the first library in
+Cambridge. Hugh of Balsham, Bishop of Ely, introduced into an
+Augustinian Hospital at Cambridge a number of scholars who were to live
+with the brethren. Before Hugh died the brethren and the scholars
+quarrelled, and the latter were removed to two hostels on the site of
+the present college (1281-84). He did not forget to provide his new
+foundation with books, among other properties. In the statutes of 1344
+are stringent provisions for the care of books, which prove that the
+society had a library worthy of some thought. Clare College was founded
+by the University as University Hall (1326), then refounded twelve years
+later by Lady Elizabeth de Clare as Clare Hall. In 1355 she bequeathed a
+few books. Pembroke College, founded in 1346, received a gift of ten
+books from the first Master, William Styband. The statutes of Trinity
+Hall, which was founded by Bishop William Bateman in 1350, partly to
+repair the losses of scholarly clergy during the Black Death, also
+contain a special section relating to the college books. It was not
+drawn up in anticipation of the formation of a library, for the founder
+himself gave seventy volumes on civil and canon law and theology,
+besides fourteen books for the chapel; forty-eight, including seven
+chapel books, were reserved for the Bishop’s own use during his
+life.[409] To Gonville College, founded as the Hall of the Annunciation
+in 1348, Archdeacon Stephen Scrope left a _Catholicon_ in 1418.[410]
+King’s Hall, later absorbed in Trinity College, some sixty years after
+its foundation, possessed a library of eighty-seven volumes (1394).
+Gifts of books were made to Corpus Christi College soon after its
+foundation in 1352, but a library is not referred to in the old
+statutes. Thomas de Eltisle, the first Master, gave several books, among
+them a very fine missal, “most excellently annotated throughout all the
+offices, and bound with a cover of white deer leather, and with red
+clasps.” At this time (1376) we find an inventory showing that the
+contents of the library were chiefly theological and law books.
+
+The intention of King Henry VI was to make the library of King’s College
+and that of Eton very good. In his great plan for the former, which was
+never carried out, Henry proposed to have in the west side of the court,
+“atte the ende toward the chirch,” “a librarie, conteynyng in
+lengthe .cx. fete, and in brede .xxiiij. fete, and under hit a large hous
+for redyng and disputacions, conteynyng in lengthe .xl. fete, and .ij.
+chambres under the same librarie, euery conteynyng .xxix. fete in lengthe
+and in brede .xxiiij. fete.”[411] But an apartment was set aside for
+books, and, as a charge was incurred for strewing it with rushes in
+expectation of a visit from the king, it was evidently a repository
+worth seeing.[412] Early in 1445 the king sent Richard Chester, sometime
+his envoy at the Papal court, to France and other countries, and to
+certain parts of England, in search of books and relics for his
+foundations. Within two years, however, a joint petition came from Eton
+and King’s College, stating that neither of these colleges “nowe late
+fownded and newe growyng” “were sufficiently supplied with books for
+divine service and for their libraries and studies, or with vestments
+and ornaments, ‘whiche thinges may not be had withoute great and
+diligente labour be longe processe and right besy inquisicion.’ They
+therefore begged that the king would order Chester to ‘take to hym suche
+men as shall be seen to hym expedient and profitable, and in especiall
+John Pye,’ the King’s ‘stacioner of London, and other suche as ben
+connyng and have undirstonding in such matiers,’ charging them all ‘to
+laboure effectually, inquere and diligently inserche in all place that
+ben under’ the King’s ‘obeysaunce, to gete knowleche where suche bokes,
+onourmentes, and other necessaries for’ the ‘saide colleges may be
+founden to selle.’ They were anxious that Richard Chester should have
+authority ‘to bye, take, and receive alle suche goodes afore eny other
+man ... satisfying to the owners of suche godes suche pris as thei may
+resonably accorde and agree. Soo that he may have the ferste choise of
+alle suche goodes afore eny other man, and in especiall of all maner
+bokes, ornementes, and other necessaries as nowe late were perteyning to
+the Duke of Gloucestre.’”[413] At King’s College many charges were
+incurred for books a year later, in 1448. By 1452 this foundation had
+174 or 175 books, on philosophy, theology, medicine, astrology,
+mathematics, canon law, grammar, and in classical literature.[414] The
+only volume now remaining of this collection once belonged to Duke
+Humfrey, and as the list contains a fair number of classical
+books--Aristotle, _Liber policie Platonis_, _Tullius in noua rethorica_,
+Seneca, Sallust, Ovid, Julius Cæsar, Plutarch--besides a book of Poggio
+Bracciolini, it seems likely that King’s College, and perhaps Eton,
+received some of the books promised by the Duke to Oxford University and
+begged for repeatedly and in vain by that University, after his
+death.[415]
+
+Likewise at Eton--which may be referred to appropriately here--the king
+desired to have a good library. “Item the Est pane in lengthe within the
+walles .ccxxx. fete in the myddel whereof directly agayns the entre of
+the cloistre a librarie conteynyng in lengthe .lij. fete and in
+brede .xxiiij. fete with .iij. chambres aboue on the oon side and .iiij. on
+the other side and benethe .ix. chambres euery of them in lengthe .xxvj.
+fete and in brede .xviij. fete with .v. utter toures and .v. ynner
+toures.”[416]
+
+A library room is referred to in 1445 or 1446; then “floryshid” glass
+was bought for the windows of it.[417] In 1484-85 it is again mentioned
+in connexion with repairs. A year later a lock and twelve keys for the
+library were paid for.[418] Then in 1517, we are told, “the fyrst stone
+was layd yn the fundacyon off the weste parte off the College, whereon
+ys bylded Mr. Provost’s logyn, the Gate, and the Lyberary.”[419] It
+would seem that these several references are to the vestry of the
+Chapel, in which the books were first kept, and then to the Election
+Hall, to which they were subsequently removed.[420] Henry VI seems to
+have given £200 “for to purvey them books to the pleasure of God.”[421]
+
+St. Catharine’s Hall, founded in 1473-75, in a few years enjoyed the
+use of 104 volumes, of which 85 were given by the founder, Dr. Robert
+Wodelarke. At Queens’ College a library was included in the first
+buildings; and some twenty-five years after the foundation in 1448, no
+fewer than 224 volumes were on the desks.[422]
+
+As at Oxford, these collections were augmented by the gifts of generous
+friends and loyal scholars. Peterhouse had many friends. Thomas Lisle,
+Bishop of Ely, gave a large Bible (1300).[423] In 1418 a welcome gift
+came from a former Master, John de Newton, who had reserved some
+theological books, Seneca, Valerius Maximus, and other books for his old
+house. At this time Peterhouse had 380 volumes: at Oxford the University
+library was no larger, although it was possibly richer, and in numbers
+only the library of New College can have beaten it. Sir Thomas Beaufort,
+Duke of Exeter, bequeathed a volume of sermons in 1427.[424] Later Dr.
+Thomas Lane gave some good books (1450). Then Dr. Roger Marshall
+presented a large number of volumes, some of which were to be placed _in
+libraria secretiori_, and in chains, if the Master and Fellows thought
+fit, while the remainder were to be chained _in apertiori libraria_,
+where they could not be borrowed, but were easily accessible (1472):
+this benefactor evidently fully appreciated Peterhouse’s division of its
+library into reference and lending sections. Less than a decade later
+Dr. John Warkworth, the Master, presented fifty-five manuscripts, among
+which was his own _Chronicle_. “Among the gifts made to the library in
+the fifteenth century are one or two which raise curious questions. One
+book comes from Bury and has the Bury mark. Another belonged to the
+canons of Hereford; another to Worcester; another to Durham (it is still
+identifiable in the Durham catalogue of 1391); and there are other
+instances of the kind. Such a phenomenon makes one very anxious to know
+how freely and under what conditions collegiate and monastic bodies were
+in the habit of parting with their books during the time before the
+Dissolution. Was there not very probably an extensive system of sale of
+duplicates? I prefer this notion,” writes Dr. James, “to the idea that
+they got rid of their books indiscriminately, because the study of
+monastic catalogues shows quite plainly that the number of duplicates in
+any considerable library was very large. On the other hand, it is clear
+that books often got out of the old libraries into the hands of quite
+unauthorised persons: so that there was probably both fair and foul play
+in this matter.”[425] To Pembroke College came gifts from successive
+Masters and from friends between the date of foundation and the year
+1484, when the College had received 158 volumes in this way.[426] One of
+the donors was Rotherham, the great friend of the public library. During
+the same period a number of books were also purchased. Corpus Christi
+received a like series of donations. The third Master, John Kynne, gave
+a Bible, which he had “bought at Northampton at the time (1380) when the
+Parliament was there, for the purpose of reading therefrom in the Hall
+at the time of dinner.” The fifth and sixth Masters, Drs. Billingford
+and Tytleshale, were benefactors to the library; and during the latter’s
+mastership one of the fellows, Thomas Markaunt the antiquary, bequeathed
+seventy-six volumes, then valued at over £100 (1439).[427] Later Dr.
+Cosyn presented books; and Dr. Nobys, the twelfth Master, left a large
+number of volumes, which were chained in the library.
+
+A vicar of St. Mary’s, Nottingham, named John Hurte, gave books to
+several colleges--to Clare Hall seven books, including Guido delle
+Colonne’s Troy book, Ptolemy _in Quadripartito_; to the College of God’s
+House, afterwards absorbed in Christ’s College, Egidius and a
+_Doctrinale_; to King’s College Isaac _de Urinis_; to the University
+Library three books; as well as an astronomical work to Gotham Chest
+(1476).[428]
+
+At Peterhouse in 1414 special provision was being made for the books in
+a long room on the first floor. The workman employed on the job was to
+receive, in addition to his wages, a gown if the College were pleased
+with his work. By 1431 a new library was necessary, and a contract was
+entered into for building it. Sixteen years later the work had so
+progressed that desks were being made. In 1450 the old desks were broken
+up, and locks and keys were bought for sixteen new cases. This library
+was on the west side of the quadrangle. A library for Clare Hall was
+built between 1420 and 1430. A little before this a new library was
+begun for King’s Hall, probably to replace a smaller room. For the books
+of Pembroke College a storey was added to the Hall about 1452. The early
+collection of Gonville Hall was kept in a strong-room; then in 1441 a
+special room was included in the buildings on the west side of the
+quadrangle. At Trinity Hall the books were stored in a room over the
+passage from one court to the other and at the east end of the chapel,
+and here they remained until after the Reformation. The early library
+room of Corpus Christi was in the Old Court, on the first floor next to
+the Master’s lodge. In Queens’, St. Catharine’s, Jesus, Christ’s, St.
+John’s and Magdalene a library formed a part of the original
+quadrangle.[429]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+ACADEMIC LIBRARIES: THEIR ECONOMY
+
+
+Here it will be convenient to give some account of the regulations for
+the use of books in colleges, both at Oxford and Cambridge. The
+University libraries were for reference: the College libraries were for
+both reference and lending use, and the regulations are therefore
+different in essentials. By the statutes of University College (1292)
+one book of every kind that the college had was to be put in some common
+and safe place, so that the Fellows, and others with the consent of the
+Fellows, might have the use of it. Sometimes, especially in the colleges
+of early foundation, this common collection was kept in chests; usually
+the books were securely chained to desks. The common books were chained
+at New College (statutes, 1400) and at Lincoln College (1429). At
+Peterhouse, soon after 1418, some 220 volumes were preserved for
+reference, and 160 were distributed among the Fellows.[430] At All Souls
+College a number of books selected by the warden, vice-wardens, and
+deans, were chained, together with the books given on the express
+condition that they should be chained (statutes, 1443). This collection,
+then, was the college reference library; corresponding with the common
+aumbry of the monastery, but also indicative of the principle of all
+library organisation that, while it is desirable to lend books, it is
+also necessary to keep a number of them all together in one fixed place
+for reference.
+
+The _libri distribuendi_, or books for lending, were the special feature
+of the college library. At Merton the books were distributed by the
+warden and sub-warden under an adequate pledge (1276). Once a year,
+after the books had been inspected, each Fellow of Oriel could select a
+book on the subject he was reading up, and could keep it, if he chose,
+until the next distribution a year later, while if there were more books
+than Fellows, those over could be selected in the same way (statutes,
+1329). At Peterhouse, the Senior Dean distributed the books to scholars
+in the manner he saw fit; later it was ruled that all the books not
+chained might be circulated once every two years on a day to be fixed by
+the Master and Senior Dean (statutes, 1344, 1480). At New College
+students in civil and canon law could have two books for their special
+use during the time they devoted themselves to those faculties, if they
+did not own the books themselves. If books remained over, after this
+distribution, they were to be distributed annually in the usual way
+(statutes, 1400). Similarly the books were circulated at All Souls
+(statutes, 1443), at Magdalen (1459), at Exeter[431] and at Queen’s. At
+Lincoln College bachelors could only have logical and philosophical
+books distributed to them, and not theology (statutes, 1429).
+
+The procedure was the same as at the annual claustral distribution.
+Although these regulations suggest restrictions and little else, the
+students were as a rule fairly well provided with books. Even if they
+did not own a single volume of their own, they had the use of the
+public library of the University, and of the college common library. It
+is true the distribution or _electio librorum_ took place only once or
+twice a year, and then a student got only a few volumes. Yet we should
+not assume that he was obliged to confine his attention to this small
+dole alone, for it is but reasonable to suppose he could exchange his
+books with those selected by another student. The _electio librorum_ was
+a method of securing the safety of the books by distributing the
+responsibility for making good losses equally over the whole community.
+In the case of University College an Opponent in theology, a teacher of
+the Sentences, and a Regent who also taught, had the right to borrow
+freely any book he wanted if he would restore it, when he had done with
+it, to the Fellow who had chosen it at the distribution (statutes,
+1292).
+
+A register of loans was carefully maintained. The Fellows of All Souls
+were required to have a small indenture drawn up for each book borrowed,
+and such indenture was to be left with the warden or the vice-warden
+(statutes, 1443). At Pembroke College, Cambridge, the librarian or
+keeper was to prepare large tablets covered with wax and parchment: on
+the latter were to be written the titles of books, on the former the
+names of the borrowers; when each book was returned, the borrower’s name
+was pressed out. This was a monastic practice. Such records, even if
+trifling, were in turn the subject of an indenture if they were
+transferred from one person to another.[432]
+
+The rules drawn up to prevent loss were as stringent for college as for
+monastic libraries. No Fellow of University College could take away,
+sell, or pawn books belonging to his house without the consent of all
+the fellows (statutes, 1292). At Peterhouse scholars were bound by oath
+to similar effect (statutes, 1344). A statute of Magdalen is most
+insistent--a book could not be alienated, under any excuse whatever, nor
+lent outside the college, nor could it be lent in quires for copying to
+a member of the College or a stranger, either in the Hall or out of it,
+nor could it be taken out of the town, or even out of the Hall, either
+whole or in sheets, by the Master or any one else, but to the schools it
+could be taken when necessary and on condition that it was brought back
+to the college before nightfall (1459). A like injunction was given at
+Pembroke College, Cambridge, and Brasenose College.
+
+Lending outside a college was unusual, but was sometimes allowed, as in
+monasteries, under indenture, and upon deposit of a pledge of greater
+value than the book lent, and with the general consent of Fellows
+(University College statutes, 1292; All Souls statutes, 1443). Every
+book belonging to University College had a high value set upon it, so
+that a borrower should not be careless in his use of it (statutes,
+1292); and at Peterhouse the Master and two Deans were expected to set a
+value upon the books (special statute, 1480). Punishment for default was
+severe. Any Fellow of Oriel neglecting or refusing to restore his books,
+or to pay the value set upon them, forfeited his right of selecting for
+another year, and if he failed to make good the loss before the
+following Christmas, he was no longer a Fellow--_eo facto non socius
+ibidem existat_ (1441). If a Fellow of Peterhouse did not produce his
+book at the fresh selection, or appoint a deputy to bring it, he was
+liable to be put out of commons until he restored it (statute, 1480).
+
+Equal care was taken of the books which were not circulated. At Merton
+they were to be kept under three locks (1276). The deeds, books,
+muniments, and money of Stapeldon Hall or Exeter College were kept in a
+chest, of which one key was in the hands of the Rector, another of the
+Senior Scholar, and a third of the Chaplain (statutes, 1316). Three
+different locks, two large and one small, were used to secure the
+library door of New College: the Senior Dean and the Senior Bursar had
+the keys of the large locks, and each Fellow had a key of the small
+lock; all three locks were to be secured at night (statutes, 1400). An
+indenture was drawn up of all the books, charters, and muniments of
+Peterhouse in the presence of the greater number of the scholars: all
+the books were named and classified according to faculty. One part of
+the indenture was retained by the Master, the other part by the Deans.
+All these books and records were preserved in chests, each of which had
+two keys, one in the care of the Master, the other in the hands of the
+Senior Dean (statutes, 1344). Books being regarded as an inestimable
+treasure, which ought to be most religiously guarded, they could not be
+taken from Peterhouse, if chained up, except with the consent of the
+Master and all the Fellows in residence, who must be a majority of the
+whole Society; and books given on condition of being chained were not to
+be removed under any pretext, excepting only for repair. Even _libri
+distribuendi_ were not to be without the college at night, except by
+permission of the Master or a Dean, and then they could not be retained
+for six months in succession (statute, 1480).
+
+To detect missing books stock was taken, usually once a year: again, as
+in the monasteries. Once a year on a fixed day the books of Oriel were
+to be brought out and displayed for inspection before the Provost or his
+deputy and all the Fellows (statutes, 1329). The same ceremony took
+place at Trinity Hall twice a year; the books were to be laid out one by
+one, so that they could be seen by everybody (statutes, 1350); at
+Peterhouse the inspection was held only once in two years (statute,
+1480). At All Souls an inspection was held (statutes, 1443); at the
+Pembroke College inspection each book was exhibited in order to the
+Masters and Fellows. At Magdalen, as elsewhere, the inspection was
+thorough: the books were to be shown _realiter, visibiliter, et
+distincte_.
+
+The above rules embody the common practice of the colleges. Certain
+houses had unusual provisions. Every Fellow of Magdalen College was to
+close the book he had been reading before he left, and also shut the
+windows (statutes, 1459). With the beginning of the sixteenth century
+comes a faint hint of discrimination in selecting books. No book was to
+be brought into the library of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, or
+chained there, if it were not of sufficient worth and importance (_nisi
+sit competentis pretii aut utilitas_) (unless it had been given with
+specific direction that it should be chained), but it was to go among
+the books for lending (statutes, 1517).[433]
+
+In certain of the colleges a book was read aloud during meals. It is
+noted that in 1284 the scholars of Merton were so noisy that the person
+appointed to read from Gregory’s _Moralia_ could not be properly
+heard.[434] Reading aloud was also enjoined at University Hall,
+Oxford.[435] This was, of course, a monastic practice.
+
+This brief description of the practice of the colleges in regard to
+books may be concluded fittingly with an account of the rules which
+Richard de Bury proposed to apply for the safety of his library when
+reposed within the walls of Durham Hall. These provisions are specially
+interesting as an example of the care with which a fussy bookworm
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XXIX_
+
+LIBRARY OF CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE, OXFORD: EXTERIOR FROM MASTER’S
+GARDEN]
+
+attempted to safeguard his treasures, and because they permit free
+lending of books outside the Hall. Five of the scholars sojourning in
+the Hall were to be appointed by the Master to have charge of the books,
+“of which five persons three and not fewer” might lend any book or books
+for inspection and study. No book was to be allowed outside the walls of
+the house for copying. “Therefore, when any scholar, secular or
+religious, whom for this purpose we regard with equal favour, shall seek
+to borrow any book, let the keepers diligently consider if they have a
+duplicate of the said book, and if so, let them lend him the book,
+taking such pledge as in their judgment exceeds the value of the book
+delivered, and let a record be made forthwith of the pledge, and of the
+book lent, containing the names of the persons delivering the book and
+of the person who receives it, together with the day and year when the
+loan is made.” But if the book was not in duplicate, the keepers were
+forbidden to lend it to anybody not belonging to the Hall, “unless
+perhaps for inspection within the walls of the aforesaid house or Hall,
+but not to be carried beyond it.”
+
+A book could be lent to any of the scholars in the Hall by three of the
+keepers, on condition that the borrower’s name and the date on which he
+received the book were recorded. This book could not be transferred to
+another scholar except by permission of three keepers, and then the
+record must be altered.
+
+“Each keeper shall take an oath to observe all these regulations when
+they enter upon the charge of the books. And the recipients of any book
+or books shall thereupon swear that they will not use the book or books
+for any other purpose but that of inspection or study, and that they
+will not take or permit to be taken it or them beyond the town and
+suburbs of Oxford.
+
+“Moreover, every year the aforesaid keepers shall render an account to
+the Master of the House and two of his scholars whom he shall associate
+with himself, or if he shall not be at leisure, he shall appoint three
+inspectors, other than the keepers, who shall peruse the catalogue of
+books, and see that they have them all, either in the volumes themselves
+or at least as represented by deposits. And the more fitting season for
+rendering this account we believe to be from the first of July until the
+festival of the Translation of the Glorious Martyr S. Thomas next
+following.
+
+“We add this further provision, that anyone to whom a book has been
+lent, shall once a year exhibit it to the keepers, and shall, if he
+wishes it, see his pledge. Moreover, if it chances that a book is lost
+by death, theft, fraud, or carelessness, he who has lost it or his
+representative or executor shall pay the value of the book and receive
+back his deposit. But if in any wise any profit shall accrue to the
+keepers, it shall not be applied to any purpose but the repair and
+maintenance of the books.”[436]
+
+It will be seen that had De Bury’s aim been consummated, a small public
+lending library would have been founded in Oxford, from which at first
+only a few duplicates would be issued, but which might, in time, have
+become an important institution.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+THE USE OF BOOKS TOWARDS THE END OF THE MANUSCRIPT PERIOD
+
+
+§ I
+
+The cheapening of books has brought many pleasures, but has been the
+cause of our losing--or almost losing--one pleasant social custom,--the
+pastime of reciting tales by the fireside or at festivities, which was
+popular until the end of the manuscript age.
+
+ “Men lykyn jestis for to here
+ And romans rede in divers manere.”
+
+At their games and feasts and over their ale men were wont to hear tales
+and verses.[437] The tale-tellers were usually professional wayfaring
+entertainers: “japers and ‘mynstralles’ that sell ‘glee,’” as the scald
+sang his lays before King Hygelac and roused Beowulf to slay Grendel--
+
+ “Gestiours, that tellen tales
+ Bothe of weping and of game.”[438]
+
+Call hither, cries Sir Thopas, minstrels and gestours, “for to tellen
+tales”--
+
+ “Of romances that been royales,
+ Of popes and of cardinals,
+ And eek of love-lykinge.” (ll. 2035-40).
+
+Rhymers and poets had these entertainments in mind when they wrote--
+
+ “And red wher-so thou be, or elles songe,
+ That thou be understonde I god beseche,”
+
+cries Chaucer.[439] Note also the preliminary request for silence and
+attention at the beginning of _Sir Thopas_--
+
+ “Listeth, lordes, in good entent,
+ And I wol telle verrayment
+ Of mirthe and of solas [solace];
+ Al of a knyght was fair and gent [gallant]
+ In bataille and in tourneyment,
+ His name was Sir Thopas.”
+
+At the beginning of his metrical chronicle of England Robert Mannyng of
+Brunne begs the “Lordynges that be now here” to listen to the story of
+England, as he had found it and Englished it for the solace of those
+“lewed” men who knew not Latin or French.[440]
+
+References to these minstrels are common--
+
+ “I warne you furst at the beginninge,
+ That I will make no vain carpinge [talk]
+ Of dedes of armys ne of amours,
+ As dus mynstrelles and jestours,
+ That makys carpinge in many a place
+ Of _Octoviane_ and _Isembrase_,
+ And of many other jestes,
+ And namely, whan they come to festes;
+ Ne of the life of _Bevys of Hampton_,
+ That was a knight of gret renoun,
+ Ne of _Sir Gye of Warwyke_.”[441]
+
+The monks of Hyde Abbey or New Minster paid an annuity to a harper
+(1180). No less a sum than seventy shillings was paid to minstrels hired
+to sing and play the harp at the feast of the installation of an abbot
+of St. Augustine’s, Canterbury (1309). When the bishop of Winchester
+visited the cathedral priory of St. Swithin or Old Minster, a minstrel
+was hired to sing the song of Colbrond the Danish giant--a legend
+connected with Winchester--and the tale of Queen Emma delivered from the
+ploughshares (1338). Payments to minstrels were commonly made by monks:
+at Bicester Priory, for example (1431), and at Maxstoke, where _mimi_,
+_joculatores_, _jocatores_, _lusores_, and _citharistae_ were hired. A
+curious provision occurs in the statutes of New College, Oxford (1380).
+The founder gives his permission to the scholars, for their recreation
+on festival days in the winter, to light a fire in the hall after dinner
+and supper, where they could amuse themselves with songs and other
+entertainments of decent sort, and could recite poems, chronicles of
+kingdoms, the wonders of the world, and such like compositions, provided
+they befitted the clerical character. At Winchester College--where
+minstrels were often employed--and Magdalen College the same practice
+was followed. Commonly minstrels formed a regular part of the household
+of rich men.[442]
+
+This part of the subject is so interesting that we feel tempted to
+linger over it, but it is sufficient for our purpose to observe that
+minstrelsy, before and after the Conquest--indeed, up to nearly the end
+of the manuscript period--was the chief and almost the only means of
+circulating literature among seculars. This fact should be borne in mind
+when any comparison is made between the number of religious and
+scholastic books in circulation and the number of books of lighter
+character. Even books of the scholastic class were read aloud to
+students in class, and often to small audiences of older people; but
+this method had obvious disadvantages, and the necessity of studying
+them personally soon came to be recognised as imperative. Hence such
+books, and especially those which summarised the subject of study, were
+greatly multiplied. On the other hand, romances were better heard than
+read, and only enough copies of them were made to supply wealthy
+households and the minstrels and jesters whose business it was to learn
+and recite them. Rarely, therefore, did the ordinary layman of medieval
+England own many books. The large class to whom romances appealed seldom
+owned books at all, simply because the people of this class, even if
+wealthy and of noble rank, could not in ninety cases out of one hundred
+read at all, or could read so poorly that the pastime was irksome. Among
+the educated classes, the books needed were those with which a reader
+had made acquaintance at his university, or which were necessary for his
+special study and occupation. Yet it is uncommon to find private
+libraries; and with few exceptions they were ridiculously small. The
+vast majority of the books were owned in common by monastic or
+collegiate societies.
+
+Let us bring together the meagre records of three centuries, and some
+exceptions to the general rule which serve only to show up the general
+poverty of the land. Henry II, an ardent sportsman, a ruler almost
+completely immersed in affairs of State, made time for private reading
+and for working out knotty questions,[443] and very probably he had a
+library to his hand. King John received from the sacristan of Reading a
+small collection of books of the Bible and severe theology, perhaps as a
+diplomatic gift, perhaps as a subtle reminder that a little food for the
+spirit would improve his morals and ameliorate the lot of his subjects.
+Edward II borrowed at least two books, the _Miracles of St. Thomas_ and
+the _Lives of St. Thomas and St. Anselm_, from Christ Church,
+Canterbury.[444] Great Earl Simon had a _Digestum vetus_ from the same
+source. Guy de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick (_d._ 1315), had a little
+hoard of romances, and some other books. Hugh le Despenser the elder
+enjoyed a “librarie of bookes” (_c._ 1321), how big or of what character
+we do not know. Archbishop Meopham (_d._ 1333) gave some books to Christ
+Church, Canterbury; and his successor, John Stratford, presented a few
+to the same house. Lady Elizabeth de Clare, foundress of Clare Hall,
+bequeathed to her foundation a tiny collection of service books and
+volumes on canon law (1355). William de Feriby, Archdeacon of Cleveland,
+left a small theological library (1378). One John Percyhay of Swinton in
+Rydal (1392), Sir Robert de Roos (1392), John de Clifford, treasurer of
+York Church (1392), Canon Bragge of York (1396), and Eleanor Bohun,
+Duchess of Gloucester (1399), all left Bibles; and small collections of
+books, much alike in character, consisting usually of psalters, books of
+religious offices, legends of the saints, Peter of Blois, Nicholas
+Trivet, the Brut chronicle, books of Decretals, and the Corpus Juris
+Civilis,--most of it sorry stuff, the last achievements of dogmatism on
+threadbare subjects. “Among all the church dignitaries whose wills are
+recorded in Bishop Stafford’s register at Exeter (1395-1419), the
+largest library mentioned is only of fourteen volumes. The sixty
+testators include a dean, two archdeacons, twenty canons or
+prebendaries, thirteen rectors, six vicars, and eighteen layfolk, mostly
+rich people. The whole sixty apparently possessed only two Bibles
+between them, and only one hundred and thirty-eight books altogether:
+or, omitting church service-books, only sixty; _i.e._ exactly one each
+on an average. Thirteen of the beneficed clergy were altogether
+bookless, though several of them possessed the _baselard_ or dagger
+which church councils had forbidden in vain for centuries past; four
+more had only their breviary. Of the laity fifteen were bookless, while
+three had service books, one of these being a knight who simply
+bequeathed them as part of the furniture of his private chapel.”[445]
+
+A few exceptions there were, as we have said. Not till the fifteenth
+century do we find that a few books were commonly in the possession of
+well-to-do and cultivated people; suggesting an advance in culture upon
+the previous age. But before 1400 several book collectors were sharp
+aberrations from the general rule. Richard de Gravesend, Bishop of
+London, owned nearly a hundred books, almost all theological, and each
+worth on an average more than a sovereign a volume, or in all about
+£1740 of our money. A certain Abbot Thomas of St. Augustine’s Abbey,
+Canterbury, gave to his house over one hundred volumes.[446] To the same
+monastery a certain John of London, probably a pupil of Friar Bacon,
+left a specialist’s library of about eighty books, no fewer than
+forty-six being on mathematics, astronomy, and medicine.[447] Simon
+Langham, too, bequeathed to Westminister Abbey ninety-one works, some
+very costly.[448] John de Newton, treasurer of York, left a good
+library, part of which he bequeathed to York Minster and part to
+Peterhouse (1418). A canon of York, Thomas Greenwood, died worth more
+than thirty pounds in books alone (1421). And Henry Bowet, Archbishop of
+York, left a collection of thirty-three volumes, nearly all of great
+price,--copies _de luxe_, finely illuminated and embellished, worth on
+an average a pound a volume (1423).
+
+But Richard de Bury, Bishop of Durham, is at once the bibliomaniac’s
+ideal and enigma (1287-1345). All accounts agree in saying he collected
+a large number of books.
+
+What became of them we do not know. In the _Philobiblon_, of which he is
+the reputed author, he expressed his intention of founding a hall at
+Oxford, and of leaving his books to it. Durham College, however, was not
+completed until thirty-six years after his death. Among the Durham
+College documents is a catalogue of the books it owned at the beginning
+of the fifteenth century, and only the books sent to Oxford in 1315, and
+as many more are mentioned, so that his large library did not go to the
+college, but was probably dispersed.[449] De Bury, like Cobham, was a
+heavy debtor, and as he lay dying his servants stole all his moveable
+goods and left him naked on his bed save for an undershirt which a
+lackey had thrown over him.[450] His executors, as we know, were glad to
+resell to St. Albans Abbey the books he had bought from the monks there.
+
+De Bury has left us an account of his methods of collecting which throws
+some light upon the trade in books in his time. “Although from our youth
+upwards we had always delighted in holding social commune with learned
+men and lovers of books, yet when we prospered in the world, ... we
+obtained ampler facilities for visiting everywhere as we would, and of
+hunting as it were certain most choice preserves, libraries private as
+well as public, and of the regular as well as of the secular clergy....
+There was afforded to us, in consideration of the royal favour, easy
+access for the purpose of freely searching the retreats of books. In
+fact, the fame of our love of them had been soon winged abroad
+everywhere, and we were reported to burn with such desire for books, and
+especially old ones, that it was more easy for any man to gain our
+favour by means of books than of money. Wherefore, since supported by
+the goodness of the aforesaid prince of worthy memory, we were able to
+requite a man well or ill ... there flowed in, instead of presents and
+guerdons, and instead of gifts and jewels, soiled tracts and battered
+codices, gladsome alike to our eye and heart. Then the aumbries of the
+most famous monasteries were thrown open, cases were unlocked and
+caskets were undone, and volumes that had slumbered through long ages in
+their tombs wake up and are astonished, and those that had lain hidden
+in dark places are bathed in the ray of unwonted light. These long
+lifeless books, once most dainty, but now become corrupt and loathesome,
+covered with litters of mice and pierced with the gnawings of the worms,
+and who were once clothed in purple and fine linen, now lying in
+sackcloth and ashes, given up to oblivion, seemed to have become
+habitations of the moth.... Thus the sacred vessels of learning came
+into our control and stewardship; some by gift, others by purchase, and
+some lent to us for a season.”[451]
+
+If his words are true, monastic and other libraries must have been
+seriously despoiled to build up his own collection. He was bribed by St.
+Albans Abbey, and nobody need disbelieve him when he says he got many
+presents from other houses, for the merit of being open-handed was
+rewarded with more good mediation and favours than the giver’s cause
+deserved; indeed, De Bury himself seems to have made judicious use of
+bribes for his own advancement.[452] Usually gifts were in jewels or
+plate, but books were given to men known to love them; as when
+Whethamstede presented Humfrey of Gloucester and the Duke of Bedford
+with books they coveted.
+
+While acting as emissary for his “illustrious prince,” de Bury hunts his
+quarry in the narrow ways of Paris, and captures “inestimable books” by
+freely opening his purse, the coins of which are, to his mind, “mud and
+sand” compared with the treasures he gets. He blesses the friars and
+protects them, and they rout out books from the “universities and high
+schools of various provinces”; but how, whether rightfully or
+wrongfully, we do not know. He “does not disdain,” he tells us--in
+truth, he is surely overjoyed--to visit “their libraries and any other
+repositories of books”; nay, there he finds heaped up amid the utmost
+poverty the utmost riches of wisdom. He freely employs the booksellers,
+but the wiles of the collector are as notorious as the wiles of women,
+and his chief aim is to “captivate the affection of all” who can get him
+books;--not even forgetting “the rectors of schools and the instructors
+of rude boys,” although we cannot think he gets much from them. If he
+cannot buy books, he has copies made: about his person are scribes and
+correctors, illuminators and binders, and generally all who can usefully
+labour in the service of books; in large numbers--in no small multitude.
+And by these means he gets together more books than all the other
+English bishops put together: more than five waggon loads; a veritable
+hoard, overflowing into the hall of his house, and into his bedroom,
+where he steps over them to get to his couch. He was a man “of small
+learning,” says Murimuth; “passably literate,” writes Chambre; at the
+best, according to Petrarch, “of ardent temperament, not ignorant of
+literature, with a natural curiosity for out-of-the-way lore”: an
+antiquarian, not of the lovable kind, but unscrupulous, pedantic, and
+vain, indulging an inordinate taste for collecting and hoarding books,
+perhaps to satisfy a craving for shreds and patches of knowledge, but
+more likely to earn a reputation as a great clerk.[453] For De Bury was
+something of a humbug; the _Philobiblon_, if it is his work, reaches the
+utmost limit of affectation in the love of books.
+
+
+§ II
+
+The literature of the later part of the fourteenth century affords us
+glimpses of other readers who were not merely collectors. The author--or
+authors--of _Piers Plowman_ seems to have had within his reach a fair
+library. His reading was carelessly done for the most part, his
+references are vague and incorrect, and his quotations not always exact.
+But he was well read in the Scriptures, which he knew far better than
+any other book. From the Fathers he gathered much, perhaps by means of
+collections of extracts from their works. He used the _Golden Legend_,
+Huon de Meri’s allegorical poem of the fight between Jesus and the
+Antichrist, Peter Comestor’s _Bible History_, Rustebeuf’s _La Voie de
+Paradis_, Grosseteste’s religious allegory of _Le Chastel d’Amour_, the
+paraded learning of Vincent of Beauvais in _Speculum Historiale_, and
+other works--numerous and small signs of booklore, which are completely
+overshadowed by his illuminating comprehension of the popular side in
+the politics of his day. Gower, too, had at his disposal a little
+library of some account, including the Scriptures, theological writings
+and ecclesiastical histories, Aristotle, some of the classics, and a
+good deal of romance in prose and verse.
+
+But Chaucer was the ideal book-lover: knowing Dante, Boccaccio, and in
+some degree “Franceys Petrark, the laureat poete,” who “enlumined al
+Itaille of poetry,” Virgil, Cicero, Seneca, Ovid--his favourite
+author--and Boëthius; as well as Guido delle Colonne’s prose epic of
+the story of Troy, the poems of Guillaume de Machaut, the _Roman de la
+Rose_, and a work on the astrolabe by Messahala.[454] We have some
+excellent pictures of Chaucer’s habit of reading. When his day’s work is
+done he goes home and buries himself with his books--
+
+ “Domb as any stoon,
+ Thou sittest at another boke,
+ Til fully daswed is thy loke.”[455]
+
+In the _Parliament of Fowls_ he tells us that he read books often for
+instruction and pleasure, and the coming on of night alone would force
+him to put away his book. He would not have been a true reader had he
+not developed the habit of reading in bed.
+
+ “...Whan I saw I might not slepe,
+ Til now late, this other night,
+ Upon my bedde I sat upright
+ And bad oon reche me a book,
+ A romance, and he hit me took
+ To rede and dryve the night away;
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ And in this boke were writen fables
+ That clerkes hadde, in olde tyme,
+ And other poets, put in ryme....”[456]
+
+So he found solace and delight, as countless thousands have done, in his
+Ovid. The world of books and of reading is apt to seem stuffy, the
+favoured home of the moody spirit, a lair to which a dirty and ragged
+Magliabechi retreats, a palace where a Beckford gloats solitary over his
+treasures--a world whence we often desire to escape, since we know we
+can return to it when we will. For if good books shelter us from the
+realities of life, life itself refreshes the student like cool rain
+upon the fevered brow. Chaucer was the bright spirit who let his books
+fill their proper place in his life. In books, he says--
+
+ “I me delyte,
+ And to hem give I feyth and ful credence,
+ And in myn heart have hem in reverence
+ So hertely that ther is game noon
+ That fro my bokes maketh me to goon.”
+
+Yet books are something much less than life: there is the open air,--the
+meadows bright with flowers,--the melody of birds,--
+
+ “...Whan that the month of May
+ Is comen, and that I hear the foules singe,
+ And that the flowers ’ginnen for to spring
+ Farwel my book....”[457]
+
+
+§ III
+
+By the end of the fourteenth century we find signs that books more often
+formed a part of well-to-do households, and that the formal reading and
+reciting entertainments were giving place gradually to the informal and
+personal use of books. Among many pieces of evidence that this was so,
+Chaucer himself furnishes us with two of the best, one in the _Wife of
+Bath’s Tale_, and the other in his _Troilus and Criseide_. The Wife took
+for her fifth husband, “God his soule blesse,” a clerk of Oxenford--
+
+ “He was, I trowe, a twenty winter old,
+ And I was fourty, if I shal seye sooth.”
+
+Joly Jankin, as the clerk was called,
+
+ “Hadde a book that gladly, night and day,
+ For his desport he wolde rede alway.
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XXX_
+
+CARMELITE IN HIS STUDY]
+
+ He cleped [called] it Valerie and Theofraste,[458]
+ At whiche book he lough alwey ful faste.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ And every night and day was his custume,
+ When he had leyser and vacacioun
+ From other worldly occupacioun,
+ To reden on this book of wikked wyves.”[459]
+
+And having quickly taken measure of the Wife’s character, he could not
+refrain from reading to her stories which seemed to contain a lesson and
+to point a moral for her. She lost patience, and was “beten for a book,
+pardee.”
+
+ “Up-on a night Jankin, that was our syre,
+ Redde on his book, as he sat by the fyre.”
+
+And when his wife saw he would “never fyne” to read “this cursed book al
+night,” all suddenly she plucked three leaves out of it, “right as he
+radde,” and with her fist so took him on the cheek that he fell “bakward
+adoun” in the fire. Springing up like a mad lion he smote her on the
+head with his fist, and she lay upon the floor as she were dead.
+Whereupon he stood aghast, sorry for what he had done; and “with muchel
+care and wo” they made up their quarrel: our clerk, let us hope, winning
+peace, and his wife securing the mastery of their household affairs and
+the destruction of the “cursed book.”
+
+In _Troilus_ we are told that Uncle Pandarus comes into the paved
+parlour, where he finds his niece sitting with two other ladies--
+
+ “...And they three
+ Herden a mayden reden hem the geste
+ Of the Sege of Thebes....”
+
+“What are you reading?” cries Pandarus. “For Goddes love, what seith it?
+Tel it us. Is it of love?” Whereupon the niece returns him a saucy
+answer, and “with that they gonnen laughe,” and then she says--
+
+ “This romaunce is of Thebes, that we rede;
+ And we can herd how that King Laius deyde
+ Thurgh Edippus his sone, and al that dede;
+ And here we stenten [left off] at these lettres rede,
+ How the bisshop, as the book can telle,
+ Amphiorax, fil through the ground to helle.”[460]
+
+This picture of a little informal reading circle is not to be found in
+like perfection elsewhere in English medieval literature.[461]
+
+
+§ IV
+
+By the middle of the fifteenth century book-collecting was a more
+fashionable pastime. Had it not been so we should have been surprised.
+From 1365 to 1450 was an age of library building. Oxford University now
+had its library: in quick succession the colleges of Merton, William of
+Wykeham, Exeter, University, Durham, Balliol, Peterhouse, Lincoln, All
+Souls, Magdalen, Queens’ (Cambridge), Pembroke (Cambridge), and St.
+John’s (Cambridge) followed the example. Library rooms also had been put
+up in the cathedrals of Hereford, Exeter, York, Lincoln, Wells,
+Salisbury, St. Paul’s, and Lichfield. Moreover, in London had been
+established the first public library. Dick Whittington, of famous
+memory, and William Bury founded it between 1421 and 1426. The civic
+records tell us that “Upon the petition of John Coventry, John
+Carpenter, and William Grove, the executors of Richard Whittington and
+William Bury, the Custody of the New House, or Library, which they had
+built, with the Chamber under, was placed at their disposal by the Lord
+Mayor, Aldermen, and Commonalty.”[462] The foundation is described as “a
+certen house next unto the sam Chapel apperteynyng, called the library,
+all waies res’ved for students to resorte unto, w^{t} three chambres
+under nithe the saide library, which library being covered w^{t} slate
+is valued together w^{t} the chambres at xiijs. iiijd. yerely.... The
+saied library is a house appointed by the saied Maior and cominaltie for
+... resorte of all students for their education in Divine
+Scriptures.”[463] Stow, writing in 1598, spoke of it as “sometime a
+fayre and large library, furnished with books.... The armes of
+Whitington are placed on the one side in the stone worke, and two
+letters, to wit, W. and B., for William Bury, on the other side.”
+Wealthy citizens came forward with pecuniary aid then as they have ever
+done. William Chichele, sometime Sheriff, bequeathed “x^{li} to be
+bestowyed on books notable to be layde in the newe librarye at the
+gildehall at London for to be memoriall for John Hadle, sumtyme meyre,
+and for me there while they mowe laste.”[464] This was in 1425. Eighteen
+years later one of Whittington’s executors, named John Carpenter, made
+this direction in his will: “If any good or rare books shall be found
+amongst the said residue of my goods, which, by the discretion of the
+aforesaid Master William Lichfield and Reginald Pecock, may seem
+necessary to the common library at Guildhall, for the profit of the
+students there, and those discoursing to the common people, then I will
+and bequeath that those books be placed by my executors and chained in
+that library that the visitors and students thereof may be the sooner
+admonished to pray for my soul” (1442).[465] But this library, like so
+many others, did not survive the disastrous years of mid-sixteenth
+century.
+
+It would be singular if this progress in library making were not
+reflected in the habits of a considerable section of the people. The
+court and its entourage set the fashion. Henry VI was a lover of books
+and a collector. His uncle, John, Duke of Bedford, although much
+occupied with public affairs and mercilessly warring with France, got
+together a rich library, particularly noteworthy for finely illuminated
+books: the famous library of the Louvre was a part of his French booty.
