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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/15074.txt b/15074.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1040ce3 --- /dev/null +++ b/15074.txt @@ -0,0 +1,1824 @@ +Project Gutenberg's His Majesties Declaration Defended, by John Dryden + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: His Majesties Declaration Defended + +Author: John Dryden + +Release Date: February 15, 2005 [EBook #15074] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HIS MAJESTIES DECLARATION DEFENDED *** + + + + +Produced by David Starner, J. David Pearce and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team. + + + + + +The Augustan Reprint Society + + +John Dryden +His Majesties Declaration Defended +(1681) + + +With an Introduction by +Godfrey Davies + + +Publication Number 23 +(Series IV, No. 4) + + +Los Angeles +William Andrews Clark Memorial Library +University of California +1950 + + +GENERAL EDITORS +H. Richard Archer, Clark Memorial Library +Richard C. Boys, University Of Michigan +Edward Niles Hooker, University Of California, Los Angeles +H.T. Swedenberg, Jr., University Of California, Los Angeles + +ASSISTANT EDITORS +W. Earl Britton, University of Michigan +John Loftis, University of California, Los Angeles + +ADVISORY EDITORS +Emmett L. Avery, State College of Washington +Benjamin Boyce, University of Nebraska +Louis I. Bredvold, University of Michigan +Cleanth Brooks, Yale University +James L. Clifford, Columbia University +Arthur Friedman, University of Chicago +Samuel H. Monk, University of Minnesota +Ernest Mossner, University of Texas +James Sutherland, Queen Mary College, London + + + + +INTRODUCTION + + +Wherever English literature is studied, John Dryden is recognized as the +author of some of the greatest political satires in the language. Until +recently the fact has been overlooked that before he wrote the first of +these satires, _Absalom and Achitophel_, he had entered the political +arena with the prose tract here reproduced. The proof that the +Historiographer Royal contributed to the anti-Whig propaganda of the +spring of 1681 depends partly on contemporary or near-contemporary +statements but principally on internal evidence. An article by Professor +Roswell G. Ham (_The Review of English Studies_, XI (1935), 284-98; Hugh +Macdonald, _John Dryden, A Bibliography_, p. 167) demonstrated Dryden's +authorship so satisfactorily that it is unnecessary to set forth here +the arguments that established this thesis. The time when Dryden was +composing his defence of the royal _Declaration_ is approximately fixed +from the reference to it on June 22, 1681, in _The Observator_, which +had noted the Whig pamphlet Dryden was answering under the date of May +26. + +The bitter controversy into which Dryden thrust himself was the +culmination of eleven years' political strife. In 1670, by the secret +Treaty of Dover, Charles II and Louis XIV agreed that the English king +should declare himself a Roman Catholic, and receive from his brother of +France the equivalent of 80,000 pounds sterling and, in case of a +Protestant rebellion, 6000 French soldiers. In addition, the two kings +were pledged to undertake a war for the partition of the United +Provinces. In the words of the late Lord Acton this treaty is "the solid +substance of the phantom which is called the Popish Plot." (_Lectures on +Modern History_ (1930), p. 211) The attempt to carry out the second part +of the treaty was made in 1672, when England and France attacked the +United Provinces which made a successful defence, aided by a coalition +including the Emperor, Elector of Brandenburg, and King of Spain. The +unpopularity of the war compelled Charles II to make peace in 1674. +Meanwhile the King had taken a step to put into operation the first part +of the Treaty of Dover by issuing a Declaration of Indulgence relieving +Catholics and Dissenters alike from the penal laws. He was forced, +however, to withdraw it and to give his assent to the Test Act which +excluded from all public offices those unwilling to take the sacraments +according to the rites of the Church of England. Henceforth Charles II +abandoned all hope of restoring Catholicism, though his brother and +heir, James, Duke of York, already a convert, remained resolute to +secure at least toleration for his co-religionists. But many Englishmen +continued to suspect the royal policy. + +Roman Catholicism was feared and hated by many Englishmen for two +distinct reasons. The first was based on bigotry, nourished by memories +of the Marian persecution, the papal bull dethroning Elizabeth, Guy +Fawkes' Plot, and by apprehensions that a Catholic could not be a loyal +subject so long as he recognized the temporal power of the Pope. The +second was political and assumed that Catholicism was the natural +support of absolutism. As Shaftesbury, the leader of the opposition, +stated, popery and slavery went hand in hand. Such fears were deepened +as the general purport of the Treaty of Dover became known. + +Into this atmosphere charged with suspicion was interjected the Popish +Plot, said by Titus Oates and his fellow perjurers to be designed to +murder Charles II and place James on the throne. From September 1678, +when Oates began his series of revelations until the end of March 1681, +when the King dissolved at Oxford the third Parliament elected under the +Protestant furore excited by the Plot, Shaftesbury and his followers had +the upper hand. The King was obliged to propose concessions to the +popular will and to offer to agree to limitations on the authority of a +popish successor. But Shaftesbury was bent on passing the Exclusion +Bill, which excluded James from the throne and substituted the King's +illegitimate son, Monmouth. Here he made a fatal blunder because he +alienated churchmen who believed in the divine right of kings, all whose +sense of decency was outraged by the prospect of a bastard's elevation +to the throne, and the supporters of William of Orange, husband of +Mary, the elder daughter of James, and the great opponent of Louis XIV. +Also, when it became obvious that the King would not agree to a change +in the succession, many feared another civil war with all its attendant +dangers of a second military domination. Moreover, the lies of Oates and +his imitators were becoming discredited. + +Though a reaction against the Whigs was beginning, propaganda was needed +to disabuse the public of two anxieties--that there was still a danger +that Roman Catholicism might be restored and that the three dissolutions +might foreshadow a return to unparliamentary government such as Charles +I had established from 1629 to 1640, also after three dissolutions. The +royal party was at first on the defensive. Their propaganda began with a +proclamation issued on April 8 and ordered to be read in all churches. +In the proclamation the King posed as the champion of law and order +against a disloyal faction trying to overthrow the constitution. It was +read in churches on April 17 and, according to Luttrell's _Brief +Historical Relation_ (I, 77), "in many places was not very pleasing, but +afforded matter of sport to some persons." Among several replies was one +entitled _A Letter from a Person of Quality to his Friend_. Clearly +there was need to answer this pamphlet and to state more fully the case +against the Whigs. This task was undertaken by two of the greatest +writers of English prose--George Savile, then Earl, later Marquis of +Halifax, and John Dryden. Halifax, in the tract lately identified as his +by Hugh Macdonald (Cambridge, 1940), _Observations upon a late +Libel_--though he might scarify an individual opponent like Shaftesbury +or pour ridicule upon a sentence from _A Letter_, set himself the task +of answering the Whig case as a whole. The text he dilated upon was: +"there seemeth to be no other Rule allowed by one sort of Men, than that +they cannot Err, and the King cannot be in the Right." With superb irony +and wit he demonstrated how inconsistent such an attitude was with the +constitution of that day. + +Dryden's tract, _His Majesties Declaration Defended_ is, like the one +he is answering, in the form of a letter to a friend who has asked the +writer's opinion of the _Declaration_ and the answer to it. "I shall +obey you the more willingly," Dryden responds, "because I know you are a +lover of the Peace and Quietness of your Country; which the Author of +this seditious Pamphlet, is endeavouring to disturb." He writes to show +the "goodness and equity" of the Prince, because once they are +understood, the faction will lose its power and the well-meaning but +misled crowd will be no longer deceived by "the specious names of +Religion and Liberty." After these introductory paragraphs Dryden began +to reply to the pamphlet point by point. His method is to quote or, more +strictly, partly to quote and partly to paraphrase, a sentence and then +refute its argument. In so doing he is following the method of the +author of _A Letter_. Accordingly, to understand and judge the fairness +of Dryden's refutation, it is well first to read _His Majesties +Declaration_, then _A Letter_, and finally Dryden. The first has not +been reprinted in full but a substantial extract may be found in +Echard's _History of England_ (III, 624-6) and in Arthur Bryant's _The +Letters of Charles II_ (pp. 319-22), the second is available in a not +uncommon folio, _State Tracts: being a Collection of several Treatises +... privately printed in the Reign of K. Charles II_ (1689), and the +third is here reproduced for the first time. After the perusal of these +three tracts, the student may well turn to _Absalom and Achitophel_, and +find instruction in comparing the prose and the verse. He may reach the +conclusion that while both were written to win converts to the royal +cause, the first was designed to weaken the Whig party and the second to +take advantage of a tide that had turned to ruin the Whig leaders. (For +a fuller discussion of the relationship of Dryden's tract and his poem +see the writer's article, "The Conclusion of Dryden's Absalom and +Achitophel" in the _Huntington Library Quarterly_, X (1946-7), 69-82.) +In addition to its historical interest Dryden's tract