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+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 13748 ***
+
+HAVE FAITH
+
+IN
+
+MASSACHUSETTS
+
+[Illustration: Portrait of Calvin Coolidge _Copyright, Notman_]
+
+
+
+
+HAVE FAITH
+
+IN
+
+MASSACHUSETTS
+
+_A Collection of Speeches and Messages_
+
+BY
+
+CALVIN COOLIDGE
+
+_Governor of Massachusetts_
+
+
+SECOND EDITION ENLARGED
+
+
+
+
+BOSTON AND NEW YORK
+
+HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY
+
+_The Riverside Press Cambridge_
+
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTORY NOTE
+
+
+There are certain fundamental principles of sound community life which
+cannot be stated too emphatically or too often. Few public men of to-day
+have shown a finer combination of right feeling and clear thinking about
+these principles, with a gift for the pithy expression of them, than has
+Governor Calvin Coolidge. It was an accurate phrase that President
+Meiklejohn used when, in conferring the degree of Doctor of Laws on him
+at Amherst College last June, he complimented him on teaching the lesson
+of "adequate brevity."
+
+His speeches and messages abound in evidences of this gift, but in the
+main the speeches are not easily accessible. It has seemed to some of
+Governor Coolidge's admirers, as it has to the publishers of this little
+volume, that a real public service might be rendered by making a
+careful selection from the best of the speeches and issuing them in an
+attractive and convenient form. With his permission this has been done,
+and it is hoped that many readers will welcome the book in this time of
+special need of inspiring and steadying influences.
+
+It is a time when all men should realize that, in the words of Governor
+Coolidge himself, "Laws must rest on the eternal foundations of
+righteousness"; that "Industry, thrift, character are not conferred by
+act or resolve. Government cannot relieve from toil." It is a time when
+we must "have faith in Massachusetts. We need a broader, firmer, deeper
+faith in the people,--a faith that men desire to do right, that the
+Commonwealth is founded upon a righteousness which will endure."
+
+THE EDITORS
+
+_Boston, September_, 1919
+
+
+
+
+NOTE TO SECOND EDITION
+
+
+In the issue of a second edition of this collection of Governor
+Coolidge's speeches and messages, the opportunity has been taken to add
+a proclamation and three recently delivered addresses, which bring the
+volume practically up to the date of publication.
+
+_Boston, October, 1919_
+
+
+
+
+  The Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
+
+  _By His Excellency_
+
+  CALVIN COOLIDGE
+
+  GOVERNOR
+
+  A PROCLAMATION
+
+
+Massachusetts has many glories. The last one she would wish to surrender
+is the glory of the men who have served her in war. While such devotion
+lives the Commonwealth is secure. Whatever dangers may threaten from
+within or without she can view them calmly. Turning to her veterans she
+can say "These are our defenders. They are invincible. In them is our
+safety."
+
+War is the rule of force. Peace is the reign of law. When Massachusetts
+was settled the Pilgrims first dedicated themselves to a reign of law.
+When they set foot on Plymouth Rock they brought the Mayflower Compact,
+in which, calling on the Creator to witness, they agreed with each other
+to make just laws and render due submission and obedience. The date of
+that American document was written November 11, 1620.
+
+After more than five years of the bitterest war in human experience, the
+last great stronghold of force, surrendering to the demands of America
+and her allies, agreed to cast aside the sword and live under the law.
+The date of that world document was written November 11, 1918.
+
+Now, therefore, in grateful commemoration of the unsurpassed deeds of
+heroism performed by the service men of Massachusetts, of the sacrifice
+of her people, sometimes greater than life itself, of the service
+rendered by every war charity and organization, to honor those who bore
+arms, to recognize those who supported the government, in accordance
+with the law of the current year
+
+TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 1919
+
+is set apart as a holiday for general observance and celebration of the
+home coming of Massachusetts soldiers, sailors and marines. In that
+welcome may we dedicate ourselves to a continued support of the cause
+for which they freely offered life, that there may be wiped away
+everywhere the burden of, injustice and every attempt to rule by force,
+and that there may be ushered in a reign of law, that will ease the weak
+of their great burdens, and leave the strong, unhampered by the
+opposition of evil men, the opportunity to exert their whole energy for
+the welfare of their fellow men. Let war and all force end, and peace
+and all law reign.
+
+GIVEN at the Executive Chamber, in Boston, this twenty-eighth day of
+October, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and nineteen,
+and of the Independence of the United States of America the one hundred
+and forty-fourth.
+
+[Illustration: Seal of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts]
+
+By His Excellency the Governor.
+
+[Illustration: signatures of Calvin Coolidge and Albert P. Langley]
+
+_Secretary of the Commonwealth._
+
+God Save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+        I. To the State Senate on Being Elected its President,
+           January 7, 1914
+       II. Amherst College Alumni Association, Boston, February 4, 1916
+      III. Brockton Chamber of Commerce, April 11, 1916
+       IV. At the Home of Daniel Webster, Marshfield, July 4, 1916
+        V. Riverside, August 28, 1916
+       VI. At the Home of Augustus P. Gardner, Hamilton, September, 1916
+      VII. Lafayette Banquet, Fall River, September 4, 1913
+     VIII. Norfolk Republican Club, Boston, October 9, 1916
+       IX. Public Meeting on the High Cost of Living, Faneuil Hall,
+           December 9, 1916
+        X. One Hundredth Anniversary Dinner of the Provident Institution
+           for Savings, December 13, 1916
+       XI. Associated Industries Dinner, Boston, December 15, 1916
+      XII. On the Nature of Politics
+     XIII. Tremont Temple, November 3, 1917
+      XIV. Dedication of Town-House, Weston, November 27, 1917
+       XV. Amherst Alumni Dinner, Springfield, March 15, 1918
+      XVI. Message for the Boston _Post_, April 22, 1918
+     XVII. Roxbury Historical Society, Bunker Hill Day, June 17, 1918
+    XVIII. Fairhaven, July 4, 1918
+      XIX. Somerville Republican City Committee, August 7, 1918
+       XX. Written for the Sunday _Advertiser_ and _American_,
+           September 1, 1918
+      XXI. Essex County Club, Lynnfield, September 14, 1918
+     XXII. Tremont Temple, November 2, 1918
+    XXIII. Faneuil Hall, November 4, 1918
+     XXIV. From Inaugural Address as Governor, January 2, 1919
+      XXV. Statement on the Death of Theodore Roosevelt
+     XXVI. Lincoln Day Proclamation, January 30, 1919
+    XXVII. Introducing Henry Cabot Lodge and A. Lawrence Lowell at the
+           Debate on the League of Nations, Symphony Hall, March 19, 1919
+   XXVIII. Veto of Salary Increase
+     XXIX. Flag Day Proclamation, May 26, 1919
+      XXX. Amherst College Commencement, June 18, 1919
+     XXXI. Harvard University Commencement, June 19, 1919
+    XXXII. Plymouth, Labor Day, September 1, 1919
+   XXXIII. Westfield, September 3, 1919
+    XXXIV. A Proclamation, September 11, 1919
+     XXXV. An Order to the Police Commissioner of Boston,
+           September 11, 1919
+    XXXVI. A Telegram to Samuel Gompers, September 14, 1919
+   XXXVII. A Proclamation, September 24, 1919
+  XXXVIII. Holy Cross College, June 25, 1919
+    XXXIX. Republican State Convention, Tremont Temple, October 4, 1919
+       XL. Williams College, October 17, 1919
+      XLI. Concerning Teachers' Salaries, October 29, 1919
+     XLII. Statement to the Press, Election Day, November 4, 1919
+    XLIII. Speech at Tremont Temple, Saturday, November 1, 1919, 8 P.M.
+
+
+
+
+HAVE FAITH
+
+IN
+
+MASSACHUSETTS
+
+
+
+
+I
+
+TO THE STATE SENATE ON BEING ELECTED ITS PRESIDENT
+
+JANUARY 7, 1914
+
+
+Honorable Senators:--I thank you--with gratitude for the high honor
+given, with appreciation for the solemn obligations assumed--I thank
+you.
+
+This Commonwealth is one. We are all members of one body. The welfare of
+the weakest and the welfare of the most powerful are inseparably bound
+together. Industry cannot flourish if labor languish. Transportation
+cannot prosper if manufactures decline. The general welfare cannot be
+provided for in any one act, but it is well to remember that the benefit
+of one is the benefit of all, and the neglect of one is the neglect of
+all. The suspension of one man's dividends is the suspension of another
+man's pay envelope.
+
+Men do not make laws. They do but discover them. Laws must be justified
+by something more than the will of the majority. They must rest on the
+eternal foundation of righteousness. That state is most fortunate in its
+form of government which has the aptest instruments for the discovery of
+laws. The latest, most modern, and nearest perfect system that
+statesmanship has devised is representative government. Its weakness is
+the weakness of us imperfect human beings who administer it. Its
+strength is that even such administration secures to the people more
+blessings than any other system ever produced. No nation has discarded
+it and retained liberty. Representative government must be preserved.
+
+Courts are established, not to determine the popularity of a cause, but
+to adjudicate and enforce rights. No litigant should be required to
+submit his case to the hazard and expense of a political campaign. No
+judge should be required to seek or receive political rewards. The
+courts of Massachusetts are known and honored wherever men love justice.
+Let their glory suffer no diminution at our hands. The electorate and
+judiciary cannot combine. A hearing means a hearing. When the trial of
+causes goes outside the court-room, Anglo-Saxon constitutional
+government ends.
+
+The people cannot look to legislation generally for success. Industry,
+thrift, character, are not conferred by act or resolve. Government
+cannot relieve from toil. It can provide no substitute for the rewards
+of service. It can, of course, care for the defective and recognize
+distinguished merit. The normal must care for themselves.
+Self-government means self-support.
+
+Man is born into the universe with a personality that is his own. He
+has a right that is founded upon the constitution of the universe to
+have property that is his own. Ultimately, property rights and personal
+rights are the same thing. The one cannot be preserved if the other be
+violated. Each man is entitled to his rights and the rewards of his
+service be they never so large or never so small.
+
+History reveals no civilized people among whom there were not a highly
+educated class, and large aggregations of wealth, represented usually by
+the clergy and the nobility. Inspiration has always come from above.
+Diffusion of learning has come down from the university to the common
+school--the kindergarten is last. No one would now expect to aid the
+common school by abolishing higher education.
+
+It may be that the diffusion of wealth works in an analogous way. As the
+little red schoolhouse is builded in the college, it may be that the
+fostering and protection of large aggregations of wealth are the only
+foundation on which to build the prosperity of the whole people. Large
+profits mean large pay rolls. But profits must be the result of service
+performed. In no land are there so many and such large aggregations of
+wealth as here; in no land do they perform larger service; in no land
+will the work of a day bring so large a reward in material and spiritual
+welfare.
+
+Have faith in Massachusetts. In some unimportant detail some other
+States may surpass her, but in the general results, there is no place on
+earth where the people secure, in a larger measure, the blessings of
+organized government, and nowhere can those functions more properly be
+termed self-government.
+
+Do the day's work. If it be to protect the rights of the weak, whoever
+objects, do it. If it be to help a powerful corporation better to serve
+the people, whatever the opposition, do that. Expect to be called a
+stand-patter, but don't be a stand-patter. Expect to be called a
+demagogue, but don't be a demagogue. Don't hesitate to be as
+revolutionary as science. Don't hesitate to be as reactionary as the
+multiplication table. Don't expect to build up the weak by pulling down
+the strong. Don't hurry to legislate. Give administration a chance to
+catch up with legislation.
+
+We need a broader, firmer, deeper faith in the people--a faith that men
+desire to do right, that the Commonwealth is founded upon a
+righteousness which will endure, a reconstructed faith that the final
+approval of the people is given not to demagogues, slavishly pandering
+to their selfishness, merchandising with the clamor of the hour, but to
+statesmen, ministering to their welfare, representing their deep,
+silent, abiding convictions.
+
+Statutes must appeal to more than material welfare. Wages won't satisfy,
+be they never so large. Nor houses; nor lands; nor coupons, though they
+fall thick as the leaves of autumn. Man has a spiritual nature. Touch
+it, and it must respond as the magnet responds to the pole. To that, not
+to selfishness, let the laws of the Commonwealth appeal. Recognize the
+immortal worth and dignity of man. Let the laws of Massachusetts
+proclaim to her humblest citizen, performing the most menial task, the
+recognition of his manhood, the recognition that all men are peers, the
+humblest with the most exalted, the recognition that all work is
+glorified. Such is the path to equality before the law. Such is the
+foundation of liberty under the law. Such is the sublime revelation of
+man's relation to man--Democracy.
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+AMHERST COLLEGE ALUMNI ASSOCIATION, BOSTON
+
+FEBRUARY 4, 1916
+
+
+We live in an age which questions everything. The past generation was
+one of religious criticism. This is one of commercial criticism.
+
+We have seen the development of great industries. It has been
+represented that some of these have not been free from blame. In this
+development some men have seemed to prosper beyond the measure of their
+service, while others have appeared to be bound to toil beyond their
+strength for less than a decent livelihood.
+
+As a result of criticising these conditions there has grown up a too
+well-developed public opinion along two lines; one, that the men engaged
+in great affairs are selfish and greedy and not to be trusted, that
+business activity is not moral and the whole system is to be condemned;
+and the other, that employment, that work, is a curse to man, and that
+working hours ought to be as short as possible or in some way abolished.
+After criticism, our religious faith emerged clearer and stronger and
+freed from doubt. So will our business relations emerge, purified but
+justified.
+
+The evidence of evolution and the facts of history tell us of the
+progress and development of man through various steps and ages, known by
+various names. We learn of the stone age, the bronze, and the iron age.
+We can see the different steps in the growth of the forms of government;
+how anarchy was put down by the strong arm of the despot, of the growth
+of aristocracy, of limited monarchies and of parliaments, and finally
+democracy.
+
+But in all these changes man took but one step at a time. Where we can
+trace history, no race ever stepped directly from the stone age to the
+iron age and no nation ever passed directly from depotism to democracy.
+Each advance has been made only when a previous stage was approaching
+perfection, even to conditions which are now sometimes lost arts.
+
+We have reached the age of invention, of commerce, of great industrial
+enterprise. It is often referred to as selfish and materialistic.
+
+Our economic system has been attacked from above and from below. But the
+short answer lies in the teachings of history. The hope of a Watt or an
+Edison lay in the men who chipped flint to perfection. The seed of
+democracy lay in a perfected despotism. The hope of to-morrow lies in
+the development of the instruments of to-day. The prospect of advance
+lies in maintaining those conditions which have stimulated invention and
+industry and commerce. The only road to a more progressive age lies in
+perfecting the instrumentalities of this age. The only hope for peace
+lies in the perfection of the arts of war.
+
+    "We build the ladder by which we rise ...
+           *       *       *       *       *
+    And we mount to the summit round by round."
+
+All growth depends upon activity. Life is manifest only by action. There
+is no development physically or intellectually without effort, and
+effort means work. Work is not a curse, it is the prerogative of
+intelligence, the only means to manhood, and the measure of
+civilization. Savages do not work. The growth of a sentiment that
+despises work is an appeal from civilization to barbarism.
+
+I would not be understood as making a sweeping criticism of current
+legislation along these lines. I, too, rejoice that an awakened
+conscience has outlawed commercial standards that were false or low and
+that an awakened humanity has decreed that the working and living
+condition of our citizens must be worthy of true manhood and true
+womanhood.
+
+I agree that the measure of success is not merchandise but character.
+But I do criticise those sentiments, held in all too respectable
+quarters, that our economic system is fundamentally wrong, that commerce
+is only selfishness, and that our citizens, holding the hope of all that
+America means, are living in industrial slavery. I appeal to Amherst men
+to reiterate and sustain the Amherst doctrine, that the man who builds a
+factory builds a temple, that the man who works there worships there,
+and to each is due, not scorn and blame, but reverence and praise.
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+BROCKTON CHAMBER OF COMMERCE
+
+APRIL 11, 1916
+
+
+Man's nature drives him ever onward. He is forever seeking development.
+At one time it may be by the chase, at another by warfare, and again by
+the quiet arts of peace and commerce, but something within is ever
+calling him on to "replenish the earth and subdue it."
+
+It may be of little importance to determine at any time just where we
+are, but it is of the utmost importance to determine whither we are
+going. Set the course aright and time must bring mankind to the ultimate
+goal.
+
+We are living in a commercial age. It is often designated as selfish and
+materialistic. We are told that everything has been commercialized. They
+say it has not been enough that this spirit should dominate the marts
+of trade, it has spread to every avenue of human endeavor, to our arts,
+our sciences and professions, our politics, our educational institutions
+and even into the pulpit; and because of this there are those who have
+gone so far in their criticism of commercialism as to advocate the
+destruction of all enterprise and the abolition of all property.
+
+Destructive criticism is always easy because, despite some campaign
+oratory, some of us are not yet perfect. But constructive criticism is
+not so easy. The faults of commercialism, like many other faults, lie in
+the use we make of it. Before we decide upon a wholesale condemnation of
+the most noteworthy spirit of modern times it would be well to examine
+carefully what that spirit has done to advance the welfare of mankind.
+
+Wherever we can read human history, the answer is always the same. Where
+commerce has flourished there civilization has increased. It has not
+sufficed that men should tend their flocks, and maintain themselves in
+comfort on their industry alone, however great. It is only when the
+exchange of products begins that development follows. This was the case
+in ancient Babylon, whose records of trade and banking we are just
+beginning to read. Their merchandise went by canal and caravan to the
+ends of the earth. It was not the war galleys, but the merchant vessel
+of Phoenicia, of Tyre, and Carthage that brought them civilization and
+power. To-day it is not the battle fleet, but the mercantile marine
+which in the end will determine the destiny of nations. The advance of
+our own land has been due to our trade, and the comfort and happiness of
+our people are dependent on our general business conditions. It is only
+a figure of poetry that "wealth accumulates and men decay." Where wealth
+has accumulated, there the arts and sciences have flourished, there
+education has been diffused, and of contemplation liberty has been born.
+The progress of man has been measured by his commercial prosperity. I
+believe that these considerations are sufficient to justify our business
+enterprise and activity, but there are still deeper reasons. I have
+intended to indicate not only that commerce is an instrument of great
+power, but that commercial development is necessary to all human
+progress. What, then, of the prevalent criticism? Men have mistaken the
+means for the end. It is not enough for the individual or the nation to
+acquire riches. Money will not purchase character or good government. We
+are under the injunction to "replenish the earth and subdue it," not so
+much because of the help a new earth will be to us, as because by that
+process man is to find himself and thereby realize his highest destiny.
+Men must work for more than wages, factories must turn out more than
+merchandise, or there is naught but black despair ahead.
+
+If material rewards be the only measure of success, there is no hope of
+a peaceful solution of our social questions, for they will never be
+large enough to satisfy. But such is not the case. Men struggle for
+material success because that is the path, the process, to the
+development of character. We ought to demand economic justice, but most
+of all because it is justice. We must forever realize that material
+rewards are limited and in a sense they are only incidental, but the
+development of character is unlimited and is the only essential. The
+measure of success is not the quantity of merchandise, but the quality
+of manhood which is produced.
+
+These, then, are the justifying conceptions of the spirit of our age;
+that commerce is the foundation of human progress and prosperity and the
+great artisan of human character. Let us dismiss the general indictment
+that has all too long hung over business enterprise. While we continue
+to condemn, unsparingly, selfishness and greed and all trafficking in
+the natural rights of man, let us not forget to respect thrift and
+industry and enterprise. Let us look to the service rather than to the
+reward. Then shall we see in our industrial army, from the most exalted
+captain to the humblest soldier in the ranks, a purpose worthy to
+minister to the highest needs of man and to fulfil the hope of a fairer
+day.
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+AT THE HOME OF DANIEL WEBSTER, MARSHFIELD
+
+JULY 4, 1916
+
+
+History is revelation. It is the manifestation in human affairs of a
+"power not ourselves that makes for righteousness." Savages have no
+history. It is the mark of civilization. This New England of ours
+slumbered from the dawn of creation until the beginning of the
+seventeenth century, not unpeopled, but with no record of human events
+worthy of a name. Different races came, and lived, and vanished, but the
+story of their existence has little more of interest for us than the
+story the naturalist tells of the animal kingdom, or the geologist
+relates of the formation of the crust of the earth. It takes men of
+larger vision and higher inspiration, with a power to impart a larger
+vision and a higher inspiration to the people, to make history. It is
+not a negative, but a positive achievement. It is unconcerned with
+idolatry or despotism or treason or rebellion or betrayal, but bows in
+reverence before Moses or Hampden or Washington or Lincoln or the Light
+that shone on Calvary.
+
+July 4, 1776, was a day of history in its high and true significance.
+Not because the underlying principles set out in the Declaration of
+Independence were new; they are older than the Christian religion, or
+Greek philosophy, nor was it because history is made by proclamation or
+declaration; history is made only by action. But it was an historic day
+because the representatives of three millions of people there vocalized
+Concord and Lexington and Bunker Hill, which gave notice to the world
+that they were acting, and proposed to act, and to found an independent
+nation, on the theory that "all men are created equal; that they are
+endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among
+these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." The wonder and
+glory of the American people is not the ringing declaration of that day,
+but the action, then already begun, and in the process of being carried
+out in spite of every obstacle that war could interpose, making the
+theory of freedom and equality a reality. We revere that day because it
+marks the beginnings of independence, the beginnings of a constitution
+that was finally to give universal freedom and equality to all American
+citizens, the beginnings of a government that was to recognize beyond
+all others the power and worth and dignity of man. There began the first
+of governments to acknowledge that it was founded on the sovereignty of
+the people. There the world first beheld the revelation of modern
+democracy.
+
+Democracy is not a tearing-down; it is a building-up. It is not a denial
+of the divine right of kings; it supplements that claim with the
+assertion of the divine right of all men. It does not destroy; it
+fulfils. It is the consummation of all theories of government, to the
+spirit of which all the nations of the earth must yield. It is the great
+constructive force of the ages. It is the alpha and omega of man's
+relation to man, the beginning and the end. There is and can be no more
+doubt of the triumph of democracy in human affairs, than there is of the
+triumph of gravitation in the physical world; the only question is how
+and when. Its foundation lays hold upon eternity.
+
+These are some of the ideals that the founders of our institutions
+expressed, in part unconsciously, on that momentous day now passed by
+one hundred and forty years. They knew that ideals do not maintain
+themselves. They knew that they there declared a purpose which would be
+resisted by the forces, on land and sea, of the mightiest empire of the
+earth. Without the resolution of the people of the Colonies to resort to
+arms, and without the guiding military genius of Washington, the
+Declaration of Independence would be naught in history but the vision of
+doctrinaires, a mockery of sounding brass and tinkling cymbal. Let us
+never forget that it was that resolution and that genius which made it
+the vitalizing force of a great nation. It takes service and sacrifice
+to maintain ideals.
+
+But it is far more than the Declaration of Independence that brings us
+here to-day. That was, indeed, a great document. It was drawn up by
+Thomas Jefferson when he was at his best. It was the product of men who
+seemed inspired. No greater company ever assembled to interpret the
+voice of the people or direct the destinies of a nation. The events of
+history may have added to it, but subtracted nothing. Wisdom and
+experience have increased the admiration of it. Time and criticism have
+not shaken it. It stands with ordinance and law, charter and
+constitution, prophecy and revelation, whether we read them in the
+history of Babylon, the results of Runnymede, the Ten Commandments, or
+the Sermon on the Mount. But, however worthy of our reverence and
+admiration, however preëminent, it was only one incident of a great
+forward movement of the human race, of which the American Revolution was
+itself only a larger incident. It was not so much a struggle of the
+Colonies against the tyranny of bad government, as against wrong
+principles of government, and for self-government. It was man realizing
+himself. It was sovereignty from within which responded to the alarm of
+Paul Revere on that April night, and which went marching, gun in hand,
+against sovereignty from without, wherever it was found on earth. It
+only paused at Concord, or Yorktown, then marched on to Paris, to
+London, to Moscow, to Pekin. Against it the powers of privilege and the
+forces of despotism could not prevail. Superstition and sham cannot
+stand before intelligence and reality. The light that first broke over
+the thirteen Colonies lying along the Atlantic Coast was destined to
+illuminate the world. It has been a struggle against the forces of
+darkness; victory has been and is still delayed in some quarters, but
+the result is not in doubt. All the forces of the universe are ranged on
+the side of democracy. It must prevail.
+
+In the train of this idea there has come to man a long line of
+collateral blessings. Freedom has many sides and angles. Human slavery
+has been swept away. With security of personal rights has come security
+of property rights. The freedom of the human mind is recognized in the
+right of free speech and free press. The public schools have made
+education possible for all, and ignorance a disgrace. A most significant
+development of respect for man has come to be respect for his
+occupation. It is not alone for the learned professions that great
+treasures are now poured out. Technical, trade, and vocational schools
+for teaching skill in occupations are fostered and nourished, with the
+same care as colleges and universities for the teaching of sciences and
+the classics. Democracy not only ennobled man; it has ennobled industry.
+In political affairs the vote of the humblest has long counted for as
+much as the vote of the most exalted. We are working towards the day
+when, in our industrial life, equal honor shall fall to equal endeavor,
+whether it be exhibited in the office or in the shop.
+
+These are some of the results of that great world movement, which, first
+exhibiting itself in the Continental Congress of America, carried her
+arms to victory, through the sacrifice of a seven years' revolutionary
+war, and wrote into the Treaty of Paris the recognition of the right of
+the people to rule: since which days existence on this planet has had a
+new meaning; a result which, changing the old order of things, putting
+the race under the control and guidance of new forces, rescued man from
+every thraldom, but laid on him every duty.
+
+We know that only ignorance and superstition seek to explain events by
+fate and destiny, yet there is a fascination in such speculations born,
+perhaps, of human frailty. How happens it that James Otis laid out in
+1762 the then almost treasonable proposition that "Kings were made for
+the good of the people, and not the people for them," in a pamphlet
+which was circulated among the Colonists? What school had taught Patrick
+Henry that national outlook which he expressed in the opening debates of
+the first Continental Congress when he said, "I am not a Virginian, but
+an American," and which hurried him on to the later cry of "Liberty or
+death?" How was it that the filling of a vacancy sent Thomas Jefferson
+to the second Continental Congress, there to pen the immortal
+Declaration we this day celebrate? No other living man could have
+excelled him in preparation for, or in the execution of, that great
+task. What circumstance put the young George Washington under the
+military instruction of a former army officer, and then gave him years
+of training to lead the Continental forces? What settled Ethan Allen in
+the wilderness of the Green Mountains ready to strike Ticonderoga?