+Of his brother Gloucester we have already spoken. Archbishop Kempe owned
+a library of theology, canon and civil law, and other books, worth more
+than £260. He also gave money towards the cost of Gloucester’s library
+at Oxford; as did also Cardinal Beaufort and the Duchess of Gloucester.
+Sir John Fastolf possessed a small number of books at Caistor (_c._
+1450). The collection was of some distinction, as the inventory will
+show: “In the Stewe hous; of Frenche books, the Bible, the Cronycles of
+France, the Cronicles of Titus Levius, a booke of Jullius Cesar, lez
+Propretez dez Choses [by Barth Glanville], Petrus de Crescentiis, liber
+Almagesti, liber Geomancie cum iiij aliis Astronomie, liber de Roy
+Artour, Romaunce la Rose, Cronicles d’Angleterre, Veges de larte
+Chevalerie, Instituts of Justien Emperer, Brute in ryme, liber Etiques,
+liber de Sentence Joseph, Problemate Aristotelis, Vice and Vertues,
+liber de Cronykes de Grant Bretagne in ryme, Meditacions Saynt
+Bernard.”[466] Perhaps this little hoard may be taken as a fair example
+of a wealthy gentleman’s library in the fifteenth century. A collection
+perhaps accurately representing the average prelatical library was that
+of Richard Browne, running to more than thirty books of the common
+medieval character (1452). A canon residentiary of York named William
+Duffield had a library of forty volumes, as fine as Archbishop Bowet’s
+collection, and valued at a higher figure (1452). Ralph Dreff, of
+Broadgates Hall, possessed no fewer than twenty-three volumes, a larger
+collection than Oxford students usually had. A vicar of Cookfield owned
+twenty-four books, some of them priced cheaply (1451).
+
+Some collections were pathetically small. A disreputable student of
+Oxford, John Brette, had among his “bits of things” a book and a
+pamphlet. Thomas Cooper, scholar of Brasenose Hall, enjoyed the use of
+six volumes. Another scholar, John Lassehowe, had a like number; and
+another, Simon Berynton, had fifteen books, worth sixpence (_c._ 1448)!
+A rector also had six, one of them Greek; a chaplain was equipped with
+six medical works; and James Hedyan, bachelor of canon and civil law,
+could employ his leisure in reading one of his little store of eight
+volumes. One Elizabeth Sywardby owned eight books, three being costly
+(1468).
+
+
+§ V
+
+More records of the same kind may be obtained from almost any collection
+of wills and inventories, the number of them increasing towards the end
+of the manuscript age. How far this change was due to the influence of
+Italy we do not fully know. Certainly before the end of Henry VI’s reign
+the first impulse of the Italian renascence--the impulse to gather up
+the materials of a more catholic and liberal knowledge--had been
+transmitted to England. Students left our shores to widen their studies
+in Italy. Public men in England corresponded with Italians, and fell
+into sympathy with their aims. Occasionally scholars came hither from
+Italy. Manuel Chrysoloras, one of the leading revivers of Greek studies
+in Italy, visited England in the service of Manuel Palaeologus, and
+possibly stayed at Christ Church monastery in 1408.[467] Poggio
+Bracciolini came to this country in 1418-23 at the invitation of
+Cardinal Beaufort: what he did while here we know far too little about,
+but this visit of Italy’s greatest book-collector and discoverer of
+Latin classical manuscripts cannot have been without some effect upon
+English students. For Poggio the visit was almost without result. He was
+in search of manuscripts, but apparently failed to get any with which he
+was unacquainted. He dismissed our libraries with the sharp criticism
+that they were full of trash, and described Englishmen as almost devoid
+of love for letters.[468] Æneas Sylvius also came here, and his visit
+likewise must have borne some fruit (1435).
+
+Much also was accomplished by correspondence. Among those in
+communication with Italians and acquainted with the course of their
+studies, were Bishop Bekington, one of the earliest _alumni_ of
+Wykeham’s foundation at Oxford, Adam de Molyneux, the correspondent of
+Æneas Sylvius, Thomas Chaundler, warden of New College, Archdeacon
+Bildstone, Archbishop Arundel, the benefactor of Oxford University
+Library and correspondent of Salutati, Cardinal Beaufort’s secretary,
+and Humfrey of Gloucester. Upon the last-named Italian influence was
+strong. Among the books he gave to Oxford were Petrarch, Dante, and
+Boccaccio, but probably the strongest evidence of this influence would
+be found in the books he retained for his own use. He sought a rendering
+of Aristotle’s _Politics_ from Bruni; of Cicero’s _Republic_ from
+Decembrio; of certain of Plutarch’s _Lives_ from Lapo da Castiglionchio;
+and had other works translated.[469]
+
+[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF DUKE HUMFREY OF GLOUCESTER.]
+
+But many English students were attracted to visit Italy for the express
+purpose of sitting under Italian teachers. As early as 1395, one Thomas
+of England, a brother of the Augustine order, went to Italy and
+purchased manuscripts, “books of the modern poets,” and translations and
+other early works of Leonardo Bruni.[470] Thomas was one of the first of
+a number of enlightened Englishmen who journeyed laboriously and in
+steady procession to Italy, this time not only to Rome, but to the
+northern towns, then, with Venice, “the common ports of humanity,”
+whither they were attracted by the fame of the bright galaxy of
+humanists--of Coluccio Salutati, collector of Latin manuscripts, Manuel
+Chrysoloras, Niccolo de’ Niccoli, grubbing Poggio Bracciolini, Pope
+Nicholas, sometime Cosimo de’ Medici’s librarian and the founder of the
+Vatican Library, Giovanni Aurispa, famous collector of Greek
+manuscripts in the East, the renowned Guarino da Verona, Palla degli
+Strozzi, would-be founder of a public library, Cosimo de’ Medici, whose
+princely collections are the chiefest treasures of the Laurentian
+Library, Francesco Filelfo, another importer of Greek books from
+Constantinople, and Vespasiano, the great bookseller.
+
+Sometimes these pilgrims to Italy were poor men, as were John Free, and
+the two Oxford men, Norton and Bulkeley, who went thither in
+1425-29.[471] But as a rule such a journey was only possible for wealthy
+men. An important pilgrim was Andrew Holes, who represented England at
+the Pope’s court in Florence.[472] In the eyes of Vespasiano, Holes was
+one of the most cultivated of Englishmen. He appears to have bought too
+many books to send by land, and so was obliged to wait for a ship to
+transport them. What became of these books?--did he collect for his own
+use?--or was he acting merely for Duke Humfrey or the king?--or did he
+leave them, as it is said, to his Church? Unfortunately these are
+questions which cannot be answered.
+
+Four other men, Tiptoft, Grey, Free, and Gunthorpe, all of Balliol
+College, where the influence of Duke Humfrey may fairly be suspected,
+journeyed to Italy. “Butcher” Tiptoft, an intimate of another
+enlightened community at Christ Church, visited Guarino, walked
+Florentine streets arm-in-arm with Vespasiano, thrilled Æneas Sylvius,
+then Pope, with a Latin oration, and returned to his own country with
+many books, some of which he intended to give to Oxford University--one
+of the best deeds of his unhappy and calamitous life.[473] While in
+Italy, William Grey, who sat under Guarino, and made Niccolò Perotti,
+well known as a grammarian, free of his princely establishment, was
+conspicuously industrious in accumulating books. If he could not obtain
+them in any other way he employed scribes to copy for him, and an artist
+of Florence to adorn them in a costly manner with miniatures and
+initials. In nearly six years he collected over two hundred volumes of
+manuscripts, some as old as the twelfth century; probably the finest
+library sent to England in that age. No fewer than 152 of his
+manuscripts are now in the Balliol College library, to which he gave his
+whole collection in 1478; unfortunately most of the miniatures are
+destroyed. To his patronage of learning and his book-collecting
+propensities Grey owed his friendship with Nicholas V, and his bishopric
+of Ely. Grey was also a good friend to Free or Phreas, a poor student,
+and aided him in Italy with money for his expenses of living and to
+obtain Greek manuscripts to translate.[474] Free and John Gunthorpe,
+Dean of Wells, went to Italy together: Free did not live to return, but
+Gunthorpe brought home manuscripts. He gave the bulk of them to Jesus
+College, where only one or two are left; some have found their way to
+other Cambridge Colleges.[475] Another Oxford scholar, Robert Flemming,
+was in Italy in 1450: here he became the friend of the great librarian
+of the Vatican, Platina; and got together a number of manuscripts,
+afterwards given to Lincoln College.
+
+
+§ VI
+
+The intercourse of all these scholars with Italians was carried on
+before mid-fifteenth century. Their chief interest was in Latin books,
+although a large number of Greek manuscripts had been brought to Italy
+by Angeli da Scarparia, Guarino, Giovanni Aurispa, and Filelfo. After
+the fall of Constantinople the Greek immigrants introduced books into
+Italy much more freely. George Hermonymus of Sparta, a Greek teacher and
+copyist of Greek manuscripts, visited England on a papal mission in
+1475, but whether he had any influence on our intellectual pursuits does
+not appear.[476] Certainly, however, English scholars soon appreciated
+this new literature.
+
+Letters sent to Pope Sixtus in 1484 by the king, refer to the skill of
+John Shirwood, bishop of Durham, in Latin and Greek.[477] Shirwood seems
+to have collected a respectable library. His Latin books were acquired
+by Bishop Foxe, and formed the nucleus of the library with which the
+latter endowed Corpus Christi College, Oxford. Some thirty volumes, a
+number of them printed, now remain at the College to bring him to mind:
+among them we find Pliny, Terence, Cicero, Livy, Suetonius, Plutarch,
+and Horace. Less fortunate has been the fate of his Greek books, which
+went to the collegiate church of Bishop Auckland. At the end of the
+fifteenth century this church owned about forty volumes. The only
+exceptions to its medieval character were Cicero’s _Letters_ and
+_Offices_, Silius Italicus, and Theodore Gaza’s Greek grammar.[478] But
+Leland tells us that Tunstall, who succeeded to the bishopric in 1530,
+found a store of Shirwood’s Greek manuscripts at this church. What
+became of them we do not know.[479]
+
+About this same time a certain Emmanuel of Constantinople seems to have
+been employed in England as a copyist. For Archbishop Neville he
+produced a Greek manuscript containing some _sermones judiciales_ of
+Demosthenes, and letters of Aeschines, Plato, and Chion (1468).[480] Dr.
+Montague James has shown that this manuscript of Emmanuel is by the same
+hand as the manuscripts known as the “Ferrar group,” which comprises “a
+Plato and Aristotle now at Durham, two psalters in Cambridge libraries,
+a psalter and part of a Suidas at Oxford, and the famous Leicester Codex
+of the Gospels.”[481] Dr. James believes the Plato and the Aristotle to
+have been transcribed for Neville by Emmanuel. In 1472 the archbishop’s
+household was broken up, and the “greete klerkys and famous doctors” of
+his entourage went to Cambridge. Among them, it is conjectured, was
+Emmanuel, and so it came to pass that three manuscripts in his writing
+have been at Cambridge; two psalters, as we have said, are there now,
+and in the beginning of the sixteenth century one of them, with the
+Leicester Codex, was certainly in the hands of the Grey Friars at
+Cambridge. This happy fruit of Dr. James’ research throws a welcome ray
+of light on the pursuit of Greek studies in the last quarter of the
+fifteenth century.[482]
+
+In view of all the hard things which have been said of the religious, it
+is significant to find them taking a leading part in bringing Greek
+studies to England. We cannot collate all the instances here, but a few
+may be brought together. Two Benedictines named William of Selling and
+William Hadley, some time warden of Canterbury College, Oxford, were in
+Italy studying and buying books for three years after 1464.[483] The
+former became distinguished for his aptitude in learning the ancient
+tongues, and consequently won the friendship of Angelo Poliziano. At
+least two other visits to Italy were made by him; the last being
+undertaken as an emissary of the king. On these occasions he got
+together as many Greek and Latin books as he could, and brought them--a
+large and precious store--to Canterbury.[484] For some reason the books
+were kept in the Prior’s lodging instead of in the monastic library, and
+here they perished through the carelessness of Layton’s myrmidons.[485]
+Among the books lost was possibly a copy of Cicero’s _Republic_. Only
+five manuscripts have been found which can be connected with Selling’s
+library: a fifteenth-century Greek Psalter, a copy of the Psalms in
+Hebrew and Latin, a Euripides, a Livy, and a magnificent Homer.[486]
+This Homer we have already referred to in an earlier chapter, when
+describing the work of Theodore of Tarsus. The signature Θεοδωρος has
+now been more plausibly explained. “The following note,” writes Dr.
+James, “which I found in Dr. Masters’s copy of Stanley’s _Catalogue_,
+preserved in [Corpus Christi] College Library, suggests another origin
+for this Homer. I have been unable to identify the document to which
+reference is made. It should obviously be a letter of an Italian
+humanist in the Harleian collection.... ‘Mem.: Humphrey Wanley,
+Librarian to the late Earl of Oxford, told Mr. Fran: Stanley, son of the
+author, a little before his death, that in looking over some papers in
+the papers in the Earl’s library, he found a Letter from a learned
+Italian to his Friend in England, wherein he told him there was then a
+very stately Homer just transcribed for Theodorus
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XXXI_
+
+A SCRIBE (ST. MARK WRITING HIS GOSPEL)
+
+FROM THE BEDFORD HOURS]
+
+Gaza, of whose Illumination he gives him a very particular description,
+which answer’d so exactly in every part to that here set forth, that he
+[Wanley] was fully perswaded it was this very Book, and y^{t} the
+Θεοδωρος at the bottom of 1st page order’d to be placed there by Gaza as
+his own name, gave occasion to Abp. Parker to imagine it might have
+belonged to Theodore of Canterbury, which however Hody was of opinion
+could not be of that age.’ Th. Gaza,” continues Dr. James, “died in
+1478; the suggestion here made is quite compatible with the hypothesis
+that Sellinge was the means of conveying the Homer to England, and does
+supply a rather welcome interpretation of the Θεοδωρος inscription.”
+This reasonable hypothesis may be strengthened if we point out that Gaza
+was in Rome from 1464 to 1472, and Selling visited that city between
+1464 and 1467 and again in 1469. Selling may have got the manuscript
+from Gaza on one of these occasions.
+
+There is evidence of Greek studies at other monasteries,--at Westminster
+after 1465, when Millyng, an “able graecian,” became prior at Reading in
+1499 and 1500, and at Glastonbury during the time of Abbot Bere.[487]
+
+But Canterbury’s share was greatest. Selling seems to have taught Greek
+at Christ Church. In the monastic school there Thomas Linacre was
+instructed, and probably got the rudiments of Greek from Selling
+himself. Thence Linacre went to Oxford, where he pursued Greek under
+Cornelius Vitelli, an Italian visitor acting as prælector in New
+College.[488] In 1485-6 Linacre went with his old master to Italy--his
+_Sancta Mater Studiorum_--where Selling seems to have introduced him to
+Poliziano. Linacre perfected his Greek pursuits under Chalcondylas, and
+became acquainted with Aldo Manuzio the famous printer, and Hermolaus
+Barbarus. A little story is told of his meeting with Hermolaus. He was
+reading a copy of Plato’s _Phaedo_ in the Vatican Library when the great
+humanist came up to him and said “the youth had no claim, as he had
+himself, to the title Barbarus, if it were lawful to judge from his
+choice of a book”--an incident which led to a great friendship between
+the two. Grocyn and Latimer were with Linacre in Rome. The former was
+the first to carry on effectively the teaching of Greek begun at Oxford
+possibly by Vitelli; but he was nevertheless a conservative scholar,
+well read in the medieval schoolmen, as his library clearly proves. This
+library is of interest because one hundred and five of the one hundred
+and twenty-one books in it were printed. The manuscript age is well
+past, and the costliness of books, the chief obstacle to the
+dissemination of thought, was soon to give no cause for remark.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+THE BOOK TRADE
+
+
+Secular makers of books have plied their trade in Europe since classic
+times, but during the early age of monachism their numbers were very
+small and they must have come nigh extinction altogether. In and after
+the eleventh century they increased in numbers and importance; their
+ranks being recruited not only by seculars trained in the monastic
+schools, but by monks who for various reasons had been ejected from
+their order. These traders were divided into several classes:
+parchment-makers, scribes, rubrishers or illuminators, bookbinders, and
+stationers or booksellers. The stationer usually controlled the
+operations of the other craftsmen; he was the middleman. Scribes were
+either ordinary scriveners called _librarii_, or writers who drew up
+legal documents, known as _notarii_. But the _librarius_ and _notarius_
+often trenched upon each other’s work, and consequently a good deal of
+ill-feeling usually existed between them.
+
+Bookbinders, and booksellers or _stationarii_, probably first plied
+their trade most prosperously in England at Oxford and Cambridge. By
+about 1180 quite a number of such tradesmen were living in Oxford; a
+single document transferring property in Cat Street bears the names of
+three illuminators, a bookbinder, a scribe, and two parchmenters.[489]
+Half a century later a bookbinder is mentioned in a deed as a former
+owner of property in the parish of St. Peter’s in the East; another
+bookbinder is witness to the deed (_c._ 1232-40).[490] After this
+bookbinders and others of the craft are frequently mentioned. Towards
+the end of the thirteenth century Schydyerd Street and Cat Street, the
+centre of University life, were the homes of many people engaged in
+bookmaking and selling; the former street especially was frequented by
+parchment makers and sellers. In this street, too, “a tenement called
+Bokbynder’s is mentioned in a charter of 1363-4; and although
+bookbinding may not have been carried on there at that date, the fact of
+the name having been attached to the place seems sufficient to justify
+the assumption that a binder or guild of binders had formerly been
+established there. In Cat Street a Tenementum Bokbyndere, owned by Osney
+Abbey, was rented in 1402 by Henry the lymner, at a somewhat later date
+by Richard the parchment-seller, and in 1453 by All Souls’
+College.”[491]
+
+Stationers had transcripts made, bought, sold and hired out books and
+received them in pawn. They acted as agents when books and other goods
+were sold; in 1389, for example, a stationer received twenty pence for
+his services in buying two books, one costing £4 and the other five
+marks.[492] They attended the fair at St. Giles near Oxford to sell
+books. This was not their only interest, for they dealt in goods of many
+kinds. They were in fact general tradesmen: sellers, valuers, and
+agents; liable to be called upon to have a book copied, to buy or sell a
+book, to set a value upon a pledge, to make an inventory and valuation
+of a scholar’s goods and chattels after his death. Their office was such
+an important one for the well-being of the scholars that it was found
+convenient to extend to them the privileges and protection of the
+University, and in return to exact an oath of fairdealing from
+them.[493]
+
+Before the end of the thirteenth century the University’s privileges had
+been extended to _servientes_ known as parchment-makers, scribes, and
+illuminators; in 1290 the privileges were confirmed.[494] Certain
+stationers were then undoubtedly within the University as _servientes_,
+but in 1356 they are recorded positively as being so with parchmenters,
+illuminators, and writers: and again in 1459 “alle stacioners” and “alle
+bokebynders” enjoyed the privileges of the University, with “lympners,
+wryters, and pergemeners.”[495] These privileges took them out of the
+jurisdiction of the city, although they still had to pay taxes, which
+were collected by the University and paid over to the city treasurer.
+
+Stationers regarded as the University’s servants were sworn, as we have
+already indicated. The document giving the form of their oath is
+undated, but most likely the rules laid down were observed from the time
+the stationers were first attached to the University. The oath was
+strict. A part of their duties was the valuation of books and other
+articles which were pledged by scholars in return for money from the
+University chests. These chests or hutches were expressly founded by
+wealthy men for the assistance of poor scholars. By the end of the
+fifteenth century there were at Oxford twenty-four such chests, valued
+at two thousand marks; a large pawnbroking fund, but probably by no
+means too large.[496] Mr. Anstey, the editor of _Munimenta Academica_,
+has drawn a vivid picture of the inspection of one of these chests and
+of the business conducted round them, and we cannot do better than
+reproduce it. Master T. Parys, principal of St. Mary Hall, and Master
+Lowson are visiting the chest of W. de Seltone. We enter St. Mary’s
+Church with them, “and there we see ranged on either side several
+ponderous iron chests, eight or ten feet in length and about half that
+width, for they have to contain perhaps as many as a hundred or more
+large volumes, besides other valuables deposited as pledges by those who
+have borrowed from the chest. Each draws from beneath his cape a huge
+key, which one after the other are applied to the two locks; a system of
+bolts, which radiate from the centre of the lid and shoot into the iron
+sides in a dozen different places, slide back, and the lid is opened. At
+the top lies the register of the contents, containing the
+particulars;--dates, names, and amounts--of the loans granted. This they
+remove and begin to compare its statements with the contents of the
+chest. There are a large number of manuscript volumes, many of great
+value, beautifully illuminated and carefully kept, for each is almost
+the sole valuable possession perhaps of its owner! Then the money
+remaining in one corner of the chest is carefully counted and compared
+with the account in the register. If we look in we can see also here and
+there among the books other valuables of less peaceful character. There
+lie two or three daggers of more than ordinary workmanship, and by them
+a silver cup or two, and again more than one hood lined with minever. By
+this time a number of persons has collected around the chest, and the
+business begins. That man in an ordinary civilian’s dress who stands
+beside Master Parys is John More, the University stationer, and it is
+his office to fix the value of the pledges offered, and to take care
+that none are sold at less than their real value. It is a motley group
+that stands around; there are several
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XXXII_
+
+A SCRIBE AT WORK]
+
+masters and bachelors, ... but the larger proportion is of boys or quite
+young men in every variety of coloured dress, blue and red, medley, and
+the like, but without any academical dress. Many of them are very
+scantily clothed, and all have their attention rivetted on the chest,
+each with curious eye watching for his pledge, his book or his cup,
+brought from some country village, perhaps an old treasure of his
+family, and now pledged in his extremity, for last term he could not pay
+the principal of his hall the rent of his miserable garret, nor the
+manciple for his battels, but now he is in funds again, and pulls from
+his leathern money-pouch at his girdle the coin which is to repossess
+him of his property.”[497] Naturally their duty as valuers of
+much-prized property invested the stationers with some importance. Their
+work was thought to be so laborious and anxious that about 1400 every
+new graduate was expected to give clothes to one of them; such method of
+rewarding services with livery or clothing being common in the middle
+ages.[498] The form of their oath was especially designed to make them
+protect the chests from loss. All monies received by them for the sale
+of pledges were to be paid into the chests within eight days. The sale
+of a pledge was not to be deferred longer than three weeks. Without
+special leave they could not themselves buy the pledges, directly or
+indirectly: a wholesome and no doubt very necessary provision. Pledges
+were not to be lent for more than ten days. All pledges were to be
+honestly appraised. When a pledge was sold, the buyer’s name was to be
+written in the stationer’s indenture. No stationer could refuse to sell
+a pledge; nor could he take it away from Oxford and sell it elsewhere.
+He was bound to mark all books exposed for sale, as pledges, in the
+usual way, by quoting the beginning of the second folio. All persons
+lending books, whether stationers or other people, were bound to lend
+perfect copies. This oath was sworn afresh every year.[499]
+
+Many stationers were not sworn. They speedily became serious competitors
+with the privileged traders. By 1373 their number had increased largely,
+and restrictions were imposed upon them. Books of great value were sold
+through their agency, and carried away from Oxford. Owners were cheated.
+All unsworn booksellers living within the jurisdiction of the University
+were forbidden, therefore, to sell any book, either their own property,
+or belonging to others, exceeding half a mark in value. If disobedient
+they were liable to suffer pain of imprisonment for the first offence, a
+fine of half a mark for the second--a curious example of graduated
+punishment--and a prohibition to ply their trade within the precincts of
+the University for the third.[500]
+
+At this time bookselling was a thriving trade. De Bury tells us: “We
+secured the acquaintance of stationers and scribes, not only within our
+own country, but of those spread over the realms of France, Germany and
+Italy, money flying forth in abundance to anticipate their demands: nor
+were they hindered by any distance, or by the fury of the seas, or by
+the lack of means for their expenses, from sending or bringing to us the
+books that we required.”[501]
+
+Records of various transactions are extant, of which the following may
+serve as examples. In 1445, a stationer and a lymner in his employ had a
+dispute, and as the two arbiters to whom the matter was referred failed
+to reach a settlement in due time, the Chancellor of the University
+stepped in and determined the quarrel. The judgment was as follows: the
+lymner, or illuminator, was to serve the stationer, _in liminando bene
+et fideliter libros suos_, for one year, and meantime was to work for
+nobody else. His wage was to be four marks ten shillings of good English
+money. The lymner in person was to fetch the materials from his master’s
+house, and to bring back the work when finished. He was to take care not
+to use the colours wastefully. The work was to be done well and
+faithfully, without fraud or deception. For the purpose of
+superintending the work the stationer could visit the place where the
+lymner wrought, at any convenient time.[502] The yearly wage for this
+lymner was nearly fifty pounds of our money.
+
+An inscription in one codex tells us it was pawned to a bookseller in
+1480 for thirty-eight shillings. Pawnbroking was an important part of a
+bookseller’s business. Lending books on hire was usual among both
+booksellers and tutors, for it was the exception, rather than the rule,
+for university students to own books, while in the college libraries
+there were sometimes not enough books to go round. For example, the
+statutes of St. Mary’s College, founded in 1446, forbade a scholar to
+occupy a book in the library above an hour, or at most two hours, so
+that others should not be hindered from the use of them.[503]
+
+At Cambridge the trade was not less flourishing. From time to time it
+was found necessary to determine whether the booksellers and the allied
+craftsmen were within the University’s jurisdiction or not. In 1276 it
+was desired to settle their position as between the regents and scholars
+of the University and the Archdeacon of Ely. Hugh de Balsham, Bishop of
+Ely, when called in as arbiter, decided that writers, illuminators, and
+stationers, who exercise offices peculiarly for the behoof of the
+scholars, were answerable to the Chancellor; but their wives to the
+Archdeacon. Nearly a century later, in 1353-54, we find Edward III
+issuing a writ commanding justices of the peace of the county of
+Cambridge to allow the Chancellor of the University the conusance and
+punishment of all trespasses and excesses, except mayheim and felony,
+committed by stationers, writers, bookbinders, and illuminators, as had
+been the custom. But the question was again in debate in 1393-94, when
+the Chancellor and scholars petitioned Parliament to declare and adjudge
+stationers and bookbinders scholars’ servants, as had been done in the
+case of Oxford. This petition does not seem to have been answered. But
+by the Barnwell Process of 1430, it was decided that “transcribers,
+illuminators, bookbinders, and stationers have been, and are wont and
+ought to be--as well by ancient usage from time immemorial undisturbedly
+exercised, as by concession of the Apostolic See--the persons belong and
+are subject to the ecclesiastical and spiritual jurisdiction of the
+Chancellor of the University for the time being.” Again in 1503 was it
+agreed, this time between the University and the Mayor and burgesses of
+Cambridge, that “stacioners, lymners, schryveners, parchment-makers,
+boke-bynders,” were common ministers and servants of the University and
+were to enjoy its privileges.[504]
+
+Fairs were so important a means of bringing together buyers and sellers
+that we should expect books to be sold at them. And in fact they were.
+The preamble of an Act of Parliament reads as follows: “Ther be meny
+feyers for the comen welle of your seid lege people as at Salusbury,
+Brystowe, Oxenforth, Cambrigge, Notyngham, Ely, Coventre, and at many
+other places, where lordes spirituall and temporall, abbotes, Prioures,
+Knyghtes, Squerys, Gentilmen, and your seid Comens of every Countrey,
+hath their comen resorte to by and purvey many thinges that be gode and
+profytable, as ornaments of holy church chaleis, bokes, vestmentes
+[etc.] ... also for howsold, as vytell for the tyme of Lent, and other
+Stuff, as Lynen Cloth, wolen Cloth, brasse, pewter, beddyng, osmonde,
+Iren, Flax and Wax and many other necessary thinges.”[505] The chief
+fairs for the sale of books were those of St. Giles at Oxford, at
+Stourbridge, Cambridge, and St. Bartholomew’s Fair in London.
+
+London, however, speedily asserted its right to be regarded as England’s
+publishing centre. The booksellers with illuminators and other allied
+craftsmen established themselves in a small colony in “Paternoster
+Rewe,” and they attended St. Bartholomew’s Fair to sell books. By 1403
+the Stationers’ Company, which had long been in existence, was
+chartered; its headquarters were in London, at a hall in Milk Street.
+This guild did not confine its attention to the book-trade; nor did the
+booksellers sell only books. Often, indeed, this was but a small part of
+general mercantile operations. For example, William Praat, a London
+mercer, obtained manuscripts for Caxton. Grocers also sold manuscripts,
+parchment, paper and ink. King John of France, while a prisoner in
+England in 1360, bought from three grocers of Lincoln four “quaires” of
+paper, a main of paper and a skin of parchment, and three “quaires” of
+paper. From a scribe of Lincoln named John he also bought books, some of
+which are now in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris.[506]
+
+We have a record of an interesting transaction which took place at the
+end of the manuscript period (1469). One William Ebesham wrote to his
+most worshipful and special master, Sir John Paston, asking, in a
+hesitating, cringing sort of way, for the payment of his little bill,
+which seems to have been a good deal overdue, as is the way with bills.
+All this service most lowly he recommends unto his good mastership,
+beseeching him most tenderly to see the writer somewhat rewarded for his
+labour in the “Grete Boke” which he wrote unto his said good mastership.
+And he winds up his letter with a request for alms in the shape of one
+of Sir John’s own gowns; and beseeches God to preserve his patron from
+all adversity, with which the writer declares himself to be somewhat
+acquainted. He heads his bill: Following appeareth, parcelly, divers and
+sundry manner of writings, which I William Ebesham have written for my
+good and worshipful master, Sir John Paston, and what money I have
+received, and what is unpaid. For writing a “litill booke of Pheesyk” he
+was paid twenty pence. Other writing he did for twopence a leaf.
+Hoccleve’s _de Regimine Principum_ he wrote for one penny a leaf, “which
+is right wele worth.” Evidently Ebesham did not find scrivening a too
+profitable occupation.[507]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+THE CHARACTER OF THE MEDIEVAL LIBRARY, AND THE EXTENT OF CIRCULATION OF
+BOOKS
+
+ “Some ther be that do defye
+ All that is newe, and ever do crye
+ The olde is better, away with the new
+ Because it is false, and the olde is true.
+ Let them this booke reade and beholde,
+ For it preferreth the learning most olde.”
+ _A Comparison betwene the old learnynge and the newe_ (1537).[508]
+
+
+§ I
+
+After a storm a fringe of weed and driftwood stretches a serried line
+along the sands, and now and then--too often on the flat shores of one
+of our northern estuaries, whence can be seen the white teeth of the sea
+biting at the shoals flanking the fairway--are mingled with the flotsam
+sodden relics of life aboard ship and driftwood of tell-tale shape,
+which silently point to a tragedy of the sea. Usually the daily paper
+completes the tale; but on some rare occasion these poor bits of drift
+remain the only evidence of the vain struggle, and from them we must
+piece together the narrative as best we can. And as the sea does not
+give up everything, nor all at once, some wreckage sinking, or
+perishing, or floating upon the water a long time before finding a
+well-concealed hiding-place upon some unfrequented shore, so the past
+yields but a fraction of its records, and that fraction slowly and
+grudgingly. So far this book has been a gathering of the flotsam of a
+past age: odd relics and scattered records, a sign here and a hint
+there; often unrelated, sometimes contradictory. In more skilful hands
+possibly a coherent story might be wrought out of these _pièces
+justificatives_; but the author is too well aware of the difficulty of
+arranging and selecting from the mass of material, remembers too well
+the tale of mistakes thankfully avoided, and is too apprehensive that
+other errors lurk undiscovered, to be confident that he has succeeded in
+his aim. Whether the story is worth telling is another matter. Surely it
+is. To be able to follow the history of the Middle Ages, to become
+acquainted with the people, their mode of life and customs and manners,
+is of profound interest and great utility; and it is by no means the
+least important part of such study to discover what books they had, how
+extensively the books were read, and what section of the people read
+them.
+
+Let us here sum up the information given in detail in the foregoing
+pages; adding thereto some other facts of interest. And first, what of
+the character of the medieval library?
+
+During the earlier centuries monastic libraries contained books which
+were deemed necessary for grammatical study in the claustral schools,
+and other books, chiefly the Fathers, as we have seen, which were
+regarded as proper literature for the monk. The books used in the
+cathedral schools were similar. Such schools and such libraries were for
+the glory of God and the increase of clergy and religious. At first,
+especially, the ideal of the monks was high, if narrow. It is epitomised
+in the untranslatable epigram--_Claustrum sine armario (est) quasi
+castrum sine armamentario_.[509] “The library is the monastery’s true
+treasure,” writes Thomas à Kempis;[510] “without which the monastery is
+like ... a well without water ... an unwatched tower.” Again: “Let not
+the toil and fatigue pain you. They who read the books formerly written
+beautifully by you will pray for you when you are dead. And if he who
+gives a cup of cold water shall not lack his guerdon, still less shall
+he who gives the living water of wisdom lose his reward in heaven.”[511]
+St. Bernard wrote in like terms. Books were their tools, “the silent
+preachers of the divine word,” or the weapons of their armoury. “Thence
+it is,” writes a sub-prior to his friend, “that we bring forth the
+sentences of the divine law, like sharp arrows, to attack the enemy.
+Thence we take the armour of righteousness, the helmet of salvation, the
+shield of faith, and the sword of the Spirit which is the Word of
+God.”[512] With such an end in view Reculfus of Soissons required his
+clergy to have a missal, a lectionary, the Gospels, a martyrology, an
+antiphonary, a psalter, a book of forty homilies of Gregory, and as many
+Christian books as they could get (879). With this end in view were
+chosen for reading in the Refectory at Durham (1395) such books as the
+Bible, homilies, Legends of the Saints, lives of Gregory, Martin,
+Nicholas, Dunstan, Augustine, Cuthbert, King Oswald, Aidan, Thomas of
+Canterbury, and other saints.[513] With this end in view the monastic
+libraries contained a very large proportion of Bibles, books of the
+Bible, and commentaries--a proportion suggesting the Scriptures were
+studied with a closeness and assiduity for which the monks have not
+always received due credit.[514] A great deal of room was given up to
+the works of the Fathers--their confessions, retractations, and letters,
+their polemics against heresies, their dogmatic and doctrinal treatises,
+and their sermons and ethical discourses. Of all these writings those of
+Hilary, Basil, Ambrose, Chrysostom, Jerome, and the great Augustine were
+most popular. John Cassian, Leo, Prosper, Cassiodorus, Gregory the
+Great, Aldhelm, Bede, Anselm, and Bernard, and the two encyclopædists,
+Martianus Capella and Isidore of Seville, were the church’s great
+teachers, and their works and the sacred poetry and hymns of Juvencus
+the Spanish priest, of Prudentius, of Sedulius, the author of a
+widely-read and influential poem on the life of Christ, and of
+Fortunatus, were nearly always well represented in the monastic
+catalogues, as may be seen on a cursory examination of those of Christ
+Church and St. Augustine’s, Canterbury, of Durham, of Glastonbury in
+1248, of Peterborough in 1400, and of Syon in the sixteenth century. In
+the earlier libraries the greater part of the books were Scriptural and
+theological; to these were added later a mass of books on canon and
+civil law; so that the monastic collection may be characterised as
+almost entirely special and fit for Christian service, as this service
+was conceived by the religious.
+
+And classical literature was received into the fold for a like purpose.
+From the earliest days of Christendom prejudice against the classics was
+widespread among Christians. Such books, it was urged, had no connexion
+with the Church or the Gospel; Ciceronianism was not the road to God;
+Plato and Aristotle could not show the way to happiness; Ovid, above
+all, was to be avoided.[515] In dreams the poets took the form of
+demons; they must be exorcised, for the soul did not profit by them. The
+precepts--and for these the Christian sought--in the poems were like
+serpents, born of the evil one; the characters, devils. Some Christians
+sighed as they thrust the tempting books away. Jerome frankly confesses
+he cared little for the homely Latin of the Psalms, and much for Plautus
+and Cicero. For a time he renounced them with other vanities of the
+world; yet when going through the catacombs at Rome, where the Apostles
+and Martyrs had their graves, a fine line of Virgil thrills him; and
+later he instructed boys at Bethlehem in Plautus, Terence, and Virgil,
+much to the horror of Rufinus. Even in the eleventh century this feeling
+existed. Lanfranc wrote to Dumnoaldus to say it was unbefitting he
+should study such books, but he confessed that although he now renounced
+them, he had read them a good deal in his youth. Somewhat later Herbert
+“Losinga,” abbot of Ramsey, had a dream which led him to cease reading
+and imitating Virgil and Ovid; but elsewhere he recommends his pupils to
+accept Ovid as a model in Latin verse, while he quotes the
+_Tristia_.[516] The rules of some orders, as those of Isidore, St.
+Francis, and St. Dominic, forbade the reading of the classics, save by
+permission. For their value in teaching grammar and as models of
+literary style, however, certain classic authors--especially Virgil,
+Ovid, Cicero, Horace, Juvenal, and Statius--were regarded as
+supplementary to the grammatical works of Donatus, Victorinus,
+Macrobius, and Priscian, and were studied by the religious throughout
+the Middle Ages. They were grammatical text-books, as indeed they are
+still; but then they were very little else. A man would call himself
+Virgil, not from inordinate vanity, but from a naive pride in his
+profession of grammarian: to his way of thinking the great poet was no
+more.[517] “As decade followed decade,” writes Mr. H. O. Taylor, “and
+century followed century, there was no falling off in the study of the
+_Æneid_. Virgil’s fame towered, his authority became absolute. But how?
+In what respect? As a supreme master of grammatical correctness and
+rhetorical excellence and of all learning. With increasing emptiness of
+soul, the grammarians--the ‘Virgils’--of the succeeding centuries put
+the great poet to ever baser uses.”[518]
+
+From time to time the use of the classics even for grammatical purposes
+was condemned, though unavailingly. They were necessary in the schools;
+evils, doubtless, but unavoidable. Then, again, some of the classics
+were looked upon as allegorical: from the sixth century to the
+Renascence the _Æneid_ was often interpreted in this way; and Virgil’s
+Fourth Eclogue was thought to be a prophecy of Christ’s coming. Ovid
+allegorised contained profound truths; his _Art of Love_, so treated,
+was not unfit for nuns.[519] Other writers, as Lucan, were appreciated
+for their didacticism; Juvenal, Cato and Seneca the younger as
+moralists. And some of the religious fell a prey to these evils,
+inasmuch as they assessed them at their true value as literature.
+
+The classics therefore were accepted. Anselm recommended Virgil. Horace,
+in his most amorous moods, was sung by the monks. Ovid, either adapted
+or in his natural state, was a great favourite. In an appendix we have
+scheduled the chief classics found in English monastic catalogues to
+indicate roughly the extent to which they were collected and used. A
+glance at Becker’s sheaf of catalogues will show us that Aristotle,
+Horace, Juvenal, Lucan, Persius, Plato, Pliny the elder, Porphyry,
+Sallust, Statius, Terence, and especially Cicero, Ovid, Seneca, and
+Virgil are well represented. But it must not be supposed that they were
+in monastic libraries in excessive numbers. On the contrary. An
+inspection of almost any catalogue of
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XXXIII_
+
+ENGLISH ILLUMINATED WORK UNDER FRENCH INFLUENCE
+
+THIRTEENTH CENTURY
+
+FROM “TENISON PSALTER,” BRIT. MUS. ADD. MS. 24686, F. 12]
+
+such a library will prove that only a small proportion of it consisted
+of classical writings, especially in those catalogues compiled prior to
+the time when Aristotle’s works dominated the whole of medieval
+scholarship. The monastic library was throughout the Middle Ages the
+armoury of the religious against evil, and the few slight changes of
+character which it underwent at one time and another do not alter the
+fact that on the whole it was a fit and proper collection for its
+purpose.[520]
+
+
+§ II
+
+After the twelfth century broadening influences were at work. The
+education given in the cathedral and monastic schools was found to be
+too restricted; the monasteries, moreover, now began to refuse
+assistance to secular students.[521] To some extent the catechetic
+method of the theologians was forced to give place to the dialectic
+method, equally dogmatic, but more exciting and stimulating. Hence was
+compiled such a book as Peter Lombard’s _Sentences_ (1145-50), a
+cyclopædia of disputation, wherein theological questions were collected
+under heads, together with Scriptural passages and statements of the
+Fathers bearing on these questions. By the thirteenth century Lombard
+was the standard text-book of the schools: a work of such reputation
+that it was studied in preference to the Scriptures, as Bacon
+complained.
+
+A demand also arose for instruction in civil and canon law, which the
+existing schools did not supply. This broader learning was provided in
+the early universities, at first to the dislike of the Church, and
+sometimes to the annoyance of royal heads. Particular objection was
+taken to the study of law. An Italian named Vicario (Vacarius) lectured
+on Justinian at Oxford in 1149. Then he abridged the _Code_ and _Digest_
+for his students there. King Stephen forbade him to proceed with his
+lectures, and prohibited the use of treatises on foreign law, many
+manuscripts of which were consequently destroyed. But these measures
+were not very effectual. Within a short time civil law became recognised
+in the University as a proper subject of study. By 1275, when another
+Italian jurist named Francesco d’Accorso, a distinguished teacher at
+Bologna, came to Oxford to lecture, the study of civil law was pursued
+with the royal favour.[522]
+
+The searcher among old wills cannot fail to be struck with the number of
+law books in the small private libraries. Sometimes the whole of one of
+these little collections consists of law books; often there are more
+books of this kind than of any other. For example, of eighty books
+bequeathed by Prior Eastry to Christ Church, Canterbury, forty-three
+were on canon and civil law: of eighty-four books given to Trinity Hall,
+Cambridge, by the founder, exactly one-half were juridical. A wealthy
+canon of York left but half a dozen books, all on law. The books
+bequeathed to Peterborough Abbey by successive abbots were chiefly on
+law. Many other examples could be recited. There was a reason for this.
+Friar Bacon, writing in 1271, complained that jurists got all rewards
+and benefices, while students of theology and philosophy lacked the
+means of livelihood, could not obtain books, and were unable to pursue
+their scientific studies. Canonists, even, were only rewarded because of
+their previous knowledge of civil law: at Oxford three years had to be
+devoted to the study of civil law before a student could be admitted as
+bachelor of canon law. Consequently a man of parts, with a leaning
+towards theological and philosophical learning, took up the study of
+civil law, with the hope of more easily winning preferment.[523]
+“Compared with such [legal] lore,” writes Mr. Mullinger, “theological
+learning became but a sorry recommendation to ecclesiastical preferment;
+most of the Popes at Avignon had been distinguished by their attainments
+in a subject which so nearly concerned the temporal interests of the
+Church; and the civilian and the canonist alike looked down with
+contempt on the theologian, even as Hagar, to use the comparison of
+Holcot, despised her barren mistress.”[524] The most casual glance
+through some pages of monastic records will show how frequent and
+endless was the litigation in which the Church was engaged, and
+consequently how useful a knowledge of civil law would be.
+
+But these changes were trifling compared with the stimulus given to
+medieval learning by the influx of Greek books and of Arabic versions of
+them. In the second half of the eleventh century the works of Galen and
+Hippocrates were re-introduced into Italy from the Arabian empire by a
+North African named Constantine, who translated them at the famous
+monastery of Monte Cassino. These translations, with the numerous
+Arabian commentaries, and the conflict of the physicians of the new
+school with those of the old and famous school of Salerno, constitute
+the revival of medical studies which occurred at that time.[525] It
+would seem that this revival was felt quickly in England, as in the
+twelfth century four books by Galen and two by Hippocrates, with some
+Arabian works, were to be found in the monastic library of Durham; a
+number significant of the liberal feeling of the monks of this house,
+inasmuch as in all the catalogues transcribed by Becker appear only ten
+books by Galen and nine by Hippocrates.[526] Before 1150 the whole of
+the _Organon_ of Aristotle was known to scholars;[527] but not till
+about that time did the other works begin to be exported from Arabic
+Spain. Then Latin versions of Arabic translations of the _Physics_ and
+_Metaphysics_ were first made.