is a fine specimen +of his masculine, vigorous style so well suited to controversial +writing. + +I desire to thank Mr. James M. Osborn, Yale University, for helpful +suggestions in the preparation of this introduction. + +This facsimile has been made from the copy in the William Andrews Clark +Memorial Library. + + +_Godfrey Davies_ +_The Huntington Library_ + + + + +His Majesties + +DECLARATION + +DEFENDED: + +In a _LETTER_ to a Friend. + +BEING AN + +_ANSWER_ + +TO A + +_Seditious Pamphlet_, + +CALLED + +_A LETTER from a Person of Quality +to his Friend_: + +CONCERNING + +The Kings late Declaration touching the Reasons +which moved him to Dissolve + +THE TWO LAST + +_PARLIAMENTS_ + +AT + +_WESTMINSTER_ and _OXFORD_. + + +_LONDON:_ +Printed for _T. Davies, 1681_. + + + + + +THE +Kings Declaration +DEFENDED. + + +Sir, + +Since you are pleas'd to require my Opinion of the Kings Declaration, +and the Answer to it, which you write me word was sent you lately, I +shall obey you the more willingly, because I know you are a lover of the +Peace and Quietness of your Country; which the Author of this seditious +Pamphlet, is endeavouring to disturb. Be pleas'd to understand then, +that before the Declaration was yet published, and while it was only the +common news, that such an one there was intended, to justifie the +Dissolution of the two last Parliaments; it was generally agreed by the +heads of the discontented Party, that this Declaration must be answer'd, +and that with all the ingredients of malice which the ablest amongst +them could squeeze into it. Accordingly, upon the first appearance of it +in Print, five several Pens of their _Cabal_ were set to work; and the +product of each having been examin'd, a certain person of Quality +appears to have carried the majority of Votes, and to be chosen like a +new _Matthias_, to succeed in the place of their deceas'd _Judas_. + +He seems to be a man cut out to carry on vigorously the designs of the +Phanatique Party, which are manifestly in this Paper, to hinder the +King, from making any good impression on his Subjects, by giving them +all possible satisfaction. + +And the reason of this undertaking is manifest, for if once the goodness +and equity of the Prince comes to be truly understood by the People, the +Authority of the Faction is extinguish'd; and the well meaning crowd who +are misled, will no longer gape after the specious names of Religion and +Liberty; much like the folly of the _Jews_, expecting a _Messiah_ still +to come, whose History has been written sixteen hundred years ago. + +Thus much in general: I will now confider the Cavils of my Author +against the Declaration. + +He tells us, in the first place, _That the Declaration seems to him as a +forerunner of another Parliament to be speedily call'd:_ And indeed to +any man in his right sences, it can seem no other; for 'tis the business +of its three last Paragraphs to inform the People, that no +irregularities in Parliament can make the King out of love with them: +but that he looks upon them as the best means for healing the distempers +of the publick, and for preservation of the Monarchy. + +Now if this seems clearly to be the Kings intention, I would ask what +need there was of the late Petition from the City, for another +Parliament; unless they had rather seem to extort it from his Majesty, +than to have it pass for his own gracious action? The truth is, there +were many of the Loyal Party absent at that Common Council: and the +whole strength of the other Faction was united; for it is the common +failing of honest men to trust too much in the goodness of their cause; +and to manage it too negligently. But there is a necessity incumbent on +such as oppose the establish'd Government, to make up with diligence, +what they want in the justice of their undertaking. This was the true +and only reason why the majority of Votes was for the Petition: but if +the business had not been carried by this surprise, My Lord Mayor might +have only been troubled to have carried the Addresses of _Southwark_, +&c. of another nature: without his offering them with one hand, and the +City Petition with the other; like the Childrens play of, This Mill +grinds Pepper and Spice; that Mill grinds Ratts and Mice. + +In the next place he informs us, _That if has been long the practice of +the Popish and Arbitrary Party, that the King should call, frequent, +short, and useless Parliaments, tell the Gentry, grown weary of the +great expences of Elections, should sit at home, and trouble themselves +no more but leave the People expos'd to the practices of them, and of +their Party; who if they carry one House of Commons for their turn, will +make us Slaves and Papists by a Law_. + +_Popish_ and _Arbitrary_, are words that sound high amongst the +multitude; and all men are branded by those names, who are not for +setting up Fanaticism and a Common-wealth. To call short and useless +Parliaments, can be no intention of the Government; because from such +means the great end of Settlement cannot be expected. But no Physician +can command his Physick to perform the effects for which he has +prescrib'd it: yet if it fail the first or second time, he will not in +prudence lay aside his Art, and despair of his Patient: but reiterate +his Medicines till he effect the cure. For, the King, as he declares +himself, is not willing to have too hard an Opinion of the +Representatives of the Commons, but hopes that time may open their eyes, +and that their next meeting may perfect the Settlement of Church and +State. With what impudence can our Author say, _That an House of Commons +can possibly be so pack'd, as to make us Slaves and Papists by a Law?_ +for my part I should as soon suspect they would make themselves +Arbitrary, which God forbid that any Englishman in his right sences +should believe. But this supposition of our Author, is to lay a most +scandalous imputation upon the Gentry of _England_; besides, what it +tacitly insinuates, that the House of Peers and his Majesty, (without +whom it could not pass into a Law,) would suffer it. Yet without such +Artifices, as I said before, the Fanatique cause could not possibly +subsist: fear of Popery and Arbitrary power must be kept up; or the St. +_Georges_ of their side, would have no Dragon to encounter; yet they +will never persuade a reasonable man, that a King, who in his younger +years, when he had all the Temptations of power to pursue such a Design, +yet attempted it not, should now, in the maturity of his Judgment, and +when he sees the manifest aversion of his Subjects to admit of such a +change, undertake a work of so much difficulty, destructive to the +Monarchy, and ruinous to Himself, if it succeeded not; and if it +succeeded, not capable of making him so truly Great as he is by Law +already. If we add to this, his Majesties natural love to Peace and +Quiet, which increases in every man with his years, this ridiculous +supposition will vanish of itself; which is sufficiently exploded by +daily experiments to the contrary. For let the Reign of any of our Kings +be impartially examin'd, and there will be found in none of them so many +examples of Moderation, and keeping close to the Government by Law, as +in his. And instead of swelling the Regal power to a greater height, we +shall here find many gracious priviledges accorded to the Subjects, +without any one advancement of Prerogative. + +The next thing material in the Letter, _is the questioning the legality +of the Declaration; which the Author sayes by the new style of_ his +Majesty in Council, _is order'd to be read in all Churches and Chappels +throughout_ England, _And which no doubt the blind obedience of our +Clergy, will see carefully perform'd; yet if it be true, that there is +no Seal, nor Order of Council, but only the Clerks hand to it, they may +be call'd in question as publishers of false news, and invectives +against a third Estate of the Kingdom_. + +Since he writes this only upon a supposition, it will be time enough to +answer it, when the supposition is made manifest in all its parts: In +the meantime, let him give me leave to suppose too, that in case it be +true that there be no Seal, yet since it is no Proclamation, but only a +bare Declaration of his Majesty, to inform and satisfie his Subjects, of +the reasons which induc'd him to dissolve the two last Parliaments, a +Seal in this case, is not of absolute necessity: for the King speaks not +here as commanding any thing, but the Printing, publishing and reading. +And 'tis not denyed the meanest Englishman, to vindicate himself in +Print, when he has any aspersion cast upon him. This is manifestly the +case, that the Enemies of the Government, had endeavour'd to insinuate +into the People such Principles, as this Answerer now publishes: and +therefore his Majesty, who is always tender to preserve the affections +of his Subjects, desir'd to lay before them the necessary reasons, which +induc'd him to so unpleasant a thing, as the parting with two successive +Parliaments. And if the Clergy obey him in so just a Design, is this to +be nam'd a blind Obedience! But I wonder why our Author is so eager for +the calling them to account as Accessaries to an Invective against a +third Estate of the Kingdom, while he himself is guilty in almost every +sentence of his discourse of aspersing the King, even in his own Person, +with all the Virulency and Gall imaginable. It appears plainly that an +House of Commons, is that _Leviathan_ which he Adores: that is his +Sovereign in effect, and a third Estate is not only greater than the +other two, but than him who is presiding over the three. + +But, though our Author cannot get his own Seditious Pamphlet to be read +in Churches and in Chappels, I dare secure you, he introduces it into +Conventicles, and Coffee-houses of his Faction: besides, his sending it +in Post Letters, to infect the Populace of every County. 