+Whence came that power to draft state papers, in a new and unlettered
+land, which compelled the admiration of the cultured Earl of Chatham?
+What lengthened out the days of Benjamin Franklin that he might
+negotiate the Treaty of Paris? What influence sent the miraculous voice
+of Daniel Webster from the outlying settlements of New Hampshire to
+rouse the land with his appeal for Liberty and Union? And finally who
+raised up Lincoln, to lead, to inspire, and to die, that the opening
+assertion of the Declaration might stand at last fulfilled?
+
+These thoughts are overpowering. But let us beware of fate and destiny.
+Barbarians have decreased, but barbarism still exists. Rome boasted the
+name of the Eternal City. It was but eight hundred years from the sack
+of the city by one tribe of barbarians to the sack of the city by
+another tribe of barbarians. Between lay something akin to a democratic
+commonwealth. Then games, and bribes for the populace, with dictators
+and Cæsars, while later the Prætorian Guard sold the royal purple to the
+highest bidder. After which came Alaric, the Goth, and night. Since when
+democracy lay dormant for some fifteen centuries. We may claim with
+reason that our Nation has had the guidance of Providence; we may know
+that our form of government must ultimately prevail upon earth; but what
+guaranty have we that it shall be maintained here? What proof that some
+unlineal hand, some barbarism, without or within, shall not wrench the
+sceptre of democracy from our grasp? The rule of princes, the privilege
+of birth, has come down through the ages; the rule of the people has not
+yet marked a century and a half. There is no absolute proof, no positive
+guaranty, but there is hope and high expectation, and the path is not
+uncharted.
+
+It may be some help to know that, however much of glory, there is no
+magic in American democracy. Let us examine some more of this
+Declaration of ours, and examine it in the light of the events of those
+solemn days in which it was adopted.
+
+Men of every clime have lavished much admiration upon the first part of
+the Declaration of Independence, and rightly so, for it marked the entry
+of new forces and new ideals into human affairs. Its admirers have
+sometimes failed in their attempts to live by it, but none have
+successfully disputed its truth. It is the realization of the true
+glory and worth of man, which, when once admitted, wrought vast changes
+that have marked all history since its day. All this relates to natural
+rights, fascinating to dwell upon, but not sufficient to live by. The
+signers knew that well; more important still, the people whom they
+represented knew it. So they did not stop there. After asserting that
+man was to stand out in the universe with a new and supreme importance,
+and that governments were instituted to insure life, liberty, and the
+pursuit of happiness, they did not shrink from the logical conclusion of
+this doctrine. They knew that the duty between the citizen and the State
+was reciprocal. They knew that the State called on its citizens for
+their property and their lives; they laid down the proposition that
+government was to protect the citizen in his life, liberty, and pursuit
+of happiness. At some expense? Yes. Those prudent and thrifty men had no
+false notions about incurring expense. They knew the value of
+increasing their material resources, but they knew that prosperity was a
+means, not an end. At cost of life? Yes. These sons of the Puritans, of
+the Huguenots, of the men of Londonderry, braved exile to secure peace,
+but they were not afraid to die in defence of their convictions. They
+put no limit on what the State must do for the citizen in his hour of
+need. While they required all, they gave all. Let us read their
+conclusion in their own words, and mark its simplicity and majesty: "And
+for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the
+protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our
+lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor." There is no cringing
+reservation here, no alternative, and no delay. Here is the voice of the
+plain men of Middlesex, promising Yorktown, promising Appomattox.
+
+The doctrine of the Declaration of Independence, predicated upon the
+glory of man, and the corresponding duty of society, is that the rights
+of citizens are to be protected with every power and resource of the
+State, and a government that does any less is false to the teachings of
+that great document, of the name American. Beyond this, the principle
+that it is the obligation of the people to rise and overthrow government
+which fails in these respects. But above all, the call to duty, the
+pledge of fortune and of life, nobility of character through nobility of
+action: this is Americanism.
+
+     "Woe for us if we forget, we that hold by these."
+
+Herein are the teachings of this day--touching the heights of man's
+glory and the depths of man's duty. Here lies the path to national
+preservation, and there is no other. Education, the progress of science,
+commercial prosperity, yes, and peace, all these and their accompanying
+blessings are worthy and commendable objects of attainment. But these
+are not the end, whether these come or no; the end lies in
+action--action in accord with the eternal principles of the Declaration
+of Independence; the words of the Continental Congress, but the deeds of
+the Army of the Revolution.
+
+This is the meaning of America. And it is all our own. Doctrinaires and
+visionaries may shudder at it. The privilege of birth may jeer at it.
+The practical politician may scoff at it. But the people of the Nation
+respond to it, and march away to Mexico to the rescue of a colored
+trooper as they marched of old to the rescue of an emperor. The
+assertion of human rights is naught but a call to human sacrifice. This
+is yet the spirit of the American people. Only so long as this flame
+burns shall we endure and the light of liberty be shed over the nations
+of the earth. May the increase of the years increase for America only
+the devotion to this spirit, only the intensity of this flame, and the
+eternal truth of Lowell's lines:
+
+    "What were our lives without thee?
+    What all our lives to save thee?
+    We reck not what we gave thee;
+    We will not dare to doubt thee,
+    But ask whatever else and we will dare."
+
+
+
+
+V
+
+RIVERSIDE
+
+AUGUST 28, 1916
+
+
+It may be that there would be votes for the Republican Party in the
+promise of low taxes and vanishing expenditures. I can see an
+opportunity for its candidates to pose as the apostles of retrenchment
+and reform. I am not one of those who believe votes are to be won by
+misrepresentations, skilful presentations of half truths, and plausible
+deductions from false premises. Good government cannot be found on the
+bargain-counter. We have seen samples of bargain-counter government in
+the past when low tax rates were secured by increasing the bonded debt
+for current expenses or refusing to keep our institutions up to the
+standard in repairs, extensions, equipment, and accommodations. I
+refuse, and the Republican Party refuses, to endorse that method of
+sham and shoddy economy. New projects can wait, but the commitments of
+the Commonwealth must be maintained. We cannot curtail the usual
+appropriations or the care of mothers with dependent children or the
+support of the poor, the insane, and the infirm. The Democratic
+programme of cutting the State tax, by vetoing appropriations of the
+utmost urgency for improvements and maintenance costs of institutions
+and asylums of the unfortunates of the State, cannot be the example for
+a Republican administration. The result has been that our institutions
+are deficient in resources--even in sleeping accommodations--and it will
+take years to restore them to the old-time Republican efficiency. Our
+party will have no part in a scheme of economy which adds to the misery
+of the wards of the Commonwealth--the sick, the insane, and the
+unfortunate; those who are too weak even to protest.
+
+Because I know these conditions I know a Republican administration
+would face an increasing State tax rather than not see them remedied.
+
+The Republican Party lit the fire of progress in Massachusetts. It has
+tended it faithfully. It will not flicker now. It has provided here
+conditions of employment, and safeguards for health, that are surpassed
+nowhere on earth. There will be no backward step. The reuniting of the
+Republican Party means no reaction in the protection of women and
+children in our industrial life. These laws are settled. These
+principles are established. Minor modifications are possible, but the
+foundations are not to be disturbed. The advance may have been too rapid
+in some cases, but there can be no retreat. That is the position of the
+great majority of those who constitute our party.
+
+We recognize there is need of relief--need to our industries, need to
+our population in manufacturing centres; but it must come from
+construction, not from destruction. Put an administration on Beacon
+Hill that can conserve our resources, that can protect us from further
+injuries, until a national Republican policy can restore those
+conditions of confidence and prosperity under which our advance began
+and under which it can be resumed.
+
+This makes the coming State election take on a most important
+aspect--not that it can furnish all the needed relief, but that it will
+increase the probability of a complete relief in the near future if it
+be crowned with Republican victory.
+
+
+
+
+VI
+
+AT THE HOME OF AUGUSTUS P. GARDNER, HAMILTON
+
+SEPTEMBER, 1916
+
+
+Standing here in the presence of our host, our thoughts naturally turn
+to a discussion of "Preparedness." I do not propose to overlook that
+issue; but I shall offer suggestions of another kind of "preparedness."
+Not that I shrink from full and free consideration of the military needs
+of our country. Nor do I agree that it is now necessary to remain silent
+regarding the domestic or foreign relations of this Nation.
+
+I agree that partisanship should stop at the boundary line, but I assert
+that patriotism should begin there. Others, however, have covered this
+field, and I leave it to them and to you.
+
+I do, however, propose to discuss the "preparedness" of the State to
+care for its unfortunates. And I propose to do this without any party
+bias and without blame upon any particular individual, but in just
+criticism of a system.
+
+In Massachusetts, we are citizens before we are partisans. The good name
+of the Commonwealth is of more moment to us than party success. But
+unfortunately, because of existing conditions, that good name, in one
+particular at least, is now in jeopardy.
+
+Massachusetts, for twenty years, has been able honestly to boast of the
+care it has bestowed upon her sick, poor, and insane. Her institutions
+have been regarded as models throughout the world. We are falling from
+that proud estate; crowded housing conditions, corridors used for
+sleeping purposes, are not only not unusual, but are coming to be the
+accepted standard. The heads of asylums complain that maintenance and
+the allowance for food supply and supervision are being skimped.
+
+On August 1 of this year, the institutions throughout the State housed
+more than 700 patients above what they were designed to accommodate, and
+I am told the crowding is steadily increasing. That is one reason I have
+been at pains to set forth that I do not see the way clear to make a
+radical reduction in the annual State budget. I now repeat that
+declaration, in spite of contradiction, because I know the citizens of
+this State have no desire for economies gained at such a sacrifice. The
+people have no stomach for retrenchment of that sort.
+
+A charge of overcrowding, which must mean a lack of care, is not to be
+carelessly made. You are entitled to facts, as well as phrases. I gave
+the whole number now confined in our institutions above the stated
+capacity as over 700. About August 1, Danvers had 1530 in an institution
+of 1350 capacity. Northampton, my home town, had 913, in a hospital
+built for 819. In Boston State Hospital, there were 1572, where the
+capacity was 1406. Westboro had 1260 inmates, with capacity for 1161,
+and Medfield had 1615, where the capacity was 1542. These capacities are
+given from official recorded accommodations.
+
+This was not the practice of the past, and there can be no question as
+to where the responsibility rests. The General Court has done its best,
+but there has been a halt elsewhere. A substantial appropriation was
+made for a new State Hospital for the Metropolitan District, and an
+additional appropriation for a new institution for the feeble-minded in
+the western part of the State. In its desire to hasten matters, the
+legislature went even further and granted money for plans for a new
+hospital in the Metropolitan District, to relieve part of the outside
+congestion, but the needed relief is still in the future.
+
+I feel the time has come when the people must assert themselves and show
+that they will tolerate no delay and no parsimony in the care of our
+unfortunates. Restore the fame of our State in the handling of these
+problems to its former lustre.
+
+I repeat that this is not partisan. I am not criticising individuals. I
+am denouncing a system. When you substitute patronage for patriotism,
+administration breaks down. We need more of the Office Desk and less of
+the Show Window in politics. Let men in office substitute the midnight
+oil for the limelight. Let Massachusetts return to the sound business
+methods which were exemplified in the past by such Democrats in the East
+as Governor Gaston and Governor Douglas, and by such Republicans in the
+West as Governor Robinson and Governor Crane.
+
+Above all, let us not, in our haste to prepare for war, forget to
+prepare for peace. The issue is with you. You can, by your votes, show
+what system you stamp with the approval of enlightened Massachusetts
+Public Opinion.
+
+
+
+
+VII
+
+LAFAYETTE BANQUET, FALL RIVER
+
+SEPTEMBER 4, 1916
+
+
+Seemingly trifling events oft carry in their train great consequences.
+The firing of a gun in the backwoods of Pennsylvania, Macaulay tells us,
+started the Seven Years' War which set the world in conflagration,
+causing men to fight each other on every shore of the seven seas and
+giving new masters to the most ancient of empires. We see to-day fifteen
+nations engaged in the most terrific war in the history of the human
+race and trace its origin to the bullet of a madman fired in the
+Balkans. It is true that the flintlock gun at Lexington was not the
+first, nor yet the last, to fire a "shot heard round the world." It was
+not the distance it travelled, but the message it carried which has
+marked it out above all other human events. It was the character of
+that message which, claimed the attention of him we this day honor, in
+the far-off fortress of the now famous Metz; it was because it roused in
+the listener a sympathetic response that it was destined to link forever
+the events of Concord and Lexington and Bunker Hill and Dorchester
+Heights, in our Commonwealth, with the name of Lafayette.
+
+For there was a new tone in those Massachusetts guns. It was not the old
+lust of conquest, not the sullen roar of hatred and revenge, but a
+higher, clearer note of a people asserting their inalienable
+sovereignty. It is a happy circumstance that one of our native-born,
+Benjamin Franklin, was instrumental in bringing Lafayette to America;
+but beyond that it is fitting at this time to give a thought to our
+Commonwealth because his ideals, his character, his life, were all in
+sympathy with that great Revolution which was begun within her borders
+and carried to a successful conclusion by the sacrifice of her treasure
+and her blood. It was not the able legal argument of James Otis against
+the British Writs of Assistance, nor the petitions and remonstrances of
+the Colonists to the British throne, admirable though they were, that
+aroused the approbation and brought his support to our cause. It was not
+alone that he agreed with the convictions of the Continental Congress.
+He saw in the example of Massachusetts a people who would shrink from no
+sacrifice to defend rights which were beyond price. It was not the
+Tories, fleeing to Canada, that attracted him. It was the patriots,
+bearing arms, and he brought them not a pen but a sword.
+
+"Resistance to tyranny is obedience to law," and "obedience to law is
+liberty." Those are the foundations of the Commonwealth. It was these
+principles in action which appealed to that young captain of dragoons
+and brought the sword and resources of the aristocrat to battle for
+democracy. I love to think of his connection with our history. I love
+to think of him at the dedication of the Bunker Hill Monument receiving
+the approbation of the Nation from the lips of Daniel Webster. I love to
+think of the long line of American citizens of French blood in our
+Commonwealth to-day, ready to defend the principles he fought for,
+"Liberty under the Law," citizens who, like him, look not with apology,
+but with respect and approval and admiration on that sentiment inscribed
+on the white flag of Massachusetts, "_Ense petit placidam sub libertate
+quietem_" (With a sword she seeks secure peace under liberty).
+
+
+
+
+VIII
+
+NORFOLK REPUBLICAN CLUB, BOSTON
+
+OCTOBER 9, 1916
+
+
+Last night at Somerville I spoke on some of the fundamental differences
+between the Republican and Democratic policies, and showed how we were
+dependent on Republican principles as a foundation on which to erect any
+advance in our social and economic welfare.
+
+This year the Republican Party has adopted a very advanced platform.
+That was natural, for we have always been the party of progress, and
+have given our attention to that, when we were not engaged in a
+life-and-death struggle to overcome the fallacies put forth by our
+opponents, with which we are all so familiar. The result has been that
+here in Massachusetts, where our party has ever been strong, and where
+we have framed legislation for more than fifty years, more progress has
+been made along the lines of humanitarian legislation than in any other
+State. We have felt free to call on our industries to make large outlays
+along these lines because we have furnished them with the advantages of
+a protective tariff and an honest and efficient state government. The
+consequences have been that in this State the hours and conditions of
+labor have been better than anywhere else on earth. Those provisions for
+safety, sanitation, compensations for accidents, and for good living
+conditions have now been almost entirely worked out. There remains,
+however, the condition of sickness, age, misfortune, lack of employment,
+or some other cause, that temporarily renders people unable to care for
+themselves. Our platform has taken up this condition.
+
+We have long been familiar with insurance to cover losses. You will
+readily recall the different kinds. Formerly it was only used in
+commerce, by the well-to-do. Recently it has been adapted to the use of
+all our people by the great industrial companies which have been very
+successful. Our State has adopted a system of savings-bank insurance,
+thus reducing the expense. Now, social insurance will not be, under a
+Republican interpretation, any new form of outdoor relief, some new
+scheme of living on the town. It will be an extension of the old
+familiar principle to the needs at hand, and so popularized as to meet
+the requirements of our times.
+
+It ought to be understood, however, that there can be no remedy for lack
+of industry and thrift, secured by law. It ought to be understood that
+no scheme of insurance and no scheme of government aid is likely to make
+us all prosperous. And above all, these remedies must go forward on the
+firm foundation of an independent, self-supporting, self-governing
+people. But we do honestly put forward a proposition for the relief of
+misfortune.
+
+The Republican Party is proposing humanitarian legislation to build up
+character, to establish independence, not pauperism; it will in the
+future, as in the past, ever stand opposed to the establishment of one
+class who shall live on the Government, and another class who shall pay
+the taxes. To those who fear we are turning Socialists, and to those who
+think we are withholding just and desirable public aid and support, I
+say that government under the Republican Party will continue in the
+future to be so administered as to breed not mendicants, but men.
+Humanitarian legislation is going to be the handmaid of character.
+
+
+
+
+IX
+
+PUBLIC MEETING ON THE HIGH COST OF LIVING, FANEUIL HALL
+
+DECEMBER 9, 1916
+
+
+The great aim of American institutions is the protection of the
+individual. That is the principle which lies at the foundation of
+Anglo-Saxon liberty. It matters not with what power the individual is
+assailed, nor whether that power is represented by wealth or place or
+numbers; against it the humblest American citizen has the right to the
+protection of his Government by every force that Government can command.
+
+This right would be but half expressed if it ran only to a remedy after
+a wrong is inflicted; it should and does run to the prevention of a
+wrong which is threatened. We find our citizens, to-day, not so much
+suffering from the high cost of living, though that is grievous enough,
+as threatened with an increasing cost which will bring suffering and
+misery to a large body of our inhabitants. So we come here not only to
+discuss providing a remedy for what is now existing, but some protection
+to ward off what is threatening to be a worse calamity. We shall utterly
+fail of our purpose to provide relief unless we look at things as they
+are. It is useless to indulge in indiscriminate abuse. We must not
+confuse the innocent with the guilty; it must be our object to allay
+suspicion, not to create it. The great body of our tradespeople are
+honest and conscientious, anxious to serve their customers for a fair
+return for their service. We want their coöperation in our pursuit of
+facts; we want to coöperate with them in proposing and securing a
+remedy. We do not deny the existence of economic laws, nor the right to
+profit by a change of conditions.
+
+But we do claim the right and duty of the Government to investigate and
+punish any artificial creation of high prices by means of illegal
+monopolies or restraints of trade. And above all, we claim the right of
+publicity. That is a remedy with an arm longer and stronger than that of
+the law. Let us know what is going on and the remedy will provide
+itself. In working along this line we shall have great help from the
+newspapers. The American people are prepared to meet any reasonable
+burden; they are not asking for charity or favor; fair prices and fair
+profits they will gladly pay; but they demand information that they are
+fair, and an immediate reduction if they are not.
+
+The Commonwealth has just provided money for an investigation by a
+competent commission. Its Police Department, its Law Department, are
+also at the service of our citizens. Let us refrain from suspicion; let
+us refrain from all indiscriminate blame; but let us present at once to
+the proper authorities all facts and all evidence of unfair practices.
+Let all our merchants, of whatever degree, assist in this work for the
+public good and let the individual see and feel that all his rights are
+protected by his Government.
+
+
+
+
+X
+
+ONE HUNDREDTH ANNIVERSARY DINNER OF THE PROVIDENT INSTITUTION FOR
+SAVINGS
+
+DECEMBER 13, 1916
+
+
+The history of the institution we here celebrate reaches back more than
+one third of the way to the landing of the Mayflower--back to the day of
+the men who signed the Declaration of Independence, who saw Prescott,
+Pomeroy, Stark, and Warren at Bunker Hill, who followed Washington and
+his generals from Dochester Heights to Yorktown, and saw the old Bay
+Colony become the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. They had seen a nation
+in the making. They founded their government on the rights of the
+individual. They had no hesitation in defending those rights against the
+invasion of a British King and Parliament, by a Revolutionary War, nor
+in criticising their own Government at Washington when they thought an
+invasion of those rights was again threatened by the preliminaries and
+the prosecution of the War of 1812. They had made the Commonwealth. They
+understood its Government. They knew it was a part of themselves, their
+own organization. They had not acquired the state of mind that enabled
+them to stand aloof and regard government as something apart and
+separate from the people. It would never have occurred to them that they
+could not transact for themselves any other business just as well as
+they could transact for themselves the business of government. They were
+the men who had fought a war to limit the power of government and
+enlarge the privileges of the individual.
+
+It was the same spirit that made Massachusetts that made the Provident
+Institution for Savings. What the men of that day wanted they made for
+themselves. They would never have thought of asking Congress to keep
+their money in the post-office. They did not want their commercial
+privileges interfered with by having the Government buy and sell for
+them. They had the self-reliance and the independence to prefer to do
+those things for themselves. This is the spirit that founded
+Massachusetts, the spirit that has seen your bank grow until it could
+now probably purchase all there was of property in the Commonwealth when
+it began its existence. I want to see that spirit still preëminent here.
+I want to see a deeper realization on the part of the people that this
+is their Commonwealth, their Government; that they control it, that they
+pay its expenses, that it is, after all, only a part of themselves; that
+any attempt to shift upon it their duties, their responsibilities, or
+their support will in the end only delude, degrade, impoverish, and
+enslave. Your institution points the only way, through self-control,
+self-denial, and self-support, to self-government, to independence, to a
+more generous liberty, and to a firmer establishment of individual
+rights.
+
+
+
+
+XI
+
+ASSOCIATED INDUSTRIES DINNER, BOSTON
+
+DECEMBER 15, 1916
+
+
+During the past few years we have questioned the soundness of many
+principles that had for a long time been taken for granted. We have
+examined the foundations of our institutions of government. We have
+debated again the theories of the men who wrote the Declaration of
+Independence, the Constitution of the Nation, and laid down the
+fundamental law of our own Commonwealth. Along with this examination of
+our form of government has gone an examination of our social,
+industrial, and economic system. What is to come out of it all?
+
+In the last fifty years we have had a material prosperity in this
+country the like of which was never beheld before. A prosperity which
+not only built up great industries, great transportation systems, great
+banks and a great commerce, but a prosperity under whose influence arts
+and sciences, education and charity flourished most abundantly. It was
+little wonder that men came to think that prosperity was the chief end
+of man and grew arrogant in the use of its power. It was little wonder
+that such a misunderstanding arose that one part of the community
+thought the owners and managers of our great industries were robbers, or
+that they thought some of the people meant to confiscate all property.
+It has been a costly investigation, but if we can arrive at a better
+understanding of our economic and social laws it will be worth all it
+cost.
+
+As a part of this discussion we have had many attempts at regulation of
+industrial activity by law. Some of it has proceeded on the theory that
+if those who enjoyed material prosperity used it for wrong purposes,
+such prosperity should be limited or abolished. That is as sound as it
+would be to abolish writing to prevent forgery. We need to keep forever
+in mind that guilt is personal; if there is to be punishment let it fall
+on the evil-doer, let us not condemn the instrument. We need power. Is
+the steam engine too strong? Is electricity too swift? Can any
+prosperity be too great? Can any instrument of commerce or industry ever
+be too powerful to serve the public needs? What then of the anti-trust
+laws? They are sound in theory. Their assemblances of wealth are broken
+up because they were assembled for an unlawful purpose. It is the
+purpose that is condemned. You men who represent our industries can see
+that there is the same right to disperse unlawful assembling of wealth
+or power that there is to disperse a mob that has met to lynch or riot.
+But that principle does not denounce town-meetings or prayer-meetings.
+
+We have established here a democracy on the principle that all men are
+created equal. It is our endeavor to extend equal blessings to all. It
+can be done approximately if we establish the correct standards. We are
+coming to see that we are dependent upon commercial and industrial
+prosperity, not only for the creation of wealth, but for the solving of
+the great problem of the distribution of wealth. There is just one
+condition on which men can secure employment and a living, nourishing,
+profitable wages for whatever they contribute to the enterprise, be it
+labor or capital, and that condition is that some one make a profit by
+it. That is the sound basis for the distribution of wealth and the only
+one. It cannot be done by law, it cannot be done by public ownership, it
+cannot be done by socialism. When you deny the right to a profit you
+deny the right of a reward to thrift and industry.
+
+The scientists tell us that the same force that rounds the teardrop
+moulds the earth. Physical laws have their analogy in social and
+industrial life. The law that builds up the people is the law that
+builds up industry. What price could the millions, who have found the
+inestimable blessings of American citizenship around our great
+industrial centres, after coming here from lands of oppression, afford
+to pay to those who organized those industries? Shall we not recognize
+the great service they have done the cause of humanity? Have we not seen
+what happens to industry, to transportation, to all commercial activity
+which we call business when profit fails? Have we not seen the suffering
+and misery which it entails upon the people?
+
+Let us recognize the source of these fundamental principles and not
+hesitate to assert them. Let us frown upon greed and selfishness, but
+let us also condemn envy and uncharitableness. Let us have done with
+misunderstandings, let us strive to realize the dream of democracy by a
+prosperity of industry that shall mean the prosperity of the people, by
+a strengthening of our material resources that shall mean a
+strengthening of our character, by a merchandising that has for its end
+manhood, and womanhood, the ideal of American Citizenship.
+
+
+
+
+XII
+
+ON THE NATURE OF POLITICS
+
+
+Politics is not an end, but a means. It is not a product, but a process.
+It is the art of government. Like other values it has its counterfeits.
+So much emphasis has been put upon the false that the significance of
+the true has been obscured and politics has come to convey the meaning
+of crafty and cunning selfishness, instead of candid and sincere
+service. The Greek derivation shows the nobler purpose. Politikos means
+city-rearing, state-craft. And when we remember that city also meant
+civilization, the spurious presentment, mean and sordid, drops away and
+the real figure of the politician, dignified and honorable, a minister
+to civilization, author and finisher of government, is revealed in its
+true and dignified proportions.