+
+Daniel of Morley (_fl._ 1170-90) brought into this country manuscripts
+of Aristotle, and commentaries upon him got in the Arab schools of
+Toledo, then the centre of Mohammedan learning. Michael the Scot (_c._
+1175-1234), “wondrous wizard, of dreaded fame,” was another agent of the
+Arab influence. He received his education perhaps at Oxford, certainly
+at Paris and Toledo. From manuscripts obtained at the last place he
+translated two abstracts of the _Historia animalium_, and some
+commentaries of Averroës on Aristotle (1215-30).[528] A third pilgrim
+from these islands, Alfred the Englishman, also made use of Arabic
+versions; and most likely both he and Michael brought home with them
+manuscripts from Toledo and Paris. Of the renderings made by these men
+and by some foreign workers in the same field, Friar Bacon speaks with
+the utmost contempt. Their writings were utterly false. They did not
+know the sciences they dealt with. The Jews, the Arabs, and the Greeks,
+who had good manuscripts, destroyed and corrupted them, rather than let
+them fall into the hands of unlettered and ignorant Christians.[529]
+Aristotle should be read in the original, he also says; it would be
+better if all translations were burnt. The criticism is acrid; but the
+men he contemns served scholarship well by quickening the interest in
+Greek books, and they succeeded so well because they gave to the
+schoolmen not only versions of Aristotle’s text, but commentaries and
+elucidations written by Arabs and Jews who had carefully studied the
+text, and could explain the meaning of obscure passages in it.[530]
+
+When these translations were coming to England, travellers were bringing
+Greek books directly from the East. A doctor of medicine named William
+returned to Paris from Constantinople in 1167, carrying with him “many
+precious Greek codices.”[531] About 1209 a Latin translation of
+Aristotle’s _Physics_ or _Metaphysics_ was made from a Greek manuscript
+brought straight from Constantinople. Some of these few importations
+were certainly destroyed at once, probably all were, for Aristotle was
+proscribed in Paris in the following year, and again in 1215, at the
+very time when Michael the Scot was procuring versions in another
+direction, at Toledo.[532] Not until mid-thirteenth century was the ban
+wholly removed.
+
+For a time, owing to the capture of Constantinople by the Crusaders,
+intercourse between East and West had become far freer than it had been
+for centuries (1203-61). Certain Greek philosophers of learned mien came
+to England about 1202, but did not stay; and some Armenians, among them
+a bishop, visited St. Albans. Whether they or Nicholas the Greek, clerk
+to the abbot of that monastery, brought books with them we do not know;
+Nicholas, at any rate, seems to have assisted Grosseteste in his Greek
+studies.[533] John of Basingstoke, Grosseteste’s archdeacon, carried
+Greek manuscripts--many valuable manuscripts, we are told--from Athens,
+whither Grosseteste had sent him. The bishop himself imported books to
+this country, probably from Sicily and South Italy.[534] He had a copy
+of Suidas’ _Lexicon_, possibly the earliest copy brought to the West.
+The _Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs_ was also in Grosseteste’s
+possession: the manuscript was brought home by John of Basingstoke, and
+still exists in the Cambridge University Library.[535] These forged
+_Testaments_ were translated by Nicholas the Greek, and as no fewer than
+thirty-one copies of the Latin version still remain they must have had a
+good circulation.[536] Possibly the Greek Octateuch (Genesis to Ruth),
+now in the Bodleian Library, was imported into this country by
+Grosseteste or by somebody for him; at one time the manuscript was in
+the library of Christ Church, Canterbury.[537] Among other Greek books
+which Grosseteste used and translated, or had translated under his
+direction, were the Epistles of St. Ignatius, a Greek romance of
+Asenath, the Egyptian wife of the patriarch Joseph, and some writings of
+Dionysius the Areopagite. At Ramsey, where the bishop’s influence may be
+suspected, Prior Gregory (_fl._ 1290) owned a Græco-Latin psalter, still
+extant.[538] Possibly all the importations were of similar character,
+and the number of them cannot have been great or we should have heard
+more of them.
+
+Friar Bacon, writing about 1270, complains that he could not get all the
+books he wanted, nor were the versions of the books he had satisfactory.
+Parts of the Scriptures were untranslated, as, for example, two books of
+Maccabees, which he knew existed in Greek, and books of the Prophets
+referred to in the books of Kings and Chronicles; the chronology of the
+_Antiquities_ of Josephus was incorrectly rendered, and biblical history
+could not be usefully studied without a true version of this book. Books
+of the Hebrew and Greek expositors were almost wanting to the Latins:
+Origen, Basil, Gregory, Nazianzene, John of Damascus, Dionysius,
+Chrysostom, and others, both in Hebrew and Greek.[539] The scientific
+books of Aristotle, of Avicenna, of Seneca, and other ancients could
+only be had at great cost. Their principal works had not been translated
+into Latin. “The admirable books of Cicero _De Republica_ are not to be
+found anywhere, as far as I can hear, although I have made anxious
+inquiry for them in different parts of the world and by various
+messengers.”[540]
+
+The period during which the intellectual life of the Middle Ages was
+broadened by the introduction of new knowledge and ideas originally from
+Greek sources, began, as we have said, with the influx of translations
+from the Arabic. The movement culminated with the work of William of
+Moerbeke, Greek Secretary at the Council of Lyons (1274), who, between
+1270 and 1281, translated several of Aristotle’s works from the Greek,
+including the _Rhetorica_ and the _Politica_. Fortunately we have a
+record belonging to this time of a collection of books which shows
+admirably the character of the change. A certain John of London (_c._
+1270-1330), believed to have been Bacon’s pupil, probably became a monk
+of St. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury, and in due course bequeathed a
+library of books to his house. This collection amounted to nearly eighty
+books, of which twenty-three were on mathematics and astronomy, a like
+number on medicine, ten on philosophy, six on logic, four historical,
+three on grammar, one poetry, and the rest collections.[541] Such a
+collection is remarkable not only for its character, but on account of
+its size, which was very large for anybody to own privately in that age.
+
+
+§ III
+
+On one occasion, after spending much time in searching wills and in
+examining catalogues without finding a reference to an interesting
+book--to either an ancient or a medieval classic--the writer well
+remembers the little shock of pleasure he felt when, in a single
+half-hour, he noted _Piers Plowman_ in one brief unpromising will, and
+six English books among the relics of a mason. Nearly all the libraries
+of private persons and of academies are depressing in character. Rarely
+can be found a bright human book gleaming like a diamond in the dust.
+Score after score of decreta, decretales, Sextuses, and Clementines, and
+chestsful of the dreariest theological disquisition impress upon the
+weary searcher the fact that academic libraries were usually even more
+dryasdust than monastic collections, and he begins to understand how
+prosperous law may be as a calling, and to have an inkling of what is
+known, in classic phrase, as a good plain Scotch education.
+
+Between an academic library and a monastic collection there were
+differences of character and in the beauty and value of the manuscripts.
+As a general rule a large proportion of the monks’ books were more or
+less richly ornamented: they were the treasures as well as the tools of
+the community. The books of the colleges were usually for practical
+purposes: they were tools, treasured, doubtless, for their contents, not
+for the beauty of the writing or because they were decorated. The
+difference in character of the collections as a whole was one of
+proportion in the
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XXXIV_
+
+FRESCO OF THE SEVEN LIBERAL ARTS
+
+BY T. GADDI
+
+CHURCH OF S. M. NOVELLA, FLORENCE]
+
+representation of the various classes of books. Generally speaking, the
+monastic collection comprised proportionately more theology and less
+canon and civil law than the academic library. In the subjects of the
+_trivium_ and the _quadrivium_, and in philosophy, a college was more
+strongly equipped than a monastery; on the other hand, a monastery
+frequently had a larger proportion of classical literature, and always
+more “light” or romance literature.
+
+Early university studies were in two parts, the _trivium_--grammar,
+rhetoric, and logic, and the _quadrivium_--music, astronomy, geometry,
+and arithmetic. These were the seven liberal arts. A fresco in a chapel
+in the Church of S. Maria Novella at Florence illustrates these arts. On
+the right of the cartoon is the figure of grammar; beneath is Priscian.
+For the study of this subject John Garland recommended Priscian and
+Donatus. Priscian was a leading text-book on the subject, and it was
+supported by a short manual compiled from Donatus. At Oxford extracts
+from these authors were thrown into the form of logical _quaestiones_ to
+afford subjects of argument at the disputations held once a week before
+the masters of grammar.[542] To these books should be added a
+dictionary, with some peculiar and quaint etymologies, by Papias the
+Lombard; grammatical works by John Garland; Bishop Hugutio’s
+etymological dictionary (_c._ 1192); a dreary hexameter poem by
+Alexander Gallus, the Breton Friar (_d._ 1240)--“the olde _Doctrinall_,
+with his diffuse and unperfite brevitie”; Eberhard’s similar poem (_c._
+1212), called _Graecismus_, because it includes a chapter on derivations
+from the Greek; and a very large book, the _Catholicon_ (_c._ 1286),
+partly a grammar and partly a dictionary, with copious quotations from
+Latin classics, which had been compiled with some skill and care by John
+Balbi, a Genoese Black Friar. Papias and Hugutio were sharply condemned
+by Friar Bacon, but they remained in use long after his time, and Balbi
+owed much to both of them. Many copies of the _Catholicon_ seem to have
+been made, although the transcription of so large a book was costly:
+even before it was printed (1460), copies for reference were sometimes
+chained up in English churches, and after it was printed this practice
+became more general, at any rate in France. By the fourteenth century
+Priscian was almost superseded by Alexander and Eberhard, whose
+versified grammars came into common use; a jingle, whether it be--
+
+ “‘_Ne facias_’ dicas ‘_oroque ne facias_.’
+ _Humane_, _dure_, _large_, _firme_que, _benigne_,
+ _Ignave_que, _probe_, vel _avare_ sive _severe_,
+ Inde _nove_, _plene_, vel _abunde_ sive _proterve_,
+ Dicis in _er_ vel in _e_, quamvis sint illa secundae,”
+
+in the fourteenth century, or
+
+ “Feminine is Linter, boat
+ Learn these neuters nine by rote,”
+
+in the twentieth century, seems to help the harassed student along the
+linguistic path. The reading of Virgil and Statius and some other
+writers put flesh upon these grammatical dry bones. But as the masters
+of grammar at Oxford were expected to be guardians of morals as well,
+they were expressly forbidden to read and expound to their pupils Ovid’s
+_Ars amandi_, the _Elegies_ of Pamphilus, and other indecent books.[543]
+
+Next to the figure of Grammar is Rhetoric, with Cicero seated beneath.
+Cicero, with Aristotle, Quintilian and Boëthius were the chief exponents
+of rhetoric; with Virgil, Ovid, Statius, and sometimes such a book as
+Guido delle Colonne’s epic of Troy, as examples of literary style. John
+Garland (_fl._ 1230) recommended Cicero’s _De Inventione_ (_Rhetorica_),
+_De Oratore_, the _Ad Herennium_ ascribed to Cicero, Quintilian’s
+_Institutes_ and the _Declamationes_ ascribed to him. The third figure
+is Logic, coupled with the figure of Aristotle. The _Categories_ and
+Porphyry’s _Isagoge_ were the books of greatest service in the study of
+this subject; with Boëthius’ translations and expositions of Aristotle
+and Porphyry. All the foregoing and Cicero’s _Topica_ are selected by
+John Garland. Later the _Summulae logicales_ of Peter the Spaniard
+(_fl._ 1276), William of Heytesbury’s _Sophismata_ (_c._ 1340), the
+_Summa logices_ of the great English schoolman, William of Ockham (_d.
+c._ 1349), and the _Quaestiones_ of William Brito (_d._ 1356) were the
+chief manuals of dialectic.
+
+The first figure in the representation of the _quadrivium_ is Music,
+with Tubal Cain beneath. In this subject, for which few books were
+necessary, Boëthius was the guide. With Astronomy is associated Ptolemy.
+The _Cosmographia_ and _Almagest_ of Ptolemy, and the works of some
+Arabian authors, with books of tables, were the student’s manuals. In
+our cartoon Geometry has Euclid for companion. Arithmetic is associated
+with Pythagoras in the picture: for this subject Boëthius was the
+text-book.[544]
+
+Besides the seven liberal arts, natural, metaphysical, and moral
+philosophy, or the three philosophies, were added in the thirteenth
+century. For these studies Aristotle and his commentators were the
+chief guides. The medical authorities of the middle ages have been
+catalogued for us by Chaucer in his description of a doctor of
+“phisyk”--
+
+ “Wel knew he the olde Esculapius
+ And Deiscorides, and eek Rufus,
+ Old Ypocras, Haly and Galien;
+ Serapion, Razis and Avicen;
+ Averrois, Damascien and Constantyn;
+ Bernard, and Gatesden, and Gilbertyn.”
+
+Of these names eight are included in Duke Humfrey’s gifts to Oxford in
+1439 and 1443; and ten of them are represented in the catalogue of
+Peterhouse Library in 1418. Besides the writers mentioned by Chaucer,
+works on fevers by Isaac the Arab, the _Antidotarium_ of Nicholas, and
+the _Isagoge_ of Johannicius were in general use.
+
+Next to theology--in which class the chief books were the same as in the
+claustral library, although liturgical books are more rarely found--the
+largest section of an academic collection was that of civil and canon
+law. It comprised the various digests, the works of Cinus of Pistoia and
+Azo; texts of decrees, decretals, _Liber Sextus Decretalium_, _Liber
+Clementinae_, with many commentaries, the _Constitutions_ of Ottobon and
+Otho, the book compiled by Henry of Susa, Cardinal Bishop of Ostia,
+called _Summa Ostiensis_, the _Rosarium_ of Archdeacon Guido de Baysio,
+and Durand’s _Speculum Judiciale_. The last three books are frequently
+met with, and were highly esteemed by medieval jurists.[545]
+
+In a previous chapter we have noted the somewhat fresher character of
+the library given to Oxford University by the Duke of Gloucester. We
+have two later records which may be referred to now to indicate the
+change wrought by the Renascence. A catalogue of William Grocyn’s books
+was drawn up soon after his death in 1519. This collection proves its
+owner to have been conservative in his tastes, as the medieval
+favourites are well represented. Of Greek books there are only
+Aristotle, Plutarch in a Latin translation, and a Greek and Latin
+Testament--a curiously small collection in view of his interest in
+Greek, and in view of the fact that many of the chief Greek authors had
+been printed before his death. It seems likely that his Greek books had
+been dispersed. But the change is apparent in the excellent series of
+Latin classics, which included Tacitus and Lucretius, and in the number
+of books by Italian writers, Petrarch, Boccaccio, Ficino, Filelfo,
+Lorenzo della Valle, Æneas Sylvius, and Perotti.
+
+Still more significant of the change are the references to the course of
+study in the statutes of Corpus Christi College, Oxford (1517). The
+approved prose writers are Cicero--an apology is offered for the use of
+barbarous words not known to Cicero--Sallust, Valerius Maximus,
+Suetonius, Pliny, Livy, and Quintilian. Virgil, Ovid, Lucan, Juvenal,
+Terence and Plautus are approved as poets. Suitable books to study
+during the vacations are the works of Lorenzo della Valle, Aulus
+Gellius, and Poliziano. In Greek the writings--most of them quite new to
+the age--of Isocrates, Lucian, Philostratus, Aristophanes, Theocritus,
+Euripides, Sophocles, Pindar, Hesiod, Demosthenes, Thucydides,
+Aristotle, and Plutarch are recommended. Such a list bears few
+resemblances to the academic library we have attempted to describe.[546]
+
+
+§ IV
+
+In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries romances began to creep into
+all libraries, save the academic, in which they are rarely found. As
+soon as romance literature took a firm hold upon public favour the monks
+added some of it to their collections. Probably romances were first
+bought to be copied and sold to augment the monastic income; and more
+perhaps were sold than preserved. Ascham avers that “in our fathers tyme
+nothing was red, but bookes of fayned cheualrie, wherein a man by
+redinge, shuld be led to none other ende, but onely to manslaughter and
+baudrye.... These bokes (as I haue heard say) were made the moste parte
+in Abbayes and Monasteries, a very lickely and fit fruite of suche an
+ydle and blynde kinde of lyuyne.”[547] Thomas Nashe, in his story of
+_The Unfortunate Traveller_, describes romances as “the fantasticall
+dreams of those exiled Abbie lubbers,” that is, the monks.[548] These
+writers were but echoing such charges as that in _Piers Plowman_, which
+declares that a friar was much better acquainted with the _Rimes of
+Robin Hood_ and _Randal Erle of Chester_ than with his Paternoster. A
+number of romances are indeed found in monastic catalogues. The library
+at Glastonbury included four romances (1248); that at Christ Church,
+Canterbury, contained a few in late thirteenth century. Guy de Beauchamp
+bequeathed romances to Bordesley Abbey (1315). In the first year of the
+fifteenth century Peterborough had some romances. At the end of the same
+century St. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury, had in its library of over
+eighteen hundred books only a few romances; while in Leicester Abbey,
+among a library of about three hundred and fifty books, we find only the
+Troy book, _Drian and Madok_, _Beves of Hamtoun_, all in French, _Gesta
+Alexandri Magni_, and one or two others. Edward III bought a book of
+romance from a nun of Amesbury in 1331--a work of such interest that he
+kept it in his room. There are plenty of other instances. But in no
+case have we found an excessive number of romances in monastic
+libraries, and the charges--if they can worthily be called charges--so
+often made against monks on this score fall to the ground.[549]
+
+The romances oftenest appearing in monastic catalogues and other records
+are the following: The Story of Troy, especially Joseph of Exeter’s
+Latin version, the great Arthurian cycle, the beautiful story of _Amis
+and Amiloun_, renowned all over Europe, _Joseph of Arimathea_,
+Charlemagne, Alexander, which was of the best of romances, _Guy of
+Warwick_, which was very popular, and the semi-historical _Richard Cœur
+de Lion_. But many others were in circulation. In _Cursor mundi_ a
+number of the popular stories of the day are mentioned--
+
+ “Men lykyn jestis for to here,
+ And romans rede in divers maneree,
+ Of _Alexandre_ the conquerour,
+ Of _Julius Cæsar_[550] the emperour,
+ Of Greece and _Troy_ the strong stryf,
+ Ther many a man lost his lyfe;
+ Of _Brut_,[551] that baron bold of hond,
+ The first conquerour of Englond,
+ Of _King Artour_ that was so ryche;
+ Was non in hys tyme so ilyche [alike, equal]:
+ Of wonders that among his knyghts felle,
+ And auntyrs [adventures] dedyn as men her telle
+ As _Gaweyn_, and othir full abylle,
+ Which that kept the round tabyll,
+ How _King Charles_ and Rowland fawght,
+ With Sarazins, nold thei be cawght;
+ Of _Tristram_ and Ysoude the swete,
+ How thei with love first gan mete,
+ Of _Kyng John_, and of _Isenbras_,
+ Of Ydoine and _Amadas_.”[552]
+
+Again, many “speak of men who read romances--
+
+ Of _Bevys_,[553] _Gy_, and _Gwayane_,
+ Of _Kyng Rychard_, and _Owayne_,
+ Of _Tristram_ and _Percyvayle_,
+ Of _Rowland Ris_,[554] and _Aglavaule_,
+ Of _Archeroun_, and of _Octavian_,
+ Of _Charles_, and of _Cassibelan_.
+ Of _Keveloke_,[555] _Horne_, and of _Wade_
+ In romances that ben of hem bimade,
+ That gestours dos of hem gestes,
+ At maungeres, and at great festes,
+ Her dedis ben in remembrance,
+ In many fair romance.”
+
+Popular romances of this kind had a great influence upon the lives of
+the people. The long lists of medieval theology and sophistry usually
+laid before us, and the great majority of the writings which have
+survived, sometimes lead us to believe the culture of the Middle Ages to
+have been of a more serious cast than it really was. The oral
+circulation of romance literature must have been enormous. The spun-out,
+dreary poems which now make such difficult reading are infinitely more
+entertaining when read aloud: the voice gives life and character to a
+humdrum narrative, and the gestour would know how to make the best of
+incidents which he knew from experience to be specially interesting to
+an audience. Such yarns would be most attractive to “lewd” or illiterate
+men--
+
+ “For lewdë men y undyrtoke
+ On Englyssh tunge to make thys boke:
+ For many ben of swyche manere
+ That talys and rymys wyl blethly[556] here,
+ Ye gamys and festys, and at the ale.”[557]
+
+[Illustration: _PLATE XXXV_
+
+ANCIENT VELLUM BOOK-MARKER WITH REVOLVING DISC
+
+FROM A DOUBLE-COLUMN CANTERBURY BIBLE; THE DISC CAN BE USED TO MARK
+COLUMN AND LINE. MS. 49 C.C. COLL. CAMB.]
+
+The need of multiplying manuscripts of these poems would not be greatly
+felt. The reciter would be obliged to learn them off by heart; he need
+not, and often did not, possess written versions of the poems he
+recited. And even literate men, as Bishop Grosseteste, preferred to
+listen to these gestours, rather than to read the narrative themselves.
+Therefore, any estimate we may form of the number of manuscripts of
+romances in existence at any time in the fourteenth century, for
+example, would give not the smallest idea of the extent to which these
+tales were known.
+
+
+§ V
+
+The medieval collector of books sometimes, and the monastic librarian
+nearly always, took care that his library was strong in hagiology and
+history. He felt the need of books which would tell him of the past
+history of his church and of the lives of her greatest teachers. When
+collected these books were an incentive to the more cultivated of the
+monks to begin the history of his country or his house, or to write or
+re-write the lives of saints. The fruit is preserved for us in a long
+line of monkish historians and hagiographers. As a rule the histories
+they wrote were of little value; but when they had brought the tale down
+to their own times they continued it with the help of records to their
+hand, narrated events within their own memory, and maintained the
+narrative in the form of annals. The method of annalising was simple. At
+the end of the incomplete manuscript a loose or easily detachable sheet
+was kept, whereon events of importance to the nation and the monastery
+and locality of the annalist were written in pencil from time to time
+during the year. At the end of the year the historian welded these
+jottings into a narrative. When this was done another leaf for notes was
+placed after the manuscript. The value of the work so accomplished is
+incalculable. Without these records it would now be impossible for us to
+realise what the Middle Ages were like. This service, added to the
+enormously greater service which monachism did for us in preserving
+ancient literature, will always breed kind thoughts of a system so
+repugnant to our modern view of human endeavour.
+
+
+§ VI
+
+What was the extent of circulation of books during the manuscript age?
+For the period before the Conquest we can only offer the merest
+conjecture, which does not help us materially. The rarity of the extant
+manuscripts of this age is no guide to the extent of their production.
+During the raids of the northmen the destruction and loss must have been
+very great indeed. After the Conquest the indifference and contempt with
+which the conquerors regarded everything Saxon must have been
+responsible for the destruction of nearly every manuscript written in
+the vernacular. But, on the other hand, we find suggestions of a greater
+production than is commonly credited to this period. Religious fervour
+to make books was not wanting, as some of our most beautiful
+relics--works exhibiting much painstaking and skilful and even loving
+labour, calligraphy, and decoration aflame with high endeavour--belong
+to the Hiberno-Saxon period and the days of Ethelwold. Nor after
+Alfred’s day was regard lacking for vernacular literature itself rather
+than for the glory of a faith: how else are we to explain the precious
+fragments of Anglo-Saxon manuscript which have been preserved for us,
+especially the Exeter book and the Vercelli book? That the production
+was considerable is suggested by the records we have. Think of the Irish
+manuscripts now scattered on the continent; of the library of York; of
+Bede’s workshop and the northern libraries; and of those in the south,
+at Canterbury, Malmesbury, and elsewhere. But the use of such
+manuscripts as were in existence was restricted to monks, wealthy
+ecclesiastics, and a few of the wealthy laity.
+
+After the Conquest the state of affairs was the same. The period of the
+greatest literary activity in the monasteries now began, and large
+claustral libraries were soon formed. The monks then had plenty of
+books; wealthy clergy also had small collections. An ecclesiastic or a
+layman who had done a monastery some service, or whose favour it was
+politic to cultivate, could borrow books from the monastic library,
+under certain strict conditions. Some people availed themselves of this
+privilege; but not at any time during the manuscript period to a great
+extent.[558]
+
+Outside this small circle the people were almost bookless: nearly the
+whole of the literary wealth of the Middle Ages belonged to the monks
+and the church. Books were extremely costly. The medieval book-buyer
+paid more for his book on an average than does the modern collector of
+first editions and editions _de luxe_, who pays in addition several
+guineas a volume for handsome bindings. The prices we have tabulated
+will fully bear out this statement. But even more striking evidence of
+the high value set upon books is the care taken in selling or
+bequeathing them. To-day a line or two in a wealthy man’s will disposes
+of all his books. He commonly throws them in with the “residue,”
+unmentioned. In the manuscript age a testator distributed his little
+hoard book by book. Often he not only bequeaths a volume to a friend,
+but determines its fate after his friend’s death. For example, a
+daughter is to have a copy of the _Golden Legend_, “and to occupye to
+hir
+
+[Illustration: RECORD OF SALE OF BOOK CAPTURED AT POITIERS (see p. 247)]
+
+owne use and at hir owne liberte durynge hir lyfe, and after hir decesse
+to remayne to the prioress and the convent of Halywelle for evermore,
+they to pray for the said John Burton and Johne his wife and alle
+crystene soyles (1460).”[559] A manuscript now in Worcester Cathedral
+Library bears an inscription telling us that, likewise, one Thomas
+Jolyffe left it to Dr. Isack, a monk of Worcester, for his lifetime, and
+after his death to Worcester Priory. A manuscript now in the British
+Museum was bought in 1473 at Oxford by Clement of Canterbury, monk and
+scholar, from a bookseller named Hunt for twenty shillings, _in the
+presence of Will. Westgate, monk_.[560] In a manuscript of the
+_Sentences_ is a note telling us that it was the property of Roger,
+archdeacon of Lincoln: he bought it from Geoffrey the chaplain, the
+brother of Henry, vicar of North Elkington, the witnesses being master
+Robert de Luda, clerk, Richard the almoner, the said Henry the vicar,
+his clerk, and others.[561] An instance of a different kind will
+suffice. When, after a good deal of rioting at Oxford, many of the more
+studious masters and scholars went to Stamford, the king threatened that
+if they did not return to Oxford they would lose their goods, and
+especially their books. The warning was disregarded, but the threatened
+forfeiture of their books was evidently thought to be a strong
+measure.[562]
+
+In his poems Chaucer endows two poor clerks with small libraries. His
+first portrait of an Oxford clerk is delightful--
+
+ “For him was lever have at his beddes heed [rather]
+ Twenty bokes, clad in blak or reed,
+ Of Aristotle and his philosophye,
+ Than robes riche, or fithele, or gay sautrye [fiddle, psaltery].
+ But al be that he was a philosophre,
+ Yet hadde he but litel gold in cofre;
+ But al that he mighte of his freendes hente [get],
+ On bokes and on lerninge he it spente,
+ And bisily gan for the soules preye
+ Of hem that yaf him wher-with to scoleye [gave, study].
+ Of studie took he most cure and most hede.
+ Noght o word spak he more than was nede,
+ And that was seyd in forme and reverence,
+ And short and quik, and ful of hy sentence [high].
+ Souninge in moral vertu was his speche [conducing to],
+ And gladly wolde he lerne, and gladly teche.”
+
+Almost equally pleasing is his picture of another who lived with a rich
+churl--
+
+ “A chambre hadde he in that hostelrye
+ Allone, with-outen any companye,
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ His Almageste and bokes grete and smale,
+ His astrelabie, longinge for his art,
+ His augrim-stones layen faire a-part
+ On shelves couched at his beddes heed.”
+
+Both descriptions have been used as evidence that books were not so
+scarce as supposed; that poor people could get books if they specially
+needed them. But are these pictures quite true? Has not the poet taken
+advantage of the licence allowed to his kind? The records preserved at
+Oxford do not corroborate him. Some of the students were very poor. It
+seems likely that a would-be clerk attached himself to a master or
+scholar as a servant in return for teaching in the “kunnyng of writyng”
+and perhaps other knowledge--
+
+ “This endenture bereth witnesse that I, John Swanne, þ^{e} sone of
+ John Swanne of Bridlington, in þ^{e} counte of Yorke, have putte me
+ servante unto William Osbarne, forto serve him undir þ^{e} foorme
+ of a servante for þ^{e} terme of iiii. yere, and þ^{e} seide
+ William Osbarne forto enfoorme þ^{e} seide John Swann in þ^{e}
+ kunnyng of writyng, and þ^{e} seide John Swann forto have þ^{e}
+ first yere of þ^{e} seide William Osbarne iijs. iiijd. in money,
+ and ij. peier [pairs] of hosen, and ij. scherts [shirts] and iiij.
+ peire schoon [pairs of shoes], and a gowne, and in þ^{e} secunde
+ yeere xiijs. iiijd., and in þ^{e} iij. yere xxs. and a gowne, and
+ in þ^{e} iiij. yeere xls. And in þ^{e} witnesse hereof, etc.”
+ (1456).[563]
+
+Mr. Anstey points out that a very large number, probably the majority of
+scholars, were not well provided for. They eked out their precarious
+allowances by begging, by learning handicrafts, and by “picking up the
+various doles at funerals and commemoration masses, where such needy
+miserables were always to be found.”[564] Such students would not be
+likely to have many or perhaps any books. “The stock of books possessed
+by the _younger_ scholars seems to have been almost _nil_. The
+inventories of goods, which we possess, in the case of non-graduates
+contain hardly any books. The fact is that they mostly could not afford
+to buy them.... The chief source of supplying books was by purchase from
+the University sworn stationers, who had to a great extent a monopoly,
+the object of which was to prevent the sale and removal from Oxford of
+valuable books. Of such books there were plainly very large numbers
+constantly changing hands; they were the pledges so continually
+deposited on borrowing from chests, and seem, from scattered hints, to
+have been a very fruitful source of litigation and dispute.”[565] Most
+of these books were in the hands of seniors. Truly enough many a poor
+clerk would as lief have twenty “bokes” to his name as anything else
+treble the value. But he would undergo much sharp self-denial and
+receive much “wher-with to scoleye” ere he got together so considerable
+a collection of “bokes grete and smale,” to say nothing of instruments.
+As such a large proportion of the scholars were poor, and unable to
+acquire books, nearly all the instruction given was oral. Well-to-do
+scholars would not find, therefore, books of very great service; and
+indeed they were as ill-equipped in this respect as their poorer
+brethren. The accounts of the La Fytes, two scholars whose expenses were
+paid by Edward I himself, contain records of the purchase of two copies
+of only the _Institutions_ of Quintilian (_c._ 1290).[566] Is not
+Chaucer describing his own room in both passages--the room he loved to
+seek after his day’s work at the desk? Here at the bedhead are his
+books, including the astronomical treatise of Ptolemy called _Almagest_.
+Beside them is the astrolabe, an instrument about which he wrote; and
+trimly arranged apart his augrim-stones, or counters for making
+calculations. Such an outfit we might expect him to have: just such a
+library, neither smaller nor larger.
+
+This supposition calls to mind another argument sometimes used to prove
+how easy it was to make a small collection of books. Chaucer’s poems
+display his acquaintance, more or less thoroughly, with many authors.
+Surely, it is urged, his library was a good one for the time: then how
+was it possible for a man of his means to own such? He was not wealthy.
+As a courtier and a public officer the calls upon his purse must have
+been heavy: little indeed could be left for books. The explanation is
+probably simple. Books were freely lent, more freely than nowadays; and
+Chaucer would be able to eke out his library in this way. Another point
+is important. Professor Lounsbury, who has spent years in an exhaustive
+study of Chaucer, points out a curious circumstance. “It must be
+confessed,” he says--a shade of disparagement lurks in the phrase--“it
+must be confessed that Chaucer’s quotations from writers exhibit a
+familiarity with prologues and first books and early chapters which
+contrasts ominously with the comparative infrequency with which he makes
+citations from the middle and latter parts of most of the works he
+mentions.”[567] Surely the implication is unjust. Stationers used to let
+out on hire parts of books or quires. Manuscript volumes were also often
+made up of parts of works by several authors. Books being scarce, it was
+preferable to make some volumes select miscellanies, little libraries in
+themselves. Hear Chaucer himself--
+
+ “And eek ther was som-tyme a clerk at Rome,
+ A cardinal, that highte Seinte Jerome,
+ That made a book agayn Jovinian;
+ In whiche book eek ther was Tertulan,
+ Crisippus, Trotula, and Helowys,
+ That was abbesse nat fer fro Parys;
+ And eek the Parables of Salomon,
+ Ovydes Art, and bokes many on,
+ And alle thise were bounden in o volume.”[568]
+
+In composite volumes often only the earlier parts of authors’ works were
+included. If Chaucer owned a few books of this kind, his familiarity
+with parts of authors--and oftenest with the earlier parts--is accounted
+for satisfactorily; so also is the range and variety of his reading.
+Examine the Christ Church Canterbury catalogue in Henry Eastry’s time,
+and note what a remarkable variety of subjects is comprised in what we
+nowadays consider rather a paltry number of books. There is another
+point worth bearing in mind. Speaking of Bishop Shirwood’s books, a
+writer in the _English Historical Review_ says: “Many of the books bear
+his mark, _Nota_, scattered over the margins, or a hand with a long
+pointing finger. These notes occur usually at the beginnings. In the
+days when chapters and sections were unknown and division into books
+rare, when headlines were not and pages sometimes had no signatures
+even, not to speak of numbers, a reader had to go solidly through a
+book, and could not lightly turn up a passage he wished for, by the aid
+of a reference. But except in Cicero and in Plutarch--which is read
+almost from beginning to end--the marks do not often go far. Shirwood
+was doubtless too busy to find much time for reading, and before he had
+made much way with a book a new purchase had come to arouse his
+interest.”[569]
+
+But to the general rule of scarcity of books some exceptions are known.
+When a book won a reputation, the cost of producing copies was not
+wholly restrictive of circulation. Copies of some works of the Fathers
+were produced in great numbers. The Bible, whole or in part, was copied
+with such industry that it became the commonest of manuscripts, as it
+now is the commonest of printed books. Peter Lombard’s _Sentences_
+became a famous book: the standard of the schools; everywhere to be
+found side by side with the Bible, everywhere discussed and commented
+upon. A twelfth century author of quite different character had a good
+hold upon the people; the number of copies of Geoffrey of Monmouth must
+have been considerable, for the British Museum now has thirty-five
+copies and Bodley’s Library sixteen. “Possibly, no work before the age
+of printed books attained such immediate and astonishing popularity ...
+translations, adaptations, and continuations of it formed one of the
+staple exercises of a host of medieval scribes.”[570] A glance at the
+monastic and academic library catalogues of later date than
+mid-thirteenth century will prove more clearly than a shelf full of
+books how enormous was the influence of Aristotle. If such a collocation
+as the Bible and Shakspere sums up the present-day Englishman’s ideals
+of spiritual sustenance and literary power, a similar collocation of the
+Bible and Aristotle would sum up, with a greater approach to truth, the
+ideals of the medieval schoolman. Popularity fell to _Piers Plowman_.
+Apart from the large currency given to it by ballad singers, many
+manuscripts were in existence, for even now forty-five of them, more or
+less complete, remain. As M. Jusserand aptly remarks: “This figure is
+the more remarkable when we consider that, contrary to works written in
+Latin or in French, Langland’s book was not copied and preserved outside
+his own country.”[571] Again, but a few years after the writing of the
+_Canterbury Tales_, a copy of it was bequeathed, among other books, by a
+clerk named Richard Sotheworth of East Hendred, Berks (1417).[572] The
+impression is left upon one’s mind that this work had found its way
+quickly and in many copies into country places.
+
+But as only a few books had a comparatively large circulation, these few
+had a disproportionately powerful influence. The Bible was paramount.
+Aristotle dominated the whole mental horizon of the schoolmen. Alfred of
+Beverley tells us that Geoffrey of Monmouth’s book “was so universally
+talked of that to confess ignorance of its stories was the mark of a
+clown.”[573] So great was the influence of _Piers Plowman_, that from it
+were taken watchwords at the great rising of the peasants.[574] The
+power of such works could not be wholly hemmed in by the barrier of
+manuscript: like a spring torrent it would burst forth and carry all
+before it. In the manuscript period a book of great originality and
+power, or a work which reproduced the thought of the time accurately and
+with spirit, ran no great risk of being passed over and forgotten; too
+little was produced for much that was good to be lost. It was copied
+once and again; became very slowly but very surely known to a few, then
+to many; and all the time waxed more and more influential in its
+teaching. The growth was slow, but then the lifetime was long. Now the
+chance of a good book going astray is much greater. What watcher of the
+great procession of modern books does not fear that something supremely
+fine and great has passed unobserved in the huge, motley crowd?
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX A
+
+PRICES OF BOOKS AND MATERIALS FOR BOOKMAKING
+
+
+_Note._--Following is a selection from a large number of prices recorded
+in various places. In making the selection I have included books of
+various prices. An asterisk (*) before the reference signifies that
+additional prices will be found in the same place.
+
+_These prices must be multiplied at least ten times before the value set
+upon books in the Middle Ages can be compared with the value set upon
+them to-day._
+
+ ----------+-----------------------------------------------------+------------
+ DATE | DESCRIPTION | PRICE
+ ----------+-----------------------------------------------------+------------
+ | BIBLES |
+ 1344 | Bible for Merton College | £3
+ | Rogers, i. 646 |
+ 1354-74 | For redeeming a Bible which lay in Langeton |
+ | chest (1354) | £3
+ | For a Bible pledged in Chichester chest (1357) | £3
+ | For a Bible redeemed from Chichester chest (1358) | £3
+ | For Bible pledged in Winton chest (1358) | £3
+ | To our barber for a Bible pledged to him in time |
+ | of John Dagenet | 4 marks.
+ | _O. H. S._, 27, Boase, xlviii. |
+ 1376 | Bible, small | 12 fr.
+ | Robinson, 5 |
+ _c._ 1387 | Bible for New College | £2, 13s. 4d.
+ | Another | £1, 6s. 8d.
+ | Another | £1, 0s. 0d.
+ | _O. H. S._, 32, _Collect._, 220 |
+ 15 c. | Bible, 13 cent., 358 ff., double cols. of 53 |
+ | lines, in good small hand | 5 marks.
+ | James^{4}, 1 9 |
+ 1423 | Pro j Biblia, cum ij signaculis deauratis | £6, 13s. 4d.
+ | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 76 |
+ 1439 | Bible | £3, 6s. 8d.
+ | James^{10}, xxiv. |
+ 1444 | Bible | £2, 13s. 0d.
+ | James^{10}, xxiv. |
+ 1449 | Bible covered with red leather, and having |
+ | gilded clasps | £6, 13s. 4d.
+ | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 110 |
+ 1452 | Bible | £6, 13s. 4d.
+ | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 132 |
+ 1471 | Bible, in 5 vols. | £2
+ | James^{10}, xxiv. |
+ 1473 | Bible bought at Oxford. Now Brit. Mus. MS. |
+ | Burney 11 | 20s.
+ | James, 515 |
+ | MISSALS |
+ 1358 | Missal pledged in Burnel chest | 8s. 4d.
+ | _O. H. S._, 27, Boase, xlviii. |
+ 1383-4 | Abbot Litlington’s missal |£34, 14s. 7d.
+ | Robinson, 7-8 |
+ 1449 | Old Missal, de usu Ebor. | 26s. 8d.
+ | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 110 |
+ 1452 | Missal, de usu Ebor. | £4, 13s. 4d.
+ | Old Missal | 10s.
+ | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 132-33 |
+ 1459 | A fair mass book | £10
+ | Rogers, iv. 600 |
+ 1468 | Missal | £4
+ | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 163 |
+ 1491 | Missal | 40s.
+ | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 161 n. |
+ 1509 | A new masboke couered with white lether and ij |
+ | longe claspes of latyn | £4
+ | A little massebooke after the ffrenche use | 3s. 4d.
+ | _C. A. S._ (N.S.) 8vo ser., iii. 361 |
+ | BREVIARIES |
+ 1370 | Portiforium | 10s.
+ | _Cam. Soc._, Bury Wills, 1 |
+ 1395 | Portiforium notatum | 20s.
+ | Parvum portiforium | 33s. 4d.
+ | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 6 |
+ 1400 | Portiforium de usu Sarum | 66s. 8d.
+ | _Ibid._, 13 |
+ 1449 | Great portiforium de usu Ebor. |£11, 3s. 6d.
+ | Great portiforium de usu Sarum | 53s. 4d.
+ | _Ibid._, 110 |
+ 1451 | Portiforium | 6s. 8d.
+ | _Mun. Acad._, 609 |
+ 1452 | Portiforium de usu Sarum | 53s. 4d.
+ | Portiforium de usu Ebor. | 53s. 4d.
+ | Portiforium | 13s. 4d.
+ | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 132-33 |
+ 1491 | Portiforium de Ebor. | 43s. 4d.
+ | _Ibid._, 161n. |
+ 1518 |A little portuos lyinge to plegge in teamce street | 53s. 4d.
+ | _Reliquary_, vii. 18 |
+ | PSALTERS |
+ Before | |
+ 1300 | Psalter, with glosses | 10s.
+ | Warton, i. 188n. |
+ 1376 | Psalter, glossed | 12 fr.
+ | Robinson, 6 |
+ _c._ 1380 | Psalter, glossed | 26s. 8d.
+ | _O. H. S._, 32, _Collect._, 226 |
+ 1395 | Psalter, in large letters; price 6_s._ 8_d._ |
+ | sold for | 13s. 4d.
+ | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 6 |
+ 1447 | Psalter | 3s. 8d.
+ | Rogers, iv. 600 |
+ 1449 | Psalter, glossed | 11s.
+ | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 110 |
+ 1451 | Psalter, glossed | 6s. 8d.
+ | _Mun. Acad._, 609 |
+ 1452 | Psalter, glossed | 13s. 4d.
+ | Illuminated Psalter | 13s. 4d.
+ | Small Psalter | 6s. 8d.
+ | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 132-33 |
+ 1468 | Psalter | 8s. 4d.
+ | _Ibid._, 163 |
+_c._ 1470 | Psalter | 6s. 8d.
+ | _Paston Letters_, ed. Gairdner, vi. 175-77 |
+ | ANTIPHONARIES |
+_c._ 1420-40| Antiphonary for S. Albans | £6s, 13s. 4d.
+ | Another | £6
+ | _Ann. mon. S. Alb. a J. Amund._, ii. 256-71 |
+ 1459 | 2 new great antiphons | £13, 6s. 8d.
+ | Rogers, iv. 600 |
+ 1491 | Antiphonary [with musical notation] | 33s. 4d.
+ | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 161 n. |
+ 1509 | A grete antyphoner in parchement with legent |
+ | couered with white lether with ij long claspes of |
+ | latyn | £8
+ | An olde litle antyphoner withoute couer and |
+ | claspes | 3s. 4d.
+ | _C. A. S._ (N.S.), 8vo ser., iii. 361 |
+ | PROCESSIONALS |
+ 1449 | 20 new Processionals for All Souls College | £5, 13s. 4d.
+ | Rogers, iv. 600 |
+ 1509 | A Processionall noted [with musical notation] |
+ | couered with Tawny lether and ij long claspes | 26s. 8d.
+ | A processionall couered with Tawny lether with |
+ | oon claspe | 5s.
+ | _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. 361 |
+ | MISCELLANEOUS BOOKS |
+_c._ 690 | Land sufficient for 8 families exchanged for a book |
+ | on cosmography, of admirable workmanship. |
+ | _Vitæ Abb._ § 15 |
+ 1174 | Bede’s _Homilies_ and S. Austin’s Psalter exchanged |
+ | for 12 measures of barley and a pall, on which |
+ | was embroidered in silver the history of |
+ | S. Birinus converting a Saxon king. |
+ | Warton, i. 186 |
+ Before | |
+ 1300 | Historia Scholastica [Peter Comestor], [Cf. 1452.] | £1
+ | Concordance | 10s.
+ | Four greater prophets, with glosses | 5s.
+ | *Warton, i. 188n. |
+ 1300 | Book of Decretals | 3s.
+ | *Stevenson, _Hist. of Ely_ |
+ 1306 | A school book | 2d.
+ | Rogers, i. 645-56 |
+ 1322 | Liber gardanarum | £3, 6s. 8d.
+ | Rogers, i. 646 |
+ 1357 | For book on Prophets and the third part of |
+ | Thomas Aquinas (tertia pars Summae), pledged |
+ | in Tykeford chest | 13s. 4d.