'Tis enough, +that this Declaration is evidently the Kings, and the only true +exception, which our Answerer has to it, is that he would deny his +Majesty the power of clearing his intentions to the People: and finds +himself aggriev'd, that his King should satisfie them in spight of +himself and of his party. + +The next Paragraph is wholly spent, in giving us to understand, that a +King, of _England_ is no other thing than a Duke of _Venice_; take the +Parallell all along: and you will find it true by only changing of the +names. A Duke of _Venice_ can do no wrong; in Senate he can make no ill +Laws; in Council no ill Orders, in the Treasury can dispose of no +Money, but wisely, and for the interest of the Government, and according +to such proportions as are every way requisite: if otherwise all +Officers are answerable, &c. Which is in effect, to say he can neither +do wrong nor right, nor indeed any thing, _quatenus_ a King. This puts +me in mind of _Sancho Panca_ in his Government of the Island of +_Barataria_, when he was dispos'd to eat or drink, his Physitian stood +up for the People, and snatch'd the dish from him in their right, +because he was a publick person, and therefore the Nation must be Judges +to a dram and scruple what was necessary for the sustenance of the Head +of the Body politique. Oh, but there is a wicked thing call'd the +Militia in their way, and they shew'd they had a moneths mind to it, at +the first breaking out of the Popish Plot. If they could once persuade +his Majesty, to part graciously with that trifle, and with his power of +making War and Peace; and farther, to resign all Offices of Trust, to be +dispos'd by their nomination, their Argument would be an hundred times +more clear: for then it would be evident to all the World, that he could +do nothing. But if they can work him to part with none of these, then +they must content themselves to carry on their new Design beyond Seas: +either of ingaging the _French_ King to fall upon _Flanders_, or +encouraging the States General to lay aside, or privately to cut off the +Prince of _Orange_, or getting a War declared against _England_ and +_France_ conjoyntly: for by that means, either the King can be but a +weak Enemy, and as they will manage matters, he shall be kept so bare of +Money, that Twelve _Holland_ Ships shall block up the River, or he shall +be forced to cast himself upon a House of Commons, and to take Money +upon their Terms, which will sure be as easie, as those of an Usurer to +an Heir in want. These are part of the projects now afoot: and how Loyal +and conscionable they are, let all indifferent persons judge. + +In the close of this Paragraph, he falls upon the King for appealing to +the People against their own Representatives. But I would ask him in the +first place, if an Appeal be to be made, to whom can the King Appeal, +but to his People? And if he must justifie his own proceedings to their +whole Body, how can he do it but by blaming their Representatives? I +believe every honest man is sorry, that any such Divisions have been +betwixt the King and his House of Commons. But since there have been, +how could the King complain more modestly, or in terms more expressing +Grief, than Indignation? or what way is left him to obviate the causes +of such complaints for the future, but this gentle admonishment for what +is past? + +'Tis easily agreed, he says, (and here I joyn issue with him) _That +there were never more occasions for a Parliament, than were at the +opening of the last, which was held at_ Westminster. But where he +maliciously adds, _never were our Liberties and Properties more in +danger, nor the Protestant Religion more expos'd to an utter extirpation +both at home and abroad_, he shuffles together Truth and Falshood: for +from the greatness of _France_, the danger of the Protestant Religion is +evident; But that our Liberty, Religion, and Property were in danger +from the Government, let him produce the instances of it, that they may +be answer'd; what dangers there were and are from the Antimonarchical +Party, is not my present business to enquire. As for the growing terrour +of the _French_ Monarchy, the greater it is, the more need of supply to +provide against it. + +_The Ministers tell us in the Declaration, That they asked of that +Parliament the supporting the Alliances they had made for the +Preservation of the general peace in Christendom, and had desir'd their +advice and assistance for the preservation of_ Tangier: _had recommended +to them, the farther examination of the Plot; and that his Majesty had +offer'd to concurr in any Remedies for the security of the Protestant +Religion, which might consist with the preserving the Succession of the +Crown, in its due and legal course of descent, but to all this they met +with most unsuitable returns._ + +Now mark what the Gentleman infers, _That the Ministers well knew, that +their demands of Money for the ends abovesaid, were not to be complyed +with, till his Majesty were pleas'd to change the hands and Councils by +which his Affairs were managed_.--that is, nothing must be given but to +such men in whom they could confide, as if neither the King, nor those +whom he employed were fit any longer to be Trusted. But the supream +power, and the management of all things, must be wholly in their Party, +as it was in _Watt Tyler_, and _Jack Cade_ of famous memory, when they +had got a King into their possession: for this Party, will never think +his Majesty their own, till they have him as safe, as they had his +Father. But if they could compass their Designs, of bringing the same +Gentlemen into play once more, who some years since were at the Helm; +let me ask them, when the Affairs of the Nation were worse manag'd? who +gave the rise to the present greatness of the _French_? or who counsel'd +the dissolution of the Tripple League? 'Tis a miracle to me that the +People should think them good Patriots, only because they are out of +humour with the Court, and in disgrace. I suppose they are far other +principles, than those of Anger and Revenge, which constitute an honest +Statesman. But let men be what they will before, if they once espouse +their Party, let them be touch'd with that Philosophers stone, and they +are turn'd into Gold immediately. Nay, that will do more for them, than +was ever pretended to by Chymistry; for it will raise up the shape of a +worthy Patriot, from the ashes of a Knave. 'Tis a pretty juggle to tell +the King they assist him with Money, when indeed they design only to +give it to themselves; that is, to their own Instruments, which is no +more, than to shift it from one hand into another. It will be a favour +at the long run, if they condescend to acquaint the King, how they +intend to lay out his Treasure. But our Author very roundly tells his +Majesty, _That at present they will give him no supplyes, because they +would be employ'd, to the destruction of his Person, and of the +Protestant Religion, and the inslaving the whole Nation_, to which I +will only add, that of all these matters next and immediately under God, +he and his Party, constitute themselves the supream Judges. + +_The Duke of_ York, _the Queen, and the two French Dutchesses are the +great support and protectors of the Popish interest in these Kingdoms_. + +How comes it to pass that our Author shuffles the two French Dutchesses +together? of which the one is an _Italian_, the other a _French_ Woman, +and an _English_ Dutchess? Is he grown so purblind, that he cannot +distinguish Friends from Foes? Has he so soon forgotten the memory of +past benefits, that he will not consider one of them as her, to whom all +their applications were so lately made? Is she so quickly become an old +acquaintance, that none of the politick assignations at her Lodgings are +remembred? After this, who will trust the gratitude of a Common-wealth? +or who will blame the Conduct of a silly Court, for being over-reach'd +by the whole _French_ Council, when the able part of the Nation, the +designing heads, the gray wisdom, and the Beaux Garcons, are all foil'd +by a single _French_ Woman, at their own Weapon, dissimulation? for the +other _French_ Dutchess, since I perceive our Author is unacquainted +with her Character, I will give it him; she is one who loves her ease to +that degree, that no advantages of Fortune can bribe her into business. +Let her but have wherewithall to make Merry adays, and to play at Cards +anights, and I dare answer for her, that she will take as little care to +disturb their business, as she takes in the management of her own. But +if you will say that she only affects idleness, and is a grand Intriguer +in her heart, I will only Answer, that I should shew you just such +another as I have describ'd her Grace, amongst the heads of your own +Party: indeed I do not say it is a Woman, but 'tis one who loves a +Woman. + +As for the Dutchess of _M._ either she is a very sincere lover of +downright idleness, or she has cousen'd all parts of Christendom, where +she has wandred for these last Ten years. I hope our solid Author will +pardon me this digression; but now we have had our dance, let us to our +serious business. + +_While these, and their Creatures are at the Helm, what can we expect +for the security of the Protestant Religion, or what opposition to the +ambitious designs of_ France? + +I suppose more reasonably on the other side, that no such persons are at +the Helm, and that what he has assum'd is but precarious. But I retort +upon him, that if some of his Party were the Ministers, the Protestant +Religion would receive but very cold assistance from them, who have none +at all themselves. And for the growth of the _French_ Monarchy, I have +already told you, to whose Counsels we are beholden for it. + +_He goes on; you will tell me that the supplyes so given may be +appropriated, to these particular ends of supporting our Alliances, and +the relief of_ Tangier: _And it may be so limited by Act of Parliament, +that it cannot be diverted to other uses. But he answers that Objection +by a Story of_ Monsieur de Sully's _telling of_ H. 4th _of_ France: _let +the States raise the Money, and tye it as they please; when they are +dissolved, you may dispose of it as you please_. + +All this is to confirm his first unalterable principle, that the King +must be sure to finger nothing; but be us'd as Fishers do their +Cormorant, have his mouth left open, to swallow the prey for them, but +his throat gagg'd that nothing may go down. Let them bring this to pass, +and afterwards they will not need to take away his Prerogative of making +War: He must do that at his own peril, and be sent to fight his Enemies +with his hands bound behind him. But what if he thinks not their Party +fit to be intrusted, least they should employ it against his Person? why +then, as he told you _they will give him nothing_. Now whose will be the +fault in common reason, if the Allyances be not supported, and _Tangier_ +not relieved? If they will give him nothing, before they bring him to a +necessity of taking it upon their terms, asmuch as in them lyes they +dissolve the Government: and the Interest of the Nation abroad must be +left in the Suds, till they have destroy'd the Monarchy at home. But +since God, and the Laws have put the disposing of the Treasury into his +Majesties hands, it may satisfie any reasonable _Englishman_, that the +same Laws have provided for the mispending of the Treasury, by calling +the publick Officers into question for it before the Parliament. For God +be thanked we have a House of Commons, who will be sure, never to forgoe +the least tittle of their Priviledges, and not be so meal-mouth'd as the +States of _France_, of whom neither Monsieur _Sully_, nor any of his +Successors, have never had any cause of apprehension. But since the +wisdom of our Ancestors have thought this Provision sufficient for our +security, What has his present Majesty deserv'd from his Subjects, that +he should be made a Minor at no less than fifty years of age? or that +his House of Commons should Fetter him beyond any of his Predecessors? +_where the Interest goes, you will say, there goes the power_. But the +most ingenious of your Authors, I mean _Plato Redivivus,_ broaches no +such principle as that you should force this Prerogative from the King, +by undue courses. The best use which can be made of all, is rather to +support the Monarchy, than to have it fall upon your Heads. If indeed +there were any reasonable fear of an Arbitrary Government, the adverse +Party had somewhat to alledge in their defence of not supplying it; but +it is not only evident, that the Kings temper is wholly averse from any +such Design, but also demonstrable, that if all his Council, were such +as this man most falsely suggests them to be, yet the notion of an +absolute power in the Prince is wholly impracticable, not only in this +Age, but for ought any wise man can foresee, at any time hereafter. 'Tis +plain, that the King has reduc'd himself already to live more like a +private Gentleman than a Prince; and since he can content himself in +that condition, 'tis as plain, that the supplies which he demands are +only for the service of the publick, and not for his own maintenance. +Monsieur _de Sully_ might give what Council he thought convenient for +_Henry_ the Fourth, who was then designing that Arbitrary power, which +his Successors have since compass'd, to the ruine of the Subjects +liberty in _France_; but I appeal to the Consciences of those men, who +are most averse to the present Government, if they think our King would +put his Peace and Quiet at this time of day, upon so desperate an issue. +What the necessities, which they are driving him into, may make him part +with on the other hand, I know not. But how can they answer it to our +Posterity, that for private Picques, self Interest, and causeless +jealousies, they would destroy the foundation of so excellent a +Government, which is the admiration and envy of all _Europe_? + +_The rest of my Authors Paragraph, is only laying more load upon the +Ministers, and telling us, that if a sum of Money sufficient for those +ends were given, while they were Managers of Affairs, it would be only +to set them free from any apprehensions of account to any future +Parliament_. But this Argument having only the imaginary fear of an +Arbitrary power for its foundation, is already answer'd, he adds in the +close of it, _That the Prince has a cheap bargain, who gives Paper-Laws +in exchange of Money and Power. Bargains, he tells us, there have always +been, and always will be, betwixt Prince and People, because it is in +the Constitution of our Goverment, and the chief dependance of our Kings +is in the love and liberality of their People_. + +Our present King, I acknowledge has often found it so; though no thanks +I suppose to this Gentleman and his Party. But though he cry down Paper +and Parchment at this Rate, they are the best Evidence he can have for +his Estate, and his friends the Lawyers will advise him to speak with +less contempt of those Commodities. If Laws avail the Subject nothing, +our Ancestors have made many a bad Bargain for us. Yet I can instance to +him one Paper, namely, that of the _Habeas Corpus_ bill; for which the +House of Commons would have been content to have given a Million of good +_English_ money, and which they had Gratis from his Majesty. 'Tis true, +they boast they got it by a Trick; but if the Clerk of the Parliament +had been bidden to forget it, their Trick of telling Noses might have +fail'd them. Therefore let us do right on all sides: The Nation is +oblig'd both to the House of Commons for asking it, and more especially +to his Majesty, for granting it so freely. + +_But what can we think of his next Axiome, that it was never known that +Laws signified any thing to a People, who had not the sole guard of +their own Prince, Government and Laws?_ + +Here all our Fore-fathers are Arraign'd at once for trusting the +Executive power of the Laws in their Princes hands. And yet you see the +Government has made a shift to shuffle on for so many hundred years +together, under this miserable oppression; and no man so wise in so many +ages to find out, that _Magna Charta_ was to no purpose, while there was +a King. I confess in Countreys, where the Monarck governs absolutely, +and the Law is either his Will, or depending on it, this noble maxim +might take place; But since we are neither _Turks_, _Russians_, nor +_Frenchmen_, to affirm that in our Countrey, in a Monarchy of so +temperate and wholsom a Constitution, Laws are of no validity, because +they are not in the disposition of the People, plainly infers that no +Government but that of a Common-wealth can preserve our Liberties and +Priviledges: for though the Title of a Prince be allow'd to continue, +yet if the People must have the sole guard and Government of him and of +the Laws, 'tis but facing an whole hand of Trumps, with an insignificant +King of another sute. And which is worst of all, if this be true, there +can be no Rebellion, for then the People is the supream power. And if +the Representatives of the Commons shall Jarr with the other two +Estates, and with the King, it would be no Rebellion to adhere to them in +that War: to which I know that every Republican who reads this, must of +necessity Answer, _No more it would not_. Then farewell the Good Act of +Parliament, which makes it Treason to Levy Arms against the present King, +upon any pretences whatsoever. For if this be a Right of Nature, and +consequently never to be Resign'd, there never has been, nor ever can be +any pact betwixt King and People, and Mr. _Hobbs_ would tell us, _That we +are still in a state of War_. + +_The next thing our Author would establish, is, That there is nothing in +Nature or in Story so ridiculous, as the management of the Ministers, in +the Examination of the Popish Plot. Which being prov'd by_ Coleman's +_and others Letters, and by both Houses by declaring the King's Life to +be in danger_, &c. _Yet they have persuaded the King to believe nothing +of this danger; but to apprehend the Plot to be extreamly improv'd, if +not wholly contriv'd by the Presbyterians. And to think it more his +concernment to have an end of all; then to have it search'd to the +bottom: and that this was the true reason, why four Parliaments, during +the Examination of the Plot have been dissolv'd:_ + +Reasonable People will conclude, that his Majesty and his Ministers have +proceeded, not ridiculously, but with all that caution which became +them. For in the first heat and vehemence of the Plot, the Avenues of +_White-Hall_ were more strictly Guarded: His Majesty abstaining from +Places of publick Entertainment, and the Ministers taking all necessary +Care in Council, both to discover Conspiracies and to prevent them. So, +that simply considered, the Popish Plot has nothing to do with the +Dissolution of Four Parliaments. But the Use which has been made of it by +the House of Commons to Dis-inherit the Duke, to deny the King +Supplies, and to make some Votes, which the King declares to be +illegal, are the real and plain occasions of dissolving those +Parliaments. 'Tis only affirm'd, but never will be prov'd by this +Author, that the King or his Ministers have ever been desirous to stifle +the Plot, and not to have it search'd into the bottom. For to what end +has his Majesty so often offer'd the Popish Lords to be brought to their +Trial, but that their innocence or guilt, and consequently, that of the +whole party might be made manifest? Or why, after the execution of the +Lord _Stafford_, did the House of Commons stop at the other Lords, and +not proceed to try them in their turns? Did his Majesty stifle the Plot +when he offered them, or did they refuse to sound the depth of it, when +they would not touch upon them? If it were for want of Witnesses, which +is all that can be said, the case is deplorable on the part of the +accused; who can neither be bail'd, because impeach'd in Parliament, nor +admitted to be tryed, for fear they should be acquitted for want of +evidence. I do not doubt but his Majesty, after having done what in him +lies for the utmost discovery of the Plot, both by frequent +Proclamations of Indemnity, and Reward, to such as would come in, and +discover more, and by several others too long to repeat, is desirous +(for what good man is not?) that his care and trouble might be over. But +I am much deceiv'd, if the Antimonarchical Party be of the same +opinion; or that they desire the Plot should be either wholly +discover'd, or fully ended. For 'tis evidently their Interest to keep it +on foot, as long as possibly they can; and to give it hot water, as +often as 'tis dying; for while they are in possession of this Jewel, +they make themselves masters of the people. For this very reason I have +often said, even from the beginning of the Discovery, that the +Presbyterians would never let it go out of their hands, but manage it to +the last inch upon a Save-all. And that if ever they had tryed one Lord, +they would value themselves upon that Conquest, as long as ever it would +last with the Populace: but whatever came on't, be sure to leave a Nest +Egg in the _Tower_: And since I doubt not, but what so mean a Judge as I +am could so easily discover, could not possibly escape the vigilancy of +those who are at the Helm; I am apt to think, that his Majesty saw at +least as great a danger arising to him from the discontented spirits of +the popular Faction, as from the Papists. For is it not plain, that ever +since the beginning of the Plot, they have been lopping off from the +Crown whatever part of the Prerogative they could reach? and incroaching +into Soveraignty and Arbitrary Power themselves, while they seem'd to +fear it from the King? How then could his Majesty be blam'd, if he were +forc'd to dissolve those Parliaments, which instead of giving him +relief, made their Advantages upon his Distresses; and while they +pretended a care of his Person on the one hand, were plucking at his +Scepter with the other? + +After this, the Pamphleteer gives us a long Bead-roll of _Dangerfield's_ +Plot, Captain _Ely_, young _Tongue_, _Fitz-Gerard_ and Mr. _Ray_, rails +at some, and commends others as far as his skill in Hyperbole will carry +him. Which all put together, amounts to no more than only this, that he +whom they called Rogue before, when he comes into their party, pays his +Garnish, and is adopted into the name of an honest man. Thus _Ray_ was +no Villain, when he accus'd Colonel _Sackvile_, before the House of +Commons; but when he failed of the reward of godliness at their hands, +and from a Wig became a tearing Tory in new Cloaths, our Author puts him +upon the File of Rogues, with this brand, _Than whom a more notorious +and known Villian lives not_. + +The next thing be falls upon, is the Succession: which the King +declares, _He will have preserved in its due descent_. Now our Author +despairing, it seems, that an Exclusion should pass by Bill, urges, +_That the Right of Nature and Nations will impower Subjects to deliver a +Protestant Kingdom from a Popish King_. The Law of Nations, is so +undoubtedly, against him, that I am sure he dares not stick to that +Plea: but will be forc'd to reply, that the Civil Law was made in favour +of Monarchy: why then did he appeal to it? And for the Law of Nature, I +know not what it has to do with Protestants or Papists, except he can +prove that the English Nation is naturally Protestant; and then I would +enquire of him what Countrymen our Fore-fathers were? But if he means by +the Law of Nature, self-preservation and defence; even that neither will +look but a squint upon Religion; for a man of any Religion, and a man of +no Religion, are equally bound to preserve their lives. But I answer +positively to what he would be at; that the Law of self-preservation +impowers not a Subject to rise in Arms against his Soveraign, of another +Religion, upon supposition of what he may do in his prejudice hereafter: +for, since it is impossible that a moral certainty should be made out of +a future contingency, and consequently, that the Soveraign may not +extend his Power to the prejudice of any mans Liberty or Religion: The +probability (which is the worst that they can put it) is not enough to +absolve a Subject who rises in Arms, from Rebellion, _in foro +Conscientiae_. We read of a divine Command to obey Superior Powers: and +the Duke will lawfully be such, no Bill of Exclusion having past against +him in his Brother's life: Besides this, we have the Examples of +Primitive Christians, even under Heathen Emperors, always suffering, yet +never taking up Arms, during ten Persecutions. But we have no Text, no +Primitive Example encouraging us to rebel against a Christian Prince, +tho of a different Perswasion. And to say there were then no Christian +Princes when the New Testament was written, will avail our Author +little; for the Argument is a _Fortiori_: if it be unlawful to rebel +against a Heathen Emperor, then much more against a Christian King. The +Corollary is this, and every unbiassed sober man will subscribe to it, +that since we cannot pry into the secret Decrees of God, for the +knowledge of future Events, we ought to rely upon his Providence, for +the Succession; without either plunging our present King into +necessities, for what may never happen; or refusing our obedience to one +hereafter, who in the course of nature may succeed him. One, who if he +had the will, could never have the power to settle Popery in _England_, +or to bring in Arbitrary Government. + +_But the Monarchy will not be destroyed, and the Protestant Religion +will be preserved, if we may have a Protestant Successor_. + +If his party had thought, that this had been a true Expedient, I am +confident it had been mentioned in the last Parliament at _Westminster_. +But there, _altum silentium_ not one word of it. Was it because the +Machine was not then in readiness to move! and that the Exclusion must +first pass? or more truly was it ever intended to be urged? I am not +ashamed to say, that I particularly honour the Duke of _Monmouth_: but +whether his nomination to succeed, would, at the bottom be pleasing to +the Heads of his Cabal, I somewhat doubt. To keep him fast to them by +some remote hopes of it, may be no ill Policy. To have him in a +readiness to head an Army, in case it should please God the King should +die before the Duke, is the design; and then perhaps he has reason to +expect more from a Chance Game, than from the real desires of his party +to exalt him to a Throne. But 'tis neither to be imagined, that a Prince +of his Spirit, after the gaining of a Crown, would be managed by those +who helped him to it, let his ingagements and promises be never so +strong before, neither that he would be confin'd in the narrow compass +of a Curtail'd Mungril Monarchy, half Common-wealth. Conquerors are not +easily to be curbed. And it is yet harder to conceive, that his +pretended Friends, even design him so much as that. At present, 'tis +true, their mutual necessities keep them fast together; and all the +several Fanatick Books fall in, to enlarge the common stream: But +suppose the business compassed, as they design'd it, how many, and how +contradicting Interests are there to be satisfied! Every Sect of High +Shooes would then be uppermost; and not one of them endure the +toleration of another. And amongst them all, what will become of those +fine Speculative Wits, who drew the Plan of this new Government, and who +overthrew the old? For their comfort, the Saints will then account them +Atheists, and discard them. Or they will plead each of them their +particular Merits, till they quarrel about the Dividend. And, the +Protestant Successor himself, if he be not wholly governed by the +prevailing party, will first be declared no Protestant; and next, no +Successor. This is dealing sincerely with him, which _Plato Redivivus_ +does not: for all the bustle he makes concerning the Duke of _M._ +proceeds from a Commonwealth Principle: he is afraid at the bottom to +have him at the Head of the party, lest he should turn the absolute +Republick, now designing, into an arbitrary Monarchy. + +The next thing he exposes, is the project communicated at _Oxford_, by a +worthy Gentleman since deceased. But since he avowed himself, that it +was but a rough draught, our Author might have paid more respect to his +memory, than to endeavour to render it ridiculous. But let us see how he +mends the matter in his own which follows. + +_If the Duke were only banished, during life, and the Administration put +into the hands of Protestants, that would establish an unnatural War of +Expediency, against an avowed Right and Title. But on the other hand +exclude the Duke, and all other Popish Successors, and put down all +those Guards are now so illegally kept up, and banish the Papists, where +can be the danger of a War, in a Nation unanimous_? + +I will not be unreasonable with him; I will expect English no where from +the barrenness of his Country: but if he can make sense of his +_Unnatural War of Expediency_, I will forgive him two false Grammars, +and three Barbarisms, in every Period of his Pamphlet; and yet leave him +enow of each to expose his ignorance, whensoever I design it. But his +Expedient it self is very solid, if you mark it. _Exclude the Duke, take +away the Guards_, and consequently, all manner of defence from the Kings +Person; _Banish every Mothers Son of the Papists, whether guilty or not +guilty in particular of the Plot_. And when Papists are to be banished, +I warrant you all Protestants in Masquerade must go for company; and +when none but a pack of Sectaries and Commonwealths-men are left in +_England_, where indeed will be the danger of a War, in a Nation +unanimous? After this, why does not some resenting Friend of _Marvel_'s, +put up a Petition to the Soveraigns of his party, that his Pension of +four hundred pounds _per annum_, may be transferred to some one amongst +them, who will not so notoriously betray their cause by dullness and +insufficiency? As for the illegal Guards, let the Law help them; or let +them be disbanded; for I do not think they have need of any Champion. + +The next twenty Lines are only an illustration upon his Expedient: for +he is so fond of his darling Notion, that he huggs it to death, as the +Ape did her young one. He gives us his Bill of Tautology once more; for +he threatens, that they would not rest at the Exclusion; but the Papists +must again be banish'd, and the Dukes Creatures put out of Office both +Civil and Military. Now the Dukes Creatures, I hope, are Papists, or +little better; so that this is all the same: as if he had been conning +over this ingenious Epigram; + + There was a man who with great labour, and much pain; + Did break his neck, and break his neck, and break his neck again. + +At the last, to shew his hand is not out in the whole Paragraph, when +the Duke is excluded, his Creatures put out of Office, the Papists +banished twice over; and the Church of _England_-men