+
+There is always something about genius that is indefinable, mysterious,
+perhaps to its possessor most of all. It has been the product of rude
+surroundings no less than of the most cultured environment, want and
+neglect have sometimes nourished it, abundance and care have failed to
+produce it. Why some succeed in public life and others fail would be as
+difficult to tell as why some succeed or fail in other activities. Very
+few men in America have started out with any fixed idea of entering
+public life, fewer still would admit having such an idea. It was said of
+Chief Justice Waite, of the United States Supreme Court, being asked
+when a youth what he proposed to do when a man, he replied, he had not
+yet decided whether to be President or Chief Justice. This may be in
+part due to a general profession of holding to the principle of Benjamin
+Franklin that office should neither be sought nor refused and in part to
+the American idea that the people choose their own officers so that
+public service is not optional. In other countries this is not so. For
+centuries some seats in the British Parliament were controlled and
+probably sold as were commissions in the army, but that has never been
+the case here. A certain Congressman, however, on arriving at Washington
+was asked by an old friend how he happened to be elected. He replied
+that he was not elected, but appointed. It is worth while noting that
+the boss who was then supposed to hold the power of appointment in that
+district has since been driven from power, but the Congressman, though
+he was defeated when his party was lately divided, has been reflected.
+All of which suggests that the boss did not appoint in the first
+instance, but was merely well enough informed to see what the people
+wanted before they had formulated their own opinions and desires. It was
+said of McKinley that he could tell what Congress would do on a certain
+measure before the men in Congress themselves knew what their decision
+was to be. Cannon has said of McKinley that his ear was so close to the
+ground that it was full of grasshoppers. But the fact remains that
+office brokerage is here held in reprehensive scorn and professional
+office-seeking in contempt. Every native-born American, however, is
+potentially a President, and it must always be remembered that the
+obligation to serve the State is forever binding upon all, although
+office is the gift of the people.
+
+Of course these considerations relate not to appointive places like the
+Judiciary, Commissionerships, clerical positions and like places, but to
+the more important elective offices. Another reason why political life
+of this nature is not chosen as a career is that it does not pay. Nearly
+all offices of this class are held at a financial sacrifice, not merely
+that the holder could earn more at some other occupation, but that the
+salary of the office does not maintain the holder of the office. It is
+but recently that Parliament has paid a salary to its members. In years
+gone by the United States Senate has been rather marked for its number
+of rich men. Few prominent members of Congress are dependent on their
+salary, which is but another way of saying that in Washington Senators
+and Representatives need more than their official salaries to become
+most effective. It is a consolation to be able to state that this is not
+the condition of members of the Massachusetts General Court. There,
+ability and character come very near to being the sole requirements for
+success. Although some men have seen service in our legislature of
+nearly twenty years, to the great benefit of the Commonwealth, no one
+would choose that for a career and these men doubtless look on it only
+as an avocation.
+
+For these reasons we have no profession of politics or of public life in
+the sense that we have a profession of law and medicine and other
+learned callings. We have men who have spent many years in office, but
+it would be difficult to find one outside the limitations noted who
+would refer to that as his business, occupation, or profession.
+
+The inexperienced are prone to hold an erroneous idea of public life and
+its methods. Not long ago I listened to a joint debate in a prominent
+preparatory school. Each side took it for granted that public men were
+influenced only by improper motives and that officials of the government
+were seeking only their own gain and advantage without regard to the
+welfare of the people. Such a presumption has no foundation in fact.
+There are dishonest men in public office. There are quacks, shysters,
+and charlatans among doctors, lawyers, and clergy, but they are not
+representative of their professions nor indicative of their methods. Our
+public men, as a class, are inspired by honorable and patriotic motives,
+desirous only of a faithful execution of their trust from the executive
+and legislative branches of the States and Nation down to the
+executives of our towns, who bear the dignified and significant title of
+selectmen. Public men must expect criticism and be prepared to endure
+false charges from their opponents. It is a matter of no great concern
+to them. But public confidence in government is a matter of great
+concern. It cannot be maintained in the face of such opinions as I have
+mentioned. It is necessary to differentiate between partisan assertions
+and actual conditions. It is necessary to recognize worth as well as to
+condemn graft. No system of government can stand that lacks public
+confidence and no progress can be made on the assumption of a false
+premise. Public administration is honest and sound and public business
+is transacted on a higher plane than private business.
+
+There is no difficulty for men in college to understand elections and
+government. They have all had experience in it. The same motives that
+operate in the choice of class officers operate in choosing officers for
+the Commonwealth. Here men are soon estimated at their true worth. Here
+places of trust are conferred and administered as they will be in later
+years. The scale is smaller, the opportunities are less, conditions are
+more artificial, but the principles are the same. Of course the present
+estimate is not the ultimate. There are men here who appear important
+that will not appear so in years to come. There are men who seem
+insignificant now who will develop at a later day. But the motive which
+leads to elections here leads to elections in the State.
+
+Is there any especial obligation on the part of college-bred men to be
+candidates for public office? I do not think so. It is said that
+although college graduates constitute but one per cent of the
+population, they hold about fifty per cent of the public offices, so
+that this question seems to take care of itself. But I do not feel that
+there is any more obligation to run for office than there is to become a
+banker, a merchant, a teacher, or enter any other special occupation. As
+indicated some men have a particular aptitude in this direction and some
+have none. Of course experience counts here as in any other human
+activity, and all experience worth the name is the result of
+application, of time and thought and study and practice. If the
+individual finds he has liking and capacity for this work, he will
+involuntarily find himself engaged in it. There is no catalogue of such
+capacity. One man gets results in one way, another in another. But in
+general only the man of broad sympathy and deep understanding of his
+fellow men can meet with much success.
+
+What I have said relates to the somewhat narrow field of office-holding.
+This is really a small part of the American system or of any system.
+James Bryce tells us that we have a government of public opinion. That
+is growing to be more and more true of the governments of the entire
+world. The first care of despotism seems to be to control the school and
+the press. Where the mind is free it turns not to force but to reason
+for the source of authority. Men submit to a government of force as we
+are doing now when they believe it is necessary for their security,
+necessary to protect them from the imposition of force from without.
+This is probably the main motive of the German people. They have been
+taught that their only protection lay in the support of a military
+despotism. Rightly or wrongly they have believed this and believing have
+submitted to what they suppose their only means of security. They have
+been governed accordingly. Germany is still feudal.
+
+This leads to the larger and all important field of politics. Here we
+soon see that office-holding is the incidental, but the standard of
+citizenship is the essential. Government does rest upon the opinions of
+men. Its results rest on their actions. This makes every man a
+politician whether he will or no. This lays the burden on us all. Men
+who have had the advantages of liberal culture ought to be the leaders
+in maintaining the standards of citizenship. Unless they can and do
+accomplish this result education is a failure. Greatly have they been
+taught, greatly must they teach. The power to think is the most
+practical thing in the world. It is not and cannot be cloistered from
+politics.
+
+We live under a republican form of government. We need forever to
+remember that representative government does represent. A careless,
+indifferent representative is the result of a careless, indifferent
+electorate. The people who start to elect a man to get what he can for
+his district will probably find they have elected a man who will get
+what he can for himself. A body will keep on its course for a time after
+the moving impulse ceases by reason of its momentum. The men who
+founded our government had fought and thought mightily on the
+relationship of man to his government. Our institutions would go for a
+time under the momentum they gave. But we should be deluded if we
+supposed they can be maintained without more of the same stern sacrifice
+offered in perpetuity. Government is not an edifice that the founders
+turn over to posterity all completed. It is an institution, like a
+university which fails unless the process of education continues.
+
+The State is not founded on selfishness. It cannot maintain itself by
+the offer of material rewards. It is the opportunity for service. There
+has of late been held out the hope that government could by legislation
+remove from the individual the need of effort. The managers of
+industries have seemed to think that their difficulties could be removed
+and prosperity ensured by changing the laws. The employee has been led
+to believe that his condition could be made easy by the same method.
+When industries can be carried on without any struggle, their results
+will be worthless, and when wages can be secured without any effort they
+will have no purchasing value. In the end the value of the product will
+be measured by the amount of effort necessary to secure it. Our late Dr.
+Garman recognized this limitation in one of his lectures where he
+says:--
+
+"Critics have noticed three stages in the development of human
+civilization. First: the let-alone policy; every man to look out for
+number one. This is the age of selfishness. Second: the opposite pole of
+thinking; every man to do somebody's else work for him. This is the dry
+rot of sentimentality that feeds tramps and enacts poor laws such as
+excite the indignation of Herbert Spencer. But the third stage is
+represented by our formula: every man must render and receive the best
+possible service, except in the case of inequality, and there the
+strong must help the weak to help themselves; only on this condition is
+help given. This is the true interpretation of the life of Christ. On
+the first basis He would have remained in heaven and let the earth take
+care of itself. On the second basis He would have come to earth with his
+hands full of gold and silver treasures satisfying every want that
+unfortunate humanity could have devised. But on the third basis He comes
+to earth in the form of a servant who is at the same time a master
+commanding his disciples to take up their cross and follow Him; it is
+sovereignty through service as opposed to slavery through service. He
+refuses to make the world wealthy, but He offers to help them make
+themselves wealthy with true riches which shall be a hundred-fold more,
+even in this life, than that which was offered them by any former
+system."
+
+This applies to political life no less than to industrial life. We live
+under the fairest government on earth. But it is not self-sustaining.
+Nor is that all. There are selfishness and injustice and evil in the
+world. More than that, these forces are never at rest. Some desire to
+use the processes of government for their own ends. Some desire to
+destroy the authority of government altogether. Our institutions are
+predicated on the rights and the corresponding duties, on the worth, of
+the individual. It is to him that we must look for safety. We may need
+new charters, new constitutions and new laws at times. We must always
+have an alert and interested citizenship. We have no dependence but the
+individual. New charters cannot save us. They may appear to help but the
+chances are that the beneficial results obtained result from an
+increased interest aroused by discussing changes. Laws do not make
+reforms, reforms make laws. We cannot look to government. We must look
+to ourselves. We must stand not in the expectation of a reward but with
+a desire to serve. There will come out of government exactly what is put
+into it. Society gets about what it deserves. It is the part of educated
+men to know and recognize these principles and influences and knowing
+them to inform and warn their fellow countrymen. Politics is the process
+of action in public affairs. It is personal, it is individual, and
+nothing more. Destiny is in you.
+
+
+
+
+XIII
+
+TREMONT TEMPLE
+
+NOVEMBER 3, 1917
+
+
+There is a time and place for everything. There are times when some
+things are out of place. Domestic science is an important subject. So is
+the proper heating and ventilating of our habitations. But when the
+house is on fire reasonable men do not stop to argue of culinary cuts
+nor listen to a disquisition on plumbing; they call out the fire
+department and join it in an attempt to save their dwelling. They think
+only in terms of the conflagration.
+
+So it is in this hour that has come to us so grim with destiny. We
+cannot stop now to discuss domestic party politics. Our men are on the
+firing-line of France. There will be no party designations in the
+casualty lists. We cannot stop to glance at that alluring field of
+history that tells us of the past patriotic devotion of the men of our
+party to the cause of the Nation--devotion without reserve. We must
+think now only in terms of winning the war.
+
+An election at this time is not of our choosing. We are having one
+because it is necessary under the terms of our Constitution of
+Massachusetts. We have not conducted the ordinary party canvass. We have
+not flaunted party banners, we have not burned red fire, we have not
+rent the air with martial music, we have not held the usual party
+rallies. We have addressed meetings, but such addresses have been to
+urge subscriptions to the Liberty Loan, to urge gifts to the great
+humanitarian work of the Red Cross, and for the efforts of charity,
+benevolence, and mercy that are represented by the Y.M.C.A. and by the
+Knights of Columbus, for the conservation of food, and for the other
+patriotic purposes.
+
+But we are not to infer that this is not an important election. It is
+too important to think of candidates, too important to think of party,
+too important to think of anything but our country at war. No more
+important election has been held since the days of War Governor Andrew.
+On Tuesday next the voters of Massachusetts will decide whether they
+will support the Government in its defence of America, and its defence
+of all that America means. There is no room for domestic party issues
+here. The only question for consideration is whether the Government of
+this Commonwealth, legislative and executive, has rendered and will
+render prompt and efficient support for the national defence. Perhaps it
+would be enough to point out that Massachusetts troops were first at the
+Mexican border and first in France. But that is only part of the story.
+
+Wars are waged now with far more than merely the troops in the field.
+Every resource of the people goes into the battle. It is a matter of
+organizing the entire fabric of society. No one has yet pointed out, no
+one can point out, any failure on the part of our State Government to
+take efficient measures for this purpose. More than that, Massachusetts
+did not have to be asked; while Washington was yet dumb Massachusetts
+spoke.
+
+Months before war was declared a Public Safety Committee was appointed
+and went to work; weeks before war a conference of New England Governors
+was called and a million dollars was given the Governor and Council to
+equip Massachusetts troops for which the National Treasury had no money.
+By reason of this foresight our men went forth better supplied than any
+others, with ten dollars additional pay from their home State, and the
+assurance that their dependents could draw forty dollars monthly where
+needed for their support. The production and distribution of food and
+fuel have been advanced. The maintenance of industrial peace has been
+promoted. The Gloucester fishermen, fifteen thousand shoemakers in
+Lynn, the Boston & Maine railroad employees, have had their differences
+adjusted. A second million dollars for emergency expenses has been given
+the Governor and Council. An efficient State Guard of over ten thousand
+men has been organized. Our brave soldiers, their dependents, the great
+patriotic public have been protected by the present Government with
+every means that ingenuity could devise. We have won the right to
+reelection by duty well performed.
+
+Remember this: we are not responsible for the war, we are responsible
+for the preparation that enables us to defend our soldiers and ourselves
+from savages. Massachusetts is not going to repudiate these patriotic
+services. To do so now would mean more than repudiating the Government.
+It would mean repudiating the devotion of our brave men in arms,
+repudiating the sacrifice of the fathers, mothers, wives, and dear ones
+behind, and repudiating the loyalty of the millions who subscribed to
+the Liberty Loan,--it would mean repudiating America.
+
+Massachusetts has decided that the path of the Mayflower shall not be
+closed. She has decided to sail the seas. She has decided to sail not
+under the edict of Potsdam, crimped in narrow lanes seeking safety in
+unarmed merchantmen painted in fantastic hues, as the badge of an
+infamous servitude, but she has decided to sail under the ancient
+Declaration of Independence, choosing what course she will, maintaining
+security by the guns of ships of the line, flying at the mast the Stars
+and Stripes, forever the emblem of a militant liberty.
+
+
+
+
+XIV
+
+DEDICATION OF TOWN-HOUSE, WESTON
+
+NOVEMBER 27, 1917
+
+
+I was interested to come out here and take part in the dedication of
+this beautiful building in part because my ancestors had lived in this
+locality in times gone past, but more especially because I am interested
+in the town governments of Massachusetts. You have heard the
+town-meeting referred to this evening. It seemed to me that the towns in
+this Commonwealth correspond in part to what we might call the
+water-tight compartments of the ship of state, and while sometimes our
+State Government has wavered, sometimes it has been suspended, and it
+has been thought that the people could not care for themselves under
+those conditions. Whenever that has arisen the towns of the Commonwealth
+have come to the rescue and been able to furnish the foundation and the
+strength on which might not only be carried on, but on which might again
+be erected the failing government of the Commonwealth or the failing
+government of the Nation. So that I know nothing to which we New
+Englanders owe more, and especially the people of Massachusetts, of our
+civil liberties than we do to our form of town government.
+
+The history of Weston has been long and interesting, beginning, as your
+town seal designates, back in 1630, when Watertown was recognized as one
+of the three or four towns in the Commonwealth; set off by boundaries
+into the Farmers' Precinct in 1698, and becoming incorporated as a town
+in 1713. There begins a long and honorable history. Of course, the first
+part of it gathered to a large degree around the church. The first
+church was started here, I think, in 1695, and I believe that the land
+on which it was to be erected was purchased of a man who bore my name.
+Your first clergyman seems to have been settled about 1702; and the
+long and even tenor of your ways here and your devotion to things which
+were established is perhaps shown and exemplified in the fact that
+during the next one hundred and seventy-four years, coming clear down to
+1876, you had but six clergymen presiding over that church. You have an
+example here now, along the same line, in the long tenure of office that
+has come to your present town clerk, he having been first elected, I
+believe, in 1864 and having held office from that time to this, probably
+serving as long, if not longer, than any of the town clerks of
+Massachusetts, certainly, I believe, the longest of any present living
+town clerk.
+
+There are many interesting things connected with the history of this
+town. It bore its part in the Indian Wars. Here was organized an Indian
+fighting expedition that went to the North, and, though some of the men
+in that expedition were lost and the expedition was not altogether
+successful, it showed, the spirit, the resolution, the bravery, and the
+courage which animated the men of those days.
+
+Mr. Young has referred to that day in Massachusetts history that we are
+all so proud of, the Nineteenth of April, 1775. But you had an
+interesting event here in this town leading up to that great day.
+General Gage was in command of the British forces at Boston. There had
+been gathered supplies for carrying on a war out here through Middlesex
+County and out to the west in Worcester. History tells us that he sent
+out here Sergeant Howe and other spies, in order that he might find out
+what the conditions were and whether it would be easy for the British
+troops to come out here and seize those supplies and break what they
+thought was the idea on the part of the colonists of starting a
+rebellion. Sergeant Howe came out here, went to the hotel, where, of
+course, the landlord received him hospitably, but informed him that
+probably it wouldn't be a healthy place for him to stay for a very long
+time, and sent him away in the dead of the night. He went back to Boston
+and made a report to the General in which he said that the people of
+this vicinity were generally resolved to be free or to die. That was the
+spirit of those times; and he advised the Britishers that if they wanted
+to go out to Worcester they would probably need an expedition of ten
+thousand men and a sufficient train of artillery, and he doubted
+whether, if such an expedition as that were sent out, any part of it
+would return alive. On account of the report that he brought back it was
+determined by the British authorities that it was more prudent to go up
+to Concord than it was to come out here on the way to Worcester. That
+was the reason that the expedition on that Nineteenth of April was
+started for Concord rather than through here for Worcester.
+
+Of course, there are many other interesting events in the history of
+this town. You had here many men who have seen military service. You
+furnished a large number for the Revolutionary War and a large amount of
+money. You furnished as your quota one hundred and twenty-six soldiers
+that went into the army from 1861 to 1865. But you were doing here what
+they were doing all over the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. I doubt if
+the leading and prominent and decisive part that Massachusetts played in
+the great Revolutionary War is generally understood. It is interesting
+to recall that when General Washington came here he seems to have come
+with somewhat of a prejudice against New England men. I think there are
+extant letters which he wrote at that time rather reflecting upon what
+the New England men were doing and the character of Massachusetts men of
+those days. But that was not his idea at the end of the war. Then,
+although he had been brought up far to the south, he had a different
+idea. Then he said, and said very generously, that he thought well of
+New England men and had it not been for their support, had it not been
+for the men, the materials and munitions that they supplied to the
+Revolutionary forces, the war would not have been a success. His name is
+interestingly connected with your town of Weston.
+
+You have had here not only an interesting population but an interesting
+location. It was through this town that the great arteries of travel ran
+to the west and south and to the north. When Burgoyne surrendered, some
+of his troops were brought through this town on their way to the
+sea-coast. When Washington came up to visit New England after he had
+been President, he came through the town of Weston, and I do not know
+whether this is any reflection on the cooking of those days in the towns
+to the west, but it says in the history of the town of Weston that at
+one time when Washington stopped at the hotel in Wayland, although the
+hostess had provided what she thought was a very fine banquet, he left
+his staff to eat that and went out into the kitchen to help himself to a
+bowl of bread and milk. I suppose he would not be thought to have done
+that because he was a candidate for office and wanted to appear as one
+of the plain people, because that was after he had served in the office
+of President. But he stopped here in the town of Weston and was
+entertained here at the hotel. And many other great men passed through
+here and were entertained here from the time when we were colonies clear
+up to the time when the railroads were established along in the middle
+of the last century.
+
+So this town has had a long and interesting history, and has done its
+part in building up Massachusetts and giving her strength to take her
+part in the history of this great Nation. And it is pleasant to see how
+the work that the fathers have done before us is bearing fruit in these
+times of ours. It is interesting to see this beautiful building. It is
+interesting to know that you have a town planning committee who are
+placing this building in a situation where it will contribute to the
+physical beauty of this historic town. We have not given the time and
+the attention and the thought that we should have given to things of
+that kind in Massachusetts. We have been too utilitarian. We have
+thought that if a building was located in some place where we could have
+access to it, where it could be used, where it could transact the
+business of the town, that was enough. We are coming to see in these
+modern days that that is not enough; that we need not only utilitarian
+motives, but that we need to give some time, some thought and attention
+to the artistic in life; that we need to concern ourselves not only with
+the material but give some thought to the spiritual; that we need to
+pay some attention to the beautiful as well as to that which is merely
+useful.
+
+These things are appreciated. Weston is doing something along these
+lines and building her public buildings and laying out her public square
+or her common (as it was known in the old days) so they will be things
+of beauty as well as things of use. Let us dedicate this building to
+these new purposes. Let us dedicate it to the glorious history of the
+past. Let us dedicate it to the sacrifice that is required in these
+present days. Let us dedicate it to the hope of the future. Let us
+dedicate it to New England ideals--those ideals that have made
+Massachusetts one of the strong States of the Nation; strong enough so
+that in Revolutionary days we contributed far in excess of our portion
+of men and money to that great struggle; strong enough so that the whole
+Nation has looked to Massachusetts in days of stress for comfort and
+support.
+
+We are very proud of our democracy. We are very proud of our form of
+government. We believe that there is no other nation on earth that gives
+to the individual the privileges and the rights that he has in America.
+The time has come now when we are going to defend those rights. The time
+has come when the world is looking to America, as the Nation has looked
+to Massachusetts in the past, to stand up and defend the rights of the
+individual. Sovereignty, it is our belief, is vested in the individual;
+and we are going to protect the rights of the individual. It is an
+auspicious moment to dedicate here in New England one of our town halls,
+an auspicious moment in which to dedicate it to the supremacy of those
+ideals for which the whole world is fighting at the present time; that
+the rights of the individual as they were established here in the past
+may be maintained by us now and carried to a yet greater development in
+the future.
+
+
+
+
+XV
+
+AMHERST ALUMNI DINNER, SPRINGFIELD
+
+MARCH 15, 1918
+
+
+The individual may not require the higher institutions of learning, but
+society does. Without them civilization as we know it would fall from
+mankind in a night. They minister not alone to their own students, they
+minister to all humanity.
+
+It is this same ancient spirit which, coming to the defence of the
+Nation, has in this new day of peril made nearly every college campus a
+training field for military service, and again sent graduate and
+undergraduate into the fighting forces of our country. They are
+demonstrating again that they are the strongholds of ordered liberty and
+individual freedom. This has ever been the distinguishing characteristic
+of the American institution of learning. They have believed in
+democracy because they believed in the nobility of man; they have served
+society because they have looked upon the possession of learning not as
+conferring a privilege but as laying on a duty. They have taught and
+practised the precept that the greater man's power the greater his
+obligation. The supreme choice is righteousness. It is that "moral
+power" to which Professor Tyler referred as the great contribution of
+college men to the cause of the Union.
+
+The Nation is taking a military census, it is thinking now in terms of
+armament. The officers of government are discussing manpower,
+transportation by land and sea and through the air, the production of
+rifles, artillery, and explosives, the raising of money by loans and
+taxation. The Nation ought to be most mightily engaged in this work. It
+must put every ounce of its resources into the production and
+organization of its material power. But these are to a degree but the
+outward manifestations of something yet more important. The ultimate
+result of all wars and of this war has been and will be determined by
+the moral power of the nations engaged. On that will depend whether
+armies "ray out darkness" or are the source of light and life and
+liberty. Without the support of the moral power of the Nation armies
+will prove useless, without a moral victory, whatever the fortunes of
+the battlefield, there can be no abiding peace.
+
+Whatever the difficulties of an exact definition may be the
+manifestations of moral power are not difficult to recognize. The life
+of America is rich with such examples. It has been predominant here. It
+established thirteen colonies which were to a large degree
+self-sustaining and self-governing. They fought and won a revolutionary
+war. What manner of men they were, what was the character of their
+leadership, was attested only in part by Saratoga and Yorktown.
+Washington had displayed great power on many fields of battle, the
+colonists had suffered long and endured to the end, but the glory of
+military power fades away beside the picture of the victorious general,
+returning his commission to the representatives of a people who would
+have made him king, and retiring after two terms from the Presidency
+which he could have held for life, and the picture of a war-worn people
+turning from debt, disorder, almost anarchy, not to division, not to
+despotism, but to national unity under the ordered liberty of the
+Federal Constitution.
+
+It was manifested again in the adoption and defence by the young nation
+of that principle which is known as the Monroe Doctrine that European
+despotism should make no further progress in the Western Hemisphere. It
+is in the great argument of Webster replying to Hayne and the stout
+declaration of Jackson that he would treat nullification as treason. It
+was the compelling force of the Civil War, expounded by Lincoln in his
+unyielding purpose to save the Union but "with malice toward none, with
+charity for all," which General Grant, his greatest soldier, put into
+practice at Appomattox when he sent General Lee back with his sword, and
+his soldiers home to the plantations, with their war horses for the
+spring plowing. And at the conclusion of the Spanish War it is to the
+ever-enduring credit of our country that it exacted not penalties, but
+justice, and actually compensated a defeated foe for public property
+that had come to our hands in the Philippines as the result of the
+fortunes of battle. But what of the present crisis? Is the heart of the
+Nation still sound, does it still respond to the appeal to the high
+ideals of the past? If those two and one half years, before the American
+declaration of war, shall appear, when unprejudiced history is written,
+to have been characterized by patience, forbearance, and self-restraint,
+they will add to the credit of former days. If they were characterized
+by selfishness, by politics, by a balancing of expediency against
+justice they will be counted as a time of ignominy for which a
+victorious war would furnish scant compensation.
+
+
+
+
+XVI
+
+MESSAGE FOR THE BOSTON POST
+
+APRIL 22, 1918
+
+
+The nation with the greatest moral power will win. Of that are born
+armies and navies and the resolution to endure. Have faith in the moral
+power of America. It gave independence under Washington and freedom
+under Lincoln. Here, right never lost. Here, wrong never won. However
+powerful the forces of evil may appear, somewhere there are more
+powerful forces of righteousness. Courage and confidence are our
+heritage. Justice is our might. The outcome is in your hand, my fellow
+American; if you deserve to win, the Nation cannot lose.