+ | _O. H. S._, 27, Boase, xlviii. |
+ _c._ 1360 | La Bible Hystoriaus, ou Les Histories escolastres. |
+ | B.M. Reg. 19 D ii. Taken from King of |
+ | France at Poitiers; bought by Wm. Montagu, |
+ | for | 100 marks.
+ | Ordered to be sold by the Last will of his |
+ | Countess Elizabeth for | 40 livres.
+ | Warton, i. 187 |
+ 1376 | Dictionary in 3 volumes | 200 francs.
+ | Gospels glossed in 1 volume | 15 francs.
+ | N. de Lyra on the Gospels and the Epistles of Paul | 37½ francs.
+ | Quodlibeta of Herveus Natalis Brito | 3 francs.
+ | Milleloquium Augustini [anthology of S. Augustine |
+ | by Bartholomew of Urbino] | 80 francs.
+ | Augustine, super psalterium abbreviatus cum |
+ | septem quaternis non ligatis | 1 franc.
+ | N. de Lyra, third part | 37½ francs.
+ | Small concordance | 1 franc.
+ | Speculum Historiale, first part, by Vincent of |
+ | Beauvais | 50 francs.
+ | Augustine, de Civitate Dei | 12 francs.
+ | Lombard’s Sentences. [Cf. 1423, 1452.] | 6 francs.
+ | Boëthius, de Consolatione philosophiae, cum aliis. | 10 francs.
+ | Summa Hostiensis [one of the chief books on |
+ | canon law]. [Cf. 1380.] | 20 francs.
+ 1376 | Cronica Martiniana, by Martinus Polonus; Bede, |
+ | de Gestis Anglorum; Life of S. Thomas, in |
+ | 1 volume | 10 francs.
+ | Anselm, de Similitudinibus | 2 francs.
+ | *Robinson, 5-7 |
+ 1378 | Wylliott’s book on natural philosophy | £3, 6s. 8d.
+ | Rogers, i. 646 |
+ 1379 | 11 quires of Bacon’s Mathematics | 5s. 6d.
+ | Rogers, i. 646 |
+ _c._ 1380 | Lectura T. Alquini super 410 sententiarum | 10s.
+ | Evangelium Johannis et Apocalypsis glosatum | 20s.
+ | Concordantiae Bibliae | 8s.
+ | Sermones veteres | 3s. 4d.
+ | Sermones N. Gorham de communi sanctorum | 5s.
+ | Liber Genesis glosatus | 20s.
+ | Legenda Aurea | 20s.
+ | Augustine, de Civitate Dei | 53s. 4d.
+ | Haymo super epistolas Pauli | 100s.
+ | Evangelium Mathaei | 2s.
+ | “ Johannis glos. | 3s. 4d.
+ | Biblia versificata | 5s.
+ | Quaternus sermonum | 2s. 6d.
+ | Epistolae Sidonii, in quaterno | 12d.
+ | Albertus Magnus, de vegetabilibus et plantis cum |
+ | multis aliis | 53s. 4d.
+ | Textus Metha[physi]cae | 10s.
+ | Commentator super libros caeli et mundi | 5s.
+ | Liber de Anima, continens 3 libros cum aliis | 3d.
+ | Textus naturalis philosophiae | 16s.
+ | “ | 13s. 4d.
+ | “ | 13s. 4d.
+ | Tractatus de Animalibus | 4s.
+ | Liber Decretalium non glosatus | 3s. 4d.
+ | Liber Decretalium | 16s. 8d.
+ | Summa Hostiensis. [Cf. 1376.] |£4, 13s. 4d.
+ | Liber Sextus decretalium. [Cf. 1423, 1445, |
+ | 1451.] | 75s.
+ | Codex. [Cf. 1423.] | 31s. 4d.
+ | Liber inforciatus. [Cf. 1423, 1445.] | 20s.
+ | Digestum vetus. [Cf. 1423.] | 5s.
+ | _O. H. S._, 32, _Collect._, 224-41 |
+ 1389 | Problems of Aristotle for Exeter College | £4
+ | Boëthius, De Disciplina Scholarum, and De |
+ | Consolatione philosophiæ | 5 marks.
+ | _O. H. S._, 27, Boase, xxxvi. |
+ 1394 | Parchment for 4 choir books, and writing them |£11, 13s. 3d.
+ | _Surtees Soc._, xxxv. 130 |
+ _c._ 1394 | Writing, illuminating and other expenses of a |
+ | primer, given to the Lady Queen of Castile, |
+ | _i.e._ Constance, 2nd wife of John of Gaunt | 63s. 6d.
+ | _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. 401 |
+ 1395 | Cronica Martiniana, cum aliis. |
+ | Priced 3_s._ 4_d._, sold for [Cf. price in 1376] | 3s. 4d.
+ | Libellus cum causa T. Cantuariensis, et aliis. |
+ | Priced 2_s._, sold for | 3s. 4d.
+ | Repertorium Willelmi Durand. |
+ | Priced 6_s._ 8_d._, not sold | 6s. 8d.
+ | William de Mandagoto de Electionibus. Priced |
+ | 5_s._, sold for | 6s. 8d.
+ | Constitutions of Ottobonus, cum aliis. Priced |
+ | 18_d._, not sold | 18d.
+ | Petrus de Formâ dictandi, quire. Priced 2_s._, |
+ | not sold [Cf. 1443] | 2s.
+ | Bernard, Meditationes, cum aliis 5_s._, |
+ | sold for | 6s.
+ | Mandeville on paper, in French. 2_s._, not sold | 2s.
+ | Quire, de Arte dictandi, with letters of Peter of |
+ | Blois. 2_s._, not sold | 2s.
+ | Textus Clementinarum [Decretals of Clement] |
+ | 12_d._, not sold | 12d.
+ | Brut in French. 2_s._, not sold | 2s.
+ | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 6 |
+ 1397 | Vellum for 6 Processionals, and writing, noting |
+ | (notatio, musical notation), illuminating and |
+ | binding them | 73s. 4d.
+ | _Surtees Soc._, vii. xxvi.-vii. n. |
+ 15 c. | Liber Scintillarum | 2s.
+ | Augustine on John | 10 marks.
+ | _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. 403 |
+ 15 c. | For 39 quires parchment at vi_d._=xx_s._ |
+ | vi_d._ (_sic_) | 19s. 6d.
+ | For writing same at xx_d._ quire | 65s.
+ | For illuminating | 12d.
+ | For binding | 2s. 6d.
+ | Summa | £4, 8s. 0d.
+ | James^{3}, 105 |
+ 15 c. | 27 quires parchment at iii_d._ | 6s. 9d.
+ | For writing same at 16_d._ | 36s.
+ | Illumination | 8d.
+ | Binding | 2s.
+ | Summa | 45s. 5d.
+ | _Ibid._, 128 |
+ 15 c. |27 quires and 6 fo. parchment at iii_d._ | 6s. 9d.
+ |For writing same at 16_d._ | 36s.
+ |Illumination | 6d.
+ |Binding | 2s.
+ |Total | 45s. 3d.
+ | _Ibid._, 133|
+ 15 c. |33 quires parchment | 8s. 3d.
+ |For writing same at 16_d._ | 44s.
+ |Illumination | 12d.
+ |Binding | 2s.
+ |Total | 55s. 3d.
+ | _Ibid._, 169|
+ 15 c. |29 quires parchment at iii_d._ | 7s. 3d.
+ |For writing same at 16_d._ | 38s. 8d.
+ |Illumination | 12d.
+ |Binding | 2s.
+ |Total | 48s. 11d.
+ | _Ibid._, 226|
+ 15 c. | Antonius Andreas, super Metaphysica, etc., 153ff., |
+ | on paper | 13s. 4d.
+ | James^{3}, 290|
+ 1400 |John of Meun’s Roman de la Rose, sold before |
+ | the palace gate at Paris | £33, 6s. 6d.
+ | Warton, i. 187|
+ 1400 |Tabula Martiniana | 3s. 4d.
+ |Gradual, de usu Ebor. | 40s.
+ |Catholicon. [Cf. 1452.] | £4, 10s. 0d.
+ | *_Surtees Soc._, xlv. 13|
+ 1414 |For mending one old mass book almost worn out; |
+ | for parchment and new writing in divers parts |
+ | and for the binding and new clasps, and a skin |
+ | to cover the book | 11s. 2d.
+ | _Archæologia_, lvii. 208-9|
+ 1420-40 |Three books given to the Duke of Gloucester, |
+ | Cato glossed, and two books of Abbot Whethamstede’s|
+ | own composition | £10
+ |Book of astronomy, given to the Duke of Bedford | £3, 6s. 8d.
+ |Boëthius, de Consolatione philosophiae, glossed | £5
+ |Holkot, super Sapiéntiam Salomonis | 13s. 4d.
+ |Holkot, Sermons | £3, 6s. 8d.
+ |Thos. Netter of Walden and Wm. Wodeford |
+ | against Wyclif. 2 vols. | £6, 13s. 4d.
+ |*_Ann. mon S. Alb. a J. Amund._ ii. 256, 259, 268-71.|
+ 1420-40 |Alan de Lisle’s Anticlaudianus, cum quaestionibus |
+ | in eodem | 13s. 4d.
+ | Unus parvus libellulus, cum metris et tabulis |
+ | diversis | 13s. 4d.
+ | * _Ann. mon S. Alb. a J. Amund._ ii. 256, |
+ | 259, 268-71. |
+ 1423 | Magister Sententiarum. [Cf. 1376, 1452.] | 16s.
+ | Concordance | 20s.
+ | Gregory’s Pastoral care | 4s.
+ | Anselm, Cur Deus homo. [Cf. 1451.] | 10s.
+ | Archdeacon Guido de Baysio’s Rosarium | 40s.
+ | Liber Sextus Decretalium. [Cf. 1380, 1445, 1451.] | 40s.
+ | Digestum Inforciatum. [Cf. 1380, 1445.] | 13s. 4d.
+ | Digestum vetus. [Cf. 1380.] | 13_s._ 4_d._
+ | Codex. [Cf. 1380.] |£1, 6_s._ 8_d._
+ | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 76 |
+ 1432 | Dr. Thomas Gascoigne gave 6 books to Lincoln |
+ | College, value | £17, 10s.
+ | Clark, _Linc. Coll._ (Coll. Hist.) |
+ 1438 | Thomas Aquinas super primum Sententiarum | £1
+ | Thomas Aquinas in secundum Sententiarum | £1, 6s. 8d.
+ | James^{10}, xxiv. |
+ 1441 | Tabula super Senecam et Boetium de Consolat. et |
+ | de disciplina scholarium | 1s. 8d.
+ | James^{10}, xxiv. |
+ 1442 | One part of Lyra | £3, 6s. 8d.
+ | James^{10}, xxiv. |
+ 1443 | 27 volumes bought from John Paston’s Exors. for |
+ | King’s Hall, Cambridge. | £8, 17s. 4d.
+ 1443 | For an old book, Postillae super Lucam | 2s.
+ | James^{10}, xxiv. |
+ 1443 | Petrus de formâ dictandi. [Cf. 1395.] | 1s. 8d.
+ | _Mun. Acad._, 532 |
+ 1445 | Book of philosophy, cum tractatibus Alberti | 13s. 4d.
+ | James^{10}, xxiv. |
+ 1445 | Liber Sextus Decretalium, pledged for. [Cf. 1380, | £1, et ob.
+ | 1423, 1451.] |
+ | Digestum Inforciatum, pledged for. [Cf. 1380, | 3s. 4d.
+ | 1423.] |
+ | * _Mun. Acad._, 543 |
+ 1449 | Cicero, Rhetoric | 3s. 4d.
+ | James^{10}, xxiv. |
+ 1451 | Petrus de Palude [? in Sententiis] | 2s.
+ | Epistles of Seneca ad Lucilium | 2s.
+ | Gregory’s Sermons | 6s. 8d.
+ | Plato, Timaeus | 6d.
+ | Digestum vetus. [Cf. 1380, 1423] | 4s.
+ | Liber Sextus Decretalium, cum glossa cardinali. |
+ | [Cf. 1380, 1445, 1423.] | 5s.
+ | Codex. [Cf. 1423.] | 4s.
+ | Bernardus Parmensis de Botone, Casus longus | 5s.
+ | Martial | 1s.
+ | Anselm, Cur Deus homo. [Cf. 1423.] | 2s. 4d.
+ | Decretals of Clement | 3s. 4d.
+ | Vetus liber Decretalium | 1s. 4d.
+ | * _Mun. Acad._, 609 |
+ 1452 | Isidore, Etymologies; Bede, Historia |
+ | Ecclesiastica | 30s.
+ | Augustine, de spiritu et anima, with |
+ | the Meditations of S. Bernard, and many |
+ | other contents | 40s.
+ | Guillelmus Parisiensis de virtutibus | 20s.
+ | Bartholomeus Anglicus [Bartholomew de Glanville] |
+ | de proprietatibus rerum | 6s. 8d.
+ | Pupilla oculi. [There were several books of this |
+ | title.] | 20s.
+ | Catholicon. [Cf. 1400.] | £4
+ | Polichronica | 20s.
+ | Historia Scholastica. [Cf. bef. 1300.] | 5s.
+ | Lombard’s Sentences. [Cf. 1376, 1423.] | 16s.
+ | * _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 132-3 |
+ 1453 | Book by Wyclif | 7s. 6d.
+ | Book against Wyclif | 3s. 6d.
+ | More’s book on Wyclif and other books | £2, 2s. 0d.
+ | Rogers, iv. 600 |
+ 1455 | Nicolaus de Gorham super Psalterium, pledged |
+ | for | £1, 6s. 8d.
+ | James^{10}, xxiv. |
+ 1455 | Gregory the Great’s Works, 157 leaves | £3, 6s. 8d.
+ | _Library_ (N. S.), viii. 172 |
+ 1456 | Avicenna, redeemed for | £1, 6s. 4d.
+ | James^{10}, xxiv. |
+ 1457 | Aegidius super Physica | 16s. 8d.
+ | James^{10}, xxiv. |
+ 1457 | Aristotle de animalibus | 5s. 6d.
+ | James^{10}, xxiv. |
+ 1459 | A Holy Legend | £10
+ | Rogers, iv. 600 |
+ 1462 | Aristotle, Rhetor. Polit., etc. | 8s. 5d.
+ | James^{10}, xxiv. |
+ 1462 | Map of the world, bought for New College | £5
+ | Rogers, iv. 600 |
+ 1467 | Cicero, de Officiis and Ambrosius super eodem | 6s.
+ | James^{10}, xxiv. |
+ _c._ 1468 | S. Augustine’s Epistles | £1, 13s. 4d.
+ | _Library_ (N.S.), viii. 172 |
+ 1468 | Richard Rolle’s Meditatio de passione domini | 4d.
+ | *_Surtees Soc._, xlv. 163 |
+ 1469 | Jerome’s Epistles | £1
+ | James^{10}, xxiv. |
+ 1469 | Vellum, writing, correcting, illuminating, and |
+ | binding a Lectionary in redskin, and cleaning |
+ | the book | 64s. 3d.
+ | _Library_, ii. (1890), 243 |
+ _c._ 1470 | iij bokes of soffistre | 1s. 8d.
+ | A red boke with Hugucio and Papie | £1
+ | A boke of Seynt Thomas de Veritatibus | 10s.
+ | 1 boke of xij chapetyrs of Lyncoln, |
+ | and a boke of Safistre | 10s.
+ | 1 premere (primer?) | 2s.
+ | * Gairdner, _Paston Letters_, vi. 175, 177 |
+ 1472 | Thomas Aquinas, Tabula on works | 5s. 4d.
+ | James^{10}, xxv. |
+ 1481 | Alexander Aphrodisaeus, super libros de Anima | £1, 13s. 4d.
+ | Rogers, iv. 600-1 |
+ 1502 | Hugo de Vienna’s works in 7 volumes [printed] | £2, 6s. 4d.
+ | Rogers, iv. 600-1 |
+ 1509 | A printed legende in paper de usu Saris coueryd |
+ | with white lether with ij short claspes of latyn | 3s. 4d.
+ | _C. A. S._ (N.S.), 8vo ser., iii. 361 |
+ 1509 | A graile couered with white lether with ij long |
+ | claspes | £4, 6s. 8d.
+ | A graile couered with white lether having ij |
+ | longe claspes | 53s. 4d.
+ | A prikesong boke in parchement | 13s. 4d.
+ | _C. A. S._ (N.S.), 8vo ser., iii. 361 |
+ _c._ 1525 | Cicero, de Officiis, bought by Thos. Linacre; |
+ | now B. M. Reg. 15 A vi. | 8d.
+ | James, 519 |
+ 1531 | 4 hymnaria for the quire at ⅓ | 5s.
+ | Rogers, i. 600-1 |
+ 1538 | 1 Statutes of the Kingdom | 14s.
+ | Polydore Vergil’s history | 6s. 8d.
+ | Rogers, i. 600-1 |
+ 1539 | Giorgio della Valle [? Aristotle’s Poetics] | 10s.
+ | Rogers, iv. 600-1 |
+ 1540 | Map of the World | 4s. 0d.
+ | Suidas in Greek [? printed ed. 1499] | £1, 12s. 0d.
+ | Erasmus on New Testament | 9s.
+ | Rogers, iv. 600-1 |
+ 1542 | Theophylact and Eustathius [? printed ed. 1542] | £2, 2s. 0d.
+ | Epiphanius | 8s.
+ | Rogers, iv. 600-1 |
+ | Parchment for, writing, rubrishing and binding a |
+ | book called “Domyltone,” also rubrishing |
+ | Heytesbury’s Sophismata. [“Domyltone” was |
+ | perhaps one of John of Dumbleton’s books] | 15s. 4½d.
+ | _Hist. MSS._, 2nd Rept., App. 129; |
+ | _Bibliographica_, iii. 148 |
+ | _Note._--Many prices of books at Winchester |
+ | College, temp. Henry VI will be found in |
+ | _Archæol. Jour._ xv. (1858) 62-74. |
+ | WRITING |
+ 1346 | For writing a Psalter with Kalendar | 5s. 6d.
+ | And a “placebo et dirige cum ympnario et |
+ | collectario” | 4s. 3d.
+ | _Surtees Soc._, xxxv. 165 |
+ 1383-4 | For writing Abbot Litlington’s Missal during |
+ | two years | £4
+ | Robinson, 7-8 |
+ 1383-4 | Livery for the scribe | 20s.
+ | For writing notes (musical notation) in Abbot |
+ | Litlington’s Missal | 3s. 4d.
+ | Robinson, 7-8 |
+ 1393 | Writing 2 Graduals | £4, 6s. 8d.
+ | _Surtees Soc._, xxxv. 130 |
+ 1397 | For writing a Legenda of 34 “quires” | 72s.
+ | _Surtees Soc._, vii. xxvi-xxvii n. |
+ 15c. | Writing 25 quires at 16d. | 33s. 4d.
+ | James^{3}, 234 |
+ ? 15 c. | Writing per quire. | 16d.
+ | _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. 398 |
+ 1430 | N. de Lyra transcribed | 100 marks
+ | Warton, i. 187 n. |
+ 1467 | Item, for wrytynge of a quare and demi ... prise |
+ | the quayr, xx_d._ | 2s. 6d.
+ | Item, for wrytenge of a calendar | 12d.
+ | Item, for notynge (musical notation) of v. |
+ | quayres and ij leves, prise of the |
+ | quayr, viij[_d._] | 3s. 7d.
+ | Gairdner, _Paston Letters_, v. 4 |
+ 1469 | For writing a “litill booke of Pheesyk” | 2d.
+ | For writing “the tretys of Werre in iiij books, |
+ | which conteyneth lx levis aftir ij_d._ a leaff” | 10s.
+ | For writing “De Regimine Principum, which |
+ | conteyneth xlv^{ti} leves, aftir a peny a leef, |
+ | which is right wele worth” | 3s. 9d.
+ | *Gairdner, _Paston Letters_, v. 2-4 |
+ 1469 | For writing a Lectionary of 18 quires and 9 skins | 28s. 4d.
+ | _Library_, ii. (1890) 243 |
+ | ILLUMINATING |
+ 1374 | Church of Norwich paid for illuminating a |
+ | Graduale and Consuetudinary | £22, 9s.
+ | Merryweather, 36n. |
+ 1383-4 | For illumination of the large letters in Abbot |
+ | Litlington’s Missal | £22, 0s. 3d.
+ | Robinson, 7-8 |
+ 1393 | Illuminating 2 graduals | £2
+ | _Surtees Soc._, xxxv. 130 |
+ 1395 | Illuminating 3 graduals | £2
+ | _Surtees Soc._, xxxv. 130 |
+ 1397 | Illuminating and binding Legenda of 34 “quires” | 30s.
+ | _Surtees Soc._, vii. xxvi-xxvii n. |
+ 1445 | Yearly wages of an illuminator at Oxford, four |
+ | marks, ten shillings |
+ | _Mun. Acad._, 551 |
+ 1467 | Sir John Howard paid Thomas Lympnour of |
+ | Bury St. Edmunds for illuminating, and other |
+ | work |
+ | For viij. hole vynets [or small miniatures] |
+ | prise the vynett, xij_d_ | 8s.
+ | Item, for xxj. demi-vynets ... prise the |
+ | demi-vynett, iiij_d._ | 7s.
+ | Item, for Psalmes lettres xv^{c} and di’ ... the |
+ | prise of C. iiij_d._ [_I.e._, 1550 at 4_d._ |
+ | a hundred] | 5s. 2d.
+ | Item, for p’ms letters lxiij^{c} ... prise of a |
+ | C., j_d._ | 5s. 3d.
+ | Item, for floryshynge of capytalls, v^{c} | 5d.
+ | Gairdner, _Paston Letters_, v. 4 |
+ 1469 | For rubrishing a book | 3s. 4d.
+ | Gairdner, _Paston Letters_, v. 4 |
+ 1469 | Illuminating a Lectionary | 13s. 6d.
+ | _Library_, ii. (1890) 243 |
+ | BINDING |
+ 1383-4 | Binding Abbot Litlington’s Missal | 21s.
+ | Robinson, 7-8 |
+ 1384-5 | Covering a great Portiforium | 3s. 2d.
+ | Covering a book and making three silver clasps | 5s. 8d.
+ | Robinson, 8 |
+ 1392 | Binding seven books | 4s. 0d.
+ | _O. H. S_., 27, Boase, xlviii. |
+ 1395 | Binding large gradual (York Cathedral) | 10s.
+ | _Surtees Soc._, xxxv. 130 |
+ ? 15c. | Binding (in white skin over wooden boards) | 2s.
+ | _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. 398 |
+ 1412-13 | Stitching 67 books at 1½_d._ a book, with |
+ | 13_d._ in addition | 9s. 5½d.
+ | Stitching covers of 52 books at 1_d._ | 4s. 4d.
+ | _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iv. 300-3 |
+ 1428 | Binding Bible in 2 vols. | 5s. 3d.
+ | Rogers, iv. 600 |
+ 1467 | Item, for byndynge of the boke [a Psalter or |
+ | other liturgical book] | 12s.
+ | Gairdner, _Paston Letters_, v. 4 |
+ 1469 | Binding a Lectionary in redskin, and correcting |
+ | the book | 5s. 5d.
+ | _Library_, ii. (1890) 243 |
+ | _Note._--For many prices for binding, |
+ | repairing, and chaining books, see |
+ | Bibliographical Society’s Monograph 13, |
+ | p. 18-19. |
+ ----------+-----------------------------------------------------+-----------
+
+MATERIALS
+
+A very large number of prices of vellum and parchment might be quoted.
+These will suffice: (1301) vellum per skin, 1¼d.; (1312-13) 6 doz.
+parchment, 8s. 8d.; (1358-59) 2 doz. parchment, 6s.; (1359-60) 2½
+doz. parchment, 7s. 6d.; (1383-84) 13 doz. vellum, £4, 6s. 8d.; (1395)
+12 parchment skins, 5s. 0d.; (1397) vellum per dozen skins, 4s. 6d.;
+(1412-13) vellum cost a dozen skins 2s. 10d.; (1412-13) 9 skins of
+parchment 13½d., and 6 skins of parchment, 16d.; (1467) 3 quires of
+vellum, 5s.; 17 quires for a Lectionary, 10s. 6d.
+
+Skins for binding were sold in (1395) 1 deerskin, 3s. 2d.; (1397) 6
+deerskins for processionals, 13s. 4d; (1412-13) 97 calfskins @ 4d. a
+skin, 82 sheepskins @ 3d., 3 sheepskins for 5d., 12 redskins @ 6d.;
+(1469) 1 redskin, 5d.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX B
+
+LIST OF CERTAIN CLASSIC AUTHORS FOUND IN MEDIEVAL CATALOGUES
+
+
+This list is brief, but it should be long enough to show clearly what
+Greek and Latin authors were read in the Middle Ages, and to indicate
+roughly their comparative popularity. A note has been made of only one
+copy of a work found at a particular place at a certain time; often
+there were duplicates, sometimes many copies: for example, consult
+Appendix C, under date _c._ 1170.
+
+The following abbreviations are used: August. Fr. York = Augustinian
+Friary, York; C. U. L. = Cambridge University Library; Cant. Coll. =
+Canterbury College, Oxford; Ch. Ch. C. = Christ Church, Canterbury;
+Durh. = Durham Priory; Lanthony = Lanthony Priory, nr. Gloucester; Ox.
+U. L. = Oxford University Library; S. Cath. H. = S. Catharine’s College;
+Rochester = S. Andrew’s Priory, Rochester; S. Aug. C. = S. Augustine’s
+Monastery, Canterbury; S. Mart. Dov. = S. Martin’s Priory, Dover. Other
+abbreviations are self-explanatory.
+
+ AESCHINES.--_Orations_ (1443, Ox. U. L.).
+
+ ARISTOTLE.--(8 cent., York; 1248, Glastonbury; 1315, Durh.; _c._
+ 1387, New Coll.; 1418, Peterhouse). _Organon_ (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch.
+ C.; 1202, Rochester; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr. York;
+ _c._ 1385, Pembr. Coll.; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1391 and 1395, Durh.;
+ 1435 and 1473, C. U. L.; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.; _c._ 1497, S.
+ Aug. C.; 1524, Cant. Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Topica_ (bef. 13
+ cent., Reading; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1387, Exeter Coll.; 1448,
+ Hospital of S. Mary within Cripplegate, London). _De Sophisticis
+ elenchis_ (bef. 13 cent., Reading). _Natural sciences_ (1274,
+ Peterborough; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 14 cent., Ramsey; 1435 and
+ 1473, C. U. L.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C., _de nova translacione_;
+ 1524, Cant. Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Physica_ (_c._ 1300, Ch. Ch.
+ C.; 14 cent., Ramsey; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1391 and 1395, Durh.;
+ 1435, C. U. L.; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.;
+ 1508, Ch. Ch. C.; 1524, Cant. Coll.). _Meteorologica_ (1435 and
+ 1473, C. U. L.). _Historia animalium_ (_c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C., _de
+ animalibus_; 1372, August. Fr. York, _de animalibus_; 1389, S.
+ Mart. Dov., _de natura animalium_; 1473, C. U. L.; 1520, Wm.
+ Grocyn, _de animalibus_). _De generatione animalium_ (_c._ 1300,
+ Ch. Ch. C.; 1443, Ox. U. L.). _De anima_ (_c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.;
+ 1372, August. Fr. York; 1439, Ox. U. L.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.;
+ 1524, Cant. Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Metaphysica_ (_c._ 1300, Ch.
+ Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.; 1473, C.
+ U. L.; 1487, Pembr. Coll.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1524, Cant.
+ Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Ethica_ (_c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372,
+ August. Fr. York; 1387, Exeter Coll.; 1391, Durh.; 1428, Pembr.
+ Coll.; 1439, Ox. U. L.; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.; 1473, C. U. L.;
+ 1475, S. Cath. H.; 1487, Pembr. Coll.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1508,
+ Ch. Ch. C.; 1524, Cant. Coll., _noviter translatus_; _c._ 1526,
+ Syon). _Magna Moralia_ (1487, Pembr. Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon).
+ _Politica_ (_c._ 1428, Pembr. Coll.; 1439, Ox. U. L.; 1452, King’s
+ Coll. Camb.; 1487, Pembr. Coll.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1508, Ch.
+ Ch. C.; 1524, Cant. Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Rhetorica_ (_c._
+ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1475, S. Cath. H.; 1487,
+ Pembr. Coll.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1508, Ch. Ch. C.; 1524, Cant.
+ Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Problemata_ (1435 and 1473, C. U. L.;
+ 1520, Wm. Grocyn; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Oeconomica_ (1372, August. Fr.
+ York).
+
+ CAESAR.--_Commentaries_ (1443, Ox. U. L.; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.;
+ 1520, Wm. Grocyn).
+
+ CICERO.--(8 cent., York; 1439, Ox. U. L., _Opera viginti duo in
+ magno volumine_; 1520, Wm. Grocyn, _Opera omnia_). _Epistolae_
+ (1480, Bp. Shirwood; 1498, Coll. of Bishop Auckland; 1524, Cant.
+ Coll.; 1439, Ox. U. L., 1520, Wm. Grocyn, and _c._ 1526, Syon, _ad
+ familiares_; 1439, Ox. U. L., _ad Quintum_). _Orationes_ (beg. 14
+ cent., Lanthony, _in Catilinam_; 1439, Ox. U. L.; 1474, Bp.
+ Shirwood; 1478, Balliol Coll.; 1500, Jesus Coll., Rotherham; 1520,
+ Wm. Grocyn; 1372, August. Fr. York, _Tullii invectivarum_; 1391,
+ Durh.; 1439, Ox. U. L.; and 1520, Wm. Grocyn, _Philippics_; 1439,
+ Ox. U. L., _in Verrem_). _De Senectute_ (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.;
+ 1180, Whitby; 12 cent., Durh.; 1217-18, Evesham; 1248, Glastonbury;
+ _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; _c._ 1400, Meaux; 1418, Peterhouse; _c._
+ 1497, S. Aug. C.; _c._ 1526, Syon. Frequently found). _De Legibus_
+ (12 cent., Durh.). _De Officiis_ (1202, Rochester; beg. 14 cent.,
+ Lanthony; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1418,
+ Peterhouse; 1439, Ox. U. L.; 1475, S. Cath. H.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug.
+ C.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _De Republica_ (_Somnium Scipionis_ (_c._
+ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 14 cent., Ramsey; 1418, Peterhouse;? 1482,
+ Leicester; _c._ 1526, Syon). _De Amicitia_ (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.;
+ 1180, Whitby; 1195, Durh.; 1217-18, Evesham; 1248, Glastonbury;
+ beg. 14 cent., Lanthony; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr.
+ York; 1391, Durh.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; _c._ 1526, Syon--one of
+ the commonest of classic works in the M.A.). _Paradoxa_ (1217-18,
+ Evesham; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1391, Durh.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.;
+ _c._ 1526, Syon). _Tusculanae disputationes_ (beg. 14 cent.,
+ Lanthony; 1418, Peterhouse; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1524, Cant.
+ Coll.; 1526, Syon). _De Inventione_ (_Rhetorica_) (_c._ 1170, Ch.
+ Ch. C.; 12 or 13 cent., Bury; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1391, Durh.;
+ 1439, Ox. U. L.; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.; 1458, S. Paul’s; 1473,
+ C. U. L.;? 1482, Leicester; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1524, Cant.
+ Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon, _nova rhetorica_). _De Oratore_ (1477, Bp.
+ Shirwood). _Topica_ (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.).
+ _De Natura Deorum_ (_c._ 1526, Syon). _De Finibus_ (1472, Bp.
+ Shirwood).
+
+ GELLIUS.--_Noctes Atticae_ (_c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1391, Durh.;
+ 1439, Ox. U. L.; 1476, Bp. Shirwood; 1520, Wm. Grocyn; _c._ 1526,
+ Syon).
+
+ “HOMER.”--(12 cent., Durh.; 1180, Whitby). _Iliad_ (_c._ 1526,
+ Syon).
+
+ HORACE.--(_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 or 13 cent., Bury; bef. 13
+ cent., Reading; 1202, Rochester; 1248, Glastonbury; beg. 14 cent.,
+ Lanthony; 14 cent., Ramsey; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1452, King’s
+ Coll. Camb.; _c._ 1480, Bp. Shirwood;? 1482, Leicester; _c._ 1497,
+ S. Aug. C.; 1500, Jesus Coll., Rotherham; _c._ 1526, Syon).
+ _Epistles_ (bef. 13 cent., Reading; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1389,
+ S. Mart. Dov.).
+
+ JUVENAL.--_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 1180, Whitby; 12 cent., Durh.; 12
+ or 13 cent., Bury; bef. 13 cent., Reading; 1217-18, Evesham; 1248,
+ Glastonbury; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1391,
+ Durh.; 1487, Bp. Shirwood; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1520, Wm. Grocyn;
+ _c._ 1526, Syon.
+
+ LIVY.--(1248, Glastonbury; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1443, Ox. U. L.;
+ 1475, Bp. Shirwood; 1508, Ch. Ch. C.; 1520, Wm. Grocyn; _c._ 1526,
+ Syon, epitome by Florus).
+
+ LUCAN.--(8 cent., York; _c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent., Durh.;
+ 1202, Rochester; 1217-18, Evesham; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; beg. 14
+ cent., Lanthony; 14 cent., Ramsey; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1418,
+ Peterhouse; 1473, C. U. L.;? 1482, Leicester; _c._ 1497, S. Aug.
+ C.; 1524, Cant. Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon).
+
+ LUCRETIUS.--_De Rerum natura_ (1520, Wm. Grocyn).
+
+ MARTIAL.--(12 cent., Peterboro’; 14 cent., Ramsey; _c._ 1300, Ch.
+ Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr. York, _Epigrammata marcii valerii, libri
+ 15_; _c._ 1400, Meaux; 1418, Peterhouse; 1451, Henry Calder, vicar
+ of Cookfield; 1476, Bp. Shirwood).
+
+ OVID.--(_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent., Durh.; beg. 14 cent.,
+ Lanthony; 1202, Rochester, _Ovidius magnus_; 14 cent., Ramsey; _c._
+ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.;? 1482, Leicester). _Ars amatoria_ (12 cent.,
+ Durh.; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1500, Jesus Coll., Rotherham).
+ _Remedia Amoris_ (12 cent., Durh.; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1438, T.
+ Cooper, a scholar of Oxford; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1500, Jesus
+ Coll., Rotherham). _Mendicamina faciei_ (_c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.).
+ _Metamorphoses_ (1372, August. Fr. York; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1443,
+ Ox. U. L.; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.; 1470, Pembr. Coll.; 1473, C.
+ U. L.;? 1482, Leicester, _de mirabilibus mundi_; _c._ 1497, S.
+ Aug. C.; 1500, Jesus Coll., Rotherham; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Fasti_
+ (12 cent., Durh.; 1202, Rochester; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1389, S.
+ Mart. Durh.; 1418, Peterhouse; 1443, Ox. U. L.). _Tristia_ (_c._
+ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent., Durh.; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1389, S.
+ Mart. Dov.; 1418, Peterhouse; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.). _Ibis_ (_c._
+ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent., Durh.; 1372, August. Fr. York; _c._
+ 1400, Meaux; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.). _Heroides_ (1372, August. Fr.
+ York). _Ex Ponto_ (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent., Durh.; 1372,
+ August. Fr. York; 1391, Durh.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.).
+
+ PERSIUS--(_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 1180, Whitby; 12 cent., Durh.;
+ 1202, Rochester; 1248, Glastonbury; beg. 14 cent., Lanthony; 1520,
+ Wm. Grocyn).
+
+ PLATO--(1180, Whitby; bef. 13 cent., Reading; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch.
+ C.; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1439, Ox. U. L.;? 1482, Leicester; _c._
+ 1526, Syon). _Timaeus_ (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent., Durh.;
+ 1248, Glastonbury; beg. 14 cent., Lanthony; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.;
+ 1372, August Fr. York; 1418, Peterhouse; 1451, Hy. Caldey, vicar of
+ Cookfield; 1478, Balliol Coll., new translation; _c._ 1497, S. Aug.
+ C.). _Republic_ (1443, Ox. U. L., new translation; 1452, King’s
+ Coll., Camb.; 1475, S. Cath. H.). _Euthyphro_ (1478, Balliol Coll.,
+ new translation).
+
+ PLAUTUS--12 or 13 cent., Bury [_James_^{1}, 27]; beg. 14 cent.,
+ Lanthony, _Aulularia_; 1481, Bp. Shirwood; 1520, Wm. Grocyn.
+
+ PLINY THE ELDER--(8 cent., York; 1126-71, Glastonbury, _de naturali
+ historia_; 12 or 13 cent., Bury; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C., _Prima pars
+ Plinii, et secunda pars_; 1418, Peterhouse, _Hist. nat._; 1439, Ox.
+ U. L., _Plinius de naturis rerum_; 1443, Ox. U. L., _Physica_;
+ 1464, Bp. Shirwood; 1520, Wm. Grocyn; _c._ 1526, Syon). Extracts,
+ _Medicina Plinii_ (_c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C., _Liber Plinii junioris
+ [sic] de diversis medicinis_).
+
+ PLINY THE YOUNGER.--_Letters_ (1443, Ox. U. L.).
+
+ PLUTARCH.--_Vitae_ (1480, Bp. Shirwood, printed, Latin; 1520, Wm.
+ Grocyn).
+
+ QUINTILIAN.--_Institutio oratoria_ (12 cent., Durh.; _c._ 1290, the
+ La Fytes, scholars at Oxford; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1326-35, S.
+ Albans; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1391, Durh.; 1418, Peterhouse; 1439,
+ Ox. U. L.; 1475, S. Cath. H.; 1478, Balliol Coll.; _c._ 1497, S.
+ Aug. C.)
+
+ SALLUST--(_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent. Durh.; 1202, Rochester;
+ 1248, Glastonbury; beg. 14 cent., Lanthony; _c._ 1400, Meaux; 1418,
+ Peterhouse). _Bella_ (12 cent., Bury; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb., _de
+ bello Cat._; 1500, Jesus Coll., Rotherham; _c._ 1526, Syon).
+ SENECA THE YOUNGER--_c._ 1170, Peterboro’; 1260-9, S. Albans; 12
+ cent., Durh.; 14 cent., Ramsey; 1478, Balliol Coll.; 1520, Wm.
+ Grocyn). _Opera_ (_c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.). _De Beneficiis_ (_c._
+ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1395, Durh.; _c._ 1400, Meaux; 1418, Peterhouse).
+ _De Clementia_ (_c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1395, Durh.; 1418,
+ Peterhouse; 1458, S. Paul’s). _Epistolae morales_ (12 cent.,
+ Peterboro’; 12 or 13 cent., Bury; bef. 13 cent., Reading; 13 cent.,
+ Rievaulx; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1395,
+ Durh.; _c._ 1400, Meaux; 1418, Peterhouse; 1451, Hy. Caldey, vicar
+ of Cookfield; 1452, King’s Coll., Camb.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.).
+ _Naturales quaestiones_ (1418, Peterhouse; 1458, S. Paul’s).
+ _Tragædiae_ (1372, August. Fr. York; 1439, Ox. U. L.; 1452, King’s
+ Coll., Camb.; _c._ 1480, Bp. Shirwood). Innumerable.
+
+ STATIUS--(8 cent., York; 1180, Whitby; 12 or 13 cent., Bury; 1389,
+ S. Mart. Dov.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Thebais_ (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.;
+ 12 cent., Durh.; 1418, Peterhouse; 1479, Bp. Shirwood). _Achilleis_
+ (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent., Durh.; 1372, August Fr. York;
+ 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.). _Silvae_ (1478
+ Bp. Shirwood).
+
+ SUETONIUS.--_De Vita Caesarum_ (12 or 13 cent., Bury; 1126-71,
+ Glastonbury; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr. York; _c._
+ 1400, Meaux; 1443, Ox. U. L.; 1458, S. Paul’s; 1476, Bp. Shirwood;
+ 1508, New Coll.; 1520, Wm. Grocyn; _c._ 1526, Syon).
+
+ TACITUS.--_De Oratoribus_ (1520, Wm. Grocyn; 1526, Syon).
+
+ TERENCE--(12 cent., Durh.; 12 cent., Peterboro’; 12 or 13 cent.,
+ Bury; _c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 1202, Rochester; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch.
+ C.; beg. 14 cent., Lanthony; 14 cent., Ramsey; 1326-35, S. Albans;
+ 1372, August. Fr. York; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1391, Durh.; 1443, Ox.
+ U. L.; 1471, Bp. Shirwood; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1500, Jesus
+ Coll., Rotherham; _c._ 1530, Wells Cath.).
+
+ TROGUS, POMPEIUS--(8 cent., York; 1095, Durh.; 12 cent., Durh.;
+ 1391, Durh.; 1443, Ox. U. L.; 1465, Bp. Shirwood).
+
+ VALERIUS MAXIMUS.--_Facta et dicta memorabilia_ (13 cent., Bury;
+ 1391, Durh.; 1418, Peterhouse; 1420-40, S. Albans; 1452, King’s
+ Coll. Camb.; 1520, Wm. Grocyn; _c._ 1526, Syon).
+
+ VARRO.--_De Lingua Latina_ (1443, Ox. U. L.; _c._ 1526, Syon).
+
+ VIRGIL--(8 cent., York; 12 or 13 cent., Bury; 12 cent., Durh.; _c._
+ 1150, Lincoln Cath.; _c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C., _Virgilius totus_; 14
+ cent., Ramsey; 1326-35, S. Albans;? 1482, Leicester; _c._ 1526,
+ Syon, _Opera_). _Bucolics_ (12 cent., Durh.; 1180, Whitby; bef. 13
+ cent., Reading; 1202, Rochester; 1248, Glastonbury; 1372, August.
+ Fr. York; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1391, Durh.; 1418, Peterhouse; 1452,
+ King’s Coll. Camb., _Virgilius in bucolicis cum ceteris_; 1458, S.
+ Paul’s; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.). _Georgics_ (12 cent., Durh.; bef.
+ 13 cent., Reading; 1202, Rochester; 1248, Glastonbury; 1372,
+ August. Fr. York; 1391, Durh.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.). _Aeneid_
+ (1202, Rochester; 1248, Glastonbury; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372,
+ August. Fr. York; 1391, Durh.; 1418, Peterhouse; _c._ 1497, S. Aug.
+ C.; 1524, Cant. Coll.).
+
+_NOTE._
+
+In compiling the above list use has been made of Bateson; Becker;
+Bradshaw; _C.A.S._; _Chron. Mon. de Melsa_, iii.; Dugdale, _Hist. of S.
+Paul’s_; _E.H.R._ iii.; James; James^{1}; James^{2}; James^{9};
+James^{10}; _Mun. Acad._; Robinson; _Sur. Soc._ vii.; _Archaeologia
+Cantiana_; _Fasciculus Ioanni Willis Clark dicatus_ (art. by Dr. M. R.
+James), and other works.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX C
+
+LIST OF MEDIEVAL COLLECTIONS OF BOOKS
+
+
+ _Note._--This list aims (i) to bring together in brief form a
+ number of records which are better removed from the main text of
+ this book, and (ii) to present in chronological order facts
+ carefully selected to show the variety of medieval libraries, in
+ size and character.
+
+ ----------+-------------------------------------------+--------------------
+ DATE | DESCRIPTION | SOURCE
+ ----------+-------------------------------------------+--------------------
+ 778 | Alcuin’s library at York. Aristotle, | Alcuin, _De Pont.
+ | Virgil, Lucan, Statius, Cicero, | Eccle. Ebor._,
+ | Aldhelm, Bede, etc. | 1535-61; Becker,
+ | | 2.
+ 10 c. | Books given to Peterborough by | Dugdale, i. 382.
+ | Ethelwold. Bede _in Marcum_, _Liber |
+ | Miraculorum_, _Expositio Hebraeorum |
+ | nominum_, _De Literis Graecorum_, etc. |
+ | About 20. |
+ 10 c. | King Athelstan gave some nine books to | _B. M. Cott._, A 1.
+ | S. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury: | viii. fo. 56^{b};
+ | Persius, Isidore, Bede (?), etc. | James, lxix.
+ _c._ 1034 | “Many” books on theology and grammar | _Chron. Abb. de E._
+ | given to Evesham Abbey by Bp. | (Rolls S.), 83.
+ | Aelfward. |
+ 1045 | Two books bequeathed to Glastonbury | Wm. of Malm., _De
+ | by Bp. Brithwold. | Ant. Glaston._,
+ | | Wharton, _Angl.
+ | | Sacra_ (1691), i.