delivered to Satan, +yet still he says the Duke is the great Minister of State; and the Kings +Excellent Qualities give his Brother still opportunities to ruine us and +our Religion. Even excluded, and without Friends and Faction he can do +all this; and the King is endued with most excellent Qualities to suffer +it. + +Having found my man, methinks I can scarce afford to be serious with him +any longer; but to treat him as he deserves, like an ill Bouffoon. + +_He defends the sharpess of the Addresses of which his Majesty +complains_: but I suppose it would be better for him, and me, to let our +Principals engage, and to stand by ourselves. I confess, I have heard +some members of that House, wish, that all Proceedings had been carried +with less vehemence. But my Author goes further on the other hand; _He +affirms, that many wise and good men thought they had gone too far, in +assuring, nay, in mentioning of money before our safety was fully +provided for_. So you see he is still for laying his hand upon the +penny. In the mean time I have him in a Praemunire for arraigning the +House of Commons; for he has tacitely confessed, that the wise and good +men were the fewer; because the House carryed it for mentioning money in +their Address. But it seems they went too far, in speaking of a Supply, +before they had consulted this Gentleman, how far the safety of the +Nation would admit it. I find plainly by his temper, that if matters had +come to an accommodation, and a bargain had been a bargain, the Knights +of the Shire must have been the Protestant Knights no longer. + +_As for Arbitrary Power of taking men into custody, for matters that had +no relation to Privileges of Parliament, he says they have erred with +their Fathers._ If he confess that they have erred, let it be with all +their Generation, still they have erred: and an error of the first +digestion, is seldom mended in the second. But I find him modest in this +point; and knowing too well they are not a Court of Judicature, he does +not defend them from Arbitrary Proceedings, but only excuses, and +palliates the matter, by saying, that it concern'd the Rights of the +People, in suppressing their Petitions to the Fountain of Justice. So, +when it makes for him, he can allow the King to be the _Fountain of +Justice_, but at other times he is only a _Cistern of the People._ But +he knows sufficiently, however he dissembles it, that there were some +taken into custody, to whom that crime was not objected. Yet since in a +manner he yields up the Cause, I will not press him too far, where he is +so manifestly weak. Tho I must tell him by the way, that he is as justly +to be proceeded against for calling the Kings Proclamation illegal, +which concerned the matter of Petitioning, as some of those, who had +pronounced against them by the House of Commons, that terrible sentence, +of _Take him,_ Topham. + +_The strange illegal Votes declaring several eminent persons to be +Enemies to the King and Kingdom, are not so strange, he says, but very +justifiable_. I hope he does not mean, that illegal Votes are now not +strange in the House of Commons: But observe the reason which he gives: +for the House of Commons had before address'd for their removal from +about the King. It was his business to have prov'd, that an Address of +the House of Commons, without Process, order of Law, hearing any +Defence, or offering any proof against them is sufficient ground to +remove any person from the King: But instead of this he only proves, +that former Addresses have been made, _Which no body can deny_. When he +has throughly settled this important point, that Addresses have +certainly been made, instead of an Argument to back it, he only thinks, +that one may affirm by Law, _That the King ought to have no person about +him, who has the misfortune of such a Vote_. But this is too ridiculous +to require an Answer. They who will have a thing done, and give no +reason for it, assume to themselves a manifest Arbitrary Power. Now this +Power cannot be in the Representatives, if it be not in the People: or if +it be in them, the People is absolute. But since he wholly thinks it, +let him injoy the privilege of every Free Born Subject, to have the Bell +clinck to him what he imagines. + +Well; all this while he has been in pain about laying his Egg: at the +last we shall have him cackle. + +_If the House of Commons declare they have just Reasons to fear, that +such a person puts the King upon Arbitrary Councils, or betrays His and +the Nations Interest, in such a Case, Order and Process of Law is not +necessary to remove him; but the Opinion and Advice of the Nation is +enough; because bare removing neither fines him, nor deprives him of +Life, Liberty, or Offices, wherein State Affairs are not concern'd._ + +Hitherto, he has only prov'd, according to his usual Logick, that bare +removing, is but bare removing, and that to deprive a man of a Publick +Office is not so much as it would be to hang him: all that possibly can +be infer'd from this Argument, is only that a Vote may do a less wrong, +but not a greater. Let us see how be proceeds. + +_If he be not remov'd upon such Address, you allow him time to act his +Villany; and the Nation runs the hazard_. + +I answer, if the House have just Reasons on their side, 'tis but +equitable they should declare them; for an Address in this Case is an +Appeal to the King against such a man: and no Appeal is supposed to be +without the Causes which induc'd it. But when they ask a Removal, and +give no reason for it; they make themselves Judges of the Matter, and +consequently they appeal not, but command. If they please to give their +Reasons, they justifie their Complaint; for then their Address is almost +in the nature of an Impeachment; and in that Case they may procure a +hearing when they please. But barely to declare, that they suspect any +man, without charging him with particular Articles, is almost to +confess, they can find none against him. To suppose a man has time to +act his Villanies, must suppose him first to be a Villain: and if they +suspect him to be such, nothing more easie than to name his Crimes, and +to take from him all opportunities of future mischief. But at this rate +of bare addressing, any one who has a publick profitable Employment +might be remov'd; for upon the private Picque of a Member he may have a +party rais'd for an Address against him. And if his Majesty can no +sooner reward the Services of any one who is not of their party, but +they can vote him out of his Employment; it must at last follow, that +none but their own party must be employ'd, and then a Vote of the House +of Commons, is in effect the Government. Neither can that be call'd the +Advice and Opinion of the whole Nation, by my Author's favour, where +the other two Estates, and the Soveraign are not consenting. + +_'Tis no matter_, says this Gentleman; _there are some things so +reasonable, that they are above any written Law: and will in despite of +any Power on Earth have their effect, whereof this is one_. + +I love a man who deals plainly; he explicitly owns this is not Law, and +yet it is reasonable; and will have its effect as if it were. See then, +in the first place the written Law is laid aside: that sence is thrown +open to admit reason in a larger denomination. Now that reason which is +not Law, must be either Enthusiasm, or the head-strong will of a whole +Nation combin'd: because in despite of any Earthly Power it will have +its effect; so that, which way soever our Author takes it, he must mean +Fanaticism, or Rebellion: Law grounded on reason is resolv'd into the +Absolute Power of the People; and this is _Ratio ultima Reipublicae_. + +Furthermore; _The King is a publick Person: in his private capacity_, +as we are told, _he can only eat and drink; and perform some other acts +of nature which shall be nameless. But his actings without himself,_ +says my grave Author, _are only as a King. In his politick capacity he +ought not to marry, love, hate, make war, or peace, but as a King; and +agreeable to the People, and their Interest he governs._ + +In plain terms then, as he is a man he has nothing left to do: for the +Actions which are mention'd, are those only of an Animal, or which are +common to Man and Beast. And as he is a King he has as little Business, +for there he is at the disposing of the People: and the only use that +can be made of such a Monarch, is for an Innkeeper to let upon a +Sign-Post to draw custom. But these Letters of Instruction how he should +behave himself in his Kingly Office, cannot but call to mind how he was +school'd and tutor'd, when the Covenanters made just such another Prince +of him in _Scotland_. When the terrible fasting day was come, if he were +sick in bed, no remedy, he must up and to Kirk; and that without a +mouthful of Bread to stay his Stomach; for he fasted then in his +Politick Capacity. When he was seated, no looking aside from Mr. _John_; +not a whisper to any man, but was a disrespect to the Divine Ordinance. +After the first Thunderer had spent his Lungs, no Retirement, the first +is reinforc'd by a second and a third: all chosen Vessels, dieted for +Preaching, and the best breath'd of the whole Country. When the Sun went +down, then up went the Candles, and the fourth arises to carry on the +work of the night, when that of the day was at an end. + +'Tis true what he says, that our greatest Princes have often hearkened +to the Addresses of their People, and have remov'd some persons from +them; but it was when they found those Addresses reasonable themselves. +But they who consult the manner of Addresses in former times, will find +them to have been manag'd in the House of Commons, with all the calmness +and circumspection imaginable. The Crimes were first maturely weigh'd, +and the whole matter throughly winnow'd in Debates. After which, if they +thought it necessary for the publick wellfare, that such a person should +be remov'd, they dutifully acquainted the King with their opinion, which +was often favourably heard; and their desires granted. But now the Case +is quite otherwise; Either no Debate, or a very slight one precedes +Addresses of that nature. But a man is run down with violent Harangues; +and 'tis thought