+
+
+
+
+XVII
+
+ROXBURY HISTORICAL SOCIETY, BUNKER HILL DAY
+
+JUNE 17, 1918
+
+
+Reverence is the measure not of others but of ourselves. This assemblage
+on the one hundred and forty-third anniversary of the Battle of Bunker
+Hill tells not only of the spirit of that day but of the spirit of
+to-day. What men worship that will they become. The heroes and holidays
+of a people which fascinate their soul reveal what they hold are the
+realities of life and mark out a line beyond which they will not
+retreat, but at which they will stand to overcome or die. They who
+reverence Bunker Hill will fight there. Your true patriot sees home and
+hearthstone in the welfare of his country.
+
+Rightly viewed, then, this day is set apart for an examination of
+ourselves by recounting the deeds of the men of long ago.
+
+What was there in the events of the seventeenth day of June, 1775,
+which holds the veneration of Americans and the increasing admiration of
+the world? There are the physical facts not too unimportant to be
+unworthy of reiteration even in the learned presence of an Historical
+Society. A detachment of men clad for the most part in the dress of
+their daily occupations, standing with bared heads and muskets grounded
+muzzle down in the twilight glow on Cambridge Common, heard Samuel
+Langdon, President of Harvard College, seek divine blessing on their
+cause and marched away in the darkness to a little eminence at
+Charlestown, where, ere the setting of another sun, much history was to
+be made and much glory lost and won. When a new dawn had lifted the
+mists of the Bay, the British, under General Howe, saw an intrenchment
+on Breed's Hill, which must be taken or Boston abandoned. The works were
+exposed in the rear to attack from land and sea. This was disdained by
+the king's soldiers in their contempt for the supposed fighting ability
+of the Americans. Leisurely, as on dress parade, they assembled for an
+assault that they thought was to be a demonstration of the uselessness
+of any armed resistance on the part of the Colonies. In splendid array
+they advanced late in the day. A few straggling shots and all was still
+behind the parapet. It was easier than they had expected. But when they
+reached a point where 'tis said the men behind the intrenchments could
+see the whites of their eyes, they were met by a withering fire that
+tore their ranks asunder and sent them back in disorder, utterly routed
+by their despised foes. In time they form and advance again but the
+result is the same. The demonstration of superiority was not a success.
+For a third time they form, not now for dress parade, but for a
+hazardous assault. This time the result was different. The patriots had
+lost nothing of courage or determination but there was left scarcely
+one round of powder. They had no bayonets. Pouring in their last volley
+and still resisting with clubbed muskets, they retired slowly and in
+order from the field. So great was the British loss that there was no
+pursuit. The intensity of the battle is told by the loss of the
+Americans, out of about fifteen hundred engaged, of nearly twenty per
+cent, and of the British, out of some thirty-five hundred engaged, of
+nearly thirty-three per cent, all in one and one half hours.
+
+It was the story of brave men bravely led but insufficiently equipped.
+Their leader, Colonel Prescott, had walked the breastworks to show his
+men that the cannonade was not particularly dangerous. John Stark,
+bringing his company, in which were his Irish compatriots, across
+Charlestown Neck under the guns of the battleships, refused to quicken
+his step. His Major, Andrew McCleary, fell at the rail fence which he
+had held during the day. Dr. Joseph Warren, your own son of Roxbury,
+fell in the retreat, but the Americans, though picking off his officers,
+spared General Howe. They had fought the French under his brother.
+
+Such were some of the outstanding deeds of the day. But these were the
+deeds of men and the deeds of men always have an inward significance. In
+distant Philadelphia, on this very day, the Continental Congress had
+chosen as the Commander of their Army, General George Washington, a man
+whose clear vision looked into the realities of things and did not
+falter. On his way to the front four days later, dispatches reached him
+of the battle. He revealed the meaning of the day with, one question,
+"Did the militia fight?" Learning how those heroic men fought, he said,
+"Then the liberties of the Country are safe." No greater commentary has
+ever been made on the significance of Bunker Hill.
+
+We read events by what goes before and after. We think of Bunker Hill
+as the first real battle for independence, the prelude to the
+Revolution. Yet these were both after-thoughts. Independence Day was
+still more than a year away and then eight years from accomplishment.
+The Revolution cannot be said to have become established until the
+adoption of the Federal Constitution. No, on this June day, these were
+not the conscious objects sought. They were contending for the liberties
+of the country, they were not yet bent on establishing a new nation nor
+on recognizing that relationship between men which the modern world
+calls democracy. They were maintaining well their traditions, these sons
+of Londonderry, lovers of freedom and anxious for the fray, and these
+sons of the Puritans, whom Macaulay tells us humbly abased themselves in
+the dust before the Lord, but hesitated not to set their foot upon the
+neck of their king.
+
+It is the moral quality of the day that abides. It was the purpose of
+those plain garbed men behind the parapet that told whether they were
+savages bent on plunder, living under the law of the jungle, or sons of
+the morning bearing the light of civilization. The glorious revolution
+of 1688 was fading from memory. The English Government of that day
+rested upon privilege and corruption at the base, surmounted by a king
+bent on despotism, but fortunately too weak to accomplish any design
+either of good or ill. An empire still outwardly sound was rotting at
+the core. The privilege which had found Great Britain so complacent
+sought to establish itself over the Colonies. The purpose of the
+patriots was resistance to tyranny. Pitt and Burke and Lord Camden in
+England recognized this, and, loving liberty, approved the course of the
+Colonies. The Tories here, loving privilege, approved the course of the
+Royal Government. Bunker Hill meant that the Colonies would save
+themselves and saving themselves save the mother country for liberty.
+The war was not inevitable. Perhaps wars are never inevitable. But the
+conflict between freedom and privilege was inevitable. That it broke out
+in America rather than in England was accidental. Liberty, the rights of
+man against tyranny, the rights of kings, was in the air. One side must
+give way. There might have been a peaceful settlement by timely
+concessions such as the Reform Bill of England some fifty years later,
+or the Japanese reforms of our own times, but wanting that a collision
+was inevitable. Lacking a Bunker Hill there had been another Dunbar.
+
+The eighteenth century was the era of the development of political
+rights. It was the culmination of the ideas of the Renaissance. It was
+the putting into practice in government of the answer to the long
+pondered and much discussed question, "What is right?" Custom was giving
+way at last to reason. Class and caste and place, all the distinctions
+based on appearance and accident were giving way before reality. Men
+turned from distinctions which were temporal to those which were
+eternal. The sovereignty of kings and the nobility of peers was
+swallowed up in the sovereignty and nobility of all men. The inequal in
+quantity became equal in quality.
+
+The successful solution of this problem was the crowning glory of a
+century and a half of America. It established for all time how men ought
+to act toward each other in the governmental relation. The rule of the
+people had begun.
+
+Bunker Hill had a deeper significance. It was an example of the great
+law of human progress and civilization. There has been much talk in
+recent years of the survival of the fittest and of efficiency. We are
+beginning to hear of the development of the super-man and the claim that
+he has of right dominion over the rest of his inferiors on earth. This
+philosophy denies the doctrine of equality and holds that government is
+not based on consent but on compulsion. It holds that the weak must
+serve the strong, which is the law of slavery, it applies the law of the
+animal world to mankind and puts science above morals. This sounds the
+call to the jungle. It is not an advance to the morning but a retreat to
+night. It is not the light of human reason but the darkness of the
+wisdom of the serpent.
+
+The law of progress and civilization is not the law of the jungle. It is
+not an earthly law, it is a divine law. It does not mean the survival of
+the fittest, it means the sacrifice of the fittest. Any mother will give
+her life for her child. Men put the women and children in the lifeboats
+before they themselves will leave the sinking ship. John Hampden and
+Nathan Hale did not survive, nor did Lincoln, but Benedict Arnold did.
+The example above all others takes us back to Jerusalem some nineteen
+hundred years ago. The men of Bunker Hill were true disciples of
+civilization, because they were willing to sacrifice themselves to
+resist the evils and redeem the liberties of the British Empire. The
+proud shaft which rises over their battlefield and the bronze form of
+Joseph Warren in your square are not monuments to expediency or success,
+they are monuments to righteousness.
+
+This is the age-old story. Men are reading it again to-day--written in
+blood. The Prussian military despotism has abandoned the law of
+civilization for the law of barbarism. We could approve and join in the
+scramble to the jungle, or we could resist and sacrifice ourselves to
+save an erring nation. Not being beasts, but men, we choose the
+sacrifice.
+
+This brings us to the part that America is taking at the end of its
+second hundred and fifty years of existence. Is it not a part of that
+increasing purpose which the poet, the seer, tells us runs through the
+ages? Has not our Nation been raised up and strengthened, trained and
+prepared, to meet the great sacrifice that must be made now to save the
+world from despotism? We have heard much of our lack of preparation. We
+have been altogether lacking in preparation in a strict military sense.
+We had no vast forces of artillery or infantry, no large stores of
+munitions, few trained men. But let us not forget to pay proper respect
+to the preparation we did have, which was the result of long training
+and careful teaching. We had a mental, a moral, a spiritual training
+that fitted us equally with any other people to engage in this great
+contest which after all is a contest of ideas as well as of arms. We
+must never neglect the military preparation again, but we may as well
+recognize that we have had a preparation without which arms in our hands
+would very much resemble in purpose those now arrayed against us.
+
+Are we not realizing a noble destiny? The great Admiral who discovered
+America bore the significant name of Christopher. It has been pointed
+out that this name means Christ-bearer. Were not the men who stood at
+Bunker Hill bearing light to the world by their sacrifices? Are not the
+men of to-day, the entire Nation of to-day, living in accordance with
+the significance of that name, and by their service and sacrifice
+redeeming mankind from the forces that make for everlasting destruction?
+We seek no territory and no rewards. We give but do not take. We seek
+for a victory of our ideas. Our arms are but the means. America follows
+no such delusion as a place in the sun for the strong by the destruction
+of the weak. America seeks rather, by giving of her strength for the
+service of the weak, a place in eternity.
+
+
+
+
+XVIII
+
+FAIRHAVEN
+
+JULY 4, 1918
+
+
+We have met on this anniversary of American independence to assess the
+dimensions of a kind deed. Nearly four score years ago the master of a
+whaling vessel sailing from this port rescued from a barren rock in the
+China Sea some Japanese fishermen. Among them was a young boy whom he
+brought home with him to Fairhaven, where he was given the advantages of
+New England life and sent to school with the boys and girls of the
+neighborhood, where he excelled in his studies. But as he grew up he was
+filled with a longing to see Japan and his aged mother. He knew that the
+duty of filial piety lay upon him according to the teachings of his
+race, and he was determined to meet that obligation. I think that is one
+of the lessons of this day. Here was a youth who determined to pursue
+the course which he had been taught was right. He braved the dangers of
+the voyage and the greater dangers that awaited an absentee from his
+country under the then existing laws, to perform his duty to his mother
+and to his native land. In making that return I think we are entitled to
+say that he was the first Ambassador of America to the Court of Japan,
+for his extraordinary experience soon brought him into the association
+of the highest officials of his country, and his presence there prepared
+the way for the friendly reception which was given to Commodore Perry
+when he was sent to Japan to open relations between that Government and
+the Government of America.
+
+And so we see how out of the kind deed of Captain Whitefield, friendly
+relations which have existed for many years between the people of Japan
+and the people of America were encouraged and made possible. And it is
+in recognition of that event that we have here to-day this great
+concourse of people, this martial array, and the representative of the
+Japanese people--a people who have never failed to respond to an act of
+kindness.
+
+It was with special pleasure that I came here representing the
+Commonwealth of Massachusetts, to extend an official welcome to His
+Excellency Viscount Ishii, who comes here to present to the town of
+Fairhaven a Sumari sword on behalf of the son of that boy who was
+rescued long ago. This sword was once the emblem of place and caste and
+arbitrary rank. It has taken on a new significance because Captain
+Whitefield was true to the call of humanity, because a Japanese boy was
+true to his call of duty. This emblem will hereafter be a token not only
+of the friendship that exists between two nations but a token of
+liberty, of freedom, and of the recognition by the Government of both
+these nations of the rights of the people. Let it remain here as a
+mutual pledge by the giver and the receiver of their determination that
+the motive which inspired the representatives of each race to do right
+is to be a motive which is to govern the people of the earth.
+
+
+
+
+XIX
+
+SOMERVILLE REPUBLICAN CITY COMMITTEE
+
+AUGUST 7, 1918
+
+
+Coming into your presence in ordinary times, gentlemen of the committee,
+I should be inclined to direct your attention to the long and patriotic
+services of our party, to the great benefits its policies have conferred
+upon this Nation, to the illustrious names of our leaders, to our
+present activities, and to our future party policy. But these are not
+ordinary times. Our country is at war. There is no way to save our party
+if our country be lost. And in the present crisis there is only one way
+to save our country. We must support the State and National Governments
+in whatever they request for the conduct of the war. The Constitution
+makes the President Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy. What he
+needs should be freely given. This has been and will be the policy of
+the Republican administration of Massachusetts and of her Senators and
+Representatives in Congress. We seek no party advantage from the
+distress of our country. Among Republicans there will be no political
+profiteering.
+
+It is a year and four months now since we declared the German Government
+was making war on America. We are beginning to see what our requirements
+are. We had a small but efficient standing army, and a larger but less
+efficient National Guard. These have been increased by enlistments. We
+have a new national force,--never to be designated as Conscripts, but as
+the accepted soldiers of a whole Nation that has volunteered, of almost
+unlimited numbers. By taxation and by three Liberty Loans, each
+over-subscribed by more than fifty per cent, we have demonstrated that
+there will be no lack of money. The problem of the production and
+conservation of food is being met, though not yet without some
+inconvenience, yet so far with very little suffering. The remaining
+factor is the production of the necessary materials for carrying on the
+war. We lack ships and military supplies. Whether these are secured in
+time in sufficient quantity will depend in a large measure upon the
+attitude of the people managing and employed in these industries. The
+attitude of the leaders of organized labor has been patriotic. They
+realize that this is a war to preserve the rights that have been won for
+the people, and they have at all times advised their fellow workmen to
+remain at work. There must be forbearance on all sides. Where wages are
+too low they should be increased voluntarily. Where there is
+disagreement the Government has provided means for investigation and
+adjustment. Our industrial front must keep pace with our military front.
+
+We are demonstrating the ability of America. Within the last few days
+the report has come to us that our soldiers have defeated the Prussian
+Guard. The sneer of Germany at America is vanishing. It is true that the
+German high command still couple American and African soldiers together
+in intended derision. What they say in scorn, let us say in praise. We
+have fought before for the rights of all men irrespective of color. We
+are proud to fight now with colored men for the rights of white men. It
+would be fitting recognition of their worth to send our American negro,
+when that time comes, to inform the Prussian military despotism on what
+terms their defeated armies are to be granted peace.
+
+While the victories that have recently come to our arms are most
+encouraging, they should only stimulate us to redoubled efforts. The
+only hope of a short war is to prepare for a long one. In this work the
+States play a most important part. Massachusetts must be kept so
+organized and governed as to continue that able, effective, and prompt
+coöperation with the National Government that has marked the past
+progress of the war. In this we have a great part to do here. It was for
+such a task that the Republican Party came into being sixty-four years
+ago. One of the resolutions adopted at its birth peculiarly dedicates it
+to the requirements of the present hour.
+
+"Resolved, that in view of the necessity of battling for the first
+principles of republican government and against the schemes of an
+aristocracy, the most revolting and oppressive with which the earth was
+ever cursed, or man debased, we will coöperate and be known as
+'Republicans' until the contest be terminated."
+
+This great work lies before our party in Massachusetts. We shall go on
+battling for the first principles of Republican government until it has
+been secured to all the people of the earth.
+
+Our American forces on sea and land are proving sufficient to turn the
+tide in favor of the Allied cause. They could not succeed alone, we
+could not succeed alone. We are furnishing a reserve power that is
+bringing victory.
+
+But America must furnish more than armies and navies for the future. If
+armies and navies were to be supreme, Germany would be right. There are
+other and greater forces in the world than march to the roll of the
+drum. As we are turning the scale with our sword now, so hereafter we
+must turn the scale with the moral power of America. It must be our
+disinterested plans that are to restore Europe to a place through
+justice when we have secured victory through the sword. And into a new
+world we are to take not only the people of oppressed Europe but the
+people of America. Out of our sacrifice and suffering, out of our blood
+and tears, America shall have a new awakening, a rededication to the
+cause of Washington and Lincoln, a firmer conviction for the right.
+
+
+
+
+XX
+
+WRITTEN FOR THE SUNDAY ADVERTISER AND AMERICAN
+
+SEPTEMBER 1, 1918
+
+
+The man who seeks to stimulate and increase the production of materials
+necessary for the conduct of the war by raising the price he pays is a
+patriot. The man who refuses to sell at a fine price whatever he may
+have that is necessary for the conduct of the war is a profiteer. One
+man seeks to help his country at his own expense, the other seeks to
+help himself at his country's expense. One is willing to suffer himself
+that his country may prosper, the other is willing his country should
+suffer that he may prosper.
+
+In ordinary times these difficulties are taken care of by the operation
+of the law of supply and demand. If the price is too high the buyer has
+time to go elsewhere. In war the element of time is one of the chief
+considerations. When what is wanted is once found it must be made
+available at once. The principle of trusteeship also comes into more
+immediate operation. It is recognized in time of peace that the public
+may take what it may need of private property for the general welfare,
+paying a fair compensation, and that the right to own property carries
+with it the duty of using it for the welfare of our fellow man. The time
+has gone by when one may do what he will with his own. He must use his
+property for the general good or the very right to hold private property
+is lost.
+
+These are some of the rules to be observed in the relationship between
+man and man. To see that these rules are properly enforced, governments
+are formed. When they are not observed--when the strong refuse voluntary
+justice to the weak--then it is time for the strong arm of the law
+through the public officers to intervene and see that the weak are
+protected. This can usually be done by the enactment of a law which all
+will try to obey, but when this course has failed there is no remedy
+save by the process of law to take from the wrong-doer his power in the
+future to do harm.
+
+America is built on faith in the individual, faith in his will and power
+to do right of his own accord, but equally is the determination that the
+individual shall be protected against whatsoever force may be brought
+against him. We believe in him not because of what he has, but what he
+is. But this is a practical faith. It does not rest on any silly
+assumption that virtue is the reward of anything but effort or that
+liberty can be secured at the price of anything but eternal vigilance.
+
+It is in recognition of these principles and conditions that the General
+Court of last year gave the Governor power to make rules for the use by
+individuals of their property during the war for the general defence of
+the Commonwealth, and on failure on their part so to use their property,
+to take possession of it for such term as may be necessary. Up to the
+present time it has not been necessary to take property. Our faith in
+the patriotism of our citizens has been amply demonstrated. Of our four
+millions of people few have failed voluntarily to use their every
+resource for the defence of the Nation. But of late there have been some
+complaints of too high charges for rent in war-material centres. In some
+cases patriotic workmen engaged in labor most vital to our country's
+salvation have been threatened with eviction by profiteering landlords
+unless they paid exorbitant rents. No one is undertaking to say that
+rents must on no account be raised. But the Executive Department of
+Massachusetts is undertaking to say that in any case where rents are
+unreasonably raised to the detriment of people who are just as essential
+to our victory as the soldier in the field, if any one is to be evicted
+from such premises it will be the persons who are raising rents and not
+the persons who are asked to pay them. This action is taken to protect
+the Nation. It is taken in our desire and determination here to
+coöperate with the Federal Government in every activity that is
+necessary to the prosecution of the war. It is taken also for the
+protection of the individual. We do not care how humble he may be, we do
+not care how exalted the landlord may be, justice shall be done.
+
+This is not to be taken as an offer on the part of the Commonwealth to
+have unloaded on it a large amount of property at a high price.
+Possession may be taken, but the ownership will not change. Unless
+reasonable rents are charged, the tenant will stay in possession, but
+the rent which the Commonwealth shall pay for occupation will be
+determined by a jury. This means justice, nothing more, nothing
+less--justice to the tenant, justice to the landlord. It is not to be
+inferred that our real estate owners have lacked anything as a class in
+patriotism. They are our most loyal, most self-sacrificing, most
+commendable citizens. Massachusetts by its Homestead Commission is
+encouraging its citizens to own real estate because such ownership is a
+sheet anchor to self-government. But it is a proclamation of warning to
+profiteers, of approbation and approval to patriots, and of assurance
+and assistance to the working people and rent payers of our
+Commonwealth.
+
+
+
+
+XXI
+
+ESSEX COUNTY CLUB, LYNNFIELD
+
+SEPTEMBER 14, 1918
+
+
+We meet here to-day as the inheritors of those principles which
+preserved our Nation and extended its constitutional guaranties to all
+its citizens. We come not as partisans but as patriots. We come to
+pledge anew our faith in all that America means and to declare our firm
+determination to defend her within and without from every foe. Above
+that we come to pay our tribute of wonder and admiration at the great
+achievements of our Nation and at the glory which they are shedding
+around her. The past four years has shown the world the existence of a
+conspiracy against mankind of a vastness and a wickedness that could
+only be believed when seen in operation and confessed by its
+participants. This conspiracy was promoted by the German military
+despotism. It probably was encouraged by the results of three wars--one
+against Denmark which robbed her of territory, one against Austria which
+robbed her of territory, and one against France which robbed her of
+territory and a cash indemnity of a billion dollars. These seemingly
+easy successes encouraged their perpetrators to plan for the pillage and
+enslavement of the earth.
+
+To accomplish this, the German despotism began at home. By a systematic
+training the whole German people were perverted. A false idea of their
+own greatness was added to their contempt and hate of other nations,
+who, they were taught, were bent on their destruction. The military
+class were exalted and all else degraded. Thus was laid the foundation
+for the atrocities which have marked their conduct of the war.
+
+The vastness of the conquest planned has recently been revealed by
+August Thyssen, one of the greatest steel men of the empire. He tells
+of a calling together, in the years before the war, of the industrial
+and banking interests of the Nation, when a plan of war was laid before
+them, and their support secured by the promise of spoils. France, India,
+Canada, Australia were to be given over to German satraps. His share was
+30,000 acres in Australia, with $750,000 provided by the Government for
+its development. This was the promise made by the Kaiser. Here was the
+motive of the war.
+
+How it was provoked is told by Prince Lichnowski, the Ambassador of
+Germany to London. He shows how he had reached agreements for a treaty
+which would show the good will of Great Britain. Berlin refused to sign
+it unless it should be kept secret. He shows how Germany used Austria to
+attack Serbia; how mediations were refused; when Austria was about to
+withdraw, Germany sent an ultimatum to Russia one day and the next day
+declared war.
+
+This diplomat sums up the whole case when he says: "I had to support in
+London a policy the heresy of which I recognized. That brought down
+vengeance on me because it was a sin against the Holy Ghost." What an
+indictment of Germany from her own confession! A plan to use the
+revelations of science for the sack and slavery of the earth; the
+degradation, perversion, corruption of a whole people, and by those who
+should have been the wardens of their righteousness, done for the
+temporal glory of a military caste, and all in the name of divine right.
+
+Much of this was not known in America when we declared war. It is with
+great difficulty we realize it now. We had seen Germany going from
+infamy to infamy. We did know of the violated treaty of Belgium, of the
+piracy, the murder of women and children, the destruction of the
+property and lives of our neutral citizens, and finally the plain
+declaration of the German Imperial Government that it would wantonly
+and purposely destroy the property and lives of any American citizen who
+exercised his undoubted legal right to sail certain portions of the sea.
+This attempt to declare law for America by an edict from Potsdam we
+resisted by the sword. We see at last not only the hideous wickedness
+which perpetrated the war, we see that it is a world war, that Germany
+struck not only at Belgium, she struck at us, she struck at our whole
+system of civilization. A wicked purpose, which a vain attempt to
+realize has involved its authors in more and more wickedness. We hear
+that even among the civil population of Germany crime is rampant.
+
+Looking now at this condition of Germany and her Allies, it is time to
+inquire what America and her Allies have to offer as a remedy, and what
+effect the application of such remedy has had upon ourselves. We have
+drawn the sword, but is it only to
+
+     "Be blood for blood, for treason treachery?"
+
+Are we seeking merely to match infamy with infamy, merely to pillage
+and destroy those who threatened to pillage and destroy us? No; we have
+taken more than the sword, lest we perish by the sword; we have summoned
+the moral power of the Nation. We have recognized that evil is only to
+be overcome by good. We have marshalled the righteousness of America to
+overwhelm the wickedness of Germany. A new spirit has come over the
+nation the like of which was never seen before. We can see it not only
+in the new purity of camp life, in the heroism of our soldiers as they
+fight in the faith and for the faith of the fathers, but we see it in
+the healing influences which a righteous purpose has had upon the evils
+which beset us.
+
+We entered the war a people of many nationalities. We are united now;
+every one is first an American. We were beset with jealousies, and envy,
+and class prejudice. Service in the camp has taught each soldier to
+respect the other, whatever his source, and a mutual sympathy at home
+has brought all into a common citizenship. The service flag is a great
+leveller.
+
+Our industrial life has been purified of prejudice. No one is
+complaining now that any concern is too large, too strong. All see that
+the great organizations of capital in industry are our salvation. Labor
+has taken on a new dignity and nobility. When the idle see the necessity
+of work, when we begin to recognize industry as essential, the working
+man begins to have paid him the honor which is his due.
+
+Invention, chemistry, medicine, surgery, have been stimulated and
+improved. Even our agriculture has taken on more economical methods and
+increased production.
+
+The call for man power has given a new idea of the importance of the
+individual, so that there has been brought to the humblest the knowledge
+that he was not only important but his importance was realized.
+
+And with this has come the discovery of new powers, not only in the
+slouch whom military drill has transformed into a man, but to labor that
+has found a new joy, satisfaction and efficiency in its work. The entire
+activities of the Nation are tuned up.
+
+The spirit of charity has been aroused. Hundreds of millions have been
+provided by voluntary gifts for the Red Cross, Knights of Columbus,
+Hebrew Charities, and Christian Associations. The people are turning to
+their places of worship with a new religious fervor. Everywhere
+selfishness is giving way to service, idleness to industry, wastefulness
+to thrift.
+
+The war is being won. It is being overwhelmingly won. A righteous
+purpose has not only strengthened our arms abroad but exalted the Nation
+at home.
+
+The great work before us is to keep this new spirit in the right path.