+ | | 578-83.
+ _c._ 1060 | At St. Peter’s Exeter books given by | Dugdale, ii. 527.
+ | Bp. Leofric; Exeter Book, Leofric |
+ | Missal, etc. |
+ 1077-93 | Church books given to S. Albans by | _Gesta ... S.
+ | Abbot Paul. | Albani_, i. 58.
+ 1078-99 | Bp. Osmund collected and wrote books | W. of Malm., _Gesta
+ | for Old Sarum Church. | Pont._, 183.
+ _c._ 1080 | Abbot Walter made many books for | _Chron. Abb. de E._
+ | Evesham. | (Rolls S.), 97.
+ 1095 | Bp. William de Carilef gave about 52 | _Surtees Soc._, vii.
+ | books to Durham [not Lindisfarne, as | 117-8; Becker, 172.
+ | in Becker]. |
+ 12 c. | Nearly 370 pieces at Durham Priory: | _Surtees Soc._, vii.
+ | Quintilian, Plato’s _Timaeus_, | 1-10.
+ | Sallust, Cicero (_de Legibus_, _de |
+ | Amic._, _de Senectute_), Terence, |
+ | Virgil, Ovid (_Epp._, _Tristia_, _Ars |
+ | amandi_, _Remedia amoris de Fastis_), |
+ | Lucan, Juvenal; grammar, rhetoric, |
+ | arithmetic, geometry, medicine; some |
+ | English books. |
+ 12 c. | At Burton-on-Trent Abbey, after 1175, | B. M. Add. MS. 23944,
+ | there were 78 vols. Incl. Augustine, | fo. 157;
+ | Gregory, Bede, Anselm, etc. | _Zentralblatt_,
+ | | ix. 201-3.
+ 12 c. | Catalogue of 68 pieces belonging | MS. Bodley, 163, f.
+ | probably to one of the great | 261; Becker, 216.
+ | Southern abbeys. |
+ 1104 | Abbot Peter gave many books to | _Hist. et cart. mon.
+ | Gloucester Abbey. | Glouc._, i. xxiv.
+ 1119-46 | Abbot Geoffrey gave church books to S. | _Gesta ... S. Alb._,
+ | Albans. | i. 94.
+ 1126-71 | At Glastonbury Abbot Henry had 54 | Adam de Domerham,
+ | books transcribed, incl. Pliny’s | _Hist._, ed. Hearne
+ | _Nat. Hist._, Suetonius _De Vita | (1727), ii. 317-18;
+ | Caesarum_, _Gesta Britonum_, _Gesta_ | Hearne, _Hist. and_
+ | _Anglorum_. | _Ant. of G._ (1722)
+ | | 141-3.
+ 1130 | Abbot Reginald acquired for church of | _Chron. Abb. de E._
+ | Evesham Ab. books and ornaments. | 99.
+ 1150 | Hugh of Leicester gave books to Lincoln | _Girald. Cambrensis_
+ | Cath. 42 vols. and map of world in | (Rolls Ser.), vii.
+ | library now; 31 added soon after. | 165.
+ | Some parts of Bible given by Bp. |
+ | Alexander; 9 books given by Bp. |
+ | Chesney. Library included Augustine, |
+ | Gregory, Bede, Ambrose, Jerome, |
+ | Virgil, Vegetius (_de re Militari_). |
+ _c._ 1170 | Over 223 volumes in Christ Church, | James, 7.
+ | Canterbury: catalogue, which is but a |
+ | fragment, contains books of grammar, |
+ | rhetoric, music, arithmetic, poetry, |
+ | logic, astronomy, geometry--Donatus |
+ | in Greek, Donatus in English, |
+ | Cicero’s Rhetoric, _de Senectute_, |
+ | _de Amicitia_ (2), Plato’s _Timaeus_, |
+ | Terence (5 volumes), Sallust (8 |
+ | volumes), Virgil (8 volumes), Horace |
+ | (8), Lucan (5), Statius (6), Juvenal |
+ | (4) Persius (9), Cato (2), Ovid (5). |
+ _c._ 1177 | Nearly 80 books in Peterboro’ | _Hist. Angl.
+ | Abbey--Seneca, Terence, Martial. | Script. Varii_
+ | | [Sparke], 98-9;
+ | | Merryweather,
+ | | 96-97; Becker,
+ | | 238.
+ _c._ 1180 | 74 pieces in Whitby Abbey--42 theology, | Becker, 226.
+ | 15 history: Cicero (_de Amicitia_, |
+ | _de Senectute_), Homer, Juvenal, |
+ | Plato, Sedulius, Statius, Virgil? |
+ | (_Bucolica_), Persius, etc. |
+ 1184 | Bp. Bartholomew left books to church at | _B.M. Cotton Roll._
+ | Crediton and to another church. | II., 11 (at end).
+ 12 or 13 c.| At Bury S. Edmunds Abbey there was | James^{1}, 23.
+ | a fair library at this period; |
+ | including average number of classics. |
+ 13 c. | Before this Reading Abbey had 228 | _E. H. R._ (1888),
+ | volumes--Seneca, Aristotle, Virgil, | 117-23.
+ | Juvenal; _Gesta R. Henrici secundi_, |
+ | _Ystoria Rading_, _Hist. Anglorum_. |
+ 13 c. | At Lanthony there were 486 volumes, | _B. M. Harl. MS._
+ | including Plato, Plautus, Cicero, | 460, ff. 3-11;
+ | Sallust, Persius, Ovid, Lucan, | _Zentralblatt_,
+ | Horace, Terence. | ix. 207-22.
+ 13 c. | Prior John de Marcle gave 6 treatises | _Chron. Abb. de E._
+ | on law to Evesham Abbey. | (Rolls Ser.), xxii
+ | | n.
+ 13 c. | At Leominster church, a dependency of | _E. H. R._ (1888),
+ | Reading Abbey, 130 books: _Rotula | 123-5.
+ | cum vita sancti Guthlaci anglice |
+ | scripta_, _Medicinalis unus anglicis |
+ | litteris scriptus_, _Liber qui |
+ | appellatur landboc_. |
+ 13 c. | At Rievaulx there was a large library | James^{9}, 45-56.
+ | of the usual medieval character: |
+ | incl. Seneca, Justinian. |
+ 13 c. | Flexley or Dene Abbey owned 79 | _Zentralblatt_, ix.
+ | volumes: incl. three English books. | 205-07.
+ _c._ 1200 | About 46 writers used as authorities by | R. de Diceto, _Op._
+ | Ralph of Diss for his _Abbreviationes_ | _Hist._ i. 20.
+ | _Chronicorum_. |
+ 1202 | At S. Andrew’s Priory, Rochester, there | _Archæologia
+ | were about 280 volumes, many including | Cantiana_, iii.
+ | several distinct treatises. Scriptures, | 47-64 (1860).
+ | liturgical and devotional books, |
+ | Fathers, schoolmen, philosophical and |
+ | medical treatises, grammatical works: |
+ | Horace, Virgil, Sallust, Terence, |
+ | Persius, Lucan, Ovid, Aristotle’s |
+ | _Organon_, Cicero. |
+ 1208 | Eight books presented to King John by | _Sussex Archæol.
+ | the sacristan of Reading, all scriptural| Collections_, ii.
+ | and theological. | (1849), 134-5.
+ 1222 | Peterborough receives 7 books, incl. | Dugdale, i. 354.
+ | 2 Psalters, from Abbot R. de |
+ | Lyndesheye. |
+ 1215 | At Glastonbury, 14 or 15 books were | Adam de Domerham,
+ | written for Prior Thomas: books of | _Hist._ ed. Hearne
+ | the Bible, missals. | (1727), ii. 441.
+ 1217-18 | Prior Thos. de Marleberge gave a “large | _Chron. Abb. de E._
+ | collection”--including law, medicine, | (Rolls Ser.), 267.
+ | philosophy, poetry, theology, grammar; |
+ | Cicero (_de Amicitia_, _de Senectute_, |
+ | _Paradoxa_), Lucan, Juvenal--to Evesham |
+ | Abbey. |
+ 1226 | At Peterborough a dozen books were | Dugdale, i. 354.
+ | left by Abbot Alex. de Holdernesse. |
+ 1245 | At Peterborough about 20 books, ordinary | _Ibid._, i. 355.
+ | in character, were left by Abbot Walter |
+ | de St. Edmund. |
+ _c._ 1240 | Bp. Ralph of Maidstone gave service |
+ | books and a _Legend_ to Hereford |
+ | Cathedral. |
+ 1245 | 35 vols. at St. Paul’s Cathedral; ordinary| _Archæologia_, I.
+ | medieval character. | 496.
+ 1247-48 | At Glastonbury there were nearly 500 | Joh. Glaston,
+ | books. Incl. much theology, chronicles, | _Chron._, ed.
+ | classics. Aristotle, Livy, Sallust, | Hearne (1726), II.
+ | Virgil, Cicero, Plato, Persius, Horace, | 423-44.
+ | Juvenal. |
+ 1249 | Peterborough receives 5 books from | Dugdale, i. 356.
+ | Abbot Wm. de Hotot. |
+ 1253 | Richard de Wyche, Bp. of Chichester, | _Sussex Archæol.
+ | left a number of books to the | Coll._, i. (1848)
+ | friars: chiefly glossed books of | 168-187.
+ | the Bible, a glossed psalter, the |
+ | _Sentences_, etc. |
+ _c._ 1255 | John of Basingstoke imports Greek MSS. | Gasquet^{3}, 158-59;
+ | from Athens. | Stevenson, 224, 227.
+ 1258-59 | Prior Jno. of Worcester gave a number | _Chron. Abb. de E._
+ | of books to Evesham Abbey. Grammar, | (Rolls Ser.), xxii
+ | logic, physics, theology, canon and | n.
+ | civil law. |
+ 1259 | Master of Sherborne Hospital left | _Surtees Soc._, ii. 6.
+ | church books, and a _liber phisica_ |
+ | to the Hospital. |
+ 1260-90 | Many books, including Seneca, given to | _Gesta ... S. Alb._,
+ | S. Albans by Abbot Roger. | i. 483.
+ 1262 | Peterborough receives 5 books from | Dugdale, i. 356.
+ | Abbot J. de Kaleto. Incl. . |
+ | _Testamentum_ xii _Patriarcharum_. |
+ 1266 | Roger de Thoris gave books to Grey | Oliver, _Mon. D.
+ | Friars’ Convent, Exeter. | Exon._ (1846),
+ | | 322-33.
+ 1274 | Abbot R. de Sutton left some 17 books | Dugdale, i. 357
+ | to Peterborough. Incl. psalters, |
+ | canon law, liber Naturalium |
+ | Aristotelis. |
+ 1295 | Abbot R. de London leaves 10 books to | Dugdale, i. 357.
+ | Peterborough. Boëthius _de |
+ | Consolatione philosophiae_, _Nova |
+ | logica_, psalters, etc. |
+ 1280-1303 | Bp. Richard of Gravesend. Over 100 | _Misc. of Philobiblon
+ | volumes, worth about £100. | S._ 1856; Edwards,
+ | | i. 373.
+ 1285-1331 | Library of about 1850 volumes now at | James, 13-142.
+ | Christ Ch., Canterbury. A fine |
+ | collection. Many classics. English |
+ | books: Genesis Anglice depicta, |
+ | Boëthius _de Consolatione_, |
+ | Herbarius Anglice depictus, Chronica |
+ | vetustissima, Chronica Latine et |
+ | Anglice, etc. |
+ 1287-1345 | Richard of Bury owned a large library. | R. de B., _passim._
+ 1290 | John of Taunton added 40 works to | Joh. Glast. _Hist._,
+ | Glastonbury Library. Ordinary. | ed. Hearne (1726),
+ | | ii. 251-52; A. de
+ | | Domerham, _Hist._,
+ | | ii. 574-75.
+ 1295 | 13 Gospels and other parts of the |
+ | Scriptures, and a commentary of |
+ | Aquinas at S. Paul’s Cathedral. |
+ 1299 | Abbot W. de Wodeforde left 18 books to | Dugdale, i. 358.
+ | Peterborough. Liturgical, theological, |
+ | and law. |
+ 1299-1300 | Edward I. owned a few books; including | Edwards, i. 391.
+ | book of romance. |
+ Late 13 c. | Galfridus de Lawað, rector of the church | James^{10}, 158.
+ | S. Magnus, London, had 49 books. |
+ | Canon law, grammar, logic, medicine, |
+ | theology. |
+ 14 c. | More than 600 books and 170 service | _Chron. Abb. Ram._,
+ | books in Ramsey Abbey. Aristotle, | 356 (Rolls Ser.).
+ | Plato (_Timaeus_), Greek Psalters, |
+ | _Ars Loquendi Linguam Graecam_, Greek |
+ | and Latin Psalter; Virgil, Ovid, |
+ | Martial, Terence, Lucan, Prudentius, |
+ | Seneca; French Bible, three Hebrew |
+ | books, Hebrew Psalter, two parts of |
+ | Hebrew Bible, _Liber expositionum |
+ | dictionum Hebraicum_, glossary of |
+ | Hebrew Bible, _Expositio nominum |
+ | Hebraeorum_, _Interpretationes |
+ | Hebraicorum_, _Ars loquendi et |
+ | intelligendi in Lingua Hebraica_. |
+ 14 c. | Small and unimportant collection at St. | Oliver, _Mon. D.
+ | Andrews Priory, Tywardreath. | Exon._, 36.
+ 14 c. | Richard of Stowe gave to St. Peter’s, | _B. M. Harl. MS._,
+ | Gloucester, 7 vols., including | 627, fo. 8 a.
+ | Boëthius _de Consolatione P._ |
+ 14 c. | John de Bruges wrote 33 books, ordinary | Hearne, _Hist. and
+ | in character, for Coventry Priory. | Ant. Glast._, App.
+ | Incl. Palladius, _de Agricultura_. | 291-93 (1722);
+ | | Dugdale, iii. 186.
+ 14 c. | 23 books at Deeping Priory, | Dugdale, iv. 167.
+ | Lincolnshire: including _Gesta |
+ | Britonum_. |
+ 14 c. | About 350 vols. at Peterboro’: including | Gunton, _Hist. of Ch.
+ | Aristotle, Cicero, Virgil, Ovid, | of Peterboro’_
+ | Seneca, Sallust; a good deal in French.| (1686), 173-224.
+ 1300 | Bp. Bek had a number of books which he | _Surtees Soc._, vii.
+ | refused to return to the Prior of | 121-22.
+ | Durham; included _Historia Anglorum_, |
+ | and _Liber qui vocatur Liber S. |
+ | Cuthberti, in quo secreta Domus |
+ | scribuntur_. |
+ 1313 | 15 works, chiefly theological, beq. by | _Hist. MSS._, 9th Rep.,
+ | Bp. Baldock to St. Paul’s Cathedral. | Pt. i. 46a.
+ 1315 | Church books and Bibles in Christ | Dart, _Cath. of Cant._
+ | Church, Canterbury (list). | (1726), App. vi.,
+ | | xv.-xvii.
+ 1315 | Guy de Beauchamp, earl of Warwick, left | Todd, _Ill. of Lives of
+ | books to Bordesley Abbey: French | Gower and Chaucer_
+ | romances, etc. | (1810), 161, 162;
+ | | Merryweather, 193-4;
+ | | Edwards, i. 375-6.
+ 1315 | Some 40 volumes at Durham College, | _O. H. S._, 32,
+ | Oxford; sent from Durham. Chiefly | _Collect._ 36.
+ | theology; Aristotle. |
+ 1321 | Abbot Godfrey de Croyland left about | Dugdale, i. 358-59.
+ | a dozen books to Peterborough. |
+ | Theology, law, etc. |
+ 1322 | Abbot Walter of Taunton gave 7 volumes | Williams, 81.
+ | to Glastonbury. |
+ 1325 | A small collection of church books at | _Surtees Soc._, ii. 22.
+ | St. Edmund’s Hospital, Gateshead. |
+ 1327 | Abingdon Abbey had 100 Psalters, 100 | _Ibid._, vii. xxxiii.
+ | Graduals, 40 Missals; 22 codices, |
+ | probably not church books. |
+ 1327 | About 230 volumes at Exeter. Civil and | Oliver, _Lives of Bps. of
+ | canon law, theology. | E._, 301-10.
+ 1327 | Bp. Cobham bequeathed his books and | _Mun. Acad._, i. 227.
+ | 350 marks to found common library at |
+ | Oxford. |
+ 1331 | Prior Henry Eastry bequeathed 80 books | James, 143.
+ | to Christ Church, Canterbury--26 |
+ | theology, 29 canon law, 14 civil law, |
+ | 11 church books. |
+ 1335 | Abbot Adam de Sodbury gave 7 vols. to | _Joh. Glaston. Hist._, ed.
+ | Glastonbury. | Hearne (1726), 265.
+ 1335 | 4 books given and 32 sold to Richard of | _Gesta ... S. Alb._, ii.
+ | Bury from S. Albans Abbey. | 200.
+ 1335-49 |Books given to S. Albans by Abbot | _Ibid._, ii. 363.
+ | Michael. |
+ 1336 |Bp. Stephen Gravesend bequeathed books | Lyte, 181.
+ | to four colleges, Merton, University, |
+ | Balliol, Oriel. |
+ 1337 |93 books missing at Christ Church, | James, 146.
+ | Canterbury. Many books of offices; |
+ | includes _Brutus_ in French. |
+ 1338 |Abbot Adam de Botheby left about a | Dugdale, i. 360.
+ | dozen books on canon law, theology, |
+ | and liturgical books to Peterborough. |
+ 1343 |Hinton Priory lent about 23 books to | Hunter, 17;
+ | another house--Gospels, homilies, lives | _Surtees Soc._,
+ | of saints, etc. | vii. xxxviii.
+ 1345 (6) |Over 50 volumes in Lichfield Cathedral | _W. Salt Arch. S._
+ |-all church books, except 2 martyrologies,| vi., pt. 2,
+ | 4 quires of lives of saints, and | Sacrist’s roll,
+ | _De gestis Anglorum_. St. Chad’s Gospels.| 211.
+ 1349-96 |Abbot Thomas’ study or library at St. | _Gest a ... S.
+ | Albans enlarged; many books added. | Alb ._, iii, 389;
+ | | cf. ii. 399.
+ 1350 |Trinity Hall, Cambridge, receives 84 | _C. A . S._ (1864),
+ | vols. from founder, Dr. Bateman: | ii. 73-78; Clark,
+ | Canon law (32), civil law (10), theology| 138 .
+ | (28), chapel books (14). |
+ 1353 | Abbot de Morcote left some 11 books to | Dugdale, i. 360.
+ | Peterborough: Canon law, a _Catholicon_.|
+ 1355 | Elizabeth de Clare bequeathed to Clare | Edwards, i. 374.
+ | Hall, a few books: including Hugutio. |
+ 1358 | John Trevaur, Bp. of St. Asaph. Chiefly | B. M. Add. MS.
+ | ecclesiastical books. | 25459, fo. 291.
+ 1358 | Thomas de la Mare, wealthy canon of | _Surtees Soc._,
+ | York, owned some six law books. | iv. 69.
+ 1360 | Bp. Grandisson of Exeter appears to have |
+ | owned a good library. He gave 4 |
+ | books to Exeter; Aquinas’ works to |
+ | Black Friars of Exeter; 1 to Windsor |
+ | Chapel; remainder to his Chapter, to |
+ | the collegiate churches of Ottery, |
+ | Crediton, and Boseham, and Exeter |
+ | College, Oxford. His copy of Anselm’s |
+ | _Letters_ is now in Brit. Mus. |
+ 1361 | Peterborough received 7 books from | Dugdale, i. 361.
+ | Abbot Robt. Ramsey. Canon law. |
+ 1362 | A small collection, nearly all church | _Surtees Soc._, xii.,
+ | books, at Coldingham Priory. | App. xl.
+ 1368 | Simon of Bredon bequeathed books to six | _Hist. MSS._, 9th
+ | Oxford Colleges. | Rept., pt. i., 46.
+ 1370 | A Chaplain (Adam de Stanton) left 4 | _Cam. Soc._, Bury
+ | books, including one of romance. | wills (1850), 1.
+ 1372 | At York the Friars Eremites of S. | _Fasciculus J. W.
+ | Augustine owned 646 books. Bibles | Clark dicatus_,
+ | and glossed books of Bible, Greek | 2-96.
+ | Psalter, patristic and later church |
+ | writers (91), logic and philosophy |
+ | (100), astronomy and astrology (36), |
+ | civil law (14), canon law (35), |
+ | grammar and Latin poets (50), |
+ | medicine (22), sermons (42), |
+ | arithmetic, music, geometry, |
+ | perspective. |
+ 1374 | Archbp. W. Whittlesey bequeathed his | Hook, _Archbps._, iv.
+ | library to Peterhouse. | 242-43.
+ 1375 | Nearly 100 volumes at Oriel College, | _O. H. S._ 5,
+ | Oxford; half the collection theology | _Collect._, i. 66.
+ | and philosophy; translations of |
+ 1376 | 116 books bequeathed to Westminster | Robinson, 5-7.
+ | Abbey by Simon Langham, Archbp. |
+ | of Canterbury. Valued at 1121 francs |
+ | and 14 shillings. Chiefly theology. |
+ | Aristotle. |
+ 1377-1400 | In the Royal Chapel of Windsor Castle | Dugdale, vi., pt. 3,
+ | 34 books were chained up, incl. | 1362.
+ | _Catholicon_, Hugutio, Legenda Aurea, |
+ | French romances, one “Romaunce de |
+ | two la Rose, et alius difficilis |
+ | materiae.” Also liturgical and |
+ | Scriptural books. |
+ 1378 | Sir John de Foxle left a large missal | _Archæol. Cantiana_,
+ | and a few service books. | iii. 267; _Archæol.
+ | | Jour._, xv. (1858),
+ | | 267.
+ 1378 | Thos. de Farnylaw, Chancellor of York, | _Surtees Soc._, iv.
+ | left Bible and concordances to St. | 102-03.
+ | Nicholas’ Church, Newcastle; a book |
+ | of sermons to Embleton Church; other |
+ | books to Vicar of Waghen; others to |
+ | Merton and Balliol. |
+ 1379 | Wm. de Feriby, canon of York, archd. | _Ibid._, iv. 103-04.
+ | of Cleveland. “Item lego ad novam |
+ | fabricam Ecclesiae Ebor. xx marcas et |
+ | omnes libros, qui fuerint domini mei |
+ | domini Willielmi de Melton.” Several |
+ | law books specifically mentioned. |
+ _c._ 1380 | Bp. Reed left many manuscripts to | _O. H. S._, 32,
+ | Merton College. | _Collect._ 214.
+ 1387 | William of Wykeham furnished New | _Ibid._, 223.
+ | College with over 240 books--135 |
+ | (138) theology, 28 philosophy, 41 canon|
+ | law, 36 civil law. |
+ _c._ 1387 | 52 books added to New College by somebody| _Ibid._, 223.
+ | unnamed: 37 medicine. |
+ _c._ 1387 | 63 books given to New College by Bp. | _Ibid._, 223.
+ | Reed: 58 theology, 2 philosophy, 3 |
+ | canon law. |
+ 1387 | Sir Simon Burley owned a few romances. | B. M. Add. MS.
+ | | 25459, fo. 206.
+ 1387 | Hy. Whitefield left books and money to | _O. H. S._, 27,
+ | buy books for Exeter College, and | Boase, 7.
+ | Burley on logic and Aristotle’s _Ethica|
+ | and _Topica_ were bought and chained |
+ | up in library. |
+ 1389 | 450 volumes at S. Martin’s Priory, | James, xc. 407.
+ | Dover--Bibles, theology, civil and canon|
+ | law, logic, philosophy, rhetoric, |
+ | medicine, chronicles, romances (_le |
+ | Romonse du roy Charles_, _le Romonse de |
+ | Athys_, _le Romonse de la Rose_, etc.), |
+ | grammar, dictionaries. Plato, Aristotle,|
+ | poetry, Horace, Statius, Ovid, Virgil, |
+ | Juvenal, Terence, Lucan. |
+ 1389-1435 | John, Duke of Bedford, bought portion of | Delisle, _Le Cabinet
+ | French Royal Library. | des manuscrits_.
+ _c._ 1390 | 14 books given to Evesham Abbey by | _Chron. Abb. de E._
+ | John de Brymesgrave, sacrist. | (Rolls Ser.),
+ | | xxii n.; Dugdale,
+ | | ii. 7 n.
+ _c._ 1390 | 96 books given to Evesham Abbey by | _Chron. Abb. de E._
+ | Prior Nich. Herford; not the Lollard | (Rolls Ser.),
+ | of this name. | xxii n.
+ 1391 | Peterborough received 8 books, incl. | Dugdale, i. 361.
+ | _Catholicon_, from Abbot Henry de |
+ | Overton. |
+ 1391 | 508 volumes in common case within | _Surtees Soc._,
+ | spendiment and in inner room of | vii. 10-39.
+ | spendiment at Durham Priory--Bibles, |
+ | theology, logic, philosophy, medicine, |
+ | grammar, law. Seneca, Cicero, |
+ | Quintilian, Valerius Maximus, Palladius |
+ | (_de Agricultura_), A. Gellius, Juvenal,|
+ | Terence, Virgil, Ovid, Aristotle. |
+ 1391 | The Rector of Adell Church, Thos. de | _Ibid._, iv. 156.
+ | Halton, left 5 books of canon law. |
+ 1391 | John Percyhay of Swynton left small | _Ibid._, iv. 164.
+ | collection of books, incl. _Brut_ in |
+ | French. |
+ 1392 | Robert de Roos, a soldier, left church | _Ibid._, iv. 178.
+ | books, and several volumes in French: |
+ | incl. _Roumans de Sydrach_ (a curious |
+ | medley of medieval mystery and science, |
+ | in prose). |
+ 1394 | King’s Hall, Cambridge, had a library of | Willis, _Arch.
+ | 87 volumes. | Hist. of Camb._,
+ | | ii. 442.
+ 1394 |John Hopton, a chaplain, left a few books,| _Surtees Soc._,
+ | four mentioned: incl. Gospels in | iv. 196.
+ | English. (? Wyclif’s). |
+ 1394 | John de Pykering, rector of S. Mary’s, | _Ibid._, iv. 194.
+ | Castlegate, York, left small collection|
+ | of church books. |
+ 1395 | Thomas of England, an Augustinian, | Gherardi, _Statuti
+ | bought MSS. in Italy. | della Univ. e
+ | | Studio
+ | | Fiorentino_,
+ | | 364; Einstein,
+ | | 15; Sandys, ii.
+ | | 220.
+ 1395 | 411 volumes in common library, for | _Surtees Soc._,
+ | refectory, and in case of novices at | vii. 46-84.
+ | Durham Priory. Theology, law, history; |
+ | Seneca, Aristotle, Galen, Hippocrates. |
+ 1395 | John de Scardeburgh, rector of Tichmarsh,| _Ibid._, xlv. 6.
+ | left over 26 books: incl. _Brut_ in |
+ | French, Mannedevile “in paupiro” in |
+ | French. |
+ _c._ 1395 | 79 volumes at Hulne. Theology, history, | _Ibid._, vii.
+ | grammar, logic, law, church books. | 131-35.
+ 1396 | Walter de Bragge, canon of York, left | _Surtees Soc._,
+ | small collection of theology and | iv. 207.
+ | service books: incl. _Piers Plowman_ |
+ | and _Catholicon_. |
+ 1396 | Abbot Nich. Elmstow left liturgical and | Dugdale, i. 361.
+ | law books to Peterborough. |
+ 1397 | Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of | B. M. Add. 25459,
+ | Gloucester, left a collection of | fo. 212-16.
+ | books, theological and French. |
+ 1399 | Eleanor of Gloucester, left about 15 | Nicolas,
+ | mostly in French; richly bound. | _Testamenta
+ | | vetusta_, i.
+ | | 146; Edwards, i.
+ | | 385.
+14 and 15 c. | 158 titles given to Pembroke College, | _C. A. S._, ii.
+ | Cambridge, by various donors. | (8vo ser.)
+ | Aristotle, Seneca, Aulus Gellius, | 13-21;
+ | Ovid. | James^{10},
+ | | xiii.-xvii.
+ 15 c. | Robert de Wycliff, rector of Hutton | _Surtees Soc._,
+ | Rudby in Cleveland, left 5 books: | ii. 66; iv. 405.
+ | incl. _Catholicon_. |
+ 1400 | 326 volumes at Titchfield Abbey. 102 | Madan, 78-79.
+ | liturgical volumes. Theology, canon |
+ | and civil law, English law, medicine, |
+ | grammar, logic and philosophy. 18 |
+ | French books. |
+ _c._ 1400 | Meaux Abbey had nearly 350 books, not | _Chron. mon. de
+ | counting church books: incl. | Melsa_ (Rolls
+ | _Historia Anglorum_, Martial, Seneca, | Ser.) iii.
+ | Ovid, Plato, Suetonius, Cicero. | lxxxiii.
+ 1400 | Thos. de Dalby, archdeacon of Richmond, | _Surtees Soc._,
+ | left a few church books; Decretals, | xlv. 13.
+ | _Catholicon_. |
+ 1403 | John de Scarle, Lord Chancellor, left a | _Ibid._, xlv. 22.
+ | few books: Bible, missal, psalter, |
+ | breviary, _Speculum Sacerdotum_. |
+ 1404 | Bp. Skirlaw of Durham gave 6 books to | _Ibid._, vii. 127;
+ | University College, Oxford, where he | iv. 319.
+ | had endowed Fellowships. Left 13 |
+ | church books when he died. |
+ 1409 | Wessington sent 20 books--Bible, | _Ibid._, vii.
+ | commentaries, etc.--to Durham | 39-41; cp.
+ | College, Oxford; 19 books bought in | _O. H. S._, 32,
+ | their stead. | _Collect._
+ | | 39-40.
+ _c._ 1410 | Robert Rygge, Chancellor of the | _O. H. S._, 27,
+ | University of Oxford, left books to | Boase, 11.
+ | Exeter College, Oxford. |
+ 1411 | 34 books added to Christ Church, | _Lit. Cant._ (Rolls
+ | Canterbury, during time of Prior | Ser.), iii. 121; James,
+ | Chillenden: all canon and civil law. | 150-51.
+ 1412 | Roger de Kyrkby, vicar of Gainford, left | _Surtees Soc._, ii. 54.
+ | a few books: _Legenda Aurea_, _Gemma |
+ | Ecclesiae_, and others not named. |
+ 1413 | N. de Lyra chained in chancel of St. | _Mun. Acad._, 270.
+ | Mary’s Church, Oxford. |
+ 1414 | Archbp. Arundel left many books: | Hook, _Lives of Abps._,
+ | “ornamenta oratorii” and books valued | iv. 527.
+ | at over £352. |
+ 1416 | Catalogue of Durham library bears this | _Surtees Soc._, vii.
+ | date, but it is either the foundation | 85-116.
+ | of the catalogue of 1391 or a copy of |
+ | it. This inventory has been used to |
+ | take stock. |
+ 1416 | William de Waltham, canon of York, left | _Surtees Soc._, xlv.
+ | a collection of books, only a few of | 57-59.
+ | which are mentioned. Chiefly |
+ | law-books. |
+ 1416 | St. Mary Redclyffe Church, Bristol, had | Cox and Harvey, _Eng.
+ | 2 books of canon law. | Ch. Furniture_, 331.
+ 1418 | Stephen Scrope, Archdeacon of Richmond, | _Surtees Soc._, iv. 385.
+ | Chancellor of Cambridge University, |
+ | left a few books of canon law; also |
+ | _Catholicon_. |
+ 1418 | John de Newton left books to Church of | Hunter, _Notes of Wills
+ | York, and to Peterhouse, Cambridge. | in Registers of York_,
+ | Bibles, commentaries, theology: incl. | 15; Edwards, i. 386.
+ | Richd. Hampole, Petrarch’s _de |
+ | Remediis utriusque fortunae_, Seneca, |
+ | Valerius Maximus. |
+ 1418 | 380 volumes now at Peterhouse. Theology | James^{3}, 3-26; Mullinger,
+ | (124), natural and moral philosophy | 324; Clark, 139-41;
+ | and metaphysics (53), canon and civil | cf. _Camb. Lit._, ii.
+ | law (66), grammar and poetry (23), | 362-67.
+ | logic (20), medicine (18), astronomy |
+ | (13), alchemy, arithmetic, music, |
+ | geometry, rhetoric. Aristotle, Plato, |
+ | Cicero, Ovid, Lucan, Statius, Sallust, |
+ | Quintilian, Seneca, Virgil, Petrarch’s |
+ | _Epistles_. |
+ 1419 | Wm. Cawod, canon of York, left 13 | _Surtees Soc._, iv.
+ | books, uninteresting in character. | 395-96.
+ 1420-40 | 49 volumes added to S. Albans in Abbot | _Ann. mon. S. Alb.
+ | Whethamstede’s time: incl. some books | a J. Amund._, ii.
+ | for the choir, and other books of the | 268-71.
+ | Abbot’s own compilation. |
+ 1420-60 | The library of Winchester College was a | _Archæol. Jour._, xv.
+ | large collection of liturgical books; | (1858), 62-74.
+ | philosophy, chronicles, canon and |
+ | civil law, grammar. |
+ 1421 | Thos. Greenwood, canon of York, left | _Surtees Soc._, xlv.
+ | books valued at £31, 4s. Canon and | 64.
+ | civil law. |
+ 1422 | Roger Whelpdale, Bp. of Carlisle, left | _Ibid._, xlv. 67.
+ | a small number of books to Balliol |
+ | College, Oxford. |
+ 1422 | 9 books sent from Durham to cell of | _Ibid._, vii. 116.
+ | Stamford, which was in control of |
+ | Durham. |
+ 1423 | Henry Bowet, Archbp. of York, left 33 | _Ibid._, xlv. 76;
+ | books, worth £33. Bible, theology, | _Historians of York_
+ | law. | (Rolls Ser.), iii.
+ | | 314.
+ _c._ 1424 | 10 volumes given to Wells Cathedral by | _Hist. MSS._, 3rd
+ | Bp. Stafford. Canon law, etc. | Rep., App. 363;
+ | | _Archæologia_, lvii.
+ | | 208.
+ 1424-40 | 122 volumes in Cambridge University | _C. A. S. Comm._, ii.
+ | Library. Theology (69), natural and | 242-57; Bradshaw,
+ | moral philosophy (17), canon law | 19-34.
+ | (23), medicine, logic, poetry, |
+ | grammar, history. |
+ 1425 | Sheriff Wm. Chichele bequeathed £10 for | _L. A. R._, x. 382.
+ | books to Guildhall Library. |
+ 1430 | Robert Ragenhill, advocate of court of | _Surtees Soc._, xlv.
+ | York, left 5 law books and N. de Lyra | 89.
+ | to Church of York. |
+ 1432 | George Darell de Seszay left 5 books: | _Ibid._, xxx. 27, 28.
+ | incl. Mandeville. |
+ 1432 | John Raventhorpe, a chaplain, left | _Ibid._, xxx. 28-29.
+ | service books and grammatical books; |
+ | also _Liber Angliae de Fabulis et |
+ | Narracionibus_. |
+ 1432 | Robert Wolveden, treasurer of Church of | _Ibid._, xlv. 91.
+ | York, left theological books to |
+ | Church of York. Cato glossed and |
+ | _Golden Legend_ also left. |
+ 1432 | Dr. Thos. Gascoigne gave 6 books to | Clark, _Lincoln College_.
+ | Lincoln College, valued £17, 10_s._ |
+ 1432 | Robert Semer, sub-treasurer of Church of | _Surtees Soc._,
+ | York, left 5 books, unimportant. | xlv. 91 n.
+ 1434 | J. de Manthorp, vicar of Hayton, left a | _Ibid._, xxx. 36.
+ | few church books. |
+ 1435 | Æneas Sylvius saw Latin translation of | Creighton,
+ | Thucydides in S. Paul’s Cathedral. | _Papacy_, iii.
+ | | 53 n.
+ 1435 | T. Hebbeden, dean of Collegiate Church | _Surtees Soc._,
+ | of Auckland, left a few books; 6 | ii. 82.
+ | mentioned, incl. Guido delle Colonne, |
+ | _Lancelot_ in French. |
+ 1435-36 | Robert Fitzhugh, Bp. of London, left 13 | Simpson, W.S.,
+ | books, incl. Textus moralis philosophiae.| _Registrum ...
+ | | Eccl. Cath. S.
+ | | Pauli_ (1873),
+ | | 399.
+ 1436 | Thomas Langley, Bp. of Durham, left over | _Surtees Soc._,
+ | 40 books. Theology, civil and canon | vii. 119.
+ | law, N. de Lyra. |
+ 1438 | Thomas Cooper of Brasenose Hall left 6 | _Mun. Acad._, 515.
+ | books: incl. Boëthius, book on |
+ | geometry, Ovid’s _Remedia Amoris_. |
+ 1439 | Thomas Markaunt, presented to Corpus | C. C. C. MS., 232;
+ | Christi College, Cambridge, 76 books, | _C. A. S. Misc.
+ | worth about £104. | comm._, 4to
+ | | ser., No. 14,
+ | | pt. 1, 16-20.
+ 1439 | Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester, gave 129 | _Mun. Acad._,
+ | books to Oxford University Library. | 758-65.
+ | See p. 140. |
+ 1440 | 23 books given to All Souls’ College by | B. M. Add. MS.,
+ | Henry VI. Civil and canon law, | 4608; Vickers,
+ | theology, philosophy. | _H. Duke of
+ | | Gloucester_,
+ | | 404.
+ 1440 | Robert Alne, an officer in the | _Surtees Soc._,
+ | ecclesiastical court of York, left about | xxx. 78-79.
+ | a dozen books. Canon law, etc.; Petrarch,|
+ | _de Remediis utriusque fortunae_. |
+ 1441 | Andrew Holes, political agent of Henry | Sandys, ii. 222.
+ | VI, bought many manuscripts in Italy. |
+ 1443 | Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester, gave 135 | _Mun. Acad._,
+ | volumes to Oxford University Library. | 765-72
+ | See p. 142. |
+ 1443 | John Carpenter bequeathed books to | _L. A. R._, x.
+ | Guildhall Library, London. | 382.
+ 1443 | John Brette, student at Oxford, owned | _Mun. Acad._, 531.
+ | 1 book, _de Formd dictandi_, and a |
+ | pamphlet, worth together 1_s._ 11_d._ |
+ 1445 | Jas. Hedyan, Bachelor of canon and civil | _Ibid._, 544.
+ | law, principal of Eagle Hall, Oxford, |
+ | owned 8 books of law. |
+ 1447 | Reginald Mertherderwa, a rector, owned 6 | _Ibid._, 559-61.
+ | books: grammar, book of civil law, etc.|
+ 1448 | Ralph Dreff, of Broadgates Hall, Oxford, | _Ibid._, 582.
+ | owned 23 books. Bible, law. |
+ 1448 | At the Hospital of S. Mary within | B. M. Cott. Roll.,
+ | Cripplegate, called Elsingspital, | xiii. 10;
+ | London, there were 63 volumes. Bible, | Malcolm,
+ | theology, canon law; Hippocrates, | _Londinium
+ | Galen. | Redivivum_
+ | | (1807), i. 27;
+ | | _Vict. Hist. of
+ | | London_, i. 536.
+ 1449 | Thomas Morton, canon of York, left a | _Surtees Soc._,
+ | small number of church books. | xlv. 110.
+ 1450 | 107 volumes at Lincoln Cathedral at this | Clark, III.
+ | time. |
+ 1450 | Robert Hoskyn, rector, left a small | _Mun. Acad._,
+ | collection. Church books, canon law. | 605-06.
+ 1451 | Henry Caldey, vicar of Cookfield, left 25| _Ibid._, 609.
+ | books. Theology, law. Seneca, _ad |
+ | Lucilium_, Martial, Plato. Value |
+ | £5, 0_s._ 6_d._ |
+ 1451 | John Moreton, chaplain, left 6 physical | _Ibid._, 613.
+ | books. |
+ 1452 | Richard Browne or Cordone, Archdeacon of | _Ibid._, 639-53.
+ | Rochester, left more than 30 books. |
+ | Theology and law. |
+ 1452 | Wm. Duffield, canon of York, left 40 | _Surtees Soc._,
+ | volumes, worth £46, 16_s._ Theology, | xlv. 132-33.
+ | law; _Catholicon_. |
+ 1453 |King’s College, Cambridge, had a | James^{2}, 72-83.
+ | library of 174 volumes: philosophy, |
+ | theology, medicine, astrology, |
+ | mathematics, canon law, grammar, |
+ | classical and general literature, |
+ | inclu. Aristotle, Plato, Cicero, |
+ | Seneca, Sallust, Cæsar, Ovid, Virgil, |
+ | etc. |
+ 1454 |Richard Plane, rector, left a few church | _Surtees Soc._,
+ | books. | xxx. 180.
+ 1454 |Cardinal John Kempe left books worth | Hook, _Lives of Abps._, v. 267.
+ | £263, 8_s._ 10_d._ Theology, canon and |
+ | civil law, etc. |
+ 1454 |Wm. Brownyng, canon of Exeter, left | _O. H. S._, 27,
+ | books to be chained in library of | Boase, xxxvii. n.
+ | Exeter College. |
+ 1455 |John Lassehowe, a scholar, left six | _Mun. Acad._, 663.
+ | books: grammar, sermons, breviary. |
+ 1455 |Thomas Spray, chaplain, left 2 books: | _Ibid._, 660.
+ | _Liber Sermonum Magdalenae_, _Manipulus |
+ | curatorum_. |
+ 1457 |Thomas Aleby, rector of Kirkby in | _Surtees Soc._,
+ | Cleveland, left 6 church books. | xxx. 210.
+ 1457 |John Edlyngton, rector of Kirkby | _Ibid._, xxvi. 2, 3.
+ | Ravensworth, left small collection. |
+ | Bible, liturgical books, _Legenda |
+ | Aurea_, _Polichronicon_, etc. |
+ 1457 |John Seggefyld, M.A., Fellow of Lincoln | _Mun. Acad._, 666.
+ | College, left two books, Boëthius _de |
+ | Consol. philos._ in English, one of |
+ | Richard Rolle’s works. |
+ 1457 |Doctor Thos. Gascoigne, Chancellor of | _Mun. Acad._, 671;
+ | Oxford, left books and “quires” | Bateson, xxv.
+ | written on paper to Syon Monastery, |
+ | Isleworth. |
+ 1457 |John Baringham, treasurer of York, left a | _Surtees Soc._,
+ | small number of liturgical books. | xxx. 203.
+ _c._ 1458 |John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, bought | _O. H. S._, 36,
+ | many manuscripts in Italy. | Anstey, ii. 354,
+ | | 390.
+ 1458 1| 71 books at S. Paul’s Cathedral. | Dugdale, _Hist. of S.
+ | Grammar (6), philosophy (5), classics | Paul’s_ (1818), 392-98.
+ | (7), medicine (6), history (8), canon |
+ | law (21), remainder Bible commentaries, |
+ | theology. Cicero, Virgil, Seneca, |
+ | Suetonius, Hippocrates, Galen. |
+ 1458 |Nicholas Holme, canon of the collegiate | _Surtees Soc._, xxx. 219.
+ |Church of Ripon, left 15 books. |
+ | Liturgical, Richard Rolle of Hampole, 1 |
+ | book of medicine. |
+ 1458 |Wm. Port gave books to New College, | _O. H. S._ 32, _Collect._
+ | Oxford. | 232-33.
+ 1463 | John Baret, lay officer in Bury Abbey, left| _Cam. Soc._, Bury Wills,
+ | 3 books, _Disce mori_, “book of ynglych | 35, 41, 246.
+ | and latyn with diuerse maters of good |
+ | exortacons, wretyn in papir,” Lydgate’s |
+ | _Story of Thebes_. |
+ 1464 | Wm. Downham, chaplain of York, left a | _Surtees Soc._, xxx. 268.
+ | few books. |
+ 1464 | St. Mary’s Church, Warwick, had 5 | _Notices of Churches of Warwickshire_, i. 15-16.
+ | books. Bible versified, _Pharetra de |
+ | Auctoritatibus_, etc. |
+ 1464 | Books bequeathed by John Rowe to Exeter | _O. H. S._ 27, Boase.