sufficient, if any member rises up, and offers that he +will make out the Accusation afterwards: when things are carried in this +heady manner, I suppose 'tis no sign of a Great Prince, to have any of +his Servants forc'd from him. But such Addresses will insensibly grow +into Presidents: you see our Author is nibbling at one already. And we +know a House of Commons is always forgiving the Crescent in their Arms. +If they gain a point, they never recede from it, they make sure work of +every concession from the Crown, and immediately put it into the +Christmass Box: from whence there is no Redemption. + +In justification of the two Votes against lending or advancing Money to +the King, he falls to railing, like a Sophister in the Schools, when his +Syllogisms are at an end. He arraigns the Kings private manner of +living, without considering that his not being supplied has forc'd him +to it. I do not take upon me to defend any former ill management of the +Treasury; but, if I am not deceiv'd, the great grievance of the other +party at present, is, that it is well manag'd. And, that notwithstanding +nothing has been given for so many years, yet a competent provision is +still made for all expences of the publick, if not so large as might be +wish'd, yet at least as much as is necessary. And I can tell my Author +for his farther mortification, that at present no money is furnish'd to +his Majesties Occasions, at such unconscionable Usury as he mentions. If +he would have the Tables set up again, let the King be put into a +condition, and then let eating and drinking flourish, according to the +hearty, honest and greasie Hospitality of our Ancestors. He would have +the King have recourse to Parliaments, as the only proper Supply to a +King of _England_, for those things which the Treasury in this low Ebb +cannot furnish out: but when he comes to the Conditions, on which this +money is to be had, they are such, that perhaps forty in the Hundred to +a Jew Banquer were not more unreasonable. In the mean time, if a +Parliament will not give, and others must not lend, there is a certain +story of the Dog in the Manger, which out of good manners I will not +apply. + +The Vote for not prosecuting Protestant Dissenters upon the Penal Laws; +which at this time is thought to be a Grievance to the Subject, a +weakning of the Protestant Religion, and an Incouragement to Popery, is +a matter more tenderly to be handled. But if it be true what has been +commonly reported since the Plot, that Priests, Jesuits, and Friars, +mingle amongst Anabaptists, Quakers, and other Sectaries, and are their +Teachers, must not they be prosecuted neither? Some men would think, +that before such an uniting of Protestants, a winnowing were not much +amiss; for after they were once sent together to the Mill, it would be +too late to divide the Grist. His Majesty is well known to be an +indulgent Prince, to the Consciences of his dissenting Subjects: But +whoever has seen a Paper call'd, I think, _An intended Bill for +uniting_, &c. which lay upon the Table of every Coffee-House, and was +modelling to pass the House of Commons, may have found things of such +dangerous concernment to the Government, as might seem not so much +intended to unite Dissenters in a Protestant Church, as to draw together +all the Forces of the several Fanatick Parties, against the Church of +_England_. And when they were encouraged by such a Vote, which they +value as a Law; (for so high that Coin is now inhaunc'd) perhaps it is +not unreasonable to hold the Rod over them. But for my own part, I +heartily wish, that there may be no occasion for Christians to persecute +each other. And since my Author speaks with some moderation, candor, and +submission to his Mother Church, I shall only desire him and the +dissenting Party, to make the use they ought, of the King Gracious +Disposition to them, in not yet proceeding with all the violence which +the penal Laws require against them. But this calm of my Author, was too +happy to last long. You find him immediately transported into a storm +about the business of _Fitz-Harris_, which occasion'd the Dissolution of +the Parliament at _Oxford_: and accusing, according to his sawcy Custom, +both his Majesty, and the House of Lords, concerning it. As for the +House of Lords, they have already vindicated their own right, by +throwing out the Impeachment: and sure the People of _England_ ought to +own them as the Assertors of the publick Liberty in so doing; for +Process being before ordered against him at Common Law, and no +particular Crime being laid to his Charge by the House of Commons, if +they had admitted his Cause to be tryed before the Lordships, this would +have grown a President in time, that they must have been forc'd to judge +all those whom the House of Commons would thrust upon them, till at last +the number of Impeachments would be so increas'd; that the Peers would +have no time for any other business of the Publick: and the Highest +Court of Judicature would have been reduc'd to be the Ministers of +Revenge to the Commons. What then would become of our ancient Privilege +to be tryed _per pares_? Which in process of time would be lost to us +and our posterity: except a proviso were made on purpose, that this +judgment might not be drawn into farther President; and that is never +done, but when there is a manifest necessity of breaking rules, which +here there was not. Otherwise the Commons may make Spaniels of the +Lords, throw them a man, and bid them go judge, as we command a Dog to +fetch and carry. But neither the Lords Reasons, nor the King first +having possession of the Prisoner, signifie any thing with our Author. +He will tell you the reason of the Impeachment was to bring out the +Popish Plot. If _Fitz-Harris_ really know any thing but what relates to +his own Treason, he chuses a fine time of day to discover it now, when +'tis manifestly to save his Neck, that he is forc'd to make himself a +greater Villain; and to charge himself with new Crimes to avoid the +punishment of the old. Had he not the benefit of so many Proclamations, +to have come in before, if he then knew any thing worth discovery? And +was not his fortune necessitous enough at all times, to catch at an +impunity, which was baited with Rewards to bribe him? 'tis not for +nothing that Party has been all along so favourable to him: they are +conscious to themselves of some other matters than a Popish Plot. Let +him first be tryed for what he was first accus'd: if he be acquitted, +his Party will be satisfied, and their strength increas'd by the known +honesty of another Evidence: but if he be condemn'd, let us see what +truth will come out of him, when he has _Tyburn_ and another World +before his Eyes. Then, if he confess any thing which makes against the +Cause, their Excuse is ready; he died a Papist, and had a dispensation +from the Pope to lie. But if they can bring him silent to the Gallows, +all their favour will be, to wish him dispatch'd out of his pain, as +soon as possibly he may. And in that Case they have already promis'd +they will be good to his Wife, and provide for her, which would be a +strong encouragement, for many a woman, to perswade her Husband to +digest the Halter. This remembers me of a certain Spanish Duke, who +commanding a Sea-Port-Town, set an Officer of his, underhand to rob the +Merchants. His Grace you may be confident was to have the Booty, and the +Fellow was assur'd if he were taken to be protected. It fell out, after +some time, that he was apprehended: His Master, according to Articles, +brought him off. The Rogue went again to his vocation, was the second +time taken, delivered again, and so the third. At last the matter grew +so notorious, that the Duke found, it would be both scandalous and +difficult to protect him any longer; But the poor Malefactor sending his +Wife to tell him that if he did not save him he must be hanged to +morrow, and that he must confess who set him on: His Master very civilly +sent him this Message; _Prithee suffer thy self to be hanged this once +to do me a Courtesie, and it shall be the better for thy Wife and +Children._ + +'But that which makes amends for all, says our Author, is the Kings +resolution to have frequent Parliaments. Yet this, it seems, is no +amends neither: for he says Parliaments are like Terms, if there be Ten +in a Year, and all so short to near no Causes, they do no good.' + +I say on the other hand, If the Courts will resolve beforehand to have +no Causes brought before them, but one which they know they cannot +dispatch; let the Terms be never so long, they make them as +insignificant as a Vacation. + +_The Kings Prerogative, when and where they should be call'd, and how +long they should sit, is but subservient, as our Friend tells us, to the +great design of Government; and must be accommodated to it, or we are +either denyed or deluded of that Protection and Justice we are born to._ + +My Author is the happiest in one faculty, I ever knew. He is still +advancing some new Position, which without proving, he slurs upon us for +an Argument: though he knows, that Doctrines without proofs will edifie +but little. That the Kings Prerogative is subservient, or in order to +the ends of Government is granted him. But what strange kind of Argument +is this, to prove that we are cheated of that Protection to which we are +born. Our Kings have always been indued with the power of calling +Parliaments, nominating the time, appointing of the Place, and +Dissolving them when they thought it for the publick good: And the +People have wisely consulted their own welfare in it. Suppose, for +example, that there be a Jarring between the three Estates, which +renders their sitting at that time Impracticable; since none of them can +pretend to Judge the proceedings of the other two, the Judgment of the +whole must either reside in a Superiour power, or the discord must +terminate in the ruine of them all. For if one of the three incroach too +far, there is so much lost in the Balance of the Estates, and so much +more Arbitrary power in one; 'Tis as certain in Politiques, as in +Nature; That where the Sea prevails the Land loses. If no such discord +should arise, my Authors Argument is of no farther use: for where the +Soveraign and Parliament agree, there can be no deluding of the People; +So, that in short, his quarrel is to the constitution of the Government. + +And we see what nettles him, That the King has learnt from the unhappy +example of his Father, not to perpetuate a Parliament. But he will tell +you, that they desire only a lasting Parliament, which may dispatch all +causes necessary and proper for the publick: And I Answer him, that it +lyes in themselves to make it so. But who shall Judge when it shall be +proper to put an end to such a Parliament? there is no farther Answer +left him; but only, that the Reason of things is the only Rule: for when +all necessary causes are dispatch'd, then is the proper time of +Dissolution. But if you mark it, this Argumentation is still running in +a Circle. For the Parliament, that is the House of Commons, would +constitute themselves Judges of this reason of things; and of what +causes were necessary to be dispatch'd. So that my Author had as good +have laid down this Position bare-fac'd, that a Parliament ought never +to be Dissolved, till an House of Commons would sit no longer. + +My Author goes on scoffingly, _That he has nothing to say for those +angry men_ (he means of his own Party) _whose particular Designs are +disappointed; only that they might have kept their places; and that he +can find no difference betwixt them who are out, and those who are put +in, but that the former could have ruin'd us, and would not: and these +cannot if they would._ + +I am willing to let them pass as lightly as he pleases: Angry they are, +and they know the Proverb. I hope I may have leave to observe +transiently, that none but angry men, that is, such as hold themselves +disobliged at Court, are the Pillars of his Party. And where are then +the principles of Vertue, Honour and Religion, which they would persuade +the World, have animated their endeavours for the publick? What were +they before they were thus Angry? or what would they be, could they make +so firm an Interest in Court, that they might venture themselves in that +bottom? This, the whole Party cannot choose but know; for Knaves can +easily smell out one another. My Author, an experienced man, makes but +very little difference, betwixt those who are out, and those who are put +in. But the Nation begins to be awake: his party is mouldring away, and +as it falls out, in all dishonest Combinations, are suspecting each +other so very fast, that every man is shifting for himself, by a +separate Treaty: and looking out for a Plank in the common Shipwrack, so +that the point is turn'd upon him; those who are out, would have ruin'd +us, and cou'd not; and those who are in, are endeavouring to save us if +they can. + +My Adversary himself, now drawing to a conclusion, seems to be inclining +to good opinions: and as dying men, are much given to repentance, so +finding his cause at the last gasp, he unburthens his Conscience and +disclaims the principles of a Common-wealth, both for himself, and for +both Houses of Parliament, which is indeed to be over-officious: for one +of the Houses will not think they have need of such a Compurgator. But +he wisely fears no change of Government from any, but the Papists. Now I +am of a better heart, for I fear it neither from Papists nor +Presbyterians. Whether Democracy will agree with Jesuitical principles +in _England_ I am not certain; but I can easily prove to him, that no +Government but a Common-wealth is accommodated to the Systeme of +Church-worship invented by _John Calvin_. + +The Declaration concludes, that the King is resolv'd to govern in all +things by the Laws: And here the Author of the Answer, is for frisking +out into a fit of Joy, which looks as aukward with his gravity, as ever +was King _David_'s dancing before the Ark. This similitude I hope has +pleas'd him; if it does not, _Esop_'s Ass stands ready Sadled at the +door. But a melancholick consideration has already pour'd cold water in +his Porredge, for all promises he says, _are either kept or broken_: +well-fare a good old Proverb. I could find in my heart to cap it with +another, _that the old Woman had never look'd for her Daughter in the +Oven, if she had not been there herself before_. But if the King should +keep his word, as all but his Enemies conclude he will, then we shall +see Annual Parliaments sit longer I hope; when they meddle only with +their proper business. They will lose their time no more, in cutting off +the Succession, altering the course of Nature, and directing the +providence of God, before they know it. We shall have no uniting of +Sects against the Church of _England_, nor of Counties against the next +Heir of the Crown. The King shall then be advis'd by his Parliament, +when both Houses concur in their advice. There shall be no more need of +Declarations about the dissolving of Parliaments, and no more need of +factious Fools to answer them; But the People shall be happy, the King +shall be supply'd the Alliances shall be supported, and my suppos'd +Author be made a Bishop, and renounce the Covenant. That many of these +things may happen, is the wish of every loyal Subject, and particularly +of + + +Sir, _Your most humble Servant_ + + + + +_The Editors of_ THE AUGUSTAN REPRINT SOCIETY +_are pleased to announce that_ +THE WILLIAM ANDREWS CLARK MEMORIAL LIBRARY +_of The University of California, Los Angeles_ + + +will become the publisher of the Augustan Reprints in May, 1949. The +editorial policy of the Society will continue unchanged. As in the past, +the editors will strive to furnish members inexpensive reprints of rare +seventeenth and eighteenth century works. + +All correspondence concerning subscriptions in the United States and +Canada should be addressed to the William Andrews Clark Memorial +Library, 2205 West Adams Blvd., Los Angeles 7, California. +Correspondence concerning editorial matters may be addressed to any of +the general editors. Membership fee continues $2.50 per year ($2.75 in +Great Britain and the continent). British and European subscribers +should address B.H. Blackwell, Broad Street, Oxford, England. + + +Publications for the fourth year (1949-1950) + +_(At least six items will be printed in the main from the following +list)_ + + +SERIES IV: MEN, MANNERS, AND CRITICS + +John Dryden, _His Majesties Declaration Defended_ + (1681) +Daniel Defoe (?), _Vindication of the Press_ (1718) +_Critical Remarks on Sir Charles Grandison, Clarissa, + and Pamela_ (1754) + +SERIES V: DRAMA + +Thomas Southerne, _Oroonoko_ (1696) +Mrs. Centlivre, _The Busie Body_ (1709) +Charles Johnson, _Caelia_ (1733) +Charles Macklin, _Man of the World_ (1781) + +SERIES VI: POETRY AND LANGUAGE + +Andre Dacier, _Essay on Lyric Poetry_ +_Poems_ by Thomas Sprat +_Poems_ by the Earl of Dorset +Samuel Johnson, _Vanity of Human Wishes_ (1749), + and one of the 1750 _Rambler_ papers. + +EXTRA SERIES: + +Lewis Theobald, _Preface to Shakespeare's Works_ + (1733) + + +A few copies of the early publications of the Society are still +available at the original rate. + + +GENERAL EDITORS + +H. RICHARD ARCHER, + William Andrews Clark Memorial Library + +R.C. BOYS, University of Michigan + +E.N. HOOKER, University of California, Los Angeles + +H.T. SWEDENBERG, JR., + University of California, Los Angeles + + * * * * * + +To THE AUGUSTAN REPRINT SOCIETY + +_William Andrews Clark Memorial Library_ +_2205 West Adams Blvd., Los Angeles 7, California_ + +AS MEMBERSHIP FEE I enclose for: + The fourth year $ 2.50 + The third and fourth year 5.00 + The second, third and fourth year 7.50 + The first, second, third, and fourth year 10.00 +[Add $.25 for each year if ordering from Great Britain or the continent] + +_Name_ + +_Address_ + +Make check or money order payable to THE REGENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF +CALIFORNIA. + +_Note: All income of the Society is devoted to defraying cost of +printing and mailing._ + + + + +PUBLICATIONS OF THE AUGUSTAN REPRINT SOCIETY + + +First Year (1946-1947) + +1. Richard Blackmore's _Essay upon Wit_ (1716), and Addison's +_Freeholder_ No. 45 (1716). (I, 1) + +2. Samuel Cobb's _Of Poetry_ and _Discourse on Criticism_ (1707). (II, +1) + +3. _Letter to A.H. Esq.; concerning the Stage_ (1698), and Richard +Willis' _Occasioned Paper No. IX_ (1698). (III, 1) + +4. _Essay on Wit_ (1748), together with Characters by Flecknoe, and +Joseph Warton's _Adventurer_ Nos. 127 and 133. (I, 2) + +5. Samuel Wesley's _Epistle to a Friend Concerning Poetry_ (1700) and +_Essay on Heroic Poetry_ (1693). (II, 2) + +6. _Representation of the Impiety and Immorality of the Stage_ (1704) +and _Some Thoughts Concerning the Stage_ (1704). (III, 2) + + +Second Year (1947-1948) + +7. John Gay's _The Present State of Wit_ (1711); and a section on Wit +from _The English Theophrastus_ (1702). (I, 3) + +8. Rapin's _De Carmine Pastorali_, translated by Creech (1684). (II, 3) + +9. T. Hanmer's (?) _Some Remarks on the Tragedy of Hamlet_ (1736). (III, +3) + +10. Corbyn Morris' _Essay towards Fixing the True Standards of Wit, +etc._ (1744). (I, 4) + +11. Thomas Purney's _Discourse on the Pastoral_ (1717). (II, 4) + +12. Essays on the Stage, selected, with an Introduction by Joseph Wood +Krutch. (III, 4) + + +Third Year (1948-1949) + +13. Sir John Falstaff (pseud.), _The Theatre_ (1720). (IV, 1) + +14. Edward Moore's _The Gamester_ (1753). (V, 1) + +15. John Oldmixon's _Reflections on Dr. Swift's Letter to Harley_ +(1712); and Arthur Mainwaring's _The British Academy_ (1712). (VI, 1) + +16. Nevil Payne's _Fatal Jealousy_ (1673). (V, 2) + +17. Nicholas Rowe's _Some Account of the Life of Mr. William Shakespear_ +(1709). (Extra Series, 1) + +18. Aaron Hill's Preface to _The Creation_; and Thomas Brereton's +Preface to _Esther_. (IV, 2) + + + + + +End of Project Gutenberg's His Majesties Declaration Defended, by John Dryden + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HIS MAJESTIES DECLARATION DEFENDED *** + +***** This file should be named 15074.txt or 15074.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/5/0/7/15074/ + +Produced by David Starner, J. David Pearce and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team. + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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