+The opportunity for a military training, the beneficial results of its
+discipline, must be continued for the youth of our country. The
+sacrifice necessary for national defence must hereafter never be
+neglected. The virtues of war must be carried into peace. But this must
+not be done at the expense of the freedom of the individual. It must be
+the expression of self-government and not the despotism of a German
+military caste or a Russian Bolshevik state. We are in this war to
+preserve the institutions that have made us great. The war has revealed
+to us their true greatness. All argument about the efficiency of
+despotism and the incompetence of republics was answered at the Marne
+and will be hereafter answered at the Rhine. We are not going to
+overcome the Kaiser by becoming like him, nor aid Russia by becoming
+like her.
+
+We see now that Prussian despotism was the natural ally of the Russian
+Bolshevik and the I.W.W. here. Both exist to pervert and enslave the
+people; both seek to break down the national spirit of the world for
+their own wicked ends. Both are doomed to failure. By taking our place
+in the world, America is to become more American, as by doing his duty
+the individual develops his own manhood. We see now that when the
+individual fails, whether it be from a despotism or the dead level of a
+socialistic state, all has failed.
+
+A new vision has come to the Nation, a vision that must never be
+obscured. It is for us to heed it, to follow it. It is a revelation, but
+a revelation not of our weakness but of our strength, not of new
+principles, but of the power that lies in the application of old
+doctrines. May that vision never fade, may America inspired by a great
+purpose ever be able to say,
+
+     "Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord."
+
+
+
+
+XXII
+
+TREMONT TEMPLE
+
+NOVEMBER 2, 1918
+
+
+To the greatest task man ever undertook our Commonwealth has applied
+itself, will continue to apply itself with no laggard hand. One hundred
+and ninety thousand of her sons already in the field, hundreds of
+millions of her treasure contributed to the cause, her entire
+citizenship moved with a single purpose, all these show a determination
+unalterable, to prosecute the war to a victory so conclusive, to a
+destruction of all enemy forces so decisive, that those impious
+pretentions which have threatened the earth for many years will never be
+renewed. There can be no discussion about it, there can be no
+negotiation about it. The country is united in the conviction that the
+only terms are unconditional surrender.
+
+This determination has arisen from no sudden impulse or selfish motive.
+It was forced upon us by the plan and policy of Germany and her methods
+of waging war upon others. The main features of it all have long been
+revealed while each day brings to light more of the details. We have
+seen the studied effort to make perverts of sixty millions of German
+people. We know of the corrupting of the business interests of the
+Empire to secure their support. We know that war had been decreed before
+the pretext on which it was declared had happened. We know Austria was
+and is the creature of Germany. We have beheld the violation of innocent
+Belgium, the hideous outrages on soldier and civilian, the piracy, the
+murder of our own neutral citizens, and finally there came the notice,
+which as an insult to America has been exceeded only by the recent
+suggestion that we negotiate a peace with its authors,--the notice
+claiming dominion over our citizens and authority to exclude our ships
+from the sea. The great pretender to the throne of the earth thought
+the time had come to assert that we were his subjects. Two millions of
+our men already in France, and each day ten thousand more are hastening
+to pay their respects to him at his court in Berlin in person. He has
+our answer.
+
+It would be a mistake to suppose we have already won the war. It is not
+won yet, but we have reached the place where we know how to win it, and
+if we continue our exertions we shall win it fully, completely, grandly,
+as becomes a great people contending for the cause of righteousness.
+
+We entered the war late and without previous military preparation. The
+more clearly we discern the beginning and the progress of the struggle,
+the more we must admire the great spirit of those nations by whose side
+we fight. The more we know of the terrible price they paid, the
+matchless sacrifices they magnificently endured--the French, the
+Italians, the British, the Belgians, the Serbians, the Poles, and the
+misgoverned, misguided people of Russia--the bravery of their soldiers
+in the field, the unflinching devotion of their people at home, and
+remember that in no small sense they were doing this for us, that we
+have been the direct beneficiaries of peoples who have given their all,
+the less disposition we have to think too much of our own importance.
+But all this should not cause us to withhold the praise that is due our
+own Army and Navy, or to overlook the fact that our people have met
+every call that patriotism has made. The soldiers and sailors who fight
+under the Stars and Stripes are the most magnificent body of men that
+ever took up arms for defence of a great cause. Man for man they surpass
+any other troops on earth.
+
+We must not forget these things. We must not neglect to record them for
+the information of generations to come. The names and records of boards
+and commissions, relief societies, of all who have engaged in financing
+the cause of government and charity, and other patriotic work, should be
+preserved in the Library of the Commonwealth, and with these, our
+military achievements. These will show how American soldiers met and
+defeated the Prussian Guard. They will show also that in all the war no
+single accomplishment, on a like scale, excelled the battle of St.
+Mihiel, carried out by American troops, with our own Massachusetts boys
+among them, and that the first regiment to be decorated as a regiment
+for conspicuous service and gallantry in our Army in France was the
+104th, formerly of the old Massachusetts National Guard. Such is our
+record and it cannot be forgotten.
+
+In reaching the great decision to enter the war, in preparing the answer
+which speaks with so much authority, in the only language that despotism
+can understand, America has arisen to a new life. We have taken a new
+place among the nations. The Revolution made us a nation; the Spanish
+War made us a world power, the present war has given us recognition as a
+world power. We shall not again be considered provincial. Whether we
+desired it or not this position has come to us with its duties and its
+responsibilities.
+
+This new position should not be misunderstood. It does not mean any
+diminution of our national spirit. It rather means that it should be
+intensified. The most outstanding feature of the war has been the
+assertion of the national spirit. Each nationality is contending for the
+right to have its own government, and in that is meeting with the
+sanction of the free peoples of the earth. We are discussing a league of
+nations. Such a league, if formed, is not for the purpose, must not be
+for the purpose, of diminishing the spirit or influence of our Nation,
+but to make that spirit and influence more real and more effective.
+Believing in our Nation thoroughly and unreservedly, confident that the
+evidence of the past and present justifies that belief, it is our one
+desire to make America more American. There is no greater service that
+we can render the oppressed of the earth than to maintain inviolate the
+freedom of our own citizens.
+
+Under our National Government the States are the sheet-anchors of our
+institutions. On them falls the task of administering local affairs and
+of supporting the National Government in peace and war. The success with
+which Massachusetts has met her local problems, the efficiency with
+which she has placed her resources of men and materials at the disposal
+of the Nation, has been unsurpassed. The efficient organization of the
+Commonwealth, which has proved itself in time of stress, must be
+maintained undiminished. On the States will largely fall the task of
+putting into effect the lessons of the war that are to make America more
+truly American.
+
+One of our first duties is military training. The opportunity hereafter
+for the youth of the Nation to receive instruction in the science of
+national defence should be universal. The great problem which our
+present experience has brought is the development of man power. This
+includes many questions, but especially public health and mental
+equipment. Sanitation and education will require more attention in the
+future.
+
+America has been performing a great service for humanity. In that
+service we have arisen to a new glory. The people of the nation without
+distinction have been performing a great service for America. In it they
+have realized a new citizenship. Prussianism fails. Americanism
+succeeds. Education is to teach men not what to think but how to think.
+Government will take on new activities, but it is not more to control
+the people, the people are more to control the Government.
+
+We have come to the realization of a new brotherhood among nations and
+among men. It came through the performance of a common duty. A
+brotherhood that existed unseen has been recognized at last by those
+called to the camp and trenches and those working for their victory at
+home. This spirit must not be misunderstood. It is not a gospel of ease
+but of work, not of dependence but of independence, not of an easy
+tolerance of wrong but a stern insistence on right, not the privilege of
+receiving but the duty of giving.
+
+"Man proposes but God disposes." When Germany lit up her long toasted
+day with the lurid glare of war, she thought the end of freedom for the
+peoples of the earth had come. She thought that the power of her sword
+was hereafter to reign supreme over a world in slavery, and that the
+divine right of a king was to be established forever. We have seen the
+drama drawing to its close. It has shown the victory of justice and of
+freedom and established the divine rights of the people. Through it is
+shining a new revelation of the true brotherhood of man. As we see the
+purpose Germany sought and the result she will secure, the words of Holy
+Writ come back to us--"The wrath of man shall praise Him."
+
+
+
+
+XXIII
+
+FANEUIL HALL
+
+NOVEMBER 4, 1918
+
+
+We need a word of caution and of warning. I am responsible for what I
+have said and what I have done. I am not responsible for what my
+opponents say I have said or say I have done either on the stump or in
+untrue political advertisements and untrue posters. I shall not deal
+with these. I do not care to touch them, but I do not want any of my
+fellow citizens to misunderstand my ignoring them as expressing any
+attitude other than considering such attempts unworthy of notice when
+men are fighting for the preservation of our country.
+
+Our work is drawing to a close--our patriotic efforts. We have had in
+view but one object--the saving of America.
+
+We shall accomplish that object first by winning the war. That means a
+great deal. It means getting the world forever rid of the German idea.
+We can see no way to do this but by a complete surrender by Germany to
+the Allies.
+
+We stand by the State and National Governments in the prosecution of
+this object. I have reiterated that we support the Commander-in-Chief in
+war work. He says that is so.
+
+We want no delay in prosecuting the war. The quickest way is the way to
+save most lives and treasure. We want to care for the soldiers and their
+dependents. That has been the recognized duty of the Government for
+generations.
+
+To save America means to save American institutions, it means to save
+the manhood and womanhood of our country. To that we are pledged.
+
+There will be great questions of reconstruction, social, industrial,
+economic and governmental questions, that must be met and solved. They
+must be met with a recognition of a new spirit.
+
+It is a time to keep our faith in our State, our Nation, our
+institutions, and in each other. Doing that, the war will be won in the
+field and won in civil life at home.
+
+
+
+
+XXIV
+
+FROM INAUGURAL ADDRESS AS GOVERNOR
+
+JANUARY 2, 1919
+
+
+You are coming to a new legislative session under the inspiration of the
+greatest achievements in all history. You are beholding the fulfilment
+of the age-old promise, man coming into his own. You are to have the
+opportunity and responsibility of reflecting this new spirit in the laws
+of the most enlightened of Commonwealths. We must steadily advance. Each
+individual must have the rewards and opportunities worthy of the
+character of our citizenship, a broader recognition of his worth and a
+larger liberty, protected by order--and always under the law. In the
+promotion of human welfare Massachusetts happily may not need much
+reconstruction, but, like all living organizations, forever needs
+continuing construction. What are the lessons of the past? How shall
+they be applied to these days of readjustment? How shall we emerge from
+the autocratic methods of war to the democratic methods of peace,
+raising ourselves again to the source of all our strength and all our
+glory--sound self-government?
+
+It is your duty not only to reflect public opinion, but to lead it.
+Whether we are to enter a new era in Massachusetts depends upon you. The
+lessons of the war are plain. Can we carry them on into peace? Can we
+still act on the principle that there is no sacrifice too great to
+maintain the right? Shall we continue to advocate and practise thrift
+and industry? Shall we require unswerving loyalty to our country? These
+are the foundations of all greatness.
+
+Let there be a purpose in all your legislation to recognize the right of
+man to be well born, well nurtured, well educated, well employed, and
+well paid. This is no gospel of ease and selfishness, or class
+distinction, but a gospel of effort and service, of universal
+application.
+
+Such results cannot be secured at once, but they should be ever before
+us. The world has assumed burdens that will bear heavily on all peoples.
+We shall not escape our share. But whatever may be our trials, however
+difficult our tasks, they are only the problems of peace, and a
+victorious peace. The war is over. Whatever the call of duty now we
+should remember with gratitude that it is nothing compared with the
+heavy sacrifice so lately made. The genius and fortitude which conquered
+then cannot now fail.
+
+
+
+
+XXV
+
+STATEMENT ON THE DEATH OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT
+
+
+The people of our Commonwealth have learned with profound sorrow of the
+death of Theodore Roosevelt. No other citizen of the Nation would have
+brought in so large a degree the feeling of a common loss. During the
+almost eight years he was President, the people came to see in him a
+reflection of their ideals of the true Americanism.
+
+He was the advocate of every good cause. He awakened the moral purpose
+of the Nation and raised the standard of public service. He appealed to
+the imagination of youth and satisfied the judgment of maturity. In him
+Massachusetts saw an exponent of her own ideals.
+
+In token of the love and reverence which all the people bore him, I urge
+that the national and state flags be flown at half-mast throughout the
+Commonwealth until after his funeral, and that, when next the people
+gather for public worship, his loss be marked with proper ceremony.
+
+
+
+
+XXVI
+
+LINCOLN DAY PROCLAMATION
+
+JANUARY 30, 1919
+
+
+_The Commonwealth of Massachusetts By His Excellency Calvin Coolidge,
+Governor_
+
+A PROCLAMATION
+
+
+Fivescore and ten years ago that Divine Providence which infinite
+repetition has made only the more a miracle sent into the world a new
+life, destined to save a nation. No star, no sign, foretold his coming.
+About his cradle all was poor and mean save only the source of all great
+men, the love of a wonderful woman. When she faded way in his tender
+years, from her deathbed in humble poverty she dowered her son with
+greatness. There can be no proper observance of a birthday which forgets
+the mother. Into his origin as into his life men long have looked and
+wondered. In wisdom great, but in humility greater, in justice strong,
+but in compassion stronger, he became a leader of men by being a
+follower of the truth. He overcame evil with good. His presence filled
+the Nation. He broke the might of oppression. He restored a race to its
+birthright. His mortal frame has vanished, but his spirit increases with
+the increasing years, the richest legacy of the greatest century.
+
+Men show by what they worship what they are. It is no accident that
+before the great example of American manhood our people stand with
+respect and reverence. And in accordance with this sentiment our laws
+have provided for a formal recognition of the birthday of Abraham
+Lincoln, for in him is revealed our ideal, the hope of our country
+fulfilled.
+
+Now, therefore, by the authority of Massachusetts, the 12th day of
+February is set apart as
+
+LINCOLN DAY
+
+and its observance recommended as befits the beneficiaries of his life
+and the admirers of his character, in places of education and worship
+wherever our people meet one with another.
+
+     Given at the Executive Chamber, in Boston, this 30th day of
+     January, in the year of Our Lord one thousand nine hundred and
+     nineteen, and of the independence of the United States of America
+     the one hundred and forty-third.
+
+  CALVIN COOLIDGE
+
+  By his Excellency the Governor,
+
+  ALBERT P. LANGTRY,
+
+  _Secretary of the Commonwealth_.
+
+  God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
+
+
+
+
+XXVII
+
+INTRODUCING HENRY CABOT LODGE AND A. LAWRENCE LOWELL AT THE DEBATE ON
+THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS SYMPHONY HALL
+
+MARCH 19, 1919
+
+
+We meet here as representatives of a great people to listen to the
+discussion of a great question by great men. All America has but one
+desire, the security of the peace by facts and by parchment which her
+brave sons have wrought by the sword. It is a duty we owe alike to the
+living and the dead.
+
+Fortunate is Massachusetts that she has among her sons two men so
+eminently trained for the task of our enlightenment, a senior Senator of
+the Commonwealth and the President of a university established in her
+Constitution. Wherever statesmen gather, wherever men love letters, this
+day's discussion will be read and pondered. Of these great men in
+learning, and experience, wise in the science and practice of
+government, the first to address you is a Senator distinguished at home
+and famous everywhere--Henry Cabot Lodge.
+
+[After Senator Lodge spoke he introduced President Lowell:]
+
+The next to address you is the President of Harvard University--an
+educator renowned throughout the world, a learned student of
+statesmanship, endowed with a wisdom which has made him a leader of men,
+truly a Master of Arts, eminently a Doctor of Laws, a fitting
+representative of the Massachusetts domain of letters--Abbott Lawrence
+Lowell.
+
+
+
+
+XXVIII
+
+VETO OF SALARY INCREASE
+
+
+TO THE HONORABLE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
+
+
+In accordance with the duty imposed by the Constitution, a bill
+entitled, "An act to establish the compensation of the members of the
+General Court," being House No. 1629, is herewith returned without
+approval.
+
+This bill raises the salaries of members from $1000 to $1500, an
+increase of fifty per cent, and is retroactive. It is necessary to
+decide whether the Commonwealth can well afford this additional tax and
+whether any public benefit would accrue from it.
+
+These are times that require careful scrutiny of public expenditure. The
+burden of taxes resulting from war is heavy. The addition of $142,000 to
+the expense of the Commonwealth in perpetuity is not to be undertaken
+but upon proven necessity.
+
+Service in the General Court is not obligatory but optional. It is not
+to be undertaken as a profession or a means of livelihood. It is a
+voluntary public service. In accord with the principles of our
+democratic institutions a compensation has been given in order that
+talent for service rather than the possession of property might be the
+standard of membership. There is no man of sufficient talent in the
+Commonwealth so poor that he cannot serve for a session, which averages
+about five months, and five days each week, at a salary of $1000--and
+travel allowance of $2.50 for each mile between his home and the State
+House. This is too clear for argument. There is no need to consider
+those who are too rich to serve for this sum. It would be futile to
+discuss whether their services are worth more or less than this, as that
+is not here the question. Membership in the General Court is not a job.
+There are services rendered to the Commonwealth by senators and
+representatives that are priceless. For the searching out of great
+principles on which legislation is based there is no adequate
+compensation. If value for services were the criterion, there would be
+280 different salaries. When membership is sought as a means of
+livelihood, legislation will pass from a public function to a private
+enterprise. Men do not serve here for pay. They seek work and places of
+responsibility and find in that seeking, not in their pay, their honor.
+
+The realities of life are not measured by dollars and cents. The skill
+of the physician, the divine eloquence of the clergyman, the courage of
+the soldier, that which we call character in all men, are not matters of
+hire and salary. No person was ever honored for what he received. Honor
+has been the reward for what he gave. Public acclaim and the ceremonious
+recognition paid to returning heroes are not on account of their
+government pay but of the service and sacrifice they gave their country.
+The place each member of the General Court will hold in the estimation
+of his constituents will never depend on his salary, but on the ability
+and integrity with which he does his duty; not on what he receives, but
+on what he gives; and only out of the bountifulness of his own giving
+will his constituents raise him to power. Not by indulging himself, but
+by denying himself, will he reach success.
+
+It is because the General Court has recognized these principles in its
+past history that it has secured its high place as a legislative body.
+This act disregards all this and will ever appear to be an undertaking
+by members to raise their own salaries. The fact that many were thinking
+of the needs of others will remain unknown. Appearances cannot be
+disregarded. Those in whom is placed the solemn duty of caring for
+others ought to think of themselves last or their decisions will lack
+authority. There is apparent a disposition to deny the
+disinterestedness and impartiality of government. Such charges are the
+result of ignorance and an evil desire to destroy our institutions for
+personal profit. It is of infinite importance to demonstrate that
+legislation is used not for the benefit of the legislator, but of the
+public.
+
+The General Court of Massachusetts is a legislative body noted for its
+fairness and ability. It has no superior. Its critics have for the most
+part come from the outside and have most frequently been those who have
+approached it with the purpose of securing selfish desires of their
+clients or themselves. A long familiarity with it increases respect for
+it. It is charged with expressing the abiding convictions and conscience
+of the people of the Commonwealth. The most solemn obligation placed by
+the Constitution on the Executive is the power to veto its actions. In
+all matters affecting it the General Court is entitled to his best
+judgment and carefully considered opinion. Anything less would be a
+mark of disrespect and disloyalty to its members. That judgment and
+opinion, arrived at after a wide counsel with members and others, is
+here expressed, in the light of an obligation which is not personal,
+"faithfully and impartially to discharge and perform" the duties of a
+public office.
+
+
+
+
+XXIX
+
+FLAG DAY PROCLAMATION
+
+MAY 26, 1919
+
+
+Works which endure come from the soul of the people. The mighty in their
+pride walk alone to destruction. The humble walk hand in hand with
+Providence to immortality. Their works survive. When the people of the
+Colonies were defending their liberties against the might of kings, they
+chose their banner from the design set in the firmament through all
+eternity. The flags of the great empires of that day are gone, but the
+Stars and Stripes remain. It pictures the vision of a people whose eyes
+were turned to the rising dawn. It represents the hope of a father for
+his posterity. It was never flaunted for the glory of royalty, but to be
+born under it is to be a child of a king, and to establish a home under
+it is to be the founder of a royal house. Alone of all flags it
+expresses the sovereignty of the people which endures when all else
+passes away. Speaking with their voice it has the sanctity of
+revelation. He who lives under it and is loyal to it is loyal to truth
+and justice everywhere. He who lives under it and is disloyal to it is a
+traitor to the human race everywhere. What could be saved if the flag of
+the American Nation were to perish?
+
+In recognition of these truths and out of a desire born of a purpose to
+defend and perpetuate them, the Commonwealth of Massachusetts has by
+ordinance decreed that for one day of each year their importance should
+be dwelt upon and remembered. Therefore, in accordance with that
+authority, the anniversary of the adoption of the national flag, the
+14th day of June next, is set apart as
+
+FLAG DAY
+
+and it is earnestly recommended that it be observed by the people of
+the Commonwealth by the display of the flag of our country and in all
+ways that may testify to their loyalty and perpetuate its glory.
+
+
+
+
+XXX
+
+AMHERST COLLEGE COMMENCEMENT
+
+JUNE 18, 1919
+
+
+To the son of any college, although he does not make his connection with
+his college a profession, a return of Commencement Day recalls many
+memories. It is likely also, after nearly a quarter of a century, to
+cause some reflections. It is, I suppose, to give tongue to such
+memories and reflections that after-dinner speaking is provided. After
+all due allowance for change of perspective, going to college was a
+greater event twenty-five years ago than it is to-day. My own memories
+are not yet ancient enough to warrant their recalling. The greater
+events of that day are too recent to need to be related.
+
+But I should fail in my duty and neglect my deep conviction if I did not
+declare that in my day there was no better place to educate a young
+man. Most of them came with a realization that their coming meant a
+sacrifice at home. They may have lacked a proficiency in the arts of the
+drawing room which sometimes brought a smile; but no competitor met the
+Amherst men of that day on the athletic field or in the postgraduate
+school with a smile that did not soon come off. They had their pranks
+and sprees, but they had the ideals of a true manhood. They were moved
+with a serious purpose. He who had less lacked place among them. They
+are come and gone from the campus, those men of the early nineties, and
+with them went the power to command.
+
+Those were days that represented especially the spirit of President
+Seelye. Under his brilliant and polished successor the Faculty changes
+were few. There was Professor Wood, the most accomplished intellectual
+hazer of freshmen. There was Professor Gibbons, who was strong enough in
+Greek derivation so that every second-year man soon had a clear
+conception of the meaning of sophomore. After demonstrating clearly that
+on the negative side the derivation of "contiguity" was not "con" and
+"tiguity," he advised those who could not with equal clearness
+demonstrate its derivation on the positive side to look it up. There
+were Morse and Frink, Richardson, Hitchcock, Estey, Crowell, Tyler, and
+Garman. All these and more are gone. The living, no less eminent, I need
+not recall. As a teaching force, as an inspirer of youth, for training
+men how to think, that faculty has had and will have nowhere any
+superior.
+
+     "So passed that pageant."
+
+The college of to-day has taken on a new life, a new activity. Military
+training then was a spectacle for the Massachusetts Agricultural
+College. To-day Amherst welcomes its returning soldiers, and but a
+little time since divested itself of the character of a military camp to
+resume the wonted garb of peace. Yet it is and has been the same
+institution,--a college of the liberal arts. In this so-called practical
+age Amherst has chosen for her province the most practical of all,--the
+culture and the classics of all time.
+
+Civilization depends not only upon the knowledge of the people, but upon
+the use they make of it. If knowledge be wrongfully used, civilization
+commits suicide. Broadly speaking, the college is not to educate the
+individual, but to educate society. The individual may be ignorant and
+vicious. If society have learning and virtue, that will sustain him. If
+society lacks learning and virtue, it perishes. Education must give not
+only power but direction. It must minister to the whole man or it fails.
+
+Such an education considered from the position of society does not come
+from science. That provides power alone, but not direction. Give a
+savage tribe firearms and a distillery, and their members will
+exterminate each other. They have science all right, but misuse it.
+They lack ideals. These young men that we welcome back with so much
+pride did not go forth to demonstrate their faith in science. They did
+not offer their lives because of their belief in any rule of mathematics
+or any principle of physics or chemistry. The laws of the natural world
+would be unaffected by their defeat or victory. No; they were defending
+their ideals, and those ideals came from the classics.
+
+This is preëminently true of the culture of Greece and Rome. Patriotism
+with them was predominant. Their heroes were those who sacrificed
+themselves for their country, from the three hundred at Thermopylæ to
+Horatius at the bridge. Their poets sang of the glory of dying for one's
+native land. The orations of Demosthenes and Cicero are pitched in the
+same high strain. The philosophy of Plato and Aristotle and the Greek
+and Latin classics were the foundation of the Renaissance. The revival
+of learning was the revival of Athens and Sparta and of the Imperial
+City. Modern science is their product. To be included with the classics
+are modern history and literature, the philosophers, the orators, the
+statesmen, and poets,--Milton and Shakespeare, Lowell and Whittier,--the
+Farewell Address, the Reply to Hayne, the Speech at Gettysburg,--it is
+all these and more that I mean by the classics. They give not only power
+to the intellect, but direct its course of action.
+
+The classic of all classics is the Bible.
+
+I do not underestimate schools of science and technical arts. They have
+a high and noble calling in ministering to mankind. They are important
+and necessary. I am pointing out that in my opinion they do not provide
+a civilization that can stand without the support of the ideals that
+come from the classics.
+
+The conclusion to be derived from this position is that a vocational or
+technical education is not enough. We must have every American citizen
+well grounded in the classical ideals. Such an education will not unfit
+him for the work of the world. Did those men in the trenches fight any
+less valiantly, did they shrink any more from the hardships of war, when
+a liberal culture had given a broader vision of what the great conflict
+meant? The discontent in modern industry is the result of a too narrow
+outlook. A more liberal culture will reveal the importance and nobility
+of the work of the world, whether in war or peace. It is far from enough
+to teach our citizens a vocation. Our industrial system will break down
+unless it is humanized. There is greater need for a liberal culture that
+will develop the whole man in the whole body of our citizenship. The day
+when a college education will be the portion of all may not be so far
+distant as it seems.
+
+We live in a republic. Our Government is exercised through
+representatives. Their course of action is a very accurate reflection
+of public opinion. Where shall that be formed and directed unless from
+the influences, direct and indirect, that come from our institutions of
+learning. The laws of a republic represent its ideals. They are founded
+upon public opinion, and public opinion in America up to the present
+time has drawn its inspiration from the classics. They tell us that
+Waterloo was won on the football fields of Rugby and Eton. The German
+war was won by the influence of classical ideals. As a teacher of the
+classics, as a maker of public opinion, as a source of wise laws, as the
+herald of a righteous victory,--Amherst College stands on a foundation
+which has remained unchanged through the ages. May there be in all her
+sons a conviction that with her abides Him who changes not.