+ | College, Oxford; also Ralph Morewell. |
+ 1464-67 | William Selling, Benedictine monk, | James, li.; Sandys, ii.
+ | collected Greek and Latin books in Italy.| 225.
+ 1466 | John Fernell, chaplain, left a few | _Surtees Soc._, xxx. 275.
+ | grammatical and other books. |
+ 1466 | At Ewelme Almshouse, Oxford, were | _Hist. M.S.S._, 8th Rept.,
+ |delivered some liturgical books, 4 French| pt. i. 629 a.
+ | books, a “boke of English, in paper, of|
+ | ye pilgrymage, translated by dom John |
+ | Lydgate out of frensh,” and other |
+ | books. |
+ 1468 | Elizabeth Sywardby left 8 books, several | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 163.
+ | in English. |
+ 1469 | Sir Richard Willoughby of Woollaton, | _Ibid._, xlv. 171.
+ | left to parish church of Woollaton |
+ | liturgical books and _Crede mihi_. |
+ 1469 | Sir Edward Bethum gave books for chaining| _Ibid._, vii. 126.
+ | in church of Lytham Cell, Lancs. |
+ 1471-72 | Wm. Hawk, rector of Berwick in Elmet, | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 220 n.
+ | left 1 psalter. |
+ 1472-73 | Queens’ College, Cambridge, had 224 | _C. A. S. Comm._, ii.
+ | volumes in the library. Theology, law. | (1864) 165-81.
+ | Aristotle. _Catholicon._ |
+ 1472 | John Hamundson, master of grammar | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 198-99.
+ | school attached to York Minster, left |
+ | book of Chronicles in English, Papias, |
+ | a book called _Horsehede_. |
+ 1473 | Cambridge University Library comprised | _C. A. S. Comm._, ii.
+ | 330 volumes. Lucan, Ovid, Aristotle, | (1864) 258-76.
+ | Seneca, Cicero. Petrarch, _de Remediis_|
+ 1473 | 68 books, mostly Scriptural commentaries,| Carr, _Univ. Coll._
+ | given to University College, Oxford, by| (1902), 68.
+ | an old Fellow, Wm. Aspylon. |
+ 1470-75 | Thomas Rotherham gave many books to | Willis, _Camb._, iii. 25.
+ | the University Library, Cambridge. |
+ 1474-75 | Robert Est, possibly chantry-priest in | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 159.
+ | York Minster, left to parish church of |
+ | Brigsley, Lincs., a small collection: |
+ | incl. _Legenda Sanctorum_, _liber de |
+ | Gestis Romanorum cum aliis fabulis Isopi|
+ | et multis narrationibus_. |
+ 1475-76 | Thos. Worthington, vicar of Sherburn in | _Ibid._, xlv. 220 n.
+ | Elmet, left 3 volumes to Balliol College,|
+ | Oxford; unimportant. |
+ 1475-76 | Robt. Echard, rector of East Bridgeford, | _Ibid._, xlv. 219.
+ | left 10 books, several liturgical, the |
+ | rest unimportant. |
+ 1475 | 104 volumes in library at S. Catharine’s | _C. A. S._, i. (1840) 1-11.
+ | College, Cambridge. Plato, Aristotle |
+ |(_Ethica_ and _Politica_), Cicero, Petrarch,|
+ |_de Remediis_ (2 copies), Boccaccio, _de |
+ |Casis virorum illustrium_, in English. |
+ 1476 | John Hurte, vicar of S. Mary’s, | _Surtees Soc._, xiv.
+ |Nottingham, left 21 books. Liturgical books,| 220-22.
+ | theology, astronomy, Guido delle |
+ | Colonne’s Troy book. |
+ 1478 | Bp. William Grey gave 200 books to | Coxe, _Cat. Cod. Oxon.-Balliol_;
+ |Balliol College, Oxford. Nearly all | Mullinger,
+ |were collected in Italy. Plato (_Timaeus_ | _Hist. of Univ. of Camb._, 397.
+ |and _Euthyphro_, new translations), the |
+ |Golden Verses of Pythagoras, Cicero, |
+ |incl. some hitherto unknown speeches, |
+ |Quintilian, Seneca. Petrarch’s _Letters_, |
+ | orations of Poggio Bracciolini, Leonardo |
+ | Bruni, and Guarino da Verona. |
+ 1479 | Thomas Pynchebek of York left 4 books: | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 199n.
+ | incl. Richard Rolle of Hampole. |
+ 1479-80 | Robt. Lythe, chaplain, left 6 books, and | _Ibid._, xlv. 199 and n.
+ | John Burn, another chaplain, |
+ | 5--unimportant. |
+ _c._ 1480| Bishop John Shirwood of Durham owned | _E. H. R._, xxv. 455.
+ | a good library, including a fair |
+ | collection of the classics, and Theodore|
+ | Gaza’s Greek grammar. |
+ 1481 | William of Waynflete gave 800 books to | Warren, _Magd. Coll._,
+ | Magdalen College, Oxford. | 18.
+ 1481 | Sir Thos. Lyttleton left a _Catholicon_, | _Library_, i. 411.
+ | _Constitutiones Provinciales_, and |
+ | _Gesta Romanorum_ to Halesowen Church, |
+ | Worcester. |
+ 1482 | Dr. John Warkworth gave 55 books to | James^{3}, 23-26.
+ | Peterhouse. Terence, Statius: Liber |
+ | Cronic’ in Anglicis, Liber in Gallicis;|
+ | much theology. |
+ 1482 | At Leicester Abbey there were over 350 | Nichols, _Hist. of Leicester_
+ | books in the library. Bibles and | (1815), i. pt. 2,
+ |commentaries, medieval schoolmen, grammar,| App. 102-08.
+ |sermons, Lucan, Ovid, Horace, |
+ |Virgil, Cicero, Plato, French books, |
+ |Mandevile, Gower; logic, astronomy, |
+ |physics. |
+ 1483 | Robert Flemming left books, which he | Einstein, 23.
+ | had collected in Italy, to Lincoln |
+ | College, Oxford. |
+ 1486 | Church of S. Christopher le Stocks, | _Archæologia_, xlv. (1880)
+ | London, had a collection of church | 118.
+ | books only. |
+ 1486 | At this time only 52 volumes were in St. | Dugdale, _Hist. of S.
+ | Paul’s Cathedral; chiefly liturgical. | Paul’s_, 399.
+ 1486 |John Lese of Pontefract left 5 theological| _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 220-21 n.
+ | books. |
+ 1488 | 31 books presented to Oxford University |
+ | Library by an old scholar. |
+ 1489 |128 volumes presented to Oxford University| _Mun. Acad._, 357.
+ | Library by Dr. Litchfield, archdeacon |
+ | of Middlesex. |
+ 1489-94 | John Auckland, Prior, presented to | Rudd, _Codd. MSS.
+ | Durham Priory, some 33 books; ordinary | Eccles. Cath. Dun.
+ | medieval character. | Catal._, 1825, _passim_.
+ 1491 | Richard Lovet, vicar of Ruddington, left | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 221 n.
+ | a few theological books. |
+ 1491 | Thomas Symson of York left 7 theological | _Ibid._, xlv. 160 n.
+ | books. |
+ 1491 | Over 40 books given to All Souls College,| Robertson, _All Souls_
+ | Oxford, by John Stokys, Warden. | (Coll. Hist.), 33.
+ 1493 | Roger Drury left “ij Ingyshe bocks, called| _Cam. Soc._, Bury Wills,
+ | Bochas, of Lydgat’s makyng.” | 246.
+ _c._ 1497 | St. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury, | James, lvii. 173.
+ | contained 1837 books. Scriptures, theology,|
+ | natural history, history, philosophy, |
+ | music, geometry, astronomy, medicine, |
+ | logic, grammar, poetry, alchemy, canon |
+ | law. Plato (_Timaeus_), Aristotle (a great|
+ | deal: _Metaphysica_, _Physica_, _Rhetorica_, |
+ | _Ethica_, _Politica_, new trans. of _Historia|
+ | naturalium_), Terence, Cicero, Horace, |
+ | Virgil (_Aeneid_, _Georgics_, _Bucolics_),|
+ | Ovid, Lucan, Seneca (incl. _Tragedies_), |
+ | Juvenal, Quintilian, Statius; French |
+ | books--_Charlemagne_, _Historia Britonum_,|
+ | _Guy of Warwick_, _Lancelot_, _Perceval |
+ | of Galles_, _Holy Graal_, _Guillaume |
+ | le Maréchal_, etc. |
+ 1498 | Collegiate Church of Auckland possessed | _Surtees Soc._, ii. 101-03.
+ | some 40 volumes. Bible, theological |
+ | and liturgical books, canon law; |
+ | Cicero’s _Letters_. |
+ 1498 | John Gunthorpe, Dean of Wells, bequeathed | James^{16}, 13.
+ | to Jesus College, Cambridge, |
+ | some manuscripts collected in Italy. |
+ 1499 | William Holcombe left books to Exeter | Oliver, _Mon. D. Exon._,
+ | College and to friends: including | 278.
+ | Hugutio, _Gesta Alexandri_. |
+ 1500 | Archbp. Rotherham left to Jesus College, | James^{13}, 5-8.
+ | Rotherham, some hundred volumes. |
+ | Chiefly theology. Terence, Cicero’s |
+ | _Orations_, _ad Familiares_, Horace, |
+ | Sallust’s _Catilina_ and _Jugurtha_, Ovid’s|
+ | _Metamorphoses_, _Ars amandi_, _Remedia |
+ |Amoris_, etc., Petrarch (_de Vita solitaria_,|
+ |_de Remediis utriusque fortunae_). |
+ 1506 | 363 volumes in Exeter Cathedral. | Oliver, 366-75.
+ 1508 | 306 books repaired at Christ Church, | James, 152.
+ | Canterbury. Theological, homiletic |
+ | and law books. Livy, _Liber grecorum_. |
+ 1508 | Abp. Warham gave books to New College. | _O. H. S._ 32, _Collect._
+ | | 232-33.
+ 1509 | Christ’s College, Cambridge, received 57 | _C. A. S._, iii. (N.S.,
+ | liturgical books bequeathed by the | 8vo), 361.
+ | Lady Margaret. |
+ 1519-20 | William Grocyn’s Library comprised 105 | Leland, ii. 317; _O. H. S._
+ | printed books and 17 manuscripts. | 16, _Collect._ 319-23.
+ | Much theology; leading Latin classics. |
+ | Greek and Latin New Testament. |
+ | Petrarch, Boccaccio, Ficino, Filelfo, |
+ | Lorenzo della Valle, Aeneas Sylvius, |
+ | Perotti. _Adagia_ of Erasmus. |
+ 1519 | Robert Same, chaplain, bequeathed 1 | _Cam. Soc._, Bury Wills,
+ | book to Wetheringsett Church. | 253.
+ 1524 | 292 books at Canterbury College, Oxford, | James, 165.
+ | theology, law, philosophy. Aristotle |
+ | (incl. _Ethica_ newly translated); Cicero,|
+ | Horace, Virgil, Lucan; Boccaccio, |
+ | Lorenzo della Valle. |
+ 1504-26 | At least 1421 volumes in Syon Monastery, | Bateson, _passim_.
+ | Isleworth. Of the rough classification |
+ | Miss Bateson wrote: “Generally speaking |
+ | A includes grammar and classics (77 |
+ | volumes); B, medicine, astrology, a few |
+ | classics (55); C, philosophy (46); D, |
+ | commentaries on the Sentences (128); |
+ | E, Bibles and concordances (75); F-I, |
+ | commentaries on the Old and New |
+ | Testament (232); K, History (65); L, |
+ | dictionaries (58); M, Lives of the Saints |
+ | (121); N, Fathers (88); O, devotional |
+ | tracts (98); P to S, chiefly sermons, |
+ | over 70 books in each class; T, canon |
+ | law (104); V, civil law (21),”--p. vii. |
+ | Of Latin Renascence literature there |
+ | are works by Coluccio Salutati, Leonardo |
+ | Bruni, Poggio, Bessarion, Platina, |
+ | Poliziano, Pico della Mirandola; and |
+ | translations from the Greek by Hermolaus |
+ | Barbarus, Gaza, Erasmus, and |
+ | others. Also Petrarch (_Psalmi poenitentiales_), |
+ | Boccaccio (_de geneal. deor. |
+ | gent._), Savonarola (_de virtute fidei_), |
+ | Reuchlin. This catalogue is of the |
+ | men’s library only: there was another |
+ | library for women. Many of the books |
+ | were printed; nearly 400 editions have |
+ | been identified. |
+ ----------+----------------------------------------------+-----------------
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX D
+
+LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL WORKS REFERRED TO FOR THIS BOOK
+
+
+ ADAMNAN Adamnan. Vita S. Columbae. Ed., Reeves. 1874.
+
+ ALLEN Allen, J. R. Celtic Art. 1904. Antiquary’s books.
+
+ ARCHÆOLOGIA Archæologia, various volumes; especially vol. xliii.
+ and vol. lvii. (Church, Rev. C. M., Library of Wells
+ Cathedral).
+
+ ARCHDALL Archdall, M. Monasticon Hibernicum. 2 vols. 1786.
+
+ *BATESON Bateson, Mary, ed. Catalogue of the Library of Syon
+ Monastery, Isleworth. 1898.
+
+ *BECKER Becker, G. Catalogi Bibliothecarum antiqui. Bonn,
+ 1885.
+
+ *BIBLIO. SOC. Bibliographical Society’s Transactions and Monographs.
+ Especially Monogr. 10 and 13, Strickland
+ Gibson, early Oxford bindings; and G. J. Gray,
+ earlier Cambridge stationers.
+
+ BOTFIELD Botfield, B. Notes on the Cathedral Libraries of
+ England. 1849.
+
+ BRADLEY Bradley, J. W. Dictionary of Miniaturists, Calligraphers,
+ and Copyists. 3 vols. 1887-9.
+
+ BRADSHAW Bradshaw, H. Collected papers. 1889.
+
+ BRADSHAW SOC. Henry Bradshaw Society. Customary of the Benedictine
+ Monasteries, Canterbury. 2 vols. 1902.
+
+ B. M. COTT. CLAUD., E. iv.
+
+ B. M. COTT. DOMIT., A. viii.
+
+ B. M. COTT. GALBA, C. iv.
+
+ B. M. COTT. NERO, D. vii.
+
+ B. M. REG. 2, E. ix.
+
+ B. M. REG. 13, D. iv.
+
+ BRYCE Bryce, W. M. Scottish Grey Friars. 2 vols. 1909.
+
+ BURY Bury, J. B. Life of Saint Patrick. 1905.
+
+ CAMBRIDGE STAT. Documents relating to the University and Colleges.
+ 3 vols. 1852.
+
+ C. A. S. Cambridge Antiquarian Society. Publications and
+ communications. Various volumes.
+
+ CAM. SOC. Camden Society Publications. Various volumes.
+
+ CAMB. LIT. Cambridge History of English Literature, vols. i.-iv.
+ 1907-9. Especially vol. i. ch. ii., Runes and MSS.,
+ and ch. x., English Scholars of Paris and Franciscans
+ of Oxford; vol. ii. ch. xv., English and Scottish
+ Education; vol. iii. ch. i., Englishmen and the
+ Classical Renascence; vol. iv. ch. xix., Foundation
+ of Libraries. [And bibliographies to these chapters.]
+
+ *CLARK Clark, J. W. Care of Books: Essay on the Development
+ of Libraries and their Fittings. 1909. 2nd ed.
+
+ COOPER Cooper, C. H. Annals of Cambridge. 5 vols. 1842-{53}, 1908.
+
+ DAVENPORT Davenport, C. The Book: Its History and Development. 1907.
+
+ DELISLE Delisle, L. Le Cabinet des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque
+ Impériale. 1868-74.
+
+ D. C. B. Dictionary of Christian Biography.
+
+ D. N. B. Dictionary of National Biography.
+
+ *DUGDALE Dugdale, Sir W. Monasticon Anglicanum. Ed.,
+ Caley, Ellis, and Bandinel. 9 vols. 1817-30.
+
+ EDWARDS Edwards, E. Memoirs of Libraries. 2 vols. 1859.
+
+ EDWARDS^{2} Edwards, E. Free Town Libraries. 1869.
+
+ EDWARDS^{3} Edwards, E. Libraries and Founders of Libraries.
+ 1864.
+
+ EINSTEIN Einstein, L. Italian Renaissance in England. New
+ York, 1892.
+
+ E. H. R. English Historical Review.
+
+ FLOYER Floyer, Rev. J. K. Catalogue of MSS. preserved in
+ the Chapter House of Worcester Cathedral. 1906.
+
+ FLOYER Floyer, Rev. J. K. Thousand Years of a Cathedral
+ Library. _Reliquary_, Jan. 1901.
+
+ GASQUET Gasquet, F. A. English Monastic Life. 1905.
+ Antiquary’s Books.
+
+ GASQUET^{2} Gasquet, F. A. Eve of the Reformation. 1909.
+
+ GASQUET^{3} Gasquet, F. A. Last Abbot of Glastonbury, etc. 1908.
+
+ GASQUET^{4} Gasquet, F. A. Old English Bible and other Essays.
+ 1897.
+
+ *GOTTLIEB Gottlieb, T. Ueber Mittelalterliche Bibliotheken.
+ Leipzig, 1890.
+
+ GRACE B. Grace Books Δ and I. Proctor’s Accounts and Other
+ Records of the University of Cambridge. Ed.,
+ Leathes and Bateson. 1897.
+
+ HADDAN Haddan, A. W. Remains. 1876.
+
+ HARDY Hardy, Sir T. D. Descriptive Catalogue of MSS.
+ relating to the History of Great Britain and Ireland.
+ 4 vols. Rolls Series.
+
+ HEALY Healy, J. Ireland’s Ancient Schools and Scholars.
+ 4th ed. 1902.
+
+ HIST. MSS. Historical MSS. Commission Reports.
+
+ HUNTER Hunter, J. English Monastic Libraries. 1831.
+
+ HYDE Hyde, D. Literary History of Ireland. 1899. Library
+ of Literary History.
+
+ *JAMES James, M. R. Ancient Libraries of Canterbury and
+ Dover. 1903.
+
+ *JAMES^{1} James, M. R. Abbey of St. Edmund at Bury. 1895.
+
+ JAMES^{2} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in
+ the Library of King’s College. 1895.
+
+ *JAMES^{3} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in
+ the Library of Peterhouse. 1899.
+
+ JAMES^{4} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the Western
+ MSS. in the Library of Emmanuel College.
+
+ JAMES^{5} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the Western
+ MSS. in the Library of Christ’s College. 1905.
+
+ JAMES^{6} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in
+ the Library of Trinity Hall. 1907.
+
+ JAMES^{7} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the Western
+ MSS. in the Library of Clare College. 1905.
+
+ JAMES^{8} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in
+ the Library of Gonville and Caius College. 2 vols.
+ 1907-8.
+
+ JAMES^{9} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in
+ the Library of Jesus College. 1895.
+
+ JAMES^{10} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in
+ the Library of Pembroke College, Cambridge. 1905.
+
+ JAMES^{11} James, M. R. The Western MSS. in the Library of
+ Trinity College: Descriptive Catalogue. 4 vols.
+ 1900-04.
+
+ JAMES^{12} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the Western
+ MSS. in the Library of Queens’ College, Cambridge.
+ 1905.
+
+ JAMES^{13} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in
+ the Library of Sidney Sussex College. 1895.
+
+ JAMES^{14} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in
+ the Library of Eton College. 1895.
+
+ JAMES^{15} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in
+ the Fitzwilliam Museum. 1895.
+
+ JAMES^{16} James, M. R. Archbishop Parker’s MSS. 1899.
+
+ JAMES^{17} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in
+ Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. Part I. 1909.
+
+ JAMES^{18} James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts
+ in the College Library of Magdalene College,
+ Cambridge. 1909.
+
+ JOYCE Joyce, P. W. Social History of Ancient Ireland.
+ 2 vols.
+
+ LECOY DE LA MARCHE Lecoy de la Marche, A. Les Manuscrits et la Miniature.
+ [1884.] Bibliothèque de l’Enseignement des
+ Beaux-Arts.
+
+ LELAND Leland, J. Collectanea. 6 vols. 1715.
+
+ LELAND^{2} Leland, J. Itinerary. Ed., Smith. 1907-8.
+
+ LELAND^{3} Leland, J. De Scriptoribus Britannicis. 1709.
+
+ LIBRARY The Library, vols. i.-x. New series, vols. i.-x.
+
+ L. A. R. Library Association Record, vol. i. to date.
+
+ LYTE Lyte, H. C. Maxwell. History of the University of
+ Oxford to 1530. 1886.
+
+ MACLEAN Maclean, M. Literature of the Celts. 1902.
+
+ MACRAY Macray, W. D. Annals of the Bodleian Library. 1890.
+
+ MADAN Madan, F. Books in Manuscript. 1893. Books
+ about Books.
+
+ *MAITLAND Maitland, S. R. The Dark Ages. 1844.
+
+ MERRYWEATHER Merryweather, F. S. Bibliomania in the Middle Ages.
+ 1849.
+
+ *MON. FR. Monumenta Franciscana. Ed., Brewer. 1858. Rolls
+ series.
+
+ *MUN. ACAD. Munimenta academica. Ed., Anstey. 2 vols. 1858.
+ Rolls series.
+
+ MULLINGER Mullinger, J. B. University of Cambridge to 1535.
+ 1873.
+
+ OXFORD STAT. Statutes of the Colleges of Oxford. 3 vols. 1853.
+
+ O. H. S., 27, BOASE Oxford Historical Society, vol. xxvii. Boase, C. W.
+ Registrum Collegii Exoniensis.
+
+ O. H. S., 35, 36, O. H. S. Anstey, H. Epistolae academicae. 2 vols. ANSTEY 1898.
+
+ O. H. S., 5, 16 O. H. S. Collectanea. Series 1-3. 1885, 1890, and 32, COLLECT. 1896.
+
+ O. H. S., 20, LITTLE O. H. S. Little, A. G. Grey Friars in Oxford. 1892.
+
+ PIETAS Pietas Oxoniensis in Memory of Sir Thomas Bodley. 1902.
+
+ PUTNAM Putnam, G. Books and their Makers in the Middle
+ Ages. 2 vols. 1896-7.
+
+ RASHDALL Rashdall, H. Universities of Europe in the Middle
+ Ages. 2 vols. 1895.
+
+ R. DE B. Richard of Bury. Philobiblon. Ed., Thomas. 1888.
+
+ ROBINSON Robinson, J. A., and James, M. R. The MSS. of
+ Westminster Abbey. 1909.
+
+ ROGERS Rogers, J. E. T. History of Agriculture and Prices.
+ 6 vols. 1866-87.
+
+ ROUVEYRE Rouveyre, Edouard. Connaissances nécessaires à un
+ bibliophile. 10 vols. 1899.
+
+ R. H. S. Royal Historical Society. Transactions.
+
+ *SANDYS Sandys, J. E. History of Classical Scholarship.
+ Vols. i. (2nd ed., 1906) and ii.
+
+ S. H. R. Scottish Historical Review.
+
+ STEVENSON Stevenson, F. S. Robert Grosseteste. 1899.
+
+ STOKES (G. T.) Stokes, G. T. Ireland and the Celtic Church. 1886.
+
+ STOKES (M.) Stokes, Margt. Early Christian Art in Ireland. 1887.
+
+ STOKES (M.)^{2} Stokes, M. Six Months in the Apennines. 1892.
+
+ STOKES (M.)^{3} Stokes, M. Three Months in the Forests of France.
+ 1895.
+
+ STOKES (W.) Stokes, W., ed. Tripartite Life. 2 vols. 1887.
+ Rolls series.
+
+ STOW Stow, J. Survey of London. Ed., C. L. Kingsford.
+ 2 Vols. 1908.
+
+ *SURTEES SOC. Surtees Society Publications. Various volumes;
+ especially vol. vii., Catalogi veteres librorum.
+ 1840.
+
+ TAYLOR Taylor, H. O. Classical Heritage of the Middle Ages.
+ New York, 1901.
+
+ THOMPSON Thompson, Sir E. M. Greek and Latin Palæography.
+ 3rd ed. 1906.
+
+ WARTON Warton, T. History of English Poetry. 4 vols. 1871.
+
+ WATTENBACH Wattenbach, W. Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter.
+ 3rd ed. Leipzig, 1896.
+
+ WILLIAMS Williams, J. W. Somerset Medieval Libraries.
+
+ WORDSWORTH Wordsworth, C., and Littlehales, H. Old Service
+ Books of the English Church. Antiquary’s Books.
+
+ ZENTRALBLATT Centralblatt für Bibliothekswesen. Various volumes.
+
+NOTE.--_Books marked with an asterisk * are important._
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+Abdy, Robert, 150-151
+
+Abingdon Abbey, 33, 39, 41, 78, 87, 88, 97, 98, 269
+
+Abyssinian libraries, 18
+
+Academic libraries, 133 _seqq._;
+ Cambridge, 155 _seqq._;
+ Character of books in, 222 _seqq._;
+ economy, 165 _seqq._;
+ Oxford, 133 _seqq._
+
+Acca, Bp., 34
+
+Adam de Brome, 135
+
+Aelfric, 44, 85
+
+Aelfric, Abp., 44
+
+Aelfward, Abbot, 44, 263
+
+Aeneas Silvius, 120, 277
+
+Aethelwold, 40-41, 263
+
+Aidan, St., 30
+
+Aileran, 8
+
+Albinus, 25, 28
+
+Alcuin, 9, 10, 35-36, 78, 80, 263
+
+Aldfrith of Northumbria, 9, 31
+
+Aldhelm, 8, 28-29, 31
+
+Aleby, Thomas, 279
+
+Alfred the Great, 37-39
+
+All Souls College, 147, 149, 151, 153, 165, 166, 167, 168, 170, 186, 277, 283
+
+Alne, Robert, 156, 277
+
+Annalists, monastic, 231-232
+
+Anselm, 83, 214
+
+Antiphonaries, value of, 246
+
+Antiphonary of Bangor, 11
+
+Arabian works imported, 217-218
+
+Aristotle, works introduced, 53, 217-222;
+ influence, 240
+
+Armagh, Book of, 14, 15, 16, 19, 20
+
+Armagh monastery, 4, 9, 12
+
+_Armaria_, 91
+
+_Armarius_, 96-97
+
+Arnoul of Metz, Gospels of, 20
+
+Arundel, Abp., 139, 190, 275
+
+Asser, 38
+
+Assicus, Bp., 20, 21
+
+Astronomical text-books, 225
+
+Athelney monastery, 39
+
+Athelstan, King, 263
+
+Audit of books in monasteries, 102-103
+
+Augustine, St., 14, 24
+
+Augustine, Irish Monk, 8
+
+Aumbries, 91, 92
+
+Austin Friars’ libraries, 55, 56, 67-68, 103, 271
+
+
+Bacon, Friar, 178, 216, 218-219, 220-221
+
+Baldock, Ralph, 119-120, 269
+
+Bale, John, 66-67
+
+Balliol College, 54, 146, 148, 150, 153, 186, 192, 193, 281, 282
+
+Balsham, Hugh of, 158
+
+Bangor monastery, 7
+
+Baret, John, 280
+
+Baringham, John, 279
+
+Barking nunnery, 33
+
+Basil the Great, 2
+
+Basingstoke, John of, 219-220, 267
+
+Bateman, Bp. William, 158-159, 270
+
+Battle Abbey, 62
+
+Beauchamp, Guy de, 177, 269
+
+Beaufort, Card., 188, 190
+
+Beaufort, Sir Thomas, 162
+
+Beaulieu Abbey, 93
+
+Becket, Thomas à, 89
+
+Beckford Cell, 47
+
+Bede, 26 _n._, 27, 32-33;
+ his library, 33 _n._;
+ _Ecclesiastical History_, MSS., 15, 110;
+ _Apocalypse_ MS., 110-111
+
+Bedford, Duke of. _See_ John of Lancaster
+
+Bedyll, Thomas, 68
+
+Bek, Bp., 269
+
+Bekynton, Bp., 123 _n._, 190
+
+Benedict Biscop, 31-32, 33, 86
+
+Benedictines, use of books among, 23-24, 49, 63
+
+_Benedictional_ of Abp. Robert, 42
+
+_Benedictional_ of Ethelwold, 42, 43
+
+Bethum, Sir Edward, 280
+
+Beverley Minster, 128
+
+Bible, Latin, correcting text, 58;
+ circulation, 239;
+ prices of, 243-244
+
+Biblical literature in monasteries, 210-212
+
+Bicchieri, Guala, Card., 86-87
+
+Bicester Priory, 175
+
+Binding, 107-108;
+ prices, 256-257
+
+Birkenhead Priory, 73, 74
+
+Bishop Auckland Church, 194, 277, 283
+
+Black Death, 138, 138 _n._, 159
+
+Black Friars’ books, 55
+
+Bobio, 8, 10, 87
+
+Bodleian Library, 113
+
+Bohun, Eleanor, of Gloucester, 177
+
+Bolton, S. Mary’s Church, 129
+
+Boniface, 34
+
+Book-boxes, 113-114, 123
+
+Bookrooms, in colleges, 149-151, 164, 186;
+ in churches, 112, 115, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122-123, 124, 126, 128, 130, 186;
+ in monasteries, 12, 63, 93-96
+
+Books, care of, 97-98;
+ extent of circulation, 232-241;
+ destruction and dispersal, 59 _seqq._, 152-154, 157-158;
+ prices of, 243 _seqq._
+
+Booksellers, 199 _seqq._
+
+Book-trade in Oxford, 133 _seqq._, 199 _seqq._;
+ Cambridge, 155, 205 _seqq._;
+ London, 207
+
+Bordesley Abbey, 67, 67 _n._
+
+Boston Church, 129
+
+Boston, John, 59
+
+Bowet, Abp., 123 _n._, 178, 189, 276
+
+Bragge, Canon, 177, 274
+
+Brantingham, Bp., 149, 150 _n._
+
+Brasenose College, 168
+
+Bredon, Simon de, 146, 271
+
+Brensall-in-Craven, S. Wilfrid’s, 129
+
+Breviaries, prices of, 244-245
+
+Brigsley Church, 129
+
+Bristol, S. Mary Redcliffe, 128, 275
+
+Browne (Cordone), Archdeacon, 123, 129, 139, 189, 278
+
+Brownyng, William, 279
+
+Bubwith, Nicholas of, 123
+
+Buckfast Abbey, 90
+
+Burley, Sir S., 272
+
+Burton-on-Trent Abbey, 264
+
+Bury, R. de, 50, 58, 60-61, 170-172, 178 _seqq._, 267, 269
+
+Bury St. Edmunds Abbey, 44, 49, 59, 61, 63, 68 _n._, 69, 71, 84, 86, 88, 90, 96, 162, 265
+
+
+Caedmon, 30
+
+_Calami_, 85
+
+Caldey, Henry, 278
+
+Calligraphy. _See_ Writing
+
+Cambridge, book-trade, 155, 205 _seqq._;
+ college libraries, 158 _seqq._;
+ University Library, 70, 155 _seqq._, 164, 276, 281.
+ _See_ also names of Colleges
+
+Cambuskenneth monastery, 57
+
+Candida Casa, 7
+
+Canterbury (Christ Church), 46, 46 _n._, 49, 63, 64, 65, 70, 71, 76, 80, 89, 95, 100, 101, 102, 150, 177, 190, 196-197, 220, 239, 265, 267, 269, 270, 275, 284
+
+Canterbury (S. Augustine’s), 9, 14, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, 33, 40, 47, 49, 69, 70, 71, 83, 88, 89, 95, 96 _n._, 103, 104, 175, 178, 263, 283
+
+Canterbury College, Oxford, 138 _n._, 150, 195, 284
+
+_Capsae_, 19 _n._
+
+Carilef, William de, 90, 264
+
+Carmelite Friars’ libraries, 54, 55
+
+Carpenter, Bp. John, 115
+
+Carpenter, John, 187, 278
+
+Carrells, 75-77, 92
+
+Cathach Psalter. _See_ Columba’s Psalter
+
+Catalogues of monastic books, 103-107
+
+Cathedral libraries, 109 _seqq._
+
+_Catholicon_, 132, 224
+
+Cawod, William, 275
+
+Ceadda (Chad), 30
+
+Cedd, 30
+
+Chace, Thomas, 150
+
+Chad, St., 30;
+ Gospels of, 14
+
+Chained books, 109, 112, 117
+
+Charles the Great, 35, 107
+
+Charleton, Bp., 116
+
+Chaucer, Geoffrey, 85, 174, 182-184, 240
+
+Chaundler, Thomas, 190
+
+Chertsey Abbey, 33
+
+Chester, Richard, 160
+
+Chester, S. Werburgh’s, 61, 76, 92
+
+Chesterton Church, 87, 87 _n._
+
+Chests for books, 91
+
+Chichele, Abp. Henry, 95
+
+Chichele, William, 187, 276
+
+Christ Church, Oxford, 151 _n._
+
+Christ’s College, Cambridge, 164, 284
+
+Church, Canon C. M., 110, 121, 124 _n._
+
+Church libraries, 109 _seqq._
+
+Ciaran, St., 13, 22
+
+Circulation of books, extent, 232-241
+
+Clare College, 138 _n._, 158, 164
+
+Clare, Elizabeth, 158, 177, 270
+
+Clark, Dr. J. W., 92, 95, 113
+
+Classical literature in monasteries, 212-215, 258 _seqq._
+
+Clement, 10, 11
+
+Clergy and books, 177-178
+
+Clifford, J. de, 177
+
+Clonard, 5
+
+Cluni Abbey, 103
+
+Cobham, Bp., 134-136, 269
+
+Cockersand Abbey, 73
+
+_Codex Exoniensis_, 87, 110, 113
+
+_Codex Vercellensis_, 87, 87 _n._
+
+Coldingham, 34, 271
+
+College libraries, 145 _seqq._, 158 _seqq._
+
+Columba, St., 5, 6, 17;
+ Psalter, 6, 16, 17, 21
+
+Columban, St., 7
+
+_Coopertoria librorum_, 19 _n._
+
+Corbie, 78, 89
+
+Corpus Christi College, Camb., 70, 110, 113, 138 _n._, 159, 163, 164, 277
+
+Corpus Christi College, Oxford, 70, 151 _n._, 154, 170, 227
+
+_Correctoria_, 58, 85
+
+Corvey, 89
+
+Coventry Priory, 268
+
+Cronan, St., 21, 22
+
+Croucher, John, 156
+
+Crowland, 33, 37
+
+Culross, 56
+
+Cumdachs, 4, 12, 19, 19 _n._
+
+Cummian, St., 8
+
+Cupboards for books, 91
+
+Cuthbert, Abbot, 80
+
+Cuthbert, St., 31
+
+
+Dalby, T. de, 274
+
+Daniel, Bp. of Winchester, 34
+
+Darell, G., 276
+
+Deeping Priory, 268
+
+Derby, All Saints, 130
+
+Despenser, Hugh le, elder, 177
+
+Dicuil, 11
+
+Dimma’s Book, 21, 22
+
+Domnach Airgrid (S. Patrick’s Gospels), 17, 20
+
+Donatus, 11
+
+Dover, S. Martin’s Priory, 70, 71, 90, 105, 106, 272
+
+Downham, W., 280
+
+Dreff, Ralph, 189, 278
+
+Drury, Roger, 283
+
+Duffield, Canon W., 189, 278
+
+Dungal, 10, 11
+
+Dunstan, 40, 41, 41 _n._
+
+Durham, Book of (Lindisfarne Gospels), 15, 17
+
+Durham Hall, Oxford, 54, 148, 150, 170, 179, 269, 274
+
+Durham Priory, 63, 73, 75, 80, 91, 103, 107, 162, 211, 217, 264, 269, 273, 275, 276, 283
+
+Durrow, Book of, 16, 20
+
+
+Eastern monachism, 1-3
+
+Easton, Card., 90
+
+Eastry Prior, 70, 89, 95, 216, 269
+
+Ebesham, W., 207-208
+
+Ecgberht, 9
+
+Echard, R., 281
+
+Edlyngton, J., 279
+
+Edward II., 176
+
+Eleanor of Gloucester, 274
+
+_Electio librorum_, 166 _n._, 167
+
+Eltisle, T. de, 159
+
+Ely Priory (cathedral), 33, 86, 88, 101
+
+Embleton Church, 128, 271
+
+Emmanuel of Constantinople, 194-195
+
+English monastic libraries, 23 _seqq._
+
+English scholars in Ireland, 8, 9
+
+Erghome, John, 56
+
+Erigena, or Scotus, John, 11, 39
+
+Ernulf of Rochester, 47
+
+Est, R., 129, 281
+
+Ethelwold, 40, 41, 263
+
+Eton College, 144, 159-160, 161
+
+Evesham Abbey, 33, 44, 47, 76, 88, 90, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 272
+
+Exeter Book, 87, 110, 113
+
+Exeter Cathedral, 44, 110-114, 186, 263, 269, 284
+
+Exeter College, Oxford, 87, 111-112, 113 _n._, 146, 148, 149-150, 151, 166, 166 _n._, 168, 186, 272, 274, 279, 280, 284
+
+Exeter, Grey Friars, 54, 267
+
+_Explicitus_, 81-82
+
+
+Fairs, selling books at, 200, 206-207
+
+Farnylaw, T. de, 128, 271
+
+Fastolf, Sir J., 188
+
+Felton, Sir W. de, 146
+
+Feriby, W. de, 124 _n._, 177, 272
+
+Fernell, J., 280
+
+Fiacc, 4, 13 _n._
+
+Finnian of Moville, 5, 6, 17
+
+Fitzhugh, Bp. R., 156, 277
+
+Fitzralph, Abp., 57
+
+Flemming, Robert, 147, 153, 193, 282
+
+Fleury Abbey, 88
+
+Flexley Abbey, 266
+
+Floyer, Rev. J. K., 115
+
+Foxe, Bp., 194
+
+Foxle, Sir J. de, 271
+
+Francis, St., 52-53
+
+Franciscan libraries, 52 _seqq._
+
+Free, John. 64, 192, 193
+
+Friars, bibliographical work, 58-59;
+ as book-collectors, 57-58;
+ correction of texts, 58;
+ libraries, 52 _seqq._
+
+Furness Abbey, 94
+
+
+Gascoigne, Dr. T., 54, 147, 148, 153, 277, 279
+
+Gateshead, S. Edmund’s Hospital, 269
+
+Gaul, Irish missionaries in, 7-8, 10
+
+Gaul, monachism in, 2, 3, 4, 7, 8
+
+Geoffrey of Monmouth, 240
+
+Gerbert of Bobio, 78, 87
+
+Germanus of Auxerre, 3
+
+Gildas, 9
+
+Glastonbury Abbey, 34, 39, 41, 45 _n._, 48, 63, 64, 263, 264, 266, 268, 269
+
+Gloucester Abbey, 34, 48, 63, 76, 96, 264, 268
+
+Gloucester, Duke of. _See_ Humfrey of Gloucester
+
+Golden Book of Edgar, 42
+
+Gonville and Caius College, 158, 159, 164
+
+Gower, John, 182
+
+Grammatical text-books, 223-224
+
+Grandisson, Bp., 111, 111 _n._, 112, 113, 150, 270
+
+Gravesend, Bp. R. de, 146, 178, 267
+
+Gravesend, Bp. S. de, 270
+
+Greek books imported, 194-198, 217-222;
+ in monasteries, 26, 64
+
+Greek, knowledge of, in monasteries, 7, 10, 11, 195-198, 217-222
+
+Greeks in England, 194-195, 219-220
+
+Greenwood, T., 178, 276
+
+Gregory the Great’s books, 24
+
+Grey Friars’ libraries, 52 _seqq._
+
+Grey, Bp. William, 150, 153, 192-193, 282
+
+Grimbald, 38
+
+Grocyn, William, 198, 226-227, 284
+
+Grosseteste, Robert, 53, 54, 57, 86, 220
+
+Gunthorpe, Dean, 123 _n._, 192-193, 284
+
+
+Hadley, Wm., 195
+
+Hadrian, 26, 28, 29
+
+Halesowen Church, 129
+
+Halton, T. de, 273
+
+Hamo, Chancellor, 118
+
+Hamundson, John, 281
+
+Harris, J., 156
+
+Hawk, W., 281
+
+Healy, Dr. John, 5
+
+Hebbeden, T., 277
+
+Hebrew books in Friars’ libraries, 54, 56;
+ in Ramsey Abbey, 268
+
+Hedyan, J., 278
+
+Henry II., 176
+
+Henry VI., 148, 159-160
+
+Hereford Cathedral, 116-117, 162, 186, 266
+
+Herrys, John, 156
+
+Hiberno-Saxon writing, 15, 46
+
+Hild, 30, 31
+
+Hinton Priory, 101, 270
+
+Holcombe, W., 284
+
+Holes, Andrew, 192 _n._, 277
+
+Holme, Canon N., 129, 280
+
+Holme, Richard, 156
+
+Hopton, J., 273
+
+Hoskyn, Robert, 278
+
+Hugh of Balsham, 158
+
+Hugh of Leicester, 118, 264
+
+Hulne, 273
+
+Humfrey of Gloucester, 139-143, 144, 154, 160, 181, 190-191, 191 _n._, 192, 277
+
+Hurte, John, 164, 281
+
+Hyde Abbey. _See_ Winchester (New Minster)
+
+
+Iceland, Irish in, 7
+
+Illuminating, prices for, 255-256
+
+Illumination, Irish, 15;
+ Winchester, 42
+
+Illuminators, 79, 199 _seqq._
+
+Iona, 5, 7, 9, 30, 31
+
+Ireland, English scholars in, 8, 9
+
+Irish illumination, 15
+
+Irish manuscripts on the Continent, 8 _n._, 11, 11 _n._
+
+Irish missal, satchel of, 19
+
+Irish missionaries, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10
+
+Irish monasteries, use of books in, 1 _seqq._
+
+Irish satchels, 17, 18, 19
+
+Irish scribes, 12, 12 _n._
+
+Irish writing, 13-15
+
+Italian influence in England, 189 _seqq._
+
+Italian scholars, 191
+
+
+James, Dr. M. R., 46, 47, 49, 67, 70, 71, 89, 95, 102, 163, 195, 196
+
+Jarrow, 31, 33, 37
+
+Jerome, St., 2
+
+Jesus College, 164, 284
+
+John, King, 176, 266
+
+John of Beverley, 30
+
+John of Corvey, 38
+
+John of Lancaster, Duke of Bedford, 139, 181, 188, 272
+
+John of London, 89, 178, 221-222
+
+John Scotus Erigena, 11, 39
+
+
+Kells, Book of, 14, 15, 16, 20
+
+Kelso Abbey, 99
+
+Kempe, John, Card., 103, 145, 188, 279
+
+King’s College, Camb., 144, 156, 159-161, 279
+
+King’s Hall, Camb. _See_ Trinity College
+
+King’s Norton Church, 129
+
+Kirkstall Abbey, 94
+
+Kyrkby, R. de, 275
+
+
+Lacy, Bp., 150
+
+Lane, Dr. T., 162
+
+Lanfranc, 45, 46, 47, 85, 101, 213
+
+Langham, Simon, 90, 178, 271
+
+Langley, Bp. T., 277
+
+Lanthony Priory, 68, 265
+
+Lassehowe, J., 279
+
+Lastingham, 30, 37
+
+_Laudian Acts_, 26 _n._, 27
+
+Law books in Middle Ages, 215-217, 226-227
+
+Layton, Dr., 152
+
+Leather, 107, cost of, 257
+
+Leicester Abbey, 282
+
+_Leicester Codex_, 195
+
+Leland, John, 69, 131
+
+Lending monastic books, 98, 101
+
+Leofric, Bp., 44, 110-111, 113, 263
+
+Leofric Missal, 111
+
+Leominster church, 265
+
+Lérins, 3, 31
+
+Lese, J., 283
+
+Librarian, University, 136, 137
+
+Librarians, monastic, 12, 96-97
+
+_Librarii_, 199
+
+_Libri distribuendi_, 166, 169
+
+Lichfield Cathedral, 126, 186, 270
+
+Linacre, Thomas, 197-198
+
+Lincoln Cathedral, 118-119, 186, 264, 278
+
+Lincoln College, 54, 147, 148, 149, 151, 153, 165, 166, 186, 193, 277
+
+Lindau, Gospels of, 21, 108
+
+Lindisfarne, 30, 31, 33, 37
+
+Lindisfarne Gospels (Book of Durham), 15, 17
+
+Litchfield, Dr., 145, 283
+
+Logical text-books, 225
+
+Lombard’s _Sentences_, 215, 239-240
+
+London book-trade, 207
+
+London, Friars’ libraries, 55-56
+
+London, Guildhall Library, 186-187, 276, 278
+
+London, S. Christopher-le-Stocks, 131, 282
+
+London, S. Mary’s Hospital, Cripplegate, 278
+
+London, St. Michael’s, Cornhill, 131
+
+London, S. Peter’s, Cornhill, 131, 131 _n._
+
+London, S. Paul’s, 119-120, 186, 266, 268, 269, 280, 282
+
+London, S. Stephen Magnus, 268
+
+Longarad legend, 6, 7 _n._, 12, 18 “Losinga,” Herbert, 86, 213
+
+Lovet, Richard, 283
+
+Lowe, Prior, 55
+
+Lytham Cell, 280
+
+Lythe, R., 282
+
+Lyttleton, Sir T., 129, 282
+
+
+MacRegol, Gospels of, 14, 15
+
+Magdalen College, Oxford, 147, 149, 151, 154, 166, 168, 170, 175, 186, 282
+
+Magdalene College, Cambridge, 164
+
+Malmesbury Abbey, 29, 33, 66, 108
+
+Manthorp, J. de, 277
+
+Mare, Thomas de la, 270
+
+Mare, William de la, 58
+
+Marisco, Adam de, 53, 57, 85, 86
+
+Markaunt, Thomas, 163, 163 _n._, 277
+
+Marleberge, T. de, 90, 266
+
+Marmoutier, 2, 3
+
+Marshall, Dr. R., 162
+
+Meaux Abbey, 63, 94, 274
+
+_Medulla grammatice_, 132
+
+Melrose Abbey, 31, 34, 37
+
+Mendicants’ libraries, 52 _seqq._
+
+Mertherderwa, R., 278
+
+Merton College, 138, 146, 148, 149, 153, 166, 168, 170, 272
+
+Michelham Priory, 62
+
+Millyng, Thomas, 197
+
+Minstrels, 173 _seqq._
+
+Missals, prices of, 244
+
+Molaise’s Gospels, 21
+
+Moling, Book of St., 21
+
+Molyneux, Adam de, 139, 190
+
+Monachism, Eastern, 1
+
+Monachism in England, progress, 48;
+ decline, 59-60;
+ dissolution, 65 _seqq._
+
+Monachism in Ireland, 1 _seqq._
+
+Monastic libraries, English, 45 _seqq._;
+ economy, 73 _seqq._;
+ decline and dispersal, 59 _seqq._, 100;
+ saving books, 69 _seqq._;
+ catalogues, 102-107
+
+Monastic libraries, Irish, 5 _seqq._
+
+Monte Cassino, 97, 217
+
+Montford, Simon of, 176-177
+
+Moreton, J., 278
+
+Morley, Daniel of, 218
+
+Morton, T., 278
+
+Neville, Abp., 195
+
+Newcastle, S. Nicholas’ Church, 128, 271
+
+New College, 69, 138, 138 _n._, 147, 148, 149, 151, 152, 165, 166, 169, 175, 186, 197, 272, 280, 284
+
+Newstead Priory (Notts), 100
+
+Newton, J. de, 125, 162, 178, 275
+
+Nicholas of Bubwith, Bp., 123
+
+Nicholas the Greek, 219-220
+
+Northumbria, learning in, 30, 31, 37
+
+Norwich Priory, 62, 90
+
+_Notarii_, 199
+
+Nottingham, S. Mary’s Church, 129
+
+
+Ordericus Vitalis, 80
+
+Oriel College, 54, 135, 138, 146, 148, 151, 154, 166, 168, 169, 271
+
+Osmund, Bp., 117, 263
+
+Oswald of Northumbria, 9, 30, 31
+
+Oxford, academic libraries, 133 _seqq._
+
+Oxford, book-trade, 133, 199 _seqq._
+
+Oxford, decrease of students at, 152
+
+Oxford, Ewelme Almshouse, 280
+
+Oxford, Friars’ libraries, 53, 54, 58, 75
+
+Oxford, monastic libraries, 51
+
+Oxford, St. Mary’s Church, 129, 133, 134, 153, 275
+
+Oxford scholars’ libraries, 189, 236-237
+
+Oxford University library, 133 _seqq._, 151-154, 186, 269, 283
+
+Oxford. _See_ also under Names of Colleges
+
+
+Pachomius, St., 2
+
+Palladius, 3
+
+Parchment, 84;
+ cost of, 257
+
+Parker Abp., 26, 70, 113
+
+Paternoster Row, 207
+
+Patrick, St., 3, 4, 5, 17;
+ Gospels of (Domnach Airgrid), 17, 20
+
+Pembroke College, Cambridge, 69, 103, 107, 158, 163, 164, 167, 168, 170, 186, 274
+
+_Pennae_, 85
+
+Percyhay, John, 177, 273
+
+Peter of Gloucester, Abbot, 48, 264
+
+Peterborough Abbey, 33, 37, 48, 216, 263, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 273
+
+Peterhouse College, 100, 158, 162, 164, 165, 166, 167-168, 169, 186, 271, 275
+
+_Philobiblon_, 179
+
+_Piers Plowman_, 182, 240
+
+Pius II. (Æneas Sylvius), 120, 277
+
+Plane, Richard, 279
+
+Plegmund, Abp., 38, 38 _n._
+
+Poggio Bracciolini, 190, 191
+
+_Polaires_, 9, 13, 13 _n._
+
+Precentor’s duties, 80, 96, 97, 98
+
+Prices of books, 243 _seqq._
+
+Processionals, value of, 246
+
+Psalters, value of, 245-246
+
+Pudsey, Hugh, 90, 107
+
+Pynchebek, Thomas, 282
+
+
+Queen’s College, Oxford, 146, 148, 149, 151, 153, 166
+
+Queens’ College, Cambridge, 162, 164, 186, 281
+
+
+Ragenhill, R., 125, 276
+
+Ralph de Diceto, 119, 266
+
+Ralph of Maidstone, 116, 266
+
+Ramsey Abbey, 54, 63, 68, 89, 220, 268
+
+Raventhorpe, J., 276
+
+Rayleigh, 131
+
+Reading Abbey, 64, 176, 265, 266
+
+Reading aloud, 173 _seqq._
+
+Redmarshall Church, 129
+
+Reed, Bp., 148, 149, 272
+
+_Registrum librorum Angliae_, 58-59
+
+Reichenau, monastery of, 8 _n._
+
+Repyngton, Bp., 139
+
+Rhetoric, books of, 224-225
+
+Richard de Bury, 50, 58, 60-61, 170-172, 178 _seqq._, 267, 269
+
+Richard de Wyche, bequests to friars, 54-55
+
+Richard of Stowe, 268
+
+Rievaulx, 265
+
+Rochester Priory, 47, 99, 130, 266
+
+Romance literature, 227-231
+
+Roos, Sir R. de, 177, 273
+
+Rotherham, Jesus College, 284
+
+Rotherham, Thomas, 130, 157, 163, 281, 284
+
+Rous, John, 127, 128 _n._
+
+Ruddington Church, 130
+
+Runes, 13
+
+Rygge, R., 274
+
+
+St. Albans Abbey and library, 44, 49 _seqq._, 63, 73, 78, 88, 91, 96, 98, 105, 108, 179, 219, 263, 264, 267, 269, 270, 276
+
+St. Albans’ chroniclers, 50
+
+St. Catherine’s Hall, 161, 164, 281
+
+St. Gall, 8, 8 _n._, 10, 21, 73, 94, 97
+
+St. John’s College, Cambridge, 151 _n._, 164, 186
+
+Salisbury Cathedral, 117-118, 186, 263
+
+Same, Robert, 284
+
+Satchels, book, 6, 17, 18, 19
+
+Scardeburgh, J. de, 273
+
+Scarle, J. de, 274
+
+Scot, Michael, 53, 218
+
+Scotland, monachism in, 5, 7
+
+Scotland, Friars’ libraries, 56-57
+
+Scotus Erigena, John, 11, 39
+
+Scribes, 199 _seqq._;
+ monkish, 73 _seqq._;
+ Irish, 12, 12 _n._;
+ tools, 85
+
+Scriptorium, 50, 51, 73-77, 80, 82, 88
+
+Scrope, Archd. S., 125, 159, 275
+
+Sedulius, 11
+
+Seggefyld, J., 279
+
+Selling, William of, 26, 64, 66, 66 _n._, 76, 95, 195-197, 280
+
+Semer, R., 277
+
+Servatus Lupus, 85, 87
+
+Sherborne Hospital, 267
+
+Skirwood, Bp., 194, 282
+
+Shrines for books, 4, 12, 19, 19 _n._
+
+Signs used for books, 82-83
+
+Simon, Abbot, 50, 91
+
+Skirlaw, Bp., 123 _n._, 148, 274
+
+Smart, William, 69
+
+Somersett, John, 139, 143
+
+Spray, T., 279
+
+Stafford, Bp. E. de, 150
+
+Stafford, Bp. J. de, 123, 123 _n._, 276
+
+Stamford Cell, 276
+
+Stationers, 199 _seqq._
+
+Stationers Co., 207
+
+Stirling, Friars’ library, 56
+
+Stokys, J., 283
+
+Stow, John, 70
+
+Stowe Missal, 20
+
+Stratford, Abp. J., 177
+
+Symson, Thomas, 283
+
+Syon monastic library, 63, 83, 90 _n._, 104, 105, 106, 285
+
+Sywardby, Elizabeth, 280
+
+
+Talbot, R., 69
+
+_Textus Roffensis_, 47
+
+Theodore, 8, 26, 26 _n._, 28, 31
+
+Theological books in monasteries, 210-212
+
+Thomas, Abbot, 178
+
+Thomas of England, 191, 273
+
+Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester, 274
+
+Thompson, Mr. Yates, 107
+
+Thoris, R. de, 54, 267
+
+Tiptoft, John, Earl of Worcester, 139, 192, 279
+
+Titchfield Abbey, 95, 105, 274
+
+Tobias, Bp., 28
+
+Trevaur, Bp., 270
+
+Trinity College (King’s Hall), Cambridge, 159, 164, 273
+
+Trinity College, Oxford, 150 _n._
+
+Trinity Hall, Cambridge, 138 _n._, 158, 164, 169, 216, 270
+
+Twyne, Brian, 70
+
+Twyne, John, 69
+
+Tynemouth, 37
+
+Tywardreath Priory, 268
+
+
+University College, Oxford, 138, 145-146, 148, 149, 165, 167, 168, 170, 186, 274, 281
+
+University Hall, Cambridge. _See_ Clare College
+
+University libraries. _See_ Oxford and Cambridge
+
+
+Vellum, 84;
+ cost of, 257
+
+Vercelli Book, 87, 87 _n._
+
+Vicario, 216
+
+Vitelli, Cornelius, 197
+
+
+Wallets, book, 17, 18, 19
+
+Walter of Evesham, 47, 264
+
+Waltham, William de, 275
+
+Warham, Abp., 284
+
+Warkworth, J., 162, 282
+
+Warwick, S. Mary’s Church, 127, 280
+
+Wax tablets, 9, 13, 13 _n._, 18, 83, 84
+
+Wearmouth, 31, 33, 37
+
+Wells Cathedral, 110, 121-124, 186, 276
+
+Werfrith, Bp., 37, 38, 114
+
+Westminster Abbey, 64, 71, 88, 90, 99, 112, 271
+
+Wetheringsett Church, 130, 284
+
+Whalley Abbey, 94
+
+Whelpdale, Roger, 148, 276
+
+Whethamstede, Abbot, 49, 51-52, 139, 153, 181
+
+Whitby Abbey, 30, 37, 48, 88, 265
+
+White Friars’ libraries, 54, 55
+
+Whitherne (Candida Casa), 7
+
+Whittington, Richard, 55, 186-187
+
+Whittlesey, Abp., 271
+
+Wigmore Abbey, 62
+
+Wilfrid, St., 31
+
+William of Waynflete, 143, 147, 282
+
+William of Wykeham, 147, 272
+
+Willibrord, St., 9
+
+Willoughby, Sir R., 129, 280
+
+Wimborne nunnery, 33
+
+Winchelsey, Dr. T., 56
+
+Winchester College, 175, 276
+
+Winchester (Hyde Abbey, New Minster), 38, 42, 86, 174
+
+Winchester (S. Swithin’s, Old Minster), 42, 88, 96, 175
+
+Winchester illumination, 42
+
+Windsor Collegiate Church, 126, 271
+
+Wodelarke, Dr. R., 162
+
+Wolveden, R., 125, 276
+
+Woollaton Church, 129
+
+Worcester College, 51
+
+Worcester Priory (Cathedral), 76, 92, 96, 114-116, 162, 234
+
+Worthington, T., 281
+
+Writing: Irish, 13;
+ Hiberno-Saxon, 15, 46;
+ payments for, 254-255
+
+Writing-rooms, 50, 51, 73-77, 80, 82, 88
+
+Wyche, R. de, 54-55, 267
+
+Wymondham Abbey, 62
+
+
+York Abbey and Cathedral, 33, 35, 36, 124-125, 186, 263
+
+York, All Saints, Peseholme, 129
+
+York, Austin Friars’ library, 56, 67, 68, 103, 271
+
+York, Holy Trinity, Goodramgate, 128
+
+York, S. Mary’s, Castlegate, 128, 273
+
+ _Printed by MORRISON & GIBB LIMITED, Edinburgh_
+
+ * * * * *
+
+A SELECTION OF BOOKS
+
+PUBLISHED BY METHUEN
+
+AND COMPANY LIMITED
+
+36 ESSEX STREET
+
+LONDON W.C.
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+ PAGE
+
+ General Literature 1
+ Ancient Cities 15
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+ Arden Shakespeare 15
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+ “Complete” Series 16
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+ Illustrated Pocket Library of Plain and Coloured Books 17
+ Leaders of Religion 18
+ Library of Devotion 18
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+ Little Guides 19
+ Little Library 20
+ Little Quarto Shakespeare 21
+ Miniature Library 21
+ New Library of Medicine 21
+ New Library of Music 22
+ Oxford Biographies 22
+ Romantic History 22
+ Handbooks of Theology 22
+ Westminster Commentaries 23
+
+ Fiction 23
+ Books for Boys and Girls 28
+ Novels of Alexandre Dumas 29
+ Methuen’s Sixpenny Books 29
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+ * * * * *
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+A SELECTION OF
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+ =Addleshaw (Percy).= SIR PHILIP SIDNEY. Illustrated. _Second Edition.
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+
+ =Adeney (W. F.)=, M.A. See Bennett (W.H.).
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+
+ =Ady (Cecilia M.).= A HISTORY OF MILAN UNDER THE SFORZA. Illustrated.
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+ =Aldis (Janet).= THE QUEEN OF LETTER WRITERS, MARQUISE DE SÉVIGNÉ,
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+
+
+ =Allen (M.).= A HISTORY OF VERONA. Illustrated. _Demy 8vo. 12s. 6d.
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+ =Amherst (Lady).= A SKETCH OF EGYPTIAN HISTORY FROM THE EARLIEST
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+ =Andrewes (Amy G.).= THE STORY OF BAYARD. Edited by A. G. ANDREWES,
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+ =Andrewes (Bishop).= PRECES PRIVATAE. Translated and edited, with
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+ =Anon.= THE WESTMINSTER PROBLEMS BOOK. Prose and Verse. Compiled from
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+
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+ =Aristotle.= THE ETHICS OF. Edited, with an Introduction and Notes,
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+ =Atkinson (T. D.).= ENGLISH ARCHITECTURE. Illustrated. _Fcap. 8vo.
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+ A GLOSSARY OF TERMS USED IN ENGLISH ARCHITECTURE. Illustrated.
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+ =Atteridge (A. H.).= NAPOLEON’S BROTHERS. Illustrated. _Demy 8vo.
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+ =Balfour (Graham).= THE LIFE OF ROBERT LOUIS STEVENSON. Illustrated.
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+ =Baring (The Hon. Maurice).= RUSSIAN ESSAYS AND STORIES. _Second Ed.
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+ LANDMARKS IN RUSSIAN LITERATURE. _Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s.
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+ THE TRAGEDY OF THE CÆSARS: A STUDY OF THE CHARACTERS OF THE CÆSARS
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+ A GARLAND OF COUNTRY SONG: English Folk Songs with their
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+ =Barker (E.)=, M.A., (Late) Fellow of Merton College, Oxford. THE
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+ =Bell (Mrs. Arthur G.).= THE SKIRTS OF THE GREAT CITY. Illustrated.
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+
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+ =Bennett (Joseph).= FORTY YEARS OF MUSIC, 1865-1905. Illustrated.
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+ =Benson (R. M.).= THE WAY OF HOLINESS. An Exposition of Psalm cxix.
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+
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+ =Body (George)=, D.D. THE SOUL’S PILGRIMAGE: Devotional Readings from
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+ =Bowden (E. M.).= THE IMITATION OF BUDDHA: Being Quotations from
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+
+
+ =Brabant (F. G.)=, M.A. RAMBLES IN SUSSEX. Illustrated. _Cr. 8vo.
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+
+ =Bradley (A. G.).= ROUND ABOUT WILTSHIRE. Illustrated. _Second
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+ THE ROMANCE OF NORTHUMBERLAND. Illustrated. _Second Edition. Demy
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+ =Braid (James) and Others.= GREAT GOLFERS IN THE MAKING. Edited by
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+
+
+ =Brailsford (H. N.).= MACEDONIA: ITS RACES AND THEIR FUTURE.
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+
+ =Brodrick (Mary)= and =Morton (A. Anderson)=. A CONCISE DICTIONARY OF
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+
+
+ =Brown (J. Wood)=, M.A. THE BUILDERS OF FLORENCE. Illustrated. _Demy
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+
+
+ =Browning (Robert).= PARACELSUS. Edited with Introduction, Notes, and
+ Bibliography by MARGARET L. LEE and KATHARINE B. LOCOCK. _Fcap.
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+
+
+ =Buckton (A. M.).= EAGER HEART: A Mystery Play. _Ninth Edition. Cr.
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+
+
+ =Budge (E. A. Wallis).= THE GODS OF THE EGYPTIANS. Illustrated. _Two
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+
+
+ =Bull (Paul)=, Army Chaplain. GOD AND OUR SOLDIERS. _Second Edition.
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+
+
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+
+ =Burns (Robert)=, THE POEMS. Edited by ANDREW LANG and W. A. CRAIGIE.
+ With Portrait. _Third Edition. Wide Demy 8vo. gilt top. 6s._
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+ =Bussell (F. W.)=, D.D. CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY AND SOCIAL PROGRESS (The
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+ =Butler (Sir William)=, Lieut.-General, G.C.B. THE LIGHT OF THE WEST.
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+
+
+ =Butlin (F. M.).= AMONG THE DANES. Illustrated. _Demy 8vo. 7s. 6d.
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+
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+ 7s. 6d. net._
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+The Little Guides.
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+
+ CAMBRIDGE AND ITS COLLEGES. A. H. Thompson. _Third Edition,
+ Revised._
+
+ ENGLISH LAKES, THE. F. G. Brabant.
+
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+
+ MALVERN COUNTRY, THE. B. C. A. Windle.
+
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+ * * * * *
+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
+
+ =Capes (Bernard).= THE LAKE OF WINE.
+
+
+ =Clifford (Mrs. W. K.).= A FLASH OF SUMMER.
+
+ MRS. KEITH’S CRIME.
+
+
+ =Corbett (Julian).= A BUSINESS IN GREAT WATERS.
+
+
+ =Croker (Mrs. B. M.).= ANGEL.
+
+ A STATE SECRET.
+
+ PEGGY OF THE BARTONS.
+
+ JOHANNA.
+
+
+ =Dante (Alighieri).= THE DIVINE COMEDY (Cary).
+
+
+ =Doyle (A. Conan).= ROUND THE RED LAMP.
+
+
+ =Duncan (Sara Jeannette).= A VOYAGE OF CONSOLATION.
+
+ THOSE DELIGHTFUL AMERICANS.
+
+
+ =Eliot (George).= THE MILL ON THE FLOSS.
+
+
+ =Findlater (Jane H.).= THE GREEN GRAVES OF BALGOWRIE.
+
+
+ =Gallon (Tom).= RICKERBY’S FOLLY.
+
+
+ =Gaskell (Mrs.).= CRANFORD.
+
+ MARY BARTON.
+
+ NORTH AND SOUTH.
+
+
+ =Gerard (Dorothea).= HOLY MATRIMONY.
+
+ THE CONQUEST OF LONDON.
+
+ MADE OF MONEY.
+
+
+ =Gissing (G.).= THE TOWN TRAVELLER.
+
+ THE CROWN OF LIFE.
+
+
+ =Glanville (Ernest).= THE INCA’S TREASURE.
+
+ THE KLOOF BRIDE.
+
+
+ =Gleig (Charles).= BUNTER’S CRUISE.
+
+
+ =Grimm (The Brothers).= GRIMM’S FAIRY TALES.
+
+
+ =Hope (Anthony).= A MAN OF MARK.
+
+ A CHANGE OF AIR.
+
+ THE CHRONICLES OF COUNT ANTONIO.
+
+ PHROSO.
+
+ THE DOLLY DIALOGUES.
+
+
+ =Hornung (E. W.).= DEAD MEN TELL NO TALES.
+
+
+ =Ingraham (J. H.).= THE THRONE OF DAVID.
+
+
+ =Le Queux (W.).= THE HUNCHBACK OF WESTMINSTER.
+
+
+ =Levett-Yeats (S. K.).= THE TRAITOR’S WAY.
+
+ ORRAIN.
+
+
+ =Linton (E. Lynn).= THE TRUE HISTORY OF JOSHUA DAVIDSON.
+
+
+ =Lyall (Edna).= DERRICK VAUGHAN.
+
+
+ =Malet (Lucas).= THE CARISSIMA.
+
+ A COUNSEL OF PERFECTION.
+
+
+ =Mann (Mrs. M. E.).= MRS. PETER HOWARD.
+
+ A LOST ESTATE.
+
+ THE CEDAR STAR.
+
+ ONE ANOTHER’S BURDENS.
+
+ THE PATTEN EXPERIMENT.
+
+ A WINTER’S TALE.
+
+
+ =Marchmont (A. W.).= MISER HOADLEY’S SECRET.
+
+ A MOMENT’S ERROR.
+
+
+ =Marryat (Captain).= PETER SIMPLE.
+
+ JACOB FAITHFUL.
+
+
+ =March (Richard).= A METAMORPHOSIS.
+
+ THE TWICKENHAM PEERAGE.
+
+ THE GODDESS.
+
+ THE JOSS.
+
+
+ =Mason (A. E. W.).= CLEMENTINA.
+
+
+ =Mathers (Helen).= HONEY.
+
+ GRIFF OF GRIFFITHSCOURT.
+
+ SAM’S SWEETHEART.
+
+ THE FERRYMAN.
+
+
+ =Meade (Mrs. L. T.).= DRIFT.
+
+
+ =Miller (Esther).= LIVING LIES.
+
+
+ =Mitford (Bertram).= THE SIGN OF THE SPIDER.
+
+
+ =Montresor (F. F.).= THE ALIEN.
+
+
+ =Morrison (Arthur).= THE HOLE IN THE WALL.
+
+
+ =Nesbit (E.).= THE RED HOUSE.
+
+
+ =Norris (W. E.).= HIS GRACE.
+
+ GILES INGILBY.
+
+ THE CREDIT OF THE COUNTY.
+
+ LORD LEONARD THE LUCKLESS.
+
+ MATTHEW AUSTEN.
+
+ CLARISSA FURIOSA.
+
+
+ =Oliphant (Mrs.).= THE LADY’S WALK.
+
+ SIR ROBERT’S FORTUNE.
+
+ THE PRODIGALS.
+
+ THE TWO MARYS.
+
+
+ =Oppenheim (E. P.).= MASTER OF MEN.
+
+
+ =Parker (Gilbert).= THE POMP OF THE LAVILETTES.
+
+ WHEN VALMOND CAME TO PONTIAC.
+
+ THE TRAIL OF THE SWORD.
+
+
+ =Pemberton (Max).= THE FOOTSTEPS OF A THRONE.
+
+ I CROWN THEE KING.
+
+
+ =Phillpotts (Eden).= THE HUMAN BOY.
+
+ CHILDREN OF THE MIST.
+
+ THE POACHER’S WIFE.
+
+ THE RIVER.
+
+
+ =‘Q’ (A. T. Quiller Couch).= THE WHITE WOLF.
+
+
+ =Ridge (W. Pett).= A SON OF THE STATE.
+
+ LOST PROPERTY.
+
+ GEORGE and THE GENERAL.
+
+ ERB.
+
+
+ =Russell (W. Clark).= ABANDONED.
+
+ A MARRIAGE AT SEA.
+
+ MY DANISH SWEETHEART.
+
+ HIS ISLAND PRINCESS.
+
+
+ =Sergeant (Adeline).= THE MASTER OF BEECHWOOD.
+
+ BALBARA’S MONEY.
+
+ THE YELLOW DIAMOND.
+
+ THE LOVE THAT OVERCAME.
+
+
+ =Sidgwick (Mrs. Alfred).= THE KINSMAN.
+
+
+ =Surtees (R. S.).= HANDLEY CROSS.
+
+ MR. SPONGE’S SPORTING TOUR.
+
+ ASK MAMMA.
+
+
+ =Walford (Mrs. L. B.).= MR. SMITH.
+
+ COUSINS.
+
+ THE BABY’S GRANDMOTHER.
+
+ TROUBLESOME DAUGHTERS.
+
+
+ =Wallace (General Lew).= BEN-HUR.
+
+ THE FAIR GOD.
+
+
+ =Watson (H. B. Marriott).= THE ADVENTURERS.
+
+ *CAPTAIN FORTUNE.
+
+
+ =Weekes (A. B.).= PRISONERS OF WAR.
+
+
+ =Wells (H. G.).= THE SEA LADY.
+
+
+ =White (Percy).= A PASSIONATE PILGRIM.
+
+ PRINTED BY
+
+ WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
+
+ LONDON AND BECCLES.
+
+
+Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:
+
+not of sufficent worth and importance=> not of sufficient worth and
+importance {pg 170}
+
+and made Nìccolò Perotti=> and made Niccolò Perotti {pg 192}
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+ [1] Healy, 46.
+
+ [2] Healy, 50.
+
+ [3] Sandys, i. 245.
+
+ [4] On the connection between Eastern and Celtic monachism, see Stokes
+ (G.T.).
+
+ [5] Stokes (W.), _T. L._, i. 30; ii. 446.
+
+ [6] _Ib._ ii. 421; ii 475.
+
+ [7] _D. N. B._, xliv. 39; Stokes (W.), _T. L._, i. 191.
+
+ [8] _Abgitorium, abgatorium; elementa, elimenta._ Stokes (W.), _T.
+ L._, i. cliii.; also i. 111, 113, 139, 191, 308, 320, 322, 326, 327,
+ 328.
+
+ [9] In 536, fifty monks from the Continent landed at
+ Cork.--Montalembert, ii. 248n. Migrations from Gaul were frequent
+ about this time.
+
+ [10] Bury, 217; cp. 220.
+
+ [11] Joyce, i. 478.
+
+ [12] Adamnan, lib. ii. c. 29, iii. c. 15 and c. 23.
+
+ [13] Dr. Skene says the Psalter incident “bears the stamp of spurious
+ tradition”; so does the Longarad story; but it is curious how often
+ sacred books play a part in these tales.
+
+ [14] Henderson, _Norse Influence on Celtic Scotland_, 5-6.
+
+ [15] Moore, _Hist. of Ireland_, i. 266.
+
+ [16] Healy, 379; Stokes (M.)^{2}, 118. Ergo quotidie jejunandum est,
+ sicut quotidie orandum est, quotidie laborandum, quotidie est legendum.
+
+ [17] A ninth century catalogue of St. Gall mentions thirty-one
+ volumes and pamphlets in the Irish tongue--Prof. Pflugk-Harttung,
+ in _R. H. S._ (N. S.), v. 92. Becker names only thirty, p. 43. At
+ Reichenau, a monastery near St. Gall, also famous for its library,
+ there were “Irish education, manuscripts, and occasionally also Irish
+ monks.” “One of the most ancient monuments of the German tongue, the
+ vocabulary of St. Gall, dating from about 780, is written in the Irish
+ character.”
+
+ [18] _D.C.B._ _sub nom._
+
+ [19] Stokes (G. T.), 221.
+
+ [20] _Ib._ 220.
+
+ [21] Haddan, 267.
+
+ [22] Hyde, 221.
+
+ [23] Joyce, _Short Hist. of I._, 165.
+
+ [24] Bede, _H. E._, iii. 27; Healy, 101; Stokes (G. T.), 230.
+
+ [25] _Camb. Lit._, i. 66.
+
+ [26] Healy, 272.
+
+ [27] Alcuin, _Willibrord_, c. 4.
+
+ [28] See full account, _R. H. S._ (N. S.), v. 75.
+
+ [29] Sandys, i. 480.
+
+ [30] _R. H. S._ (N. S.), v. 90.
+
+ [31] Sandys, i. 480; Stokes (M.)^{2}, 210.
+
+ [32]
+
+ “Sancte Columba tibi Scotto tuus incola Dungal
+ Tradidit hunc librum, quo fratrum corda beentur.
+ Qui leges ergo Deus pretium sit muneris, oro.”--Healy, 392.
+
+
+
+ [33] Stokes (M.)^{2}, 206-7, 247.
+
+ [34] Sandys, i. 463.
+
+ [35] Moore, _Hist. of I._, i. 299; _Boll. Iul._ _t._ vii. 222.
+
+ [36] The following, among others, are still on the Continent: Gospels
+ of Willibrord (Bibl. Nat. Lat. 9389, 739), Gospel of St. John (Cod. 60
+ St. Gall _c._ 750-800); Book of Fragments (No. 1395, St. Gall, _c._
+ 750-800); The Golden Gospels (Royal library, Stockholm, 871); Gospels
+ of St. Arnoul, Metz (Nuremberg Museum, 7th c.).--Cp. Maclean, 207-8;
+ Hyde, 267.
+
+ [37] Adamnan, 365n.
+
+ [38] Hyde, 220; Stokes (M.), 10, “Connachtach, an Abbot of Iona
+ who died in 802, is called in the Irish annals ‘a scribe most
+ choice.’”--Trenholme, _Iona_, 32.
+
+ [39] _Tech-screptra; domus scripturarum._
+
+ [40] _Leabhar coimedach._ Adamnan, 359, note m.
+
+ [41] Joyce, i. 483.
+
+ [42] At vero hoc audiens Colcius tempus et horam _in tabula_
+ describens.--Adamnan, 66. Columba is said to have blessed one hundred
+ pólaires or tablets (_Leabhar Breac_, fo. 16-60; Stokes (M.), 51).
+ The boy Benen, who followed Patrick, bore tablets on his back
+ (_folaire_, corrupt for _pólaire_).--Stokes (W.), _T. L._, 47. Patrick
+ gave to Fiacc a case containing a tablet. _Ib._ 344. An example of
+ a waxed tablet, with a case for it, is in the Museum of the Royal
+ Irish Academy. The case is a wooden cover, divided into hollowed-out
+ compartments for holding the styles. This specimen dates from the
+ thirteenth or fourteenth century. Slates and pencils were also in use
+ for temporary purposes.--Joyce, i. 483.
+
+ [43] See Thompson, 236, where Irish calligraphy is fully dealt with;
+ _Camb. Lit._, i. 13.
+
+ [44] _Trans. R. I. Acad._, vol. xviii. 1838.
+
+ [45] Stokes (W.), _T. L._, 75. The terms used for satchels are
+ _sacculi_ (Lat.), and _tiag_, or _tiag liubhair_ or _teig liubair_
+ (Ir.). There has been some confusion between _pólaire_ and _tiag_, the
+ former being regarded as a leather case for a single book, the latter
+ a satchel for several books. This distinction is made in connection
+ with the ancient Irish life of Columba, which is therefore made to
+ read that the saint used to make _cases_ and _satchels_ for books
+ (_pólaire ocus tiaga_), _v._ Adamnan, 115. Cf. Petrie, _Round Towers_,
+ 336-7. But the late Dr. Whitley Stokes makes _pólaire_ or _pōlire_,
+ or the corruption _folaire_, derive from _pugillares_ = writing
+ tablets.--Stokes (W.), _T. L._, cliii. and 655. This interpretation
+ of the word gives us the much more likely reading that Columba made
+ _tablets_, and _satchels_ for books.
+
+ [46] Stokes (M.), 50.
+
+ [47] Curzon, _Monasteries of the Levant_, 66.
+
+ [48] Mr. Allen, in his admirable volume on _Celtic Art_, p. 208,
+ in this series, says cumdachs were peculiar to Ireland. But they
+ were made and used elsewhere, and were variously known as _capsae_,
+ _librorum coopertoria_ (_e.g._ ... librorumque coopertoria; quædam
+ horum nuda, quædam vero alia auro atque argento gemmisque pretiosis
+ circumtecta.--_Acta SS._, _Aug._ iii. 659c), and _thecae_. Some of
+ these cases were no doubt as beautifully decorated as the Irish
+ cumdachs. William of Malmesbury asserts that twenty pounds and sixty
+ marks of gold were used to make the coopertoria librorum Evangelii for
+ King Ina’s chapel. At the Abbey of St. Riquier was an “Evangelium auro
+ Scriptum unum, cum capsa argentea gemmis et lapidibus fabricata. Aliae
+ capsae evangeliorum duae ex auro et argento paratae.”--Maitland, 212.
+ In 1295 St. Paul’s Cathedral possessed a copy of the Gospels in a case
+ (capsa) adorned with gilding and relics.--Putnam, i. 105-6.
+
+ [49] _Leborchometa chethrochori_, and _bibliothecae
+ quadratae_.--Stokes (W.), _T. L._, 96 and 313.
+
+ [50] Stokes (M.), 90.
+
+ [51] Stokes (M.), 92-3.
+
+ [52] See _La Bibliofilia_, xi. 165.
+
+ [53] _Acta SS. Ap._, iii. 581c.
+
+ [54] Healy, 524.
+
+ [55] Other instances are cited in Adamnan, book ii., chap. 8.
+
+ [56] _Hist. mon. S. Augustini, Cant._, 96-99, “Et haec sunt primitiae
+ librorum totius ecclesiae Anglicanae,” 99.
+
+ [57] _H. E._, i. 29.
+
+ [58] Stanley, _Hist. Mem. of C._ (1868), 42.
+
+ [59] _Hist. mon. S. Aug._, xxv.
+
+ [60] B. M. Reg. I. E. vi. may be a part of the Gregorian Bible, or the
+ second copy of the Gospels mentioned above, if this second copy is not
+ Corpus Christi, Camb. 286. Corpus C. 286 is a seventh century book,
+ certainly from St. Augustine’s; it was probably brought to England in
+ the time of Theodore, and though it may be one of the books referred
+ to above, is, therefore, not Augustinian. The Psalter bearing the
+ silver images is “most likely” Cott. Vesp. A. 1, an eighth century
+ manuscript; it is, therefore, not Augustinian, although it may be a
+ copy of the original Psalter given by Gregory.--James, lxvi.
+
+ [61] Known as Codex E, or the Laudian Acts (Laud. Gr. 35). Bede refers
+ to a Greek manuscript of the Acts in his _Retractationes_; possibly
+ this is the actual copy. The last page of the book bears the signature
+ “Theodore”; did Archbishop Theodore bring the volume to England? “It
+ is at least safe to say that the presence of such a book in England
+ in Bede’s time can hardly be entirely independent of the influence of
+ Theodore or of Abbot Hadrian.”--James (M. R.), xxiii.
+
+ [62] _H. E._, iv. 2, _tr._ Sellar.
+
+ [63] _Ib._ v. 20.
+
+ [64] _Ib._ v. 23.
+
+ [65] This copy was still at Malmesbury in the twelfth century.--W. of
+ Malmesbury, _Ang. Sacr._, ii. 21.
+
+ [66] Sandys, i. 466; _Camb. Eng. Lit._, i. 75.
+
+ [67] _Camb. Eng. Lit._, i. 45.
+
+ [68] These foundations were regarded as one house, the inmates being
+ bound together by “a common and perpetual affection and intimacy.”
+
+ [69] “Innumerabilem librorum omnis generis copiam apportavit.”--_Vitae
+ Abbatum_, § 4.
+
+ [70] “Copiosissima et nobilissima bibliotheca.”--_Ib._ § 11.
+
+ [71] Lanciani, _Anc. Rome_, 201.
+
+ [72] Ceolfrid, Benedict Biscop’s successor, added a number of books
+ to the library, among them three copies of the Vulgate, and one of
+ the older version. One copy of the Vulgate Ceolfrid took with him to
+ Rome (716) to give to the Pope. He died on the way. The codex did not
+ go to Rome; now, it is in the Laurentian Library, Florence, where it
+ is known as the Codex Amiatinus. The writing is Italian, or at any
+ rate foreign, so it must have been imported, or written at Jarrow by
+ foreign scribes. This volume is the chief authority for the text of
+ Jerome’s translation of the Scriptures.
+
+ [73] _H. E._, v. 24.
+
+ [74] Bede frequently quotes Cicero, Virgil, and Horace; usually
+ selecting some telling phrase, _e.g._ “caeco carpitur igni” (_H.
+ E._ ii. 12). In his _De Natura rerum_ he owes a good deal to Pliny
+ and Isidore. In his commentaries on the Scriptures he displays
+ an extent of reading which we have no space to give any idea of.
+ His chronologies were based on Jerome’s edition of Eusebius, on
+ Augustine and Isidore. In his _H. E._ he uses “Pliny, Solinus,
+ Orosius, Eutropius, Marcellinus Comes, Gildas, probably the _Historia
+ Brittonum_, a _Passion of St. Alban_, and the _Life of Germanus of
+ Auxerre_ by Constantius”; while he refers to lives of St. Fursa, St.
+ Ethelburg, and to Adamnan’s work on the Holy Places. Cf. Sandys, i.
+ 468; _Camb. Lit._, i. 80-81. Bede also got first-hand knowledge:
+ the Lindisfarne records provided him with material on Cuthbert;
+ information came to him from Canterbury about Southern affairs and
+ from Lastingham about Mercian affairs. Nothelm got material from the
+ archives at Rome for him.
+
+ [75] Tr. in Morley, _Eng. Writers_, ii. 160.
+
+ [76] Tr. in West, _Alcuin_, 34-35.
+
+ [77] Tr. in _King’s Letters_, ed. Steele (1903), 1. Cf. Bodl. _MS.
+ Hatton_, 20; _Cott. MS. Otho_ B 2; Corpus C. C., Camb. MS. 12.
+
+ [78] _MS. Cott. Tib._ B xi.--a copy of Alfred’s version of the _Cura_,
+ or what is left of it--has been connected with Archbishop Plegmund,
+ the evidence being a Saxon inscription on the manuscript. Wanley,
+ however, doubted the conclusiveness of this evidence, which, together
+ with most of the text, was lost in the fire of 1731.--James, xxiii-iv.
+
+ [79] Sandys, i. 484.
+
+ [80] Hunt, _Hist. of Eng. Church_, i. 326.
+
+ [81] Strutt, _Saxon Antiq._, i. 105, pl. xviii. The picture is in a
+ large volume containing part of a grammar and certain other pieces
+ used at Glastonbury.--_MS. Auct._ F. iv. 32. Over the picture is the
+ inscription: _Pictura et scriptura hujus paginae subtus visa est de
+ propria manu Sci. Dunstani._
+
+ [82] Stubbs, _Mem. of Dunstan_, cx.-cxii.
+
+ [83] _Chron. Mon. de Abingdon_, ii. 263.
+
+ [84] _Ibid._, ii. 265.
+
+ [85] _Archaeologia_, xxiv. 19.
+
+ [86] _B. M. Cott. Vesp._, A. viii., written 966.
+
+ [87] Hook, _Archbishops_, i. 453 (1st ed.).
+
+ [88] _Chron. Abb. de E._, 83.
+
+ [89] James^{1}, 5-6.
+
+ [90] Most old English poems are preserved in unique manuscripts,
+ sometimes not complete, but in fragments; two fragments, for example,
+ were found in the bindings of other books.--Warton, ii. 7. In 1248,
+ only four books in English were at Glastonbury, and they are described
+ as old and useless.--John of G., 435; Ritson, i. 43. About fifty
+ years later only seventeen such books were in the big library at
+ Canterbury.--James (M. R.), 51. A striking illustration of the disuse
+ of the vernacular among the religious is found in an Anglo-Saxon
+ Gregory’s _Pastoral Care_, which is copiously glossed in Latin, in
+ two or three hands. This manuscript, now in Corpus Christi College,
+ Cambridge, No. 12, came from Worcester Priory.--James^{17}, 33.
+
+ [91] Becker, 199, 257.
+
+ [92] In an eleventh century manuscript in Trinity College Library,
+ Cambridge (MS. B. 16, 44), is an inscription, perhaps by Lanfranc
+ himself, recording that he brought it from Bec and gave it to Christ
+ Church.
+
+ [93] At the end of the manuscript of Cassian is written: “Hucusque ego
+ Lanfrancus correxi.”--_Hist. Litt. de la France_, vii. 117. At the end
+ of the Ambrose (_Hexaemeron_) the note reads, “Lanfrancus ego correxi.”
+
+ [94] James (M. R.), xxx.
+
+ [95] _Chron. Abb. de Evesham_, 97.
+
+ [96] Library of Ste. Geneviève, Paris, MS. E. l. 17, in 40, fol. 61.
+ The note reads: Quia autem apud Bequefort victualium copia erat,
+ scriptores etiam ibi habebantur quorum opera ad nos in Normaniam
+ mittebantur.--_Library_, v. 2 (1893).
+
+ [97] Stevenson, _Grosseteste_, 149.
+
+ [98] _Gesta R. Angl._, lib. v.; _Camb. Lit._, i. 159-60.
+
+ [99] _Surtees S._, lxix. 341.
+
+ [100] Merryweather, 96-7.
+
+ [101] Joh. Glaston, _Chronica_, ed. Hearne (1726), ii. 423-44;
+ Merryweather, 140.
+
+ [102] Librariam fecit optimum pulcherrimum et copiosum.--Holmes,
+ _Wells and Glastonbury_, 229.
+
+ [103] _MS. Twyne_, Bodl. L., 8, 272.
+
+ [104] James, and James^{1}.
+
+ [105] In the fine MS. Cott. Claud. E. iv. (_Gesta Abbatum_) is a
+ series of portrait miniatures of the abbots, and in most cases they
+ are represented as reading or carrying books, or with books about them.
+
+ [106] Fecit etiam scribi libros plurimos, quos longum esset enarrare.
+
+ [107] Some of the books were restored, others were resold to the abbey.
+
+ [108] A lot of forty-nine, with prices attached, is given in _Annales
+ a J. Amund._, ii. 268 _et seq._
+
+ [109] Gloucester House, now Worcester College.
+
+ [110] Dugdale, iv. 405.
+
+ [111] For St. Albans see _Gesta Abbatum_, i. 58, 70, 94, 106, 179,
+ 184; ii. 200, 306, 363; iii. 389, 393.
+
+ [112] _Mon. Fr._, ii. lviii.
+
+ [113] Bryce, i. 440 n., 29.
+
+ [114] Clark, 62.
+
+ [115] These works would be Latin translations based upon Arabic
+ versions. _Opus Majus_, iii. 66; _Camb. Lit._, i. 199; Gasquet^{3},
+ 156.
+
+ [116] Close roll, 10 Hen. III, m. 6 (3rd Sep.); Trivet,
+ _Annales_, 243; _Mon. Fr._, i. 185; Stevenson, 76; _O. H. S._, Little,
+ 57.
+
+ [117] Wood, _Hist. Ant. U. Ox._ (1792), i. 329.
+
+ [118] There is an imperfect catalogue of their library in Leland, iii.
+ 57.
+
+ [119] Leland^{3}, 286.
+
+ [120] Oliver, _Mon. Dioc. Exon._, 332, 333.
+
+ [121] _Sussex Archaeol. Collections_, i. (1848), 168-187.
+
+ [122] _Mon. Fr._, ii. 18.
+
+ [123] _Cal. of Pap. Letters_, iv. 42-43.