+
+
+
+
+XXXI
+
+HARVARD UNIVERSITY COMMENCEMENT
+
+JUNE 19, 1919
+
+
+No college man who has ever glanced at the Constitution of Massachusetts
+is likely to miss or forget the generous references there made to
+Harvard University. It may need a closer study of that instrument, which
+is older than the American Constitution, to realize the full
+significance of those most enduring of guaranties that could then be
+imposed in behalf of Massachusetts institutions.
+
+The convention which framed our Constitution has as its president James
+Bowdoin, a son of Harvard. He was a man of great strength of character
+and cast an influence for good upon the deliberations of his day worthy
+of a place in history more conspicuous than is generally accorded to
+him. He had as his colleague on the floor no less a person than John
+Adams. It is not necessary in this presence to designate his alma mater.
+There were others of importance, but these represented the type of
+thought that prevailed.
+
+In that noble Declaration of Rights the principles of freedom and
+equality were first declared. Following this is set forth the right of
+religious liberty and the duty of citizens to support places of
+religious worship and instruction; and in the Frame of Government, after
+establishing the University, there is given to legislators and
+magistrates a mandate forever to cherish and support the cause of
+education and institutions of learning. These were the declaration of
+broad and liberal policies. They are capable of being combined, for in
+fact they declare that teaching, whether it be by clergy or laity, is of
+an importance that requires it to be surrounded with the same safeguards
+and guaranties as freedom and equality. In fact the Constitution
+declares that "wisdom and knowledge, as well as virtue, diffused
+generally among the body of the people, are necessary for the
+preservation of their rights and liberties." John Adams and James
+Bowdoin knew that freedom was the fruit of knowledge. Their conclusions
+were drawn from the directions of Holy Writ--"Come, know the truth, and
+it shall make you free."
+
+These principles there laid down with so much solemnity have now the
+same binding force as in those revolutionary days when they were
+recognized and proclaimed. I am not unaware that they are old. Whatever
+is, is old. It is but our own poor apprehension of it that is new. It
+would be well if they were re-apprehended. It is not well if the great
+diversity of modern learning has made the truth so little of a novelty
+that it lacks all reverence.
+
+The days of the Revolution were days of reverence and of applied
+reverence. Teaching was to a considerable extent in the hands of the
+clergy. Institutions of learning were presided over by clergymen. The
+teacher spoke with the voice of authority. He was treated with
+deference. He held a place in the community that was not only secure but
+high. The rewards of his services were comparatively large. He was a
+leader of the people. From him came the inspiration of liberty. It was
+in the meeting-houses that the Revolution was framed.
+
+This dual character little exists now, but the principle is the same.
+Teaching is the same high calling, but how lacking now in comparative
+appreciation. The compensation of many teachers and clergymen is far
+less than the pay of unskilled labor. The salaries of college professors
+are much less than like training and ability would command in the
+commercial world. We pay a good price to bank men to guard our money. We
+compensate liberally the manufacturer and the merchant; but we fail to
+appreciate those who guard the minds of our youth or those who preside
+over our congregations. We have lost our reverence for the profession of
+teaching and bestowed it upon the profession of acquiring.
+
+This will have such a reaction as might be expected. Some of the clergy,
+seeing their own rewards are disproportionate, will draw the conclusion
+that all rewards are disproportionate, that the whole distribution of
+wealth is unsound; and turn to a belief in and an advocacy of some kind
+of a socialistic state. Some of our teachers, out of a like discontent,
+will listen too willingly to revolutionary doctrines which have not
+originated in meeting-houses but are the importations of those who lack
+nothing but the power to destroy all that our civilization holds dear.
+Unless these conditions are changed, these professions will not attract
+to their services young men of the same comparative quality of ability
+and character that in the past they commanded.
+
+In our pursuit of prosperity we have forgotten and neglected its
+foundations. It is true that many of our institutions of learning are
+well endowed and have spacious buildings, but the plant is not enough.
+Many modern schoolhouses put to shame any public buildings that were
+erected in the Colonies. I am directing attention to the comparative
+position of the great mass of teachers and clergymen. They are not
+properly appreciated or properly paid. They have provided the
+foundations of our liberties. The importance of their position cannot be
+overestimated. They have been faithful though neglected; but a state
+which neglects or refuses to support any class will soon find that such
+class neglects and refuses to support it. The remedy lies in part with
+private charity, in part with government action; but it lies wholly with
+public opinion. Private charity must worthily support its clergymen and
+the faculty and instructors of our higher institutions of learning; and
+the Government must adequately reward the teachers in its schools. In
+the great bound forward which has been taken in a material way, these
+two noble professions, the pillars of liberty and equality, have been
+neglected and left behind. They must be reestablished. They must be
+restored to the place of reverence they formerly held.
+
+The profession of teaching has come down to us with a sanction of
+antiquity greater than all else. So far back as we can peer into human
+history there has stood a priesthood that has led its people
+intellectually and morally. Teaching is leading. The fundamental needs
+of humanity do not change. They are constant. These influences so potent
+in the development of Massachusetts cannot be exchanged for a leadership
+that is bred of the market-place, to her advantage. We must turn our
+eyes from what is to what ought to be. The men of the day of John Adams
+and James Bowdoin had a vision that looked into the heart of things.
+They led a revolution that swept on to a successful conclusion. They
+established a nation that has endured until its flag is the ancient
+among the banners of the earth. Their counsel will not be mocked. The
+men of that day almost alone in history brought a Revolution to its
+objective. Not only that, they reached it in such a condition that it
+there remained. The counterattack of disorder failed entirely to
+dislodge it. Their success lay entirely in the convictions they had. No
+nation can reject these convictions and remain a republic. Anarchy or
+despotism will overwhelm it.
+
+Massachusetts established Harvard College to be a defender of righteous
+convictions, of reverence for truth and for the heralds of truth. The
+purpose set forth in the Constitution is clear and plain. It recognizes
+with the clear conviction of men not thinking of themselves that the
+cause of America is the cause of education, but of education with a
+soul, a trained intellect but guided ever by an enlightened conscience.
+We of our day need to recognize with the same vision that when these
+fail, America has failed.
+
+
+
+
+XXXII
+
+PLYMOUTH, LABOR DAY
+
+SEPTEMBER 1, 1919
+
+
+The laws of our country have designated the first Monday of each
+September as Labor Day. It is truly an American day, for it was here
+that for the first time in history a government was founded on a
+recognition of the sovereignty of the citizen which has irresistibly led
+to a realization of the dignity of his occupation. It is with added
+propriety that this day is observed this year. For the first time in
+five years it comes at a time when the issue of world events makes it no
+longer doubtful whether the American conception of work as the crowning
+glory of men free and equal is to prevail over the age-old European
+conception that work is the badge of the menial and the inferior. The
+American ideal has prevailed on European battle-fields through the
+loyalty, devotion, and sacrifice of American labor.
+
+The duty of citizenship in this hour is to strive to maintain and
+extend that ideal at home.
+
+The past five years have been a time of rapid change and great progress
+for the American people. Not only have the hours and conditions of labor
+been greatly improved, but wages have increased about one hundred per
+cent. There has been a great economic change for the better among all
+wage-earners.
+
+We have known that political power was with the people, because they
+have the votes. We have generally supposed that economic power was not
+with the people, because they did not own the property. This
+supposition, probably never true, is growing more and more to be
+contrary to the facts. The great outstanding fact in the economic life
+of America is that the wealth of the Nation is owned by the people of
+the Nation. The stockholders of the great corporations run into the
+hundreds of thousands, the small tradesmen, the thrifty householders,
+the tillers of the soil, the depositors in savings banks, and the now
+owners of government bonds, make a number that includes nearly our
+entire people. This would be illustrated by a few Massachusetts examples
+from figures which were reported in 1918:
+
+_Number of Stockholders_
+
+Railroads                        40,485
+Street railways                  17,527
+Telephone                        49,688
+Western Union Telegraph           9,360
+                                -------
+                                117,060
+
+_Number of Employees_
+
+Railroads                        20,604
+Street railways                  25,000
+Telephone                        11,471
+Western Union Telegraph           2,065
+                                 ------
+                                 59,140
+
+Savings bank depositors       2,491,646
+
+Railroad, street railway, and
+telephone bonds held by
+savings banks and savings
+departments of trust companies
+                           $267,795,636
+
+Savings bank deposits    $1,022,342,583
+
+Money is pouring into savings banks at the rate of $275,000 each
+working day.
+
+Comment on these figures is unnecessary. There is, of course, some
+reduplication, but in these four public service enterprises there are in
+Massachusetts almost twice as many direct owners as there are employees.
+Two persons out of three have money in the savings bank--men, women, and
+children. There is this additional fact: more than one quarter of the
+stupendous sum of over a billion dollars of the savings of nearly two
+and a half million savings depositors is invested in railroad, street
+railway, and telephone securities.
+
+With these examples in mind it would appear that our problem of economic
+justice in Massachusetts, where we live and for which alone we can
+legislate, is not quite so simple as assuming that we can take from one
+class and give to another class. We are reaching and maintaining the
+position in this Commonwealth where the property class and the employed
+class are not separate, but identical. There is a relationship of
+interdependence which makes their interests the same in the long run.
+Most of us earn our livelihood through some form of employment. More and
+more of our people are in possession of some part of the wages of
+yesterday, and so are investors. This is the ideal economic condition.
+
+The great aim of our Government is to protect the weak--to aid them to
+become strong. Massachusetts is an industrial State. If her people
+prosper, it must be by that means in some of its broad avenues. How can
+our people be made strong? Only as they draw their strength from our
+industries. How can they do that? Only by building up our industries and
+making them strong. This is fundamental. It is the place to begin. These
+are the instruments of all our achievement. When they fail, all fails.
+When they prosper, all prosper. Workmen's compensation, hours and
+conditions of labor are cold, consolations, if there be no employment.
+And employment can be had only if some one finds it profitable. The
+greater the profit, the greater the wages.
+
+This is one of the economic lessons of the war. It should be remembered
+now when taxes are to be laid, and in the period of readjustment. Taxes
+must be measured by the ability to meet them out of surplus income.
+Industry must expand or fail. It must show a surplus after all payments
+of wages, taxes, and returns to investors. Conscription can call once,
+then all is over. Just requirements can be met again and again with
+ever-increasing ability.
+
+Justice and the general welfare go hand in hand. Government had to take
+over our transportation interests in order to do such justice to them
+that they could pay their employees and carry our merchandise. They have
+been so restricted lest they do harm that they became unable to do good.
+Their surplus was gone, and we New Englanders had to go without coal.
+Seeing now more clearly than before the true interests of wage-earner,
+investor, and the public, which is the consumer, we shall hereafter be
+willing to pay the price and secure the benefits of justice to all these
+coördinate interests.
+
+We have met the economic problem of the returning service men. They have
+been assimilated into our industrial life with little delay and with no
+disturbance of existing conditions. The day of adversity has passed. The
+American people met and overcame it. The day of prosperity has come. The
+great question now is whether the American people can endure their
+prosperity. I believe they can. The power to preserve America is in the
+same hands to-day that it was when the German army was almost at the
+gates of Paris. That power is with the people themselves; not one class,
+but all classes; not one occupation, but all occupations; not one
+citizen, but all citizens.
+
+During the past five years we have heard many false prophets. Some were
+honest, but unwise; some plain slackers; a very few were simply public
+enemies. Had their counsels prevailed, America would have been
+destroyed. In general they appealed to the lower impulses of the people,
+for in their ignorance they believed the most powerful motive of this
+Nation was a sodden selfishness. They said the war would never affect
+us; we should confine ourselves to making money. They argued for peace
+at any price. They opposed selective service. They sought to prevent
+sending soldiers to Europe. They advocated peace by negotiation. They
+were answered from beginning to end by the loyalty of the American
+workingmen and the wisdom of their leaders. That loyalty and that wisdom
+will not desert us now. The voices that would have lured us to
+destruction were unheeded. All counsels of selfishness were unheeded,
+and America responded with a spirit which united our people as never
+before to the call of duty.
+
+Having accomplished this great task, having emerged from the war the
+strongest, the least burdened nation on earth, are we now to fail before
+our lesser task? Are we to turn aside from the path that has led us to
+success? Who now will set selfishness above duty? The counsel that
+Samuel Gompers gave is still sound, when he said in effect, "America may
+not be perfect. It has the imperfections of all things human. But it is
+the best country on earth, and the man who will not work for it, who
+will not fight for it, and if need be die for it, is unworthy to live in
+it."
+
+Happily, the day when the call to fight or die is now past. But the day
+when it is the duty of all Americans to work will remain forever. Our
+great need now is for more of everything for everybody. It is not money
+that the nation or the world needs to-day, but the products of labor.
+These products are to be secured only by the united efforts of an entire
+people. The trained business man and the humblest workman must each
+contribute. All of us must work, and in that work there should be no
+interruption. There must be more food, more clothing, more shelter. The
+directors of industry must direct it more efficiently, the workers in
+industry must work in it more efficiently. Such a course saved us in
+war; only such a course can preserve us in peace. The power to preserve
+America, with all that it now means to the world, all the great hope
+that it holds for humanity, lies in the hands of the people. Talents and
+opportunity exist. Application only is uncertain. May Labor Day of 1919
+declare with an increased emphasis the resolution of all Americans to
+work for America.
+
+
+
+
+XXXIII
+
+WESTFIELD
+
+SEPTEMBER 3, 1919
+
+
+We come here on this occasion to honor the past, and in that honor
+render more secure the present. It was by such men as settled Westfield,
+and two hundred and fifty years ago established by law a chartered and
+ordered government, that the foundations of Massachusetts were laid. And
+it was on the foundations of Massachusetts that there began that
+training of the people for the great days that were to come, when they
+were prepared to endorse and support the principles set out in the
+Declaration of Independence, the Constitution of the United States of
+America, and the Emancipation Proclamation of Abraham Lincoln. Here were
+planted the same seeds of righteousness victorious which later
+flourished with such abundance at Saratoga, at Gettysburg, and at the
+second battle of the Marne. Stupendous results, the product of a people
+working with an everlasting purpose.
+
+While celebrating the history of Westfield, this day has been set apart
+to the memory of one of her most illustrious sons, General William
+Shepard. To others are assigned the history of your town and the
+biography of your soldier. Into those particulars I shall not enter. But
+the principles of government and of citizenship which they so well
+represent, and nobly illustrate, will never be untimely or unworthy of
+reiteration.
+
+The political history of Westfield has seen the success of a great
+forward movement, to which it contributed its part, in establishing the
+principle, that the individual in his rights is supreme, and that
+"governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed."
+It is the establishment of liberty, under an ordered form of government,
+in this ancient town, by the people themselves, that to-day draws us
+here in admiration of her achievements. When we turn to the life of her
+patriot son we see that he no less grandly illustrated the principle,
+that to such government, so established, the people owe an allegiance
+which has the binding power of the most solemn obligation.
+
+There is such a disposition in these days to deny that our Government
+was formed by, or is now in control of, the people, that a glance at the
+history of the days of General Shepard is peculiarly pertinent and
+instructive.
+
+The Constitution of Massachusetts, with its noble Declaration of Rights,
+was adopted in 1780. Under it we still live with scarce any changes that
+affect the rights of the people. The end of the Revolutionary War was
+1783. Shays's Rebellion was in 1787. The American Constitution was
+ratified and adopted in 1788. These dates tell us what the form of
+government was in this period.
+
+If there are any who doubt that our institutions, formed in those days,
+did not establish a peoples' government, let them study the action of
+the Massachusetts Convention which ratified the Federal Constitution in
+1788. Presiding over it was the popular patriot Governor John Hancock.
+On the floor sat Samuel Adams, who had been the father of the
+Revolution, preëminent champion of the liberty of the people. Such an
+influence had he, that his assertion of satisfaction, was enough to
+carry the delegates. Like a majority of the members he came opposed to
+ratification. Having totally thrown off the authority of foreign power,
+they came suspicious of all outside authority. Besides there were
+eighteen members who had taken part in Shays's Rebellion, so hostile
+were they to the execution of all law. Mr. Adams was finally convinced
+by a gathering of the workingmen among his constituents, who exercised
+their constitutional right of instructing their representatives. Their
+opinion was presented to him by Paul Revere. "How many mechanics were at
+the Green Dragon when these resolutions were passed?" asked Mr. Adams.
+"More, sir, than the Green Dragon could hold." "And where were the
+rest?" "In the streets, sir." "And how many were in the streets?" "More
+than there are stars in the sky." This is supposed to have convinced the
+great Massachusetts tribune that it was his duty to support
+ratification.
+
+There were those, however, who distrusted the Constitution and
+distrusted its proponents. They viewed lawyers and men of means with
+great jealousy. Amos Singletary expressed their sentiments in the form
+of an argument that has not ceased to be repeated in the discussion of
+all public affairs. "These lawyers," said he, "and men of learning and
+moneyed men that talk so finely and gloss over matters so smoothly, to
+make us poor illiterates swallow the pill, expect to get into Congress
+themselves. They mean to be managers of the Constitution. They mean to
+get all the money into their hands and then they will swallow up us
+little folk, like the great Leviathan, Mr. President: yes, just like the
+whale swallowed up Jonah." In the convention sat Jonathan Smith, a
+farmer from Lanesboro. He had seen Shays's Rebellion in Berkshire. There
+had been no better example of a man of the people desiring the common
+good.
+
+"I am a plain man," said Mr. Smith, "and am not used to speak in public,
+but I am going to show the effects of anarchy, that you may see why I
+wish for good government. Last winter people took up arms, and then, if
+you went to speak to them, you had the musket of death presented to your
+breast. They would rob you of your property, threaten to burn your
+houses, oblige you to be on your guard night and day. Alarms spread from
+town to town, families were broken up; the tender mother would cry,
+'Oh, my son is among them! What shall I do for my child?' Some were
+taken captive; children taken out of their schools and carried away....
+How dreadful was this! Our distress was so great that we should have
+been glad to snatch at anything that looked like a government.... Now,
+Mr. President, when I saw this Constitution, I found that it was a cure
+for these disorders. I got a copy of it, and read it over and over.... I
+did not go to any lawyer, to ask his opinion; we have no lawyer in our
+town, and we do well enough without. My honourable old daddy there
+(pointing to Mr. Singletary) won't think that I expect to be a
+Congressman, and swallow up the liberties of the people. I never had any
+post, nor do I want one. But I don't think the worse of the Constitution
+because lawyers, and men of learning, and moneyed men are fond of it. I
+am not of such a jealous make. They that are honest men themselves are
+not apt to suspect other people.... Brother farmers, let us suppose a
+case, now. Suppose you had a farm of 50 acres, and your title was
+disputed, and there was a farm of 5000 acres joined to you that belonged
+to a man of learning, and his title was involved in the same difficulty;
+would you not be glad to have him for your friend, rather than to stand
+alone in the dispute? Well, the case is the same. These lawyers, these
+moneyed men, these men of learning, are all embarked in the same cause
+with us, and we must all sink or swim together. Shall we throw the
+Constitution overboard because it does not please us all alike? Suppose
+two or three of you had been at the pains to break up a piece of rough
+land and sow it with wheat: would you let it lie waste because you could
+not agree what sort of a fence to make? Would it not be better to put up
+a fence that did not please every one's fancy, rather than keep
+disputing about it until the wild beasts came in and devoured the crop?
+Some gentlemen say, Don't be in a hurry; take time to consider. I say,
+There is a time to sow and a time to reap. We sowed our seed when we
+sent men to the Federal Convention, now is the time to reap the fruit of
+our labour; and if we do not do it now, I am afraid we shall never have
+another opportunity."
+
+There spoke the common sense of the common man of the Commonwealth. The
+counsel of the farmer from the country, joined with the resolutions of
+the workingmen from the city, carried the convention and the
+Constitution was ratified. In the light of succeeding history, who shall
+say, that it was not the voice of the people, speaking with the voice of
+Infinite Authority?
+
+The attitude of Samuel Adams, William Shepard, Jonathan Smith and the
+workingmen of Boston toward government, is worthy of our constant
+emulation. They had not hesitated to take up arms against tyranny in the
+Revolution, but having established a government of the people they were
+equally determined to defend and support it. They hated the usurper
+whether king, or Parliament, or mob, but they bowed before the duly
+constituted authority of the people.
+
+When the question of pardoning the convicted leaders of the rebellion
+came up, Adams opposed it. "In monarchies," he said, "the crime of
+treason and rebellion may admit of being pardoned or lightly punished;
+but the man who dares to rebel against the laws of a republic ought to
+suffer death." We are all glad mercy prevailed and pardon was granted.
+But the calm judgment of Samuel Adams, the lover of liberty, "the man of
+the town meeting" whose clear vision, taught by bitter experience, saw
+that all usurpation is tyranny, must not go unheeded now. The authority
+of a just government derived from the consent of the governed, has back
+of it a Power that does not fail.
+
+All wars bring in their trail great hardships. They existed in the day
+of General Shepard. They exist now. Having set up a sound government in
+Massachusetts, having secured their independence, as the result of a
+victorious war, the people expected a season of easy prosperity. In that
+they were temporarily disappointed. Some rebelling, were overthrown. The
+adoption of the Federal Constitution brought relief and prosperity.
+
+Success has attended the establishment here of a government of the
+people. We of this day have just finished a victorious war that has
+added new glory to American arms. We are facing some hardships, but they
+are not serious. Private obligations are not so large as to be
+burdensome. Taxes can be paid. Prosperity abounds. But the great promise
+of the future lies in the loyalty and devotion of the people to their
+own Government. They are firm in the conviction of the fathers, that
+liberty is increased only by increasing the determination to support a
+government of the people, as established in this ancient town, and
+defended by its patriotic sons.
+
+
+
+
+XXXIV
+
+_The Commonwealth of Massachusetts
+
+By His Excellency Calvin Coolidge, Governor_
+
+A PROCLAMATION
+
+
+The entire State Guard of Massachusetts has been called out. Under the
+Constitution the Governor is the Commander-in-Chief thereof by an
+authority of which he could not if he chose divest himself. That command
+I must and will exercise. Under the law I hereby call on all the police
+of Boston who have loyally and in a never-to-be-forgotten way remained
+on duty to aid me in the performance of my duty of the restoration and
+maintenance of order in the city of Boston, and each of such officers is
+required to act in obedience to such orders as I may hereafter issue or
+cause to be issued.
+
+I call on every citizen to aid me in the maintenance of law and order.
+
+     Given at the Executive Chamber, in Boston, this eleventh day of
+     September, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and
+     nineteen, and of the Independence of the United States of America
+     the one hundred and forty-fourth.
+
+     CALVIN COOLIDGE
+
+     By His Excellency the Governor,
+
+     ALBERT P. LANGTRY
+
+     _Secretary of the Commonwealth_
+
+God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
+
+
+
+
+XXXV
+
+AN ORDER
+
+  BOSTON, _September_ 11, 1919
+
+To EDWIN U. CURTIS,
+
+As you are Police Commissioner of the City of Boston,
+
+_Executive Order No. 1_
+
+You are hereby directed, for the purpose of assisting me in the
+performance of my duty, pursuant to the proclamation issued by me this
+day, to proceed in the performance of your duties as Police Commissioner
+of the city of Boston under my command and in obedience to such orders
+as I shall issue from time to time, and obey only such orders as I may
+so issue or transmit.
+
+  CALVIN COOLIDGE
+  _Governor of Massachusetts_
+
+
+
+
+XXXVI
+
+A TELEGRAM
+
+  BOSTON, MASS., _Sept_. 14, 1919
+
+MR. SAMUEL GOMPERS
+
+_President American Federation of Labor, New York City, N.Y._
+
+Replying to your telegram, I have already refused to remove the Police
+Commissioner of Boston. I did not appoint him. He can assume no position
+which the courts would uphold except what the people have by the
+authority of their law vested in him. He speaks only with their voice.
+The right of the police of Boston to affiliate has always been
+questioned, never granted, is now prohibited. The suggestion of
+President Wilson to Washington does not apply to Boston. There the
+police have remained on duty. Here the Policemen's Union left their
+duty, an action which President Wilson characterized as a crime against
+civilization. Your assertion that the Commissioner was wrong cannot
+justify the wrong of leaving the city unguarded. That furnished the
+opportunity, the criminal element furnished the action. There is no
+right to strike against the public safety by anybody, anywhere, any
+time. You ask that the public safety again be placed in the hands of
+these same policemen while they continue in disobedience to the laws of
+Massachusetts and in their refusal to obey the orders of the Police
+Department. Nineteen men have been tried and removed. Others having
+abandoned their duty, their places have, under the law, been declared
+vacant on the opinion of the Attorney-General. I can suggest no
+authority outside the courts to take further action. I wish to join and
+assist in taking a broad view of every situation. A grave responsibility
+rests on all of us. You can depend on me to support you in every legal
+action and sound policy. I am equally determined to defend the
+sovereignty of Massachusetts and to maintain the authority and
+jurisdiction over her public officers where it has been placed by the
+Constitution and law of her people.
+
+  CALVIN COOLIDGE
+  _Governor of Massachusetts_
+
+
+
+
+XXXVII
+
+_The Commonwealth of Massachusetts
+
+By His Excellency Calvin Coolidge, Governor_
+
+A PROCLAMATION
+
+
+There appears to be a misapprehension as to the position of the police
+of Boston. In the deliberate intention to intimidate and coerce the
+Government of this Commonwealth a large body of policemen, urging all
+others to join them, deserted their posts of duty, letting in the enemy.
+This act of theirs was voluntary, against the advice of their well
+wishers, long discussed and premeditated, and with the purpose of
+obstructing the power of the Government to protect its citizens or even
+to maintain its own existence. Its success meant anarchy. By this act
+through the operation of the law they dispossessed themselves. They went
+out of office. They stand as though they had never been appointed.
+
+Other police remained on duty. They are the real heroes of this crisis.
+The State Guard responded most efficiently. Thousands have volunteered
+for the Guard and the Militia. Money has been contributed from every
+walk of life by the hundreds of thousands for the encouragement and
+relief of these loyal men. These acts have been spontaneous,
+significant, and decisive. I propose to support all those who are
+supporting their own Government with every power which the people have
+entrusted to me.
+
+There is an obligation, inescapable, no less solemn, to resist all those
+who do not support the Government. The authority of the Commonwealth
+cannot be intimidated or coerced. It cannot be compromised. To place the
+maintenance of the public security in the hands of a body of men who
+have attempted to destroy it would be to flout the sovereignty of the
+laws the people have made. It is my duty to resist any such proposal.
+Those who would counsel it join hands with those whose acts have
+threatened to destroy the Government. There is no middle ground. Every
+attempt to prevent the formation of a new police force is a blow at the
+Government. That way treason lies. No man has a right to place his own
+ease or convenience or the opportunity of making money above his duty to
+the State. This is the cause of all the people. I call on every citizen
+to stand by me in executing the oath of my office by supporting the
+authority of the Government and resisting all assaults upon it.
+
+     Given at the Executive Chamber, in Boston, this twenty-fourth day
+     of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and
+     nineteen, and of the Independence of the United States of America
+     the one hundred and forty-fourth.
+
+  CALVIN COOLIDGE
+
+By His Excellency the Governor,
+
+HERBERT H. BOYNTON
+
+_Deputy, Acting Secretary of the Commonwealth_
+
+God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
+
+
+
+
+XXXVIII
+
+HOLY CROSS COLLEGE
+
+JUNE 25, 1919
+
+
+To come from the press of public affairs, where the practical side of
+life is at its flood, into these calm and classic surroundings, where
+ideals are cherished for their own sake, is an intense relief and
+satisfaction. Even in the full flow of Commencement exercises it is
+apparent that here abide the truth and the servants of the truth. Here
+appears the fulfillment of the past in the grand company of alumni,
+recalling a history already so thick with laurels. Here is the hope of
+the future, brighter yet in the young men to-day sent forth.
+
+    "The unarmed youth of heaven. But o'er their heads
+    Celestial armory, shield, helm and spear,
+    Hung bright, with diamond flaming and with gold."
+
+In them the dead past lives. They represent the college. They are the
+college. It is not in the campus with its imposing halls and temples,
+nor in the silent lore of the vast library or the scientific instruments
+of well-equipped laboratories, but in the men who are the incarnation of
+all these, that your college lives. It is not enough that there be
+knowledge, history and poetry, eloquence and art, science and
+mathematics, philosophy and ethics, ideas and ideals. They must be
+vitalized. They must be fashioned into life. To send forth men who live
+all these is to be a college. This temple of learning must be translated
+into human form if it is to exercise any influence over the affairs of
+mankind, or if its alumni are to wield the power of education.
+
+A great thinker and master of the expression of thought has told us:
+
+"It was before Deity, embodied in a human form, walking among men,
+partaking of their infirmities, leaning on their bosoms, weeping over
+their graves, slumbering in the manger, bleeding on the cross, that the
+prejudices of the Synagogue, and the doubts of the Academy, and the
+pride of the Portico, and the fasces of the Lictor, and the swords of
+thirty Legions, were humbled in the dust."
+
+If college-bred men are to exercise the influence over the progress of
+the world which ought to be their portion, they must exhibit in their
+lives a knowledge and a learning which is marked with candor, humility,
+and the honest mind.
+
+The present is ever influenced mightily by the past. Patrick Henry spoke
+with great wisdom when he declared to the Continental Congress, "I have
+but one lamp by which my feet are guided and that is the lamp of
+experience." Mankind is finite. It has the limits of all things finite.
+The processes of government are subject to the same limitations, and,
+lacking imperfections, would be something more than human. It is always
+easy to discover flaws, and, pointing them out, to criticize. It is not
+so easy to suggest substantial remedies or propose constructive
+policies. It is characteristic of the unlearned that they are forever
+proposing something which is old, and, because it has recently come to
+their own attention, supposing it to be new. Into this error men of
+liberal education ought not to fall. The forms and processes of
+government are not new. They have been known, discussed, and tried in
+all their varieties through the past ages. That which America
+exemplifies in her Constitution and system of representative government
+is the most modern, and of any yet devised gives promise of being the
+most substantial and enduring.
+
+It is not unusual to hear arguments against our institutions and our
+Government, addressed particularly to recent arrivals and the sons of
+recent arrivals to our shores. They sometimes take the form of a claim
+that our institutions were founded long ago; that changed conditions
+require that they now be changed. Especially is it claimed by those
+seeking such changes that these new arrivals and men of their race and
+ideas had no hand in the making of our country, and that it was formed
+by those who were hostile to them and therefore they owe it no support.
+Whatever may be the condition in relation to others, and whatever
+ignorance and bigotry may imagine, such arguments do not apply to those
+of the race and blood so prominent in this assemblage. To establish this
+it were but necessary to cite eleven of the fifty-five signers of the
+Declaration of Independence and recall that on the roll of Washington's
+generals were Sullivan, Knox, Wayne, and the gallant son of Trinity
+College, Dublin, who fell at Quebec at the head of his troops,--Richard
+Montgomery. But scholarship has answered ignorance. The learned and
+patriotic research of men of the education of Dr. James J. Walsh and
+Michael J. O'Brien, the historian of the Irish American Society, has
+demonstrated that a generous portion of the rank and file of the men who
+fought in the Revolution and supported those who framed our institutions
+was not alien to those who are represented here. It is no wonder that
+from among such that which is American has drawn some of its most
+steadfast defenders.
+
+In these days of violent agitation scholarly men should reflect that the
+progress of the past has been accomplished not by the total overthrow of
+institutions so much as by discarding that which was bad and preserving
+that which was good; not by revolution but by evolution has man worked
+out his destiny. We shall miss the central feature of all progress
+unless we hold to that process now. It is not a question of whether our
+institutions are perfect. The most beneficent of our institutions had
+their beginnings in forms which would be particularly odious to us now.
+Civilization began with war and slavery; government began in absolute
+despotism; and religion itself grew out of superstition which was
+oftentimes marked with human sacrifices. So out of our present
+imperfections we shall develop that which is more perfect. But the
+candid mind of the scholar will admit and seek to remedy all wrongs with
+the same zeal with which it defends all rights.
+
+From the knowledge and the learning of the scholar there ought to be
+developed an abiding faith. What is the teaching of all history? That
+which is necessary for the welfare and progress of the human race has
+never been destroyed. The discoverers of truth, the teachers of science,
+the makers of inventions, have passed to their last rewards, but their
+works have survived. The Phoenician galleys and the civilization which
+was born of their commerce have perished, but the alphabet which that
+people perfected remains. The shepherd kings of Israel, the temple and
+empire of Solomon, have gone the way of all the earth, but the Old
+Testament has been preserved for the inspiration of mankind. The ark of
+the covenant and the seven-pronged candlestick have passed from human
+view; the inhabitants of Judea have been dispersed to the ends of the
+earth, but the New Testament has survived and increased in its influence
+among men. The glory of Athens and Sparta, the grandeur of the Imperial
+City, are a long-lost memory, but the poetry of Homer and Virgil, the
+oratory of Demosthenes and Cicero, the philosophy of Plato and
+Aristotle, abide with us forevermore. Whatever America holds that may be
+of value to posterity will not pass away.
+
+The long and toilsome processes which have marked the progress of the
+past cannot be shunned by the present generation to our advantage. We
+have no right to expect as our portion something substantially different
+from human experience in the past. The constitution of the universe
+does not change. Human nature remains constant. That service and
+sacrifice which have been the price of past progress are the price of
+progress now.
+
+This is not a gospel of despair, but of hope and high expectation. Out
+of many tribulations mankind has pressed steadily onward. The
+opportunity for a rational existence was never before so great.
+Blessings were never so bountiful. But the evidence was never so
+overwhelming as now that men and nations must live rationally or perish.
+
+The defenses of our Commonwealth are not material but mental and
+spiritual. Her fortifications, her castles, are her institutions of
+learning. Those who are admitted to the college campus tread the
+ramparts of the State. The classic halls are the armories from which are
+furnished forth the knights in armor to defend and support our liberty.
+For such high purpose has Holy Cross been called into being. A firm
+foundation of the Commonwealth. A defender of righteousness. A teacher
+of holy men. Let her turrets continue to rise, showing forth "the way,
+the truth and the light"--
+
+    "In thoughts sublime that pierce the night like stars,
+    And with their mild persistence urge man's arch
+    To vaster issues."
+
+
+
+
+XXXIX
+
+REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION, TREMONT TEMPLE, BOSTON
+
+OCTOBER 4, 1919
+
+
+Ancient custom crystallized to law has drawn us here. We come to renew
+our pledge publicly at the altar of our country. We come in the light of
+history and of reason. We come to take counsel both from experience and
+from imagination. Over us shines a glorious past, before us lies a
+promising future. Around us is a renewed determination deep and solemn
+that this Commonwealth of ours shall endure.
+
+The period since our last election has been one of momentous events.
+Within its first week the victorious advance of America and her allies
+terminated in the armistice of November eleventh. The power of organized
+despotisms had been proven to be inferior to the power of organized
+republics. Reason had again triumphed over absolutism. The "still small
+voice" of the moral law was seen to be greater than the might of kings.
+The world appeal to duty triumphed over the world appeal to selfishness.
+It always will. There will be far-reaching results from all this which
+no one can now foresee. But some things are apparent. The power of the
+people has been revealed. The worth of the individual man shines forth
+with an increased glory. But most significant of all, for it lies at the
+foundation of all civilization and all progress, was the demonstration
+that the citizens of the great republics of the earth possess the power
+which they dare to use, of maintaining among all men the orderly
+processes of revealed law.
+
+These are no new doctrines in Massachusetts. For nearly three hundred
+years she has laid her course according to these principles, extending
+the blessings which arise from them to her citizens, ever ready to
+defend them with her treasure and her blood. In this the past year has
+been no exception.
+
+In recognition of the long-established policy of making this
+Commonwealth first in humanitarian legislation, the General Court
+enacted a law providing for reducing a fifty-four hour week for women
+and minors to a forty-eight hour week. It passed the weavers'
+specification bill. The allowance under the workmen's compensation law
+was increased. Local option was provided on the question of a
+twelve-hour day for firemen. Authority was granted corporations to give
+their employees a voice in their management. Representatives of the
+employees have been appointed to the Board of Trustees of great public
+service corporations. Profiteering has been made a crime. A special
+commission of which the chairman is Brigadier-General John H. Sherburne
+was established to deal with the problem of the high cost of
+living--with power which has been effective in reducing the prices of
+the necessaries of life. No other State has taken any effective measure.
+The compensation of public employees has been increased. The entire
+public service of the Commonwealth has been reorganized in accordance
+with the constitutional amendment into twenty departments. In caring for
+her service men Massachusetts led all the States of the Nation in relief
+and in assistance, besides voting the stupendous sum of twenty million
+dollars, not as compensation, but as recognition of the gratitude due
+those who had represented us in the great war. The educational
+opportunities of the youth of the State have been improved. All of these
+acts of great importance, which are of course only representative of the
+character of current legislation, had the executive approval. There has
+been not only a sympathetic but a very practical attitude toward the
+ideal expressed in my inaugural address, that there is a right to be
+well born, well reared, well educated, well employed, and well paid. We
+shall not be shaken in the mature determination to promote these
+policies. The ancient faith of Massachusetts in the worth of her
+citizens, the cause of great solicitude for the welfare of each
+individual, will remain undiminished.
+
+The many uncertainties in transportation which are State, Nation, and
+world wide, sent our street railway problems to an expert commission
+which will report to a special session of the General Court. It is
+recognized that the rate of fare necessary to pay for the service
+rendered has in some instances become prohibitive. Some roads and
+portions of roads have been closed down. There must be relief. But such
+relief must be in accord with sound economic principles. What the public
+has the public must pay for. From this there is no escape. Under
+private, or public, ownership or operation this rule will be the same.
+We must face the facts and restore this necessary service to the people
+in such a form that they can meet its costs. In meeting this issue, not
+hysterically, not with demagogy, but calmly, with candor, applying an
+adequate remedy to ascertained facts, Massachusetts, as usual, will lead
+all the other States of the Nation.
+
+That agitation and unrest which has been characteristic of the whole
+world since the close of the war has had some manifestations here. There
+is a natural desire in every human mind to seek better conditions. Such
+a desire is altogether praiseworthy. There must, however, be
+discrimination in the methods employed. Wholesale criticism of everybody
+and everything does not necessarily exhibit statesmanlike qualities, and
+may not be true. Not all those who are working to better the condition
+of the people are Bolsheviki or enemies of society. Not all those who
+are attempting to conduct a successful business are profiteers. But
+unreasonable criticism and agitation for unreasonable remedies will
+avail nothing. We, in common with the whole world, are suffering from a
+shortage of materials. There is but one remedy for this, increased
+production. We need to use sparingly what we have and make more. No
+progress will be made by shouting Bolsheviki and profiteers. What we
+need is thrift and industry. Let everybody keep at work. Profitable
+employment is the death blow to Bolshevism and abundant production is
+disaster to the profiteer. Our salvation lies in putting forth greater
+effort, in manfully assuming our own burdens, rather than in
+entertaining the pleasing delusion that they can be shifted to some
+other shoulders. Those who attempt to lead people on in this expectation
+only add to their burdens and their dangers.
+
+The people of Boston have recently seen the result of agitation and
+unrest in its police force. The policy of that department, established
+by an order of former Commissioner O'Meara and adopted by a rule which
+has the force of law by the present Commissioner Curtis, prohibited a
+police union from affiliating with an outside union. In spite of this
+such a union was formed and persisted in with acknowledged and open
+defiance of the rules and of the counsel and almost entreaties of the
+officers of the department. Such disobedience continuing, the leaders
+were cited for trial on charges and heard with their counsel before the
+Commissioner. After thorough consideration, and opportunity again to
+obey the rules, they were found guilty. In order to give a chance to
+recant sentence was suspended. Shortly after, three fourths of the
+police force abandoned their posts and refused further to perform their
+duties. During the next few hours, there was destruction of property in
+the city but happily no loss of life.
+
+Meantime there had been various efforts to save the situation. Some
+urged me to remove the Commissioner, some to request him to alter his
+course. To all these I had to reply that I had no authority whatever
+over his actions and could not lawfully interfere with him. It was my
+duty to support him in the execution of the law and that I should do. I
+was glad to confer with any one and give my help where it was sought.
+The Commissioner was appointed by my predecessor in office for a term of
+years. I could with almost equal propriety interfere in the decisions of
+the Supreme Court.
+
+To restore order, I at once and by pre-arrangement with him and the
+Commissioner, offered to the Mayor to call out the State Guard. At his
+request I did so, immediately beginning restoring obedience to the law.
+On account of the public danger, I called on the Commissioner to aid me
+in the execution of my duties of keeping order, and issued a
+proclamation to that effect.
+
+To various suggestions that the police be permitted to return I replied
+that the Attorney-General had ruled that by law that could not be done
+and while I had no power to appoint, discharge, or reinstate, I was
+opposed to placing the public security again in the keeping of this body
+of men. There is an obligation to forgive but it does not extend to the
+unrepentant. To give them aid and comfort is to support their evil doing
+and to become what is known in law as an accessory after the fact. A
+government which does that is a reproach to civilization and will soon
+have on its hands the blood of its citizens.
+
+The response to the appeal to support the Government of Massachusetts in
+sustaining law and order was instantaneous. It came from the State
+Guard, from volunteers for police, and the militia, from contributions
+gathered among all classes now reaching hundreds of thousands of
+dollars, from the loyal police of Boston, from all quarters of the
+Commonwealth and beyond. These forces may all be dissipated, they may be
+defeated, but while I am entrusted with the office of their
+Commander-in-Chief they will not be surrendered. Over them and over
+every other law-abiding citizen has gone up the white flag of
+Massachusetts. Who is there that by compromising the authority of her
+laws dares to haul down that flag? I have resisted and propose to
+continue in resistance to such action.
+
+This issue is perfectly plain. The Government of Massachusetts is not
+seeking to resist the lawful action or sound policy of organized labor.
+It has time and again passed laws for the protection and encouragement
+of trade unions. It has done so under my administration upon my
+recommendation to a greater extent than in any previous year. In that
+policy it will continue. It is seeking to prevent a condition which
+would at once destroy all labor unions and all else that is the
+foundation of civilization by maintaining the authority and sanctity of
+the law. When that goes all goes. It costs something but it is the
+cheapest thing that can be bought; it causes some inconvenience but it
+is the foundation of all convenience, the orderly execution of the laws.
+
+The people understand this thoroughly. They know that the laws are their
+laws and speak their voice. They know that this Government is their
+Government founded on their will, administered by their representatives.
+Disobedience to it is disobedience to the people. They know that the
+property of the Commonwealth is their property. Destruction of it
+destroys their substance. The public security is their security. When
+that is gone they are in deadly peril. And knowing this the people have
+a determination to support the Government with a resolution that is
+unchanging.
+
+It is my purpose to maintain the Government of Massachusetts as it was
+founded by her people, the protector of the rights of all but
+subservient to none. It is my purpose to maintain unimpaired the
+authority of her laws, her jurisdiction, her peace, her security. This
+ancient faith of Massachusetts which became the great faith of America,
+she reestablished in her Constitution before the army of Washington had
+gained our independence, declaring for "a government of laws and not of
+men." In that faith she still abides. Let him challenge it who dares.
+All who love Massachusetts, who believe in America, are bound to defend
+it. The choice lies between living under coercion and intimidation, the
+forces of evil, or under the laws of the people, orderly, speaking with
+their settled convictions, the revelation of a divine authority.
+
+
+
+
+XL
+
+WILLIAMS COLLEGE
+
+OCTOBER 17, 1919
+
+
+There speaks here with the voice of immortality one who loved
+Massachusetts. On every side arise monuments to that enduring affection
+bred not of benefits received but of services rendered, of sacrifices
+made, that the province of Massachusetts Bay might live enlightened and
+secure. A bit of parchment has filled libraries. A few hundred dollars
+has enriched generations. The spirit of a single liberty-loving soldier
+has raised up a host that has shaken the earth with its martial tread,
+laying low the hills but exalting the valleys. Here Colonel Ephraim
+Williams still executes his will, still disposes of his patrimony, still
+leads the soldiers of the free to an enduring victory, and with a power
+greater than the sword stands guard on the frontier marches of the
+Commonwealth.
+
+Honor compels that honor be recognized. In compliance with that
+requirement this day has been set apart by this institution of letters
+in testimony of the merit of her sons. Nearly one half of her living
+alumni were under the direct service of the Nation in the great war.
+Into all branches of the service, civil and military, they went from the
+alumni, from the class rooms, from the faculty, up to President Garfield
+himself, who served as Director of the Fuel Administration. From America
+and her allies has come the highest of recognition, conferred by
+citation, awards, and decorations. Their individual deeds of valor I
+shall not relate. They are known to all. Advisedly I say that they have
+not been surpassed among men. Their heroism was no less heroic because
+it was unconscious there or because of befitting modesty it is
+unostentatious here. There was yet a courage unequaled by the most
+momentous dangers which were met by those now marked with fame and a
+capacity in the others which would have matched equal events with equal
+fortitude. In the most grateful recognition of all this, to the living
+and the dead, by their Alma Mater the Commonwealth of Massachusetts
+reverently joins.
+
+But this day, if it is truly to represent the spirit of this college,
+means more than a glorification of the past. It was by a stern
+determination to discharge the duties of the present that Ephraim
+Williams provided for a future filled with a glory that must not yet be
+termed complete. His thoughts were not on himself nor on material
+things. Had he chosen to inscribe his name upon a monument of granite or
+of bronze it would have gone the way of all the earth. Enlightening the
+soul of his fellow man he made his mark which all eternity cannot erase.
+A soldier, he did not
+
+         "put his trust
+    In reeking tube and iron shard"
+
+to save his countrymen, but like Solomon chose first knowledge and
+wisdom and to his choice has likewise been added a splendor of material
+prosperity.
+
+Earth's great lesson is written here. In it all men may read the
+interpretation of the founder of this college, of the meaning of
+America, of the motive high and true which has inspired her soldiers.
+Not unmindful of a desire for economic justice but scorning sordid gain,
+not seeking the spoils of war but a victory of righteousness, they came,
+subordinating the finite to the infinite, placing their trust in that
+which does not pass away. This precept heretofore observed must not be
+abandoned now. A desire for the earth and the fullness thereof must not
+lure our people from their truer selves. Those who seek for a sign
+merely in a greatly increased material prosperity, however worthy that
+may be, disappointed through all the ages, will be disappointed now. Men
+find their true satisfaction in something higher, finer, nobler than
+all that. We sought no spoils from war; let us seek no spoil from peace.
+Let us remember Babylon and Carthage and that city which her people,
+flushed with purple pride, dared call Eternal.
+
+This college and her sons have turned their eyes resolutely toward the
+morning. Above the roar of reeking strife they hear the voice of the
+founder. Their actions have matched their vision. They have seen. They
+have heard. They have done. I thank you for receiving me into their
+company, so romantic, so glorious, and for enrolling me as a soldier in
+the legion of Colonel Ephraim Williams.
+
+
+
+
+XLI
+
+CONCERNING TEACHERS' SALARIES
+
+OCTOBER 29, 1919
+
+
+_A Letter to the Mayor of Boston_
+
+
+MY DEAR MR. MAYOR:
+
+It will be with a good deal of satisfaction that I coöperate with you
+and any other cities of Massachusetts for the purpose of increasing the
+pay of those engaged in the teaching of the youth of our Commonwealth.
+It has become notorious that the pay for this most important function is
+much less than that which prevails in commercial life and business
+activities.
+
+Roger Ascham, the teacher to Queen Elizabeth, about 1565, in discussing
+this question, wrote: "And it is pity that commonly more care is had,
+yea and that among very wise men, to find out rather a cunning man for
+their horse than a cunning man for their children. They say nay in word,
+but they do so in deed. For to the one they will gladly give a stipend
+of two hundred crowns by the year and are loath to offer to the other
+two hundred shillings. God that sitteth in Heaven laugheth their choice
+to scorn and rewardeth their liberality as it should. For he suffereth
+them to have tame and well-ordered horses, but wild and unfortunate
+children, and therefore in the end they find more pleasure in their
+horse than comfort in their children."
+
+In an address which I made at a Harvard College Commencement I undertook
+to direct attention to the inadequate compensation paid to our teachers,
+whether in the universities, public schools, or the pulpits of the land.
+It is perfectly clear that more money must be provided for these
+purposes, which surpass in their importance all our other public
+activities, both by government appropriation and by private charity.
+
+It is significant that the number of teachers who are in training in our
+normal schools has decreased in the past twelve or fifteen years from
+three thousand to two thousand, while the number of students in colleges
+and technical schools has increased. The people of the Commonwealth
+cannot support the Government unless the Government supports them.
+
+The condition which was described by the teacher of Queen Elizabeth,
+that greater compensation is paid for the unimportant things than is
+paid for training the intellectual abilities of our youth, might exist
+in the sixteenth century, but it ought not to exist in the twentieth
+century.
+
+Fortunately for us, the sterling character of teachers of all kinds has
+kept them at their task even though we have failed to show them due
+appreciation, and up to the present time the public has suffered little.
+
+But unless a change is made and a new policy adopted, the cause of
+education will break down. It will either become a trade for those
+little fitted for it or be abandoned altogether, instead of remaining
+the noblest profession, which it has been and ought to be.
+
+There are some things that are fundamental. In the sixteenth century the
+voice of the people was little heard. If the sovereign had wisdom, that
+might suffice. But in the twentieth century the people are sovereign.
+What they think determines every question of civilization. Unless they
+are well trained, well informed, and well instructed, unless a proper
+value is put on knowledge and wisdom, the value of all material things
+will be lost.
+
+There is now no pains too great, no cost too high, to prevent or
+diminish the duty enjoined by the Constitution of the Commonwealth that
+wisdom and knowledge, as well as virtue, be generally diffused among the
+body of the people.
+
+This important subject ought to be considered and a remedy provided at
+the special session of the General Court.
+
+
+
+
+XLII
+
+STATEMENT TO THE PRESS
+
+ELECTION DAY, NOVEMBER 4, 1919
+
+
+My thanks are due to the millions of my fellow citizens of
+Massachusetts. I offer them freely, without undertaking to specify, to
+all who have supported the great cause of the supremacy of the law. The
+heart of the people has proven again sound and true. No
+misrepresentation has blinded them, no sophistry has turned them. They
+have listened to the truth and followed it. They have again disappointed
+those who distrusted them. They have turned away from those who sought
+to play upon their selfishness. They have justified those who trusted
+them. They have justified America. The attempt to appeal to class
+prejudice has failed. The men of Massachusetts are not labor men, or
+policemen, or union men, or poor men, or rich men, or any other class
+of men first; they are Americans first. The wage-earners have
+vindicated themselves. They have shown by their votes that they resent
+trying to use them for private interests, or to employ them to resist
+the operation of the Government. They are for the Government. They are
+against those who are against the Government. American institutions are
+safe in their hands. Some of those who have posed as their leaders and
+argued that the wage-earners were patriotic because those leaders told
+them to be may well now inquire whether the case did not stand the other
+way about. It begins to look as if those who attempt to lead the
+wage-earners must first show that they themselves are patriotic if they
+are to have any following. The patriotism of some alleged leaders was
+not the cause but the effect of the patriotism of the wage-earners.
+
+Three words tell the result. Massachusetts is American. The election
+will be a welcome demonstration to the Nation and to people everywhere
+who believe that liberty can only be secured by obedience to law.
+
+
+
+
+XLIII
+
+SPEECH AT TREMONT TEMPLE
+
+SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 1, 1919, 8 P.M.
+
+
+Revelation has not ceased. The strength of a righteous cause has not
+grown less. The people of Massachusetts are patriotic before they are
+partisan, they are not for men but for measures, not for selfishness but
+for duty, and they will support their Government. Revelation has not
+ceased and faith in men has not failed. They cannot be intimidated, they
+cannot be coerced, they cannot be deceived, and their sovereignty is not
+for sale.
+
+When this campaign is over it will be a rash man who will again attempt
+to further his selfish interests by dragging a great party name in the
+mire and seeking to gain the honor of office by trafficking with
+disorder. The conduct of public affairs is not a game. Responsible
+office does not go to the crafty. Governments are not founded upon an
+association for public plunder but on the coöperation of men wherein
+each is seeking to do his duty.
+
+The past five years have been like an earthquake. They have shaken the
+institutions of men to their very foundations. It has been a time of
+searchings and questionings. It has been a time of great awakenings.