+
+ [124] Leland, iii. 53.
+
+ [125] _Camb. Mod. Hist._, i., 597.
+
+ [126] For date see Stow (Kingsford’s ed.), i. 108; i. 318; _Mon. Fr._
+ i. 519.
+
+ [127] Stow, i. 318.
+
+ [128] _Camb. Mod. Hist._, i. 591
+
+ [129] The catalogue is edited by Dr. M. R. James in _Fasciculus Ioanni
+ Willis Clark dicatus_, 2-96.
+
+ [130] Bryce, i. 369.
+
+ [131] _Mon. Fr._, i. 391.
+
+ [132] _Ibid._ i. 366.
+
+ [133] But see _O. H. S._, Little, 56; _Mon. Fr._, ii. 91--Libri
+ fratrum decedentium....
+
+ [134] _Mon. Fr._, i. 114.
+
+ [135] _Bodl. MS. Twyne_, xxiii. 488; _O. H. S._, Little, 60.
+
+ [136] R. Armachanus, _Defensorium Curatorum_; cf. Wyclif’ English
+ _Works_, ed. Matthew, 128, 221.
+
+ [137] _R. de B._, Thomas’ ed. 203.
+
+ [138] Stevenson, 87.
+
+ [139] Gasquet^{3}, 140, _q.v._ for full description of these
+ _Correctoria_.
+
+ [140] _MS. Bodl._ Tanner, 165.
+
+ [141] _Camb. Mod. Hist._, i. 592; James, xlix.
+
+ [142] _Hist. et Cart. Mon. Glouc._, iii. lxxiv.
+
+ [143] _R. de B._, _c. v._ 183.
+
+ [144] Whitaker, _Hist. of Craven_, (1805), 330; another computus,
+ discovered later, does not refer to books (ed. 1878).
+
+ [145] Morris, _Chester during Plantagenet and Tudor Reigns_, 128-129.
+
+ [146] James, M. R.^{1}, 109-110.
+
+ [147] Bateson, _Med. Eng._, 339.
+
+ [148] Gasquet^{4}, 49.
+
+ [149] _E. H. R._, xxv. 122.
+
+ [150] Bateson, vii.
+
+ [151] _Synesius de laude Calvitii_, MS. Bodl. 80.
+
+ [152] Gasquet^{2}, 36-37.
+
+ [153] Sandys., ii. 225; and see _post_, p. 195.
+
+ [154] Gasquet^{2}, 37; Rashdall and Rait, _New Coll._ (1901), 251.
+
+ [155] A few volumes escaped: a copy of Basil’s Commentary on
+ Isaiah, presumably in Greek, and some others. “Among them must in
+ all probability be reckoned the first copy of Homer whose presence
+ can be definitely traced in England since the days of Theodore of
+ Tarsus.”--_Camb. Mod. Hist._, i. 598. Cp. James, li.
+
+ [156] Aubrey, _Lett. of Em. Per. from the Bod._, i. 278.
+
+ [157] _Laboryouse Journey and Serche of Johann Leylande for Englandes
+ Antiquitees_, by Bale, 1549. Cf. Strype, _Parker_ (1711), 528.
+
+ [158] Accounts of John Scudamore (kings receiver), detailing proceeds
+ of sale of goods from Bordesley Abbey, and other monasteries.--_Cam.
+ Soc._, xxvi. 269, 271, 275.
+
+ [159] _Fasciculus I. W. Clark dicatus_, 16, and cf. 96.
+
+ [160] _Fasciculus I. W. Clark dicatus_, 16, 17.
+
+ [161] _C. A. S. 8vo. Publ._, No. 33 (1900), Dr. James on MSS. in the
+ Library of Lambeth Palace, pp. 1, 2, 6.
+
+ [162] See Dr. James’ view of the dispersion of Bury Abbey
+ Library.--James^{1}, 9-10.
+
+ [163] Monasticon, Dugdale, ii. 586-587.
+
+ [164] _Ath. Ox._ (1721), 82, 83.
+
+ [165] James (M. R.), lxxxi.
+
+ [166] Leland, _Itinerary_ (1907), i. xxxviii.
+
+ [167] James (M. R.)^{1}, 11.
+
+ [168] _Notes and Q._, 2. i. 485; James (M. R.), lvii, lxxxii.
+
+ [169] Strype, _Parker_ (1711), 528.
+
+ [170] James (M. R.), _Sources of Archbishop Parker’s MSS_. (Camb.
+ Antiq. Soc.).
+
+ [171] James (M. R.), 505-534.
+
+ [172] James (M. R.)^{1}, 42; _ibid._ xciv. But later Dr. James was
+ less certain of some of his identifications. See James (M. R.)^{10},
+ viii.
+
+ [173] Robinson.
+
+ [174] See also Macray’s _Annals of the Bodleian_.
+
+ [175] Maitland, 404-405.
+
+ [176] _Stat. selecta Cap. Gen. O. Cisterc._, A.D. 1278, Martène, iv.
+ 1462; Maitland, 406.
+
+ [177] _O. H. S._, Little, 55.
+
+ [178] _Surtees Soc._, xv., Durham Rites, 70-71.
+
+ [179] _Chron. abb. de Evesham_, 301.
+
+ [180] James (M. R.), li.; Cox, _Canterbury_, 199.
+
+ [181] Windle, _Chester_, 171-172; _Library_, ii. 285.
+
+ [182] Géraud, _Essai sur les livres_, 181.
+
+ [183] Sandys, i. 266.
+
+ [184] Cp. Du Cange, _Gloss_. art. _Scriptores_; citation from Const.
+ of Carthusians.
+
+ [185] Maitland, 56.
+
+ [186] _Chron. mon. de Abingd_., ii. 371.
+
+ [187] _Gesta abb. m. S. Albani_, i. 57-58.
+
+ [188] From the Porkington MS.; this treatise has been printed in
+ _Early English Miscellanies_, ed. J. O. Halliwell, for the Warton
+ Club (1855), p. 72. Other treatises are in Mrs. Merrifield’s _Arts of
+ Painting_ (1849).
+
+ [189] Madan, 37.
+
+ [190] Pez, _Thesaurus_, i. xx.
+
+ [191] Bede, _Works_, ed. Plummer, xx.
+
+ [192] _O. V._, pars II. lib. iv.
+
+ [193] Hardy, iii. xiii.
+
+ [194] _Surtees Soc._, vii. xxv.
+
+ [195] Lecoq de la Marche, 103.
+
+ [196] In a MS. of Joh. Andreas, _Super Decretales_, Peterhouse,
+ Camb.--James^{3}, 29.
+
+ [197] MS. on surgery, Peterhouse, Camb.--James^{3}, 137.
+
+ [198] Du Cange, _Gloss._, art., _Scriptorium_.
+
+ [199] Martène, _De Ant. Mon. Ritibus_, v. c. 18, § 4.
+
+ [200] _E. H. R._, xxv. 121.
+
+ [201] Thompson, pp. 19 ff., 322.
+
+ [202] _Customary of St. A._ (H. Brads. Soc.), i. 401. These tablets
+ were called _ceratae tabellae_, _tabellae cerae_, or simply _cerae_.
+ The name of a book, _caudex_, _codex_, was first given to these
+ tabellae when they were strung together to form a square “book.”--_V.
+ Antiquary_, xii. 277.
+
+ [203] James^{1}, 7; _ibid._^{17}, 3.
+
+ [204] _Works_, ed. Skeat, i. 379.
+
+ [205] _Mon. Fr._, i. 359.
+
+ [206] _Epp._, 8. 69; Sandys, i. 487-488.
+
+ [207] James (M. R.)^{10}.
+
+ [208] Stevenson, _Suppl. to Bentham’s Ch. of Ely_.
+
+ [209] Warton, i. 213.
+
+ [210] _Mon. Fr._, i. 206.
+
+ [211] _O. H. S._, Little, 135; best account of Adam in this book.
+
+ [212] _C. A. S._ (N.S.), 8vo ser. vii. 187 (1909). The story of the
+ connexion between Chesterton and Vercelli is most interesting. A
+ list of the books is in Lampugnani, _Sulla Vita di Guala Bicchieri,
+ Vercelli_ (1842), 125 _et seq._; but I have not been able to see the
+ book. See further Bekynton’s _Correspondence_, ii. 344 (Rolls Ser.);
+ and Kennedy, _Poems of Cynewulf_ (1910), 6.
+
+ [213] _O. H. S._, 27 Boase, xxxvii n.
+
+ [214] Sandys, i. 486-489, _q.v._ for other interesting facts about
+ this abbot.
+
+ [215] _Gesta Abbatum_, i. 57.
+
+ [216] _Chron. mon. de Abingd._, ii. 153. A list of the precentor’s
+ rents, applied to expenses of the writing-room and the organ, will be
+ found in ii. 328.
+
+ [217] _H. Mon. S. A._, 392.
+
+ [218] Stewart, _Ely Cath._, 280; _Surtees Soc._, lxix. 15-20;
+ Robinson, I.
+
+ [219] _Chron. abb. de Evesham_, 208-210.
+
+ [220] Full document in Edwards, i. 283.
+
+ [221] _Chron. abb. Rameseiensis_, 356.
+
+ [222] James, 535-544.
+
+ [223] _Chron. abb. de Evesham_, 267.
+
+ [224] Robinson, 4.
+
+ [225] _O. H. S._, 27, Boase, 19.
+
+ [226] Rymer, _Foedera_, viii. 501; cf. James^{17}, 153.
+
+ [227] Cam. Soc., _Bury Wills_ (1850), 105. Many of the gifts to Syon
+ monastery came from priests.--Bateson, xxiii-xxvii. Cf. also lists of
+ donors in James (M. R.), 535 _et seq._
+
+ [228] Cf. James (M. R.), lxxii n.
+
+ [229] _Customary of Barnwell_ (Harl. MS. 3061).
+
+ [230] _Surtees Soc._ xv., Durham Rites, 70-71. The library would be
+ that built by Wessington in 1446.
+
+ [231] But see Robinson, 3.
+
+ [232] Sandys, i. 266.
+
+ [233] _Archæol. Jour._ (1848), v. 85.
+
+ [234] _Lancs. and Ches. Hist. Soc._, xix. 106.
+
+ [235] _Chron. mon. de Melsa_, iii. lxxxiii.
+
+ [236] James (M. R.), xliv.
+
+ [237] _Anglia Sacra_, i. 145-6; James (M. R.), l-li.
+
+ [238] MS. Arundel 57, Brit. Mus. See James (M. R.), lxxvii. “This
+ boc is dan Michelis of Northgate, y-write an englis of his ozene
+ hand. thet hatte: Ayenbyte of Inwyt. And is of the bochouse of Saynt
+ Austines of Canterberi. mid the letters _CC_.” “Ymende, thet this boc
+ is volveld ine the eve of the holy apostles Symon an Judas, of ane
+ brother of the cloystre of Sauynt Austin of Canterberi, ine the yeare
+ of oure lhordes beringe (birth) 1340.”
+
+ [239] _Surtees Soc._, xv., Durham Rites, 26.
+
+ [240] _C._ 1429-45. Most likely over the cloister. The books seem
+ to have been arranged flat on sloping desks, to which they were
+ chained.--James (M. R.)^{1}, 41.
+
+ [241] _Chron. mon. de Abingd._, ii. 373.
+
+ [242] Hardy, iii. xiii.
+
+ [243] _Chron. mon. de Abingd._, ii. 371; _Customary of St. August._,
+ _Cant._ (H. Brads. Soc.), introd.
+
+ [244] _Customary of St. August._, i. 96; ii. 36.
+
+ [245] _Panni, camisiae librorum._
+
+ [246] _Stat. ant. ord. Carthus._, _c._ xvi. § 9.
+
+ [247] MS. Lat. 12296, Bibl. Nat., Paris.
+
+ [248] _Bibl. Cluniacensis_, lib. i.; Maitland, 440.
+
+ [249] James (M. R.)^{10}, 171.
+
+ [250] B. M. MS. Reg. 12 G. ii.; Warton, i. 182.
+
+ [251] Harl. MS. 2798.
+
+ [252] See anathema in Trin. Coll. Camb. MS. B. S. 17.
+
+ [253] James^{17}, 126.
+
+ [254] _Mon. Fr._, ii. 41.
+
+ [255] Bryce, i. 27.
+
+ [256] _Hist. MSS._, 6th Rept. 296_b_.
+
+ [257] _Records of the Borough of Nottingham_, i. 335.
+
+ [258] _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. 397.
+
+ [259] See particularly James (M. R.), xlv-xlvi, 146-149.
+
+ [260] Delisle, _Bibl. de l’École des chartes_, iii^{e} ser. i. 225.
+
+ [261] _Hist. MSS._ 6th Rept. 296_a_.
+
+ [262] _Literae Cantuarienses_, ii. 146.
+
+ [263] _Mon. Fr._, ii. 91.
+
+ [264] _Literae Cantuarienses_, ii. 146; James (M. R.), 146.
+
+ [265] James (M. R.), xlv, 502-503; Camb. Univ. Lib. MS., Ff. 4. 40,
+ last fol.
+
+ [266] Clark, 133.
+
+ [267] _Surtees Soc._, vii. 85.
+
+ [268] See also Bateson, vi-vii.
+
+ [269] Bateson, vii.
+
+ [270] Pemb. Coll., Camb., MS. 180.
+
+ [271] Madan, 7, 8.
+
+ [272] Bateson, 202. Ut scilicet prima particula de numero et
+ perfecta voluminum cognicione loci precentorem informet, secunda
+ ad solicitam leccionis frequenciam ffratres studiosos provocet, et
+ tercia de singulorum tractatuum repercione festina scolaribus itinera
+ manifestet.--James, 407.
+
+ [273] James (M. R.), 410. For further information on monastic
+ catalogues consult _Surtees Soc._, vii; Becker; James (M. R.);
+ Bateson; _Zentralblatt_; Gottlieb.
+
+ [274] Bateson, _Med. Eng._, 86.
+
+ [275] Now in Mr. Pierpont Morgan’s library. Illustrated in _La
+ Bibliofilia_, xi. 169.
+
+ [276] Cf. _Register of S. Osmund_, ii. 127. Textus unus aureus magnus
+ continens saphiros xx., et smaragdos [emeralds] vi., et thopasios
+ viii., et alemandinas [? carbuncle or ruby] xviii., et gernettas
+ [garnets] viii., et perlas xii. Also i. 276; ii. 43. Jerome, _Ad
+ Eustoch_, Ep. 18.
+
+ [277] _MS._, 41; James^{17}, 81.
+
+ [278] _C. A. S._, 8vo. publ. No. 33 (1900), 25.
+
+ [279] _MS. Bodl._, Auct. D. 2. 16 fo. 1ª; Dugdale, ii. 527; _Oxford
+ Philol. Soc. Trans._, 1881-83, p. 2.
+
+ [280] Full inventory in Oliver, _Lives of the Bps._, 301-310.
+
+ [281] _C. A. S._ (N.S.), 8vo. ser. iv. 311.
+
+ [282] Ego I. de G. Exon., do Eccle. Exon librum istum cum pari suo,
+ in festo Annuntiationis Dominice. Manu mea, anno consecrationis mee
+ xxxix.--Oliver, _Lives of the Bps._, 85.
+
+ [283] Lego eisdem libros meos episcopales, majorem et minorem, quos
+ ego compilavi.--_Ibid._ 86.
+
+ [284] In 1329 he wrote to Richard de Ratforde from Chudleigh:
+ “Regraciamur vobis quod Librum Sermonum Beati Augustini pro nobis,
+ prout Magister Ricardus filius Radulphi, ex parte nostra, vos rogavit,
+ retinuistis, nobisque et condiciones ejusdem significastis et precium.
+ Et, quia ipsum Librum habere volumus, lx solidos sterlingorum Magistro
+ Johanni de Sovenaisshe [Sevenashe], Magistro Scolarum nostre Civitatis
+ Exoniensis, pro ipso Libro tradi fecimus, ut nobis eundem, quamcicius
+ nuncii securitas affuerit, transmittatis. Libros, eciam, Theologicos
+ Originales, veteres saltem et raros, ac Sermones antiquos, eciam sine
+ Divisionibus Thematum, pro nostris usibus exploretis; scribentes nobis
+ condiciones et precium eorundem.”--_O.H.S._, 27 Boase, 2.
+
+ [285] Robinson, 63.
+
+ [286] Building accounts in _C. A. S._ (N.S.), 8vo. ser. iv. 296.
+
+ [287] Oliver, 366-375.
+
+ [288] Between 1385 and 1425 the bishops giving books to Exeter
+ College, Oxford.
+
+ [289] Oliver, 359, 360, 366-375.
+
+ [290] List in Oliver, _Lives_, 376; _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iv. 306 (8vo.
+ ser.).
+
+ [291] Oliver, 376.
+
+ [292] _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iv. 312.
+
+ [293] I have to thank my friend Mr. Tapley Soper, F.R.Hist.S., for his
+ willing help in sending me information about this library.
+
+ Our account of church libraries will appear inadequate if it is not
+ borne in mind that we do not propose to go beyond the manuscript age.
+ An excellent account of modern church libraries is given in _English
+ Church Furniture_, in this series. Also see Clark, 257.
+
+ [294] _Reliquary_, vii. 11 (Floyer).
+
+ [295] _Reliquary_, vii. 14 (Floyer).
+
+ [296] _Ibid._, 17.
+
+ [297] The best account of Worcester Cathedral Library is in
+ _Reliquary_, vii. 11, by the Rev. J. K. Floyer, M.A.
+
+ [298] Havergal, _Fasti Heref._ (1869), 181-182.
+
+ [299] W. of Malmesbury, _Gesta Pont._, 184.
+
+ [300] _Register of St. Osmund_, i. 8, 214.
+
+ [301] _Register of St. Osmund_, i. 224.
+
+ [302] Cox and Harvey, _English Church Furniture_, 331.
+
+ [303]See list in Giraldus Cambrensis, vii. 165-166.
+
+ [304] _Archaeologia_, l. 496.
+
+ [305] _Hist. MSS., 9th Rept._, App. 46a.
+
+ [306] _Ep._, 126; Creighton, _Papacy_, iii. 53n.
+
+ [307] Stow, i. 328.
+
+ [308] Dugdale, _Hist. of St. Paul’s_, 392-398.
+
+ [309] _Ibid._, 399.
+
+ [310] Stow, i. 328.
+
+ [311] _Ibid._, ii. 346; Simpson, _Reg. S. Pauli_, 13, 78, 133, 173,
+ 227.
+
+ [312] Pp. 1, 325-327.
+
+ [313] In the fifteenth century the bishops of Wells were good friends
+ of learning: Skirlaw gave books to University College, Oxford; Bowet
+ left a large library; Stafford gave books; Bekynton was the companion
+ of the most cultivated men of his time. Dean Gunthorpe is well known
+ as a pilgrim to Italy, who returned laden with manuscripts (see p.
+ 192).
+
+ [314] _Hist. MSS. Rept._ 3, App. 363a.
+
+ [315] _Mun. Acad._, 649.
+
+ [316] _Mun. Acad._, 652-653.
+
+ [317] _L. A. R._, viii. 372; Canon Church’s account of the library, in
+ _Archaeologia_, lvii. pt. 2, is very full and interesting.
+
+ [318] _Surtees Soc._, xxxv. 36-40.
+
+ [319] Hunter, _Notes of Wills in Registers of York_, 15.
+
+ [320] _Surtees Soc._, xxxv., 45-46.
+
+ [321] _Ibid._, iv. 385; xlv. 89, 91.
+
+ [322] _W. Salt Arch. Soc._, vi. pt. 2, 211.
+
+ [323] _Capit. Acts_, v. 3.
+
+ [324] Harwood, _Hist. and Antiq. of the Ch.... of Lichfield_ (1806),
+ 109.
+
+ [325] _Vict. County Hist. of Berkshire_, ii. 109.
+
+ [326] _Vict. Hist. Warwickshire_, ii. 127 b.
+
+ [327] _Ibid._, ii. 128 a.
+
+ [328] Johannes Rous, capellanus Cantariae de Guy-Cliffe, qui
+ super porticum australem librariam construxit, et libris
+ ornavit.--_Gentleman’s Magazine_ (N.S.), xxv. 37. The chapel of Guy’s
+ Cliffe was erected by Richard Beauchamp for the repose of the soul of
+ his “ancestor,” Guy of Warwick, the hero of romance.
+
+ [329] Mr. W. T. Carter of the Warwick Public Library, has kindly given
+ me much information about St. Mary’s Church library.
+
+ [330] _Arch. Inst. City of York_ (1846), 10-11; _Surtees Soc._, iv.
+ 102-103, 196; xlv. 57-59, 159, 171, 220-222, 221n.; xxvi. 2-3; xxx.
+ 219, 275; Cox and Harvey, _English Church Furniture_, 331; _Mun.
+ Acad._, 648-649; _Library_, i. 411; Cam. Soc., _Bury Wills_, 253.
+
+ [331] Cox, J. C., and Hope, W. H. St. John, _Chronicles of the Colleg.
+ Ch. of All Saints, Derby_ (1881), 175-177.
+
+ [332] _Ibid._, 157.
+
+ [333] _Library_, i. 417.
+
+ [334] Stow, i. 194. Leland, iv. 48, has a note of four MSS. “in
+ bibliotheca Petrina Londini.” Possibly this library was formed by
+ Rector Hugh Damlet, who was a learned man, and gave several books to
+ Pembroke College, Cambridge.--James^{10}, 184.
+
+ [335] _Archaeologia_, xlv. 118, 120.
+
+ [336] _R. H. S._, vi. 205.
+
+ [337] Sandys, i. 606; Le Clerc, _Hist. Litt._ (2nd ed.), 430.
+
+ [338] N. Bishop’s Collectanea, now at Cambridge; Wood, _Hist. and
+ Antiq. U. of O._, ed. Gutch, 1796^{2}, vol. ii. pt. 2, 910.
+
+ [339] _Mun. Acad._, 270.
+
+ [340] Clark, 144; _Pietas O._, 5; Lyte, 97; Oriel document.
+
+ [341] _O. H. S._ 5 _Collect._, i. 62-65.
+
+ [342] _Univ. Arch. W. P. G._, 4-6.
+
+ [343] _Mun. Acad._, 226-228.
+
+ [344] _Ibid._, 267.
+
+ [345] _Mun. Acad._, 265.
+
+ [346] _Ibid._, 261 _et seq._
+
+ [347] After the Black Death, Trinity Hall, Cambridge, possibly Corpus
+ Christi, Cambridge, Canterbury College and New College, Oxford, were
+ founded, and University (Clare) Hall, Cambridge, was enlarged, partly,
+ at any rate, to repair the ravages the plague had made among the
+ clergy.--_Camb. Lit._, ii. 354; cf. _Hist. MSS._, 5th Rep., 450.
+
+ [348] _Mun. Acad._, 267.
+
+ [349] _Ibid._, 266; _O. H. S._ 35-36, Ansley, 222, 229, 279, 313, 373,
+ 382, 397.
+
+ [350] _Mun. Acad._, 266.
+
+ [351] The indenture in which the books are catalogued mentions nine
+ books received before: possibly these were the gift of 1435.--_Mun.
+ Acad._, 758; _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 177.
+
+ [352] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 184-90.
+
+ [353] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 184.
+
+ [354] _Mun. Acad._, 758.
+
+ [355] _O. H. S._ 35, Ansley, 246.
+
+ [356] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 187-89; _Mun. Acad._, 326-29.
+
+ [357] _Athenæum_, Nov. 17, ’88, p. 664; Hulton, _Clerk of Oxford in
+ Fiction_, 35.
+
+ [358] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 197, 204.
+
+ [359] See lists of Gloucester’s books in _Mun. Acad._, 758-65; _O. H.
+ S._, Anstey, 179, 183, 232.
+
+ [360] He also owned some French manuscripts: what he gave to Oxford
+ formed part of a much larger private library.
+
+ [361] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 294-95.
+
+ [362] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 285-86, 300-1, 318.
+
+ [363] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 9, 46.
+
+ [364] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 245-46.
+
+ [365] _O. H. S._ 35-36, Anstey, 326, 439.
+
+ [366] The plan resembled that of the old library built by Adam de
+ Brome. For notes on the architectural history of this library, see
+ _Pietas O._
+
+ [367] _Mun. Acad._, 58, 59; cf. Smith, _Annals of U.C._, 37-39.
+
+ [368] _Commiss. Docts., Oxford_, i., Statutes, p. 24.
+
+ [369] Lyte, 181.
+
+ [370] Paravicini, _Ball. Coll._, 169, 173.
+
+ [371] _O. H. S._ 5, _Collect._, i. 66.
+
+ [372] _Hist. MSS._, ix. 1, 46.
+
+ [373] _O. H. S._ 32, _Collect._, iii. 225; cf. _Hist. MSS._ 2nd Rep.,
+ App. 135a; Walcott, _W. of Wykeham_, 285.
+
+ [374] _Hist. MSS._ 9th Rep., i. 46; _Reg. Abp. Whittlesey_, fo. 122,
+ cited by Lyte, 181.
+
+ [375] Rogers, _Agric. and Prices_, iv. 599-600.
+
+ [376] _O. H. S._ 32, _Collect._, 223, 214-15.
+
+ [377] See the gifts to Exeter College, _O. H. S._ 27, Boase, _passim_.
+
+ [378] _Mun. Acad._, ii. 706.
+
+ [379] _Hist. MSS._ 2nd Rep., 140a.
+
+ [380] _Hist. MSS._ App. 2nd Rep., 129; _O. H. S._ 27, Boase, xlvii.
+
+ [381] Brantingham gave £20 towards the building; More, £10. Account
+ of building expenses, amounting to £57, 13s. 5½d., is given in _O. H.
+ S._, 27, Boase, 345; see p. liii.
+
+ [382] _O. H. S._ 27, Boase, xlviii. In 1392 “iiii_s_ pro ligacione
+ septem librorum et I_d_ pro cervisia in eisdem
+ ligatoribus, VI_d_ erario pro labore suo circa eosdem
+ libros, et II_d_ Johanni Lokyer pro impositione
+ eorundem librorum in descis.”
+
+ [383] _Ibid._, xlviii.
+
+ [384] The building, which is still standing as a part of Trinity
+ College, cost £42; fittings, £6, 16s. 8d. Blakiston, _Trin. Coll._, 26.
+
+ [385] James, xlvii.
+
+ [386] Cf. Willis, _Arch. Hist. Camb._, ii. 410.
+
+ [387] Willis, iii. 410.
+
+ [388] _Hist. MSS._ 2nd Rep., 141a
+
+ [389] _O. H. S._ 27, Boase; _O. H. S._ 5, _Collect._, 62. At C. C.,
+ Christ Church, and St. John’s Colleges the least useful books could be
+ sold if the libraries became too large.--Oxford Stat.
+
+ [390] _Camb. Lit._, iii. 50.
+
+ [391] _Cam. Soc._, xxvi. 71.
+
+ [392] _I.e._ for practically nothing, a mere song.
+
+ [393] Wood (Gutch), 918-19.
+
+ [394] With Bodley’s noble work this book has no concern. The story has
+ been told briefly in Mr. Nicholson’s _Pietas Oxoniensis_, and with
+ more detail in Dr. Macray’s _Annals of the Bodleian_.
+
+ [395] _MS. français_, I. 1.
+
+ [396] Delisle, _Le Cabinet des MSS._, i. 152.
+
+ [397] Cooper, i. 128, 152, 224.
+
+ [398] _Surtees Soc._, xxx. 78-79.
+
+ [399] Bradshaw, 19-34; Willis, iii. 404.
+
+ [400] Cooper, i. 170; _Rotuli Parl._, iv. 321.
+
+ [401] Willis, _Arch. Hist. Camb._, iii. 11.
+
+ [402] _Ibid._, iii. 12.
+
+ [403] _Ibid._, iii. 5.
+
+ [404] Bradshaw, 35-53; _C. A. S. Comm._, ii. 258.
+
+ [405] Willis, iii. 25.
+
+ [406] Mullinger, ii. 50.
+
+ [407] Willis, iii. 25.
+
+ [408] _Ibid._, iii. 25-26n.
+
+ [409] _C. A. S. Comm._, ii. 73; Willis, iii. 402.
+
+ [410] _Surtees Soc._, iv. 385.
+
+ [411] Willis, i. 370.
+
+ [412] Willis, i. 537.
+
+ [413] Lyte, _Eton_, 28-29.
+
+ [414] James^{2}, 72-83.
+
+ [415] James^{2}, 70-71; and see p. 144.
+
+ [416] Willis, i. 356.
+
+ [417] Lyte, _Eton_, 37; Willis, i. 393.
+
+ [418] Willis, i. 414.
+
+ [419] Lyte, _Eton_, 101.
+
+ [420] James^{14}, viii.
+
+ [421] Lyte, _Eton_, 29.
+
+ [422] _C. A. S. Comm._, ii. 165.
+
+ [423] _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. (8vo. ser.) 398.
+
+ [424] _Ibid._, 399.
+
+ [425] _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. (8vo. ser.), 399.
+
+ [426] James (M. R.)^{10}, xiii.-xvii.; _C. A. S._, ii. (8vo. ser.
+ 1864), 13-21.
+
+ [427] MS. 232, in the library, contains his will, a list of his books
+ with their prices, another catalogue, and a register of the borrowers
+ of the books from 1440 to 1516.
+
+ [428] _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 220-22.
+
+ [429] Willis, i. 200, 226; iii. 411.
+
+ [430] Clark, 140.
+
+ [431] In winter 1382 “vii_d._ _ob_ pro ligatura cuiusdam textus
+ philosophie de eleccione Johannis Mattecote.” Winter 1405, “i_d._
+ _ob_ pro pergameno empto pro novo registro faciendo pro eleccione
+ librorum”; winter 1457, “iiii_d._ More stacionario pro labore
+ suo duobus diebus appreciando libros collegii qui traduntur in
+ eleccionibus sociorum.” Autumn 1488, “ii_s._ i_d._ pro redempcione
+ librorum quondam eleccionis domini Ricardi Symon.”--_O. H. S._ 27,
+ _Boase_, xlix.
+
+ [432] P.R.O., _Anc. Deeds_, c. 1782.
+
+ [433] See further, _Documents relating to the University and Colleges
+ of Cambridge_ (3v. 1852); _Statutes of the College of Oxford_ (3v.
+ 1853), especially i. 54, 97; ii. 60, 89; and _Mun. Acad._ Cf. Willis,
+ _Camb._, iii. 387.
+
+ [434] Lyte, 81.
+
+ [435] _Ibid._, 84.
+
+ [436] _R. de B._, ed. Thomas, pp. 246-48.
+
+ [437] _Piers Plowman._
+
+ [438] _Hous of Fame_, l. 1198.
+
+ [439] _Troilus_, Bk. v. ll. 1797-98.
+
+ [440] Furnivall’s ed., _Rolls S._, pt. 1, p. 1.
+
+ [441] MS. _Reg._ 17, C. viii. f. 2; cited in Skeat’s Chaucer, v. 194.
+
+ [442] Warton, 96-99; Rashdall and Rait, _New Coll._, 60.
+
+ [443] Stubbs, _Lect. on Med. Hist._, 137.
+
+ [444] James (M. R.), 148.
+
+ [445] Coulton, _Chaucer and his England_, 99.
+
+ [446] James (M. R.), lxxii.; this number is probably correct, but
+ owing to confusion between three Abbots of this name it is not
+ certainly right.
+
+ [447] _Ibid._, lxxiv.
+
+ [448] Robinson, 4-7.
+
+ [449] _O. H. S._, 32, _Collect._ 36-40; also 9.
+
+ [450] Blakiston, _Trin. Coll._ 5, 7; A. de Murimuth, 171.
+
+ [451] R. de B., 197-199.
+
+ [452] “R. de Bury ... qui ipsum episcopatum et omnia sua beneficia
+ prius habita per preces magnatum et ambitionis vitium adquisivit,
+ et ideo toto tempore suo inopia laboravit et prodigus exstitit in
+ expensis.”--Murimuth, 171.
+
+ [453] “Volens tamen magnus clericus reputari.”--Murimuth, 171.
+
+ [454] Skeat’s Chaucer, vi. 381.
+
+ [455] _Hous of Fame_, Works, iii. bk. ii. l. 656-58.
+
+ [456] _Book of the Duchesse_, 44.
+
+ [457] _Legend of Good Women_, prol. 30ff.
+
+ [458] Valerie: possibly _Epistola Valerii ad Rufinum de uxore non
+ ducenda_, attributed to Walter Mapes; it is a short treatise of about
+ eight folios; it is printed in _Cam. Soc._ xvi. 77. Theofraste:
+ _Aureolus liber de Nuptiis_, by one Theophrastus.
+
+ [459] Ll. 669-85.
+
+ [460] _Troilus_, ii. 81-105.
+
+ [461] It seems to be Chaucer’s own; only about a third of the poem
+ comes from Boccaccio’s _Filostrato_. Chaucer had a copy of _Thebais_
+ of Statius.--_Troilus_, v. l. 1484.
+
+ [462] _Letter-book_ K, fo. 39, July 4, 1426.
+
+ [463] From schedule of the possessions of the Guildhall College, July
+ 24, 1549.--_L. A. R._, x. 381.
+
+ [464] Chichele Register, pt. 1, fo. 392b, Lamb. Pal.; _L. A. R._, x.
+ 382.
+
+ [465] _Conf. of Librarians_ (1877), 216; _L. A. R._, x. 382.
+
+ [466] _Hist. MSS., 8th Rept._, pt. 1, 268a.
+
+ [467] Gasquet^{2}, 20; Sandys, ii. 220; Legrand, _Bibliographie
+ Hellénique_, i. (1885) xxiv., where the date is 1405-6.
+
+ [468] _Epp._ (ed. Tonelli, 1832-61), i. 43, 70, 74.
+
+ [469] “Cest livre est a moy Homfrey Duc de Glocestre, lequel je fis
+ translater de Grec en Latin par un de mes secretaires, Antoyne de
+ Beccariane de Verone.”--Cam. Soc. 1843, Ellis, _Letters_, 357.
+
+ [470] Gherardi, _Statuti della Univ. e Studio Fiorentino_, 364;
+ Sandys, ii. 220; Einstein, 15.
+
+ [471] _O.H.S._, 35, Anstey, 17, 45.
+
+ [472] “Messer Andrea Ols” in Italian authority; identified by Dr.
+ Sandys.
+
+ [473] _O.H.S._, 36, Anstey, ii. 389-91; Sandys, ii. 221-26; Einstein,
+ 26.
+
+ [474] _MS._ 587 _Bodl._
+
+ [475] Leland^{3}, 463; Leland, iii. 13; Einstein, 23, 54-5; _C.A.S._,
+ 8vo ser., No. 32 (1899), 13.
+
+ [476] _E. H. R._, xxv. 449.
+
+ [477] Rymer, _Foedera_, xii. 214, 216; _E. H. R._, xxv. 450.
+
+ [478] Now _MS._ li. 4, 16, at Cambridge University Library.
+
+ [479] On Shirwood’s books see _E. H. R._, xxv. 449-53.
+
+ [480] Leiden, _Voss. MSS. Graec._, 56.
+
+ [481] On this group see Harris, Jas. Rendel, _The Leicester Codex._
+
+ [482] _E. H. R._, xxv. 446-7; James.
+
+ [483] _Literae Cant._ (Rolls Ser.), iii. 239; cf. Campbell, _Matls for
+ Hist. of H. VII._, ii. 85, 114, 224.
+
+ [484] Leland^{3}, 482. The Obit in _Christ Church MS._ D. 12 refers to
+ Selling as “Sacrae Theologiae Doctor. Hic in divinis agendis multum
+ devotus et lingua Graeca et Latina valde eruditus.”--Gasquet^{2}, 24.
+
+ [485] Gasquet^{2}, 24; James, li.
+
+ [486] Homer and Euripides are in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge;
+ the others are in Trinity College, Cambridge.--James^{16}, 9;
+ Gasquet^{2}, 30.
+
+ [487] Gasquet^{2}, 37.
+
+ [488] The point is disputed; cf. Einstein, 32; Lyte, 386; _Camb.
+ Lit._, iii. 5, 6; Rashdall and Rait, _New. Coll._, 93; Dr. Sandys does
+ not mention Vitelli.
+
+ [489] Rashdall, ii. 343.
+
+ [490] _Biblio. Soc. Monogr._ x. (S. Gibson), 43-6.
+
+ [491] _Ibid._, p. 1; _O.H.S._, 29; Madan, 267, contains long list of
+ references.
+
+ [492] _O. H. S._, 27, Boase, xxxvi.
+
+ [493] Cf. _Grace B._ Δ ix, xlii, xliii.; _O.H.S._, 29, Madan, _Early
+ Oxf. Press_, 266; _Mun. Acad._, 532, 544, 579.
+
+ [494] _Mun. Acad._, 52.
+
+ [495] _Ibid._, 174, 346.
+
+ [496] _Ibid._, xxxviii.
+
+ [497] _Mun. Acad._, xl.-xlii.
+
+ [498] _Ibid._, 253.
+
+ [499] _Mun. Acad._, 383-7.
+
+ [500] _Ibid._, 233-4.
+
+ [501] R. de B., 205.
+
+ [502] _Mun. Acad._, 550.
+
+ [503] Bodl. MS. Rawlinson, 34, fo. 21, _Stat. Coll. S. Mariae pro
+ Oseney: De Libraria_.
+
+ [504] Cooper, i. 57, 104, 141, 262; cf. _Biblio. Soc. Monogr._ 13, p.
+ 1-6.
+
+ [505] 3 H. vii., cap. 9, 10, _Stat. of the Realm_, ii. 518.
+
+ [506] _Donnée des comptes des Roys de France, au 14^{e} siècle_
+ (1852), 227; Putnam, i. 312; _Library_, v. 3-4.
+
+ [507] Gairdner, _Paston letters_, v. 1-4, where the whole bill is
+ transcribed.
+
+ [508] Cited in _Gasquet_^{2}, 17.
+
+ [509] Martène, _Thesaurus_, i. 511.
+
+ [510] _Opera_, fo. 1523. Fo. xlvii. 7, _Doctrinale juvenum_, c. v.
+
+ [511] _Ibid._, c. iv.
+
+ [512] Maitland, 200.
+
+ [513] _Surtees Soc._, vii. 80.
+
+ [514] V. Catalogues in _Becker_; James (M. R.); Bateson; _Surtees
+ Soc._, vii.; etc.
+
+ [515] Sandys, i. 638; and see Jerome, _Ep._ xxii., ed. 1734, i. 114.
+
+ [516] Sandys i. 618.
+
+ [517] Comparetti, _Vergil in the M. A._, 77.
+
+ [518] Taylor, _Classical Heritage_, 37.
+
+ [519] Sandys, i. 638-39; see what is said about use of Ovid at
+ Canterbury.
+
+ [520] On the use of classics in the Middle Ages see Sandys, i. 630
+ (Plautus and Terence), 631 (Lucretius), 633 (Catullus and Virgil), 635
+ (Horace), 638 (Ovid), 641 (Lucan), 642 (Statius), 643 (Martial), 644
+ (Juvenal), 645 (Persius), 648 (Cicero), 653 (Seneca), 654 (Pliny), 655
+ (Quintilian), etc.
+
+ [521] Rashdall, i. 42.
+
+ [522] Lyte, 88-89; Einstein, 180.
+
+ [523] Bacon, _Op. ined_., 84, 148.
+
+ [524] Mullinger, 211.
+
+ [525] Rashdall, i. 77-8.
+
+ [526] Becker, 244.
+
+ [527] Cf. Becker, index.
+
+ [528] On Michael, see Bacon, _Op. maj._, 36, 37; Dante, _Inferno_, xx.
+ 116; Boccaccio, 8 day, 9 novel; Scott, _Lay_, II. xi.; Brown, _Life
+ and Legend of M. S._ (1897).
+
+ [529] Bacon, _Op. ined., Comp. stud._, 472 (Rolls Series).
+
+ [530] In Peterhouse Library, Cambridge, is a manuscript of Aristotle’s
+ _Metaphysica_, with Latin translations from the Arabic and the Greek
+ in parallel columns: the one being called the old translation, the
+ other the new. The manuscript is of the thirteenth or fourteenth
+ century.--James^{3}, 43.
+
+ [531] Gasquet^{3}, 143-44; see other instances, _Camb. Mod. Hist._, i.
+ 588.
+
+ [532] Jourdain, _Recherches ... traductions Latines d’A._, 187;
+ Gasquet^{3}, 148.
+
+ [533] Paris, _Chron. Maj._, iv. 232-3; cp. Bacon, _Op. ined._, 91, 434.
+
+ [534] Stevenson, 224, 227; _Camb. Mod. Hist._, i. 586; James, lxxxvi.
+
+ [535] MS. Ff. i. 24; Paris, _C.M._ iv. 232; cf. v. 285.
+
+ [536] Sandys, i. 576.
+
+ [537] Now Canon. gr. 35 Bodleian; James, lxxxvi. This may be the
+ _Liber grecorum_ in the list of books repaired in 1508.--James,
+ lxxxvi., 163.
+
+ [538] James^{16}, 10.
+
+ [539] _Op. Maj._, 46.
+
+ [540] _Op. Tertium_, p. 55, 56.
+
+ [541] James (M. R.), lxxiv.
+
+ [542] _Mun. Acad._, 86, 430, 444; cf. Lyte, 235. Donatus came to
+ be regarded as a synonymous term for grammar. In _Piers Plowman_ a
+ grammatical lesson or text-book is called “Donet.” A Greek grammar was
+ called a “Donatus Graecorum.”
+
+ [543] _Mun. Acad._, 441.
+
+ [544] In the right-hand doorway of the west front of Chartres
+ Cathedral are figures of the Seven Arts, Grammar being associated
+ with Priscian, Logic with Aristotle, Rhetoric with Cicero, Music with
+ Pythagoras, Arithmetic with Nicomachus, Geometry with Euclid, and
+ Astronomy with Ptolemy. Cf. Marriage, _Sculp. of Chartres Cath._,
+ 71-73 (1909).
+
+ [545] On medieval studies see further _Mun. Acad._, 34, 242-43, 285,
+ 412-13; Sandys, i. 670.
+
+ [546] _Oxford Stat._, _c._ 21.
+
+ [547] _Toxophilus_, Arber’s ed., p. 19.
+
+ [548] _Camb. Eng. Lit._, iii. 364.
+
+ [549] Cf. Warton, ii. 95.
+
+ [550] By Jehan de Tuim, _c._ 1240.
+
+ [551] Wace or Layamon.
+
+ [552] _Amadas et Idoine_, an anonymous Norman French poem of the
+ twelfth century.
+
+ [553] Sir Beves of Hamtoun (Fr. 13 cent., Eng. 14 cent.).
+
+ [554] Character in romance of _Tristrem_, by Thomas the Rymer.
+
+ [555] _Haveloke._ For other metrical catalogues see first and second
+ prologues to _Richard Cœur de Lion_.--Ritson, _Anc,. Eng. Metr.
+ Romances_, i. 55.
+
+ [556] Gladly, blithely.
+
+ [557] From beginning of _Handlyng Synne_, by Robert Mannying of Brunne.
+
+ [558] Bateson x.; Gasquet^{4}, 30-31; James (M.R.), 148.
+
+ [559] Written at the end of the manuscript, which is in the Douce
+ collection.--Warton, i. 182-83.
+
+ [560] MS. Burney, 11; James (M.R.), 515.
+
+ [561] _B.M. MS. Reg._, 9 B ix. 1.
+
+ [562] Lyte, 135.
+
+ [563] _Mun. Acad._, 665. Cf. p. 661.
+
+ [564] _Mun. Acad._, ci.
+
+ [565] _Mun. Acad._, lxxvii.
+
+ [566] _Lyte_, 93.
+
+ [567] Lounsbury, _Studies in Chaucer_, ii. 265.
+
+ [568] _Wife of Bath’s Prologue_, ll. 673-81.
+
+ [569] _E. H. R._, xxv. 453.
+
+ [570] _Camb. Lit._, i. 262.
+
+ [571] _Piers Plowman_, 186.
+
+ [572] “Quendam libru’ meu’ de Cant^{rbury} Tales.”--_N. & Q._, 11 ser.
+ ii. 26.
+
+ [573] _Camb. Lit._, i. 262.
+
+ [574] Jusserand, _Piers_, 13.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Old English Libraries, by Ernest Savage
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