+There has been an overpowering resolution among men to make things
+better. Despotisms have been falling. Republics have been rising. There
+has been rebellion everywhere against usurped authority. With all that
+America has been entirely sympathetic. There has been bred in the blood
+through generations a great sympathy for all peoples struggling to be
+free. We have a deep conviction that "resistance to tyranny is obedience
+to law." And on that conviction we have stood for three centuries. Time
+and experience have but strengthened our belief that it is sound.
+
+But like all rules of action it only applies to the conditions it
+describes. All authority is not usurped authority. Any government is not
+tyranny. These are the counterfeits. There are no counterfeits of the
+unreal. It is only of the real and true that men seek to pass spurious
+imitations.
+
+There are among us a great mass of people who have been reared for
+generations under a government of tyranny and oppression. It is
+ingrained in their blood that there is no other form of government. They
+are disposed and inclined to think our institutions partake of the same
+nature as these they have left behind. We know they are wrong. They must
+be shown they are wrong.
+
+There is a just government. There are righteous laws. We know the
+formula by which they are produced. The principle is best stated in the
+immortal Declaration of Independence to be "the consent of the
+governed." It is from that source our Government derives its just
+powers and promulgates its righteous laws. They are the will of the
+people, the settled conviction derived from orderly deliberation, that
+take on the sanctity ascribed to the people's voice. Along with the
+binding obligation to resist tyranny goes the other admonition, that
+"obedience to law is liberty,"--such law and so derived.
+
+These principles, which I have but lightly sketched, are the foundation
+of American institutions, the source of American freedom and the faith
+of any party entitled to call itself American. It constitutes truly the
+rule of the people. It justifies and sanctifies the authority of our
+laws and the obligation to support our Government. It is democracy
+administered through representation.
+
+There are only two other choices, anarchy or despotism--Russia, present
+and past. For the most part human existence has been under the one or
+the other of these. Both have failed to minister to the highest welfare
+of the people. Unless American institutions can provide for that welfare
+the cause of humanity is hopeless. Unless the blessings of prosperity,
+the rewards of industry, justice and liberty, the satisfaction of duty
+well done, can come under a rule of the people, they cannot come at all.
+We may as well abandon hope and, yielding to the demands of selfishness,
+each take what he can.
+
+We had hoped these questions were settled. But nothing is settled that
+evil and selfish men can find advantage for themselves in overthrowing.
+We must eternally smite the rock of public conscience if the waters of
+patriotism are to pour forth. We must ever be ready to point out the
+success of our country as justification of our determination to support
+it.
+
+No one can deny that we are in the midst of an abounding prosperity. No
+one can deny that this prosperity is well distributed; especially is
+this true of the wage-earner. Industrially, commercially, financially,
+America has been a success. The wealth of Massachusetts is increasing
+rapidly. There are large deposits going into her savings institutions,
+during banking hours with each tick of the clock more than $12.50, with
+each minute more than $750, with each day over $270,000. Wages and hours
+of labor were never so favorable. We have attained a standard of living
+among our people the like of which never before existed on earth.
+
+Intellectually our progress compares with our prosperity. The
+opportunity for education is not only large, but it is well used. The
+school is everywhere. Ignorance is a disgrace. The turrets of college
+and university dot the land. Their student bodies were never so large.
+Science and invention, literature and art flourish.
+
+There is higher standard of justice in all the affairs of life than in
+the past. Our commercial transactions are on a higher plane. There is a
+moral standard that runs through all the avenues of our life that has
+lifted it into a new position and gives to men a keener sense of honor
+in all things. There has come to be a new realization of the brotherhood
+of man, a new significance to religion. The war aroused a new
+patriotism, and revealed the strength of our moral power.
+
+The issue in Massachusetts is whether these conditions can endure. Will
+men realize their blessing and exhibit the resolution to support and
+defend the foundation on which they rest? Having saved Europe are we
+ready to surrender America? Having beaten the foe from without are we to
+fall a victim to the foe from within?
+
+All of this is put in question by the issue of this campaign. That one
+fundamental issue is the support of the Government in its determination
+to maintain order. On that all of these opportunities depend.
+
+There can be no material prosperity without order. Stores and banks
+could not open. Factories could not run, railways could not operate.
+What was the value of plate glass and goods, the value of real estate in
+Boston at three o'clock, A.M., September 10? Unless the people vote to
+sustain order that value is gone entirely. Business is ended.
+
+On order depends all intellectual progress. Without it all schools
+close, libraries are empty, education stops. Disorder was the forerunner
+of the Dark Ages.
+
+Without order the moral progress of the people would be lost. With the
+schools would go the churches. There could be no assemblages for
+worship, no services even for the departed, piety would be swallowed up
+in viciousness.
+
+I have understated the result of disorder. Man has not the imagination,
+the ability to overstate it. There are those who aim to bring about
+exactly this result. I propose at all times to resist them with all the
+power at the command of the Chief Executive of Massachusetts.
+
+Naturally the question arises, what shall we do to defend our
+birthright? In the first place everybody must take a more active part in
+public affairs. It will not do for men to send, they must go. It is not
+enough to draw a check. Good government cannot be bought, it has to be
+given. Office has great opportunities for doing wrong, but equal chance
+for doing right. Unless good citizens hold office bad citizens will.
+People see the office-holder rather than the Government. Let the worth
+of the office-holder speak the worth of the government. The voice of the
+people speaks by the voice of the individual. Duty is not collective, it
+is personal. Let every inhabitant make known his determination to
+support law and order. That duty is supreme.
+
+That the supremacy of the law, the preservation of the Government itself
+by the maintenance of order, should be the issue of this campaign was
+entirely due to circumstances beyond my control. That any one should
+dare to put in jeopardy the stability of our Government for the purpose
+of securing office was to me inconceivable. That any one should attempt
+to substitute the will of any outside organization for the authority
+conferred by law upon the representatives of the people had never
+occurred to me. But the issue arose by action of some of the police of
+Boston and it was my duty to meet it. I shall continue to administer the
+law of all the people.
+
+I should have been pleased to make this campaign on the record of the
+past year. I should have been pleased to show what the march of progress
+had been under the people's government, what action had been taken for
+the relief of those who toil with their hands as well as their
+heads,--and the record was never more alluring,--what has been done to
+advance the business and commercial interests of this great industrial
+Commonwealth, what has promoted public health, what has assisted in
+agricultural development, the progress made in providing transportation,
+the increased opportunity given our youth for education. In particular I
+should have desired to point out the great pride Massachusetts has in
+her war record and the abundant way she has shown her gratitude for her
+service men and women, surpassing every other State. All this is a
+record not of promises, but of achievement. It is one in which the
+voters of the Commonwealth may well take a deep satisfaction. It is
+there, it stands, it cannot be argued away. No deception can pervert it.
+It endures.
+
+All these are the result of ordered liberty--the result of living under
+the law. It is the great desire of Massachusetts to continue such
+legislation of progress and humanity. Those who are attempting to wrench
+the scepter of authority from the representatives of the people, to
+subvert the jurisdiction of her laws, are the enemies not only of
+progress, but of all present achievement, not only of what we hope for,
+but of what we have.
+
+This is the cause of all the people, especially of the weak and
+defenseless. Their only refuge is the protection of the law. The people
+have come to understand this. They are taking the deciding of this
+election into their own hands regardless of party. If the people win who
+can lose? They are awake to the words of Daniel Webster, "nothing will
+ruin the country if the people themselves will undertake its safety; and
+nothing can save it if they leave that safety in any hands but their
+own."
+
+My fellow citizens of Massachusetts, to you I commend this cause. To you
+who have added the glory of the hills and plains of France to the glory
+of Concord and Bunker Hill, to you who have led when others faltered,
+to you again is given the leadership. Grasp it. Secure it. Make it
+decisive. Make the discharge of the great trust you now hold an example
+of hope for righteousness everywhere, a new guaranty that the Government
+of America shall endure.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Have faith in Massachusetts; 2d ed.
+by Calvin Coolidge
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 13748 ***
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+<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 13748 ***</div>
+
+<h1><a name='Page_1'></a>HAVE FAITH</h1>
+
+<h2>IN</h2>
+
+<h2>MASSACHUSETTS</h2>
+
+<center>
+<img src='images/frontp.jpg' width='300' height='495' alt='Portrait of Calvin Coolidge Copyright, Notman' title='Portrait of Calvin Coolidge'>
+</center>
+<a name='Page_2'></a>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<h2>HAVE FAITH</h2><a name='Page_3'></a>
+
+<h2>IN</h2>
+
+<h2>MASSACHUSETTS</h2>
+
+<center><i>A Collection of Speeches and Messages</i></center>
+
+<h3>BY</h3>
+
+<h2>CALVIN COOLIDGE</h2>
+
+<center><i>Governor of Massachusetts</i></center>
+<br />
+
+<center>SECOND EDITION ENLARGED</center>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='BOSTON_AND_NEW_YORK'></a><center>BOSTON AND NEW YORK</center>
+
+<center>HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY</center>
+
+<center><i>The Riverside Press Cambridge</i></center>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='INTRODUCTORY_NOTE'></a><h2><a name='Page_5'></a>INTRODUCTORY NOTE</h2>
+<br />
+
+<p>There are certain fundamental principles of sound community life which
+cannot be stated too emphatically or too often. Few public men of to-day
+have shown a finer combination of right feeling and clear thinking about
+these principles, with a gift for the pithy expression of them, than has
+Governor Calvin Coolidge. It was an accurate phrase that President
+Meiklejohn used when, in conferring the degree of Doctor of Laws on him
+at Amherst College last June, he complimented him on teaching the lesson
+of &quot;adequate brevity.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>His speeches and messages abound in evidences of this gift, but in the
+main the speeches are not easily accessible. It has seemed to some of
+Governor Coolidge's admirers, as it has to the publishers of this little
+volume, that a real public service <a name='Page_6'></a>might be rendered by making a
+careful selection from the best of the speeches and issuing them in an
+attractive and convenient form. With his permission this has been done,
+and it is hoped that many readers will welcome the book in this time of
+special need of inspiring and steadying influences.</p>
+
+<p>It is a time when all men should realize that, in the words of Governor
+Coolidge himself, &quot;Laws must rest on the eternal foundations of
+righteousness&quot;; that &quot;Industry, thrift, character are not conferred by
+act or resolve. Government cannot relieve from toil.&quot; It is a time when
+we must &quot;have faith in Massachusetts. We need a broader, firmer, deeper
+faith in the people,&mdash;a faith that men desire to do right, that the
+Commonwealth is founded upon a righteousness which will endure.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>THE EDITORS</p>
+
+<p><i>Boston, September</i>, 1919</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='NOTE_TO_SECOND_EDITION'></a><h2><a name='Page_7'></a>NOTE TO SECOND EDITION</h2>
+<br />
+
+<p>In the issue of a second edition of this collection of Governor
+Coolidge's speeches and messages, the opportunity has been taken to add
+a proclamation and three recently delivered addresses, which bring the
+volume practically up to the date of publication.</p>
+
+<p><i>Boston, October, 1919</i></p>
+
+
+
+<a name='Page_8'></a><a name='Page_9'></a>
+<span style='margin-left: 1em;'>The Commonwealth of Massachusetts.</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style='margin-left: 1em;'><i>By His Excellency</i></span><br />
+<br />
+<span style='margin-left: 1em;'>CALVIN COOLIDGE</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style='margin-left: 1em;'>GOVERNOR</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style='margin-left: 1em;'>A PROCLAMATION</span><br />
+<br />
+
+<p>Massachusetts has many glories. The last one she would wish to surrender
+is the glory of the men who have served her in war. While such devotion
+lives the Commonwealth is secure. Whatever dangers may threaten from
+within or without she can view them calmly. Turning to her veterans she
+can say &quot;These are our defenders. They are invincible. In them is our
+safety.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>War is the rule of force. Peace is the reign of law. When Massachusetts
+was settled the Pilgrims first dedicated themselves to a reign of law.
+When they set foot on Plymouth Rock they brought the Mayflower Compact,
+in which, calling on the Creator to witness, they agreed with each other
+to make just laws and render due submission and obedience. The date of
+that American document was written November 11, 1620.</p>
+
+<p>After more than five years of the bitterest war in human experience, the
+last great stronghold of force, surrendering to the demands of America
+and her allies, agreed to cast aside the sword and live under the law.
+The date of that world document was written November 11, 1918.</p>
+
+<p>Now, therefore, in grateful commemoration of the unsurpassed deeds of
+heroism performed by the service men of Massachusetts, of the sacrifice
+of her people, sometimes greater than life itself, of the service
+rendered by every war charity and organization, to honor those who bore
+arms, to recognize those who supported the government, in accordance
+with the law of the current year</p>
+
+<p>TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 1919</p>
+
+<p>is set apart as a holiday for general observance and celebration of the
+home coming of Massachusetts soldiers, sailors and marines. In that
+welcome may we dedicate ourselves to a continued support of the cause
+for which they freely offered life, that there may be wiped away
+everywhere the burden of, injustice and every attempt to rule by force,
+and that there may be ushered in a reign of law, that will ease the weak
+of their great burdens, and leave the strong, unhampered by the
+opposition of evil men, the opportunity to exert their whole energy for
+the welfare of their fellow men. Let war and all force end, and peace
+and all law reign.</p>
+
+<p>GIVEN at the Executive Chamber, in Boston, this twenty-eighth day of
+October, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and nineteen,
+and of the Independence of the United States of America the one hundred
+and forty-fourth.</p>
+
+<center>
+<img src='images/seal.jpg' width='145' height='190' alt='Seal of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts' title='Seal of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts'>
+</center>
+
+<p>By His Excellency the Governor.</p>
+
+<center>
+<img src='images/signs.jpg' width='413' height='100' alt='Signatures of Calvin Coolidge and Albert P. Langley' title='Signatures of Calvin Coolidge and Albert P. Langley'>
+</center>
+
+<p><i>Secretary of the Commonwealth.</i></p>
+
+<p>God Save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.</p>
+
+
+<a name='Page_11'></a><a name='Page_10'></a>
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='CONTENTS'></a><h2>CONTENTS</h2>
+<div class="list">
+<ol class="rom">
+<li><a href='#I'>To the State Senate on Being Elected its President, January 7, 1914</a></li>
+<li><a href='#II'>Amherst College Alumni Association, Boston, February 4, 1916</a></li>
+<li><a href='#III'>Brockton Chamber of Commerce, April 11, 1916</a></li>
+<li><a href='#IV'>At the Home of Daniel Webster, Marshfield, July 4, 1916</a></li>
+<li><a href='#V'>Riverside, August 28, 1916</a></li>
+<li><a href='#VI'>At the Home of Augustus P. Gardner, Hamilton, September, 1916</a></li>
+<li><a href='#VII'>Lafayette Banquet, Fall River, September 4, 1913</a></li>
+<li><a href='#VIII'>Norfolk Republican Club, Boston, October 9, 1916</a></li>
+<li><a href='#IX'>Public Meeting on the High Cost of Living, Faneuil Hall, December 9, 1916</a></li>
+<li><a href='#X'>One Hundredth Anniversary Dinner of the Provident Institution for Savings, December 13, 1916</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XI'>Associated Industries Dinner, Boston, December 15, 1916</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XII'>On the Nature of Politics</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XIII'>Tremont Temple, November 3, 1917</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XIV'>Dedication of Town-House, Weston, November 27, 1917</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XV'>Amherst Alumni Dinner, Springfield, March 15, 1918</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XVI'>Message for the Boston <i>Post</i>, April 22, 1918</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XVII'>Roxbury Historical Society, Bunker Hill Day, June 17, 1918</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XVIII'>Fairhaven, July 4, 1918</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XIX'>Somerville Republican City Committee, August 7, 1918</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XX'>Written for the Sunday <i>Advertiser</i> and <i>American</i>, September 1, 1918</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXI'>Essex County Club, Lynnfield, September 14, 1918</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXII'>Tremont Temple, November 2, 1918</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXIII'>Faneuil Hall, November 4, 1918</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXIV'>From Inaugural Address as Governor, January 2, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXV'>Statement on the Death of Theodore Roosevelt</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXVI'>Lincoln Day Proclamation, January 30, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXVII'>Introducing Henry Cabot Lodge and A. Lawrence Lowell at the Debate on the League of Nations, Symphony Hall, March 19, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXVIII'>Veto of Salary Increase</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXIX'>Flag Day Proclamation, May 26, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXX'>Amherst College Commencement, June 18, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXXI'>Harvard University Commencement, June 19, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXXII'>Plymouth, Labor Day, September 1, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXXIII'>Westfield, September 3, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXXIV'>A Proclamation, September 11, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXXV'>An Order to the Police Commissioner of Boston, September 11, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXXVI'>A Telegram to Samuel Gompers, September 14, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXXVII'>A Proclamation, September 24, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXXVIII'>Holy Cross College, June 25, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXXIX'>Republican State Convention, Tremont Temple, October 4, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XL'>Williams College, October 17, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XLI'>Concerning Teachers' Salaries, October 29, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XLII'>Statement to the Press, Election Day, November 4, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XLIII'>Speech at Tremont Temple, Saturday, November 1, 1919, 8 P.M.</a></li>
+</ol></div>
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<h2>HAVE FAITH</h2>
+
+<h3>IN</h3>
+
+<h3>MASSACHUSETTS</h3>
+<a name='Page_17'></a><a name='Page_16'></a>
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='I'></a><h2>I</h2>
+
+<center>TO THE STATE SENATE ON BEING ELECTED ITS PRESIDENT</center>
+
+<center>JANUARY 7, 1914</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>Honorable Senators:&mdash;I thank you&mdash;with gratitude for the high honor
+given, with appreciation for the solemn obligations assumed&mdash;I thank
+you.</p>
+
+<p>This Commonwealth is one. We are all members of one body. The welfare of
+the weakest and the welfare of the most powerful are inseparably bound
+together. Industry c<a name='Page_18'></a>annot flourish if labor languish. Transportation
+cannot prosper if manufactures decline. The general welfare cannot be
+provided for in any one act, but it is well to remember that the benefit
+of one is the benefit of all, and the neglect of one is the neglect of
+all. The suspension of one man's dividends is the suspension of another
+man's pay envelope.</p>
+
+<p>Men do not make laws. They do but discover them. Laws must be justified
+by something more than the will of the majority. They must rest on the
+eternal foundation of righteousness. That state is most fortunate in its
+form of government which has the aptest instruments for the discovery of
+laws. The latest, most modern, and nearest perfect system that
+statesmanship has devised is representative government. Its weakness is
+the weakness of us imperfect human beings who administer it. Its
+strength is that even such administration secures to the people more
+blessings than any other system ever produced. No nat<a name='Page_19'></a>ion has discarded
+it and retained liberty. Representative government must be preserved.</p>
+
+<p>Courts are established, not to determine the popularity of a cause, but
+to adjudicate and enforce rights. No litigant should be required to
+submit his case to the hazard and expense of a political campaign. No
+judge should be required to seek or receive political rewards. The
+courts of Massachusetts are known and honored wherever men love justice.
+Let their glory suffer no diminution at our hands. The electorate and
+judiciary cannot combine. A hearing means a hearing. When the trial of
+causes goes outside the court-room, Anglo-Saxon constitutional
+government ends.</p>
+
+<p>The people cannot look to legislation generally for success. Industry,
+thrift, character, are not conferred by act or resolve. Government
+cannot relieve from toil. It can provide no substitute for the rewards
+of service. It can, of course, care f<a name='Page_20'></a>or the defective and recognize
+distinguished merit. The normal must care for themselves.
+Self-government means self-support.</p>
+
+<p>Man is born into the universe with a personality that is his own. He
+has a right that is founded upon the constitution of the universe to
+have property that is his own. Ultimately, property rights and personal
+rights are the same thing. The one cannot be preserved if the other be
+violated. Each man is entitled to his rights and the rewards of his
+service be they never so large or never so small.</p>
+
+<p>History reveals no civilized people among whom there were not a highly
+educated class, and large aggregations of wealth, represented usually by
+the clergy and the nobility. Inspiration has always come from above.
+Diffusion of learning has come down from the university to the common
+school&mdash;the kindergarten is last. No one would now expect to aid the
+common school by abolishi<a name='Page_21'></a>ng higher education.</p>
+
+<p>It may be that the diffusion of wealth works in an analogous way. As the
+little red schoolhouse is builded in the college, it may be that the
+fostering and protection of large aggregations of wealth are the only
+foundation on which to build the prosperity of the whole people. Large
+profits mean large pay rolls. But profits must be the result of service
+performed. In no land are there so many and such large aggregations of
+wealth as here; in no land do they perform larger service; in no land
+will the work of a day bring so large a reward in material and spiritual
+welfare.</p>
+
+<p>Have faith in Massachusetts. In some unimportant detail some other
+States may surpass her, but in the general results, there is no place on
+earth where the people secure, in a larger measure, the blessings of
+organized government, and nowhere can those functions more properly be
+termed self-government.</p><a name='Page_22'></a>
+
+<p>Do the day's work. If it be to protect the rights of the weak, whoever
+objects, do it. If it be to help a powerful corporation better to serve
+the people, whatever the opposition, do that. Expect to be called a
+stand-patter, but don't be a stand-patter. Expect to be called a
+demagogue, but don't be a demagogue. Don't hesitate to be as
+revolutionary as science. Don't hesitate to be as reactionary as the
+multiplication table. Don't expect to build up the weak by pulling down
+the strong. Don't hurry to legislate. Give administration a chance to
+catch up with legislation.</p>
+
+<p>We need a broader, firmer, deeper faith in the people&mdash;a faith that men
+desire to do right, that the Commonwealth is founded upon a
+righteousness which will endure, a reconstructed faith that the final
+approval of the people is given not to demagogues, slavishly pandering
+to their selfishness, merchandising with the clamor of the hour, but to
+statesmen, ministering to their welfare, repres<a name='Page_23'></a>enting their deep,
+silent, abiding convictions.</p>
+
+<p>Statutes must appeal to more than material welfare. Wages won't satisfy,
+be they never so large. Nor houses; nor lands; nor coupons, though they
+fall thick as the leaves of autumn. Man has a spiritual nature. Touch
+it, and it must respond as the magnet responds to the pole. To that, not
+to selfishness, let the laws of the Commonwealth appeal. Recognize the
+immortal worth and dignity of man. Let the laws of Massachusetts
+proclaim to her humblest citizen, performing the most menial task, the
+recognition of his manhood, the recognition that all men are peers, the
+humblest with the most exalted, the recognition that all work is
+glorified. Such is the path to equality before the law. Such is the
+foundation of liberty under the law. Such is the sublime revelation of
+man's relation to man&mdash;Democracy.</p>
+<a name='Page_24'></a>
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='II'></a><h2>II</h2>
+
+<center>AMHERST COLLEGE ALUMNI ASSOCIATION, BOSTON</center>
+
+<center>FEBRUARY 4, 1916</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>We live in an age which questions everything. The past generation was
+one of religious criticism. This is one of commercial criticism.</p>
+
+<p>We have seen the development of great industries. It has been
+represented that some of these have not been free from blame. In this
+development some men have seemed to prosper beyond the measure of their
+service, while others have appeared to be bound to toil beyond their
+strength for less than a decent livelihood.</p><a name='Page_25'></a>
+
+<p>As a result of criticising these conditions there has grown up a too
+well-developed public opinion along two lines; one, that the men engaged
+in great affairs are selfish and greedy and not to be trusted, that
+business activity is not moral and the whole system is to be condemned;
+and the other, that employment, that work, is a curse to man, and that
+working hours ought to be as short as possible or in some way abolished.
+After criticism, our religious faith emerged clearer and stronger and
+freed from doubt. So will our business relations emerge, purified but
+justified.</p>
+
+<p>The evidence of evolution and the facts of history tell us of the
+progress and development of man through various steps and ages, known by
+various names. We learn of the stone age, the bronze, and the iron age.
+We can see the different steps in the growth of the forms of government;
+how anarchy was put down by the strong arm of the despot, of the growth
+of aristocracy, of limited monarchies and of parli<a name='Page_26'></a>aments, and finally
+democracy.</p>
+
+<p>But in all these changes man took but one step at a time. Where we can
+trace history, no race ever stepped directly from the stone age to the
+iron age and no nation ever passed directly from depotism to democracy.
+Each advance has been made only when a previous stage was approaching
+perfection, even to conditions which are now sometimes lost arts.</p>
+
+<p>We have reached the age of invention, of commerce, of great industrial
+enterprise. It is often referred to as selfish and materialistic.</p>
+
+<p>Our economic system has been attacked from above and from below. But the
+short answer lies in the teachings of history. The hope of a Watt or an
+Edison lay in the men who chipped flint to perfection. The seed of
+democracy lay in a perfected despotism. The ho<a name='Page_27'></a>pe of to-morrow lies in
+the development of the instruments of to-day. The prospect of advance
+lies in maintaining those conditions which have stimulated invention and
+industry and commerce. The only road to a more progressive age lies in
+perfecting the instrumentalities of this age. The only hope for peace
+lies in the perfection of the arts of war.</p>
+
+<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'>
+<span>&quot;We build the ladder by which we rise ...<br /></span>
+<span>* * * * *<br /></span>
+<span>And we mount to the summit round by round.&quot;<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>All growth depends upon activity. Life is manifest only by action. There
+is no development physically or intellectually without effort, and
+effort means work. Work is not a curse, it is the prerogative of
+intelligence, the only means to manhood, and the measure of
+civilization. Savages do not work. The growth of a sentiment that
+despises w<a name='Page_28'></a>ork is an appeal from civilization to barbarism.</p>
+
+<p>I would not be understood as making a sweeping criticism of current
+legislation along these lines. I, too, rejoice that an awakened
+conscience has outlawed commercial standards that were false or low and
+that an awakened humanity has decreed that the working and living
+condition of our citizens must be worthy of true manhood and true
+womanhood.</p>
+
+<p>I agree that the measure of success is not merchandise but character.
+But I do criticise those sentiments, held in all too respectable
+quarters, that our economic system is fundamentally wrong, that commerce
+is only selfishness, and that our citizens, holding the hope of all that
+America means, are living in industrial slavery. I appeal to Amherst men
+to reiterate and sustain the Amherst doctrine, that the man who builds a
+<a name='Page_29'></a>factory builds a temple, that the man who works there worships there,
+and to each is due, not scorn and blame, but reverence and praise.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='III'></a><h2>III</h2>
+
+<center>BROCKTON CHAMBER OF COMMERCE</center>
+
+<center>APRIL 11, 1916</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>Man's nature drives him ever onward. He is forever seeking development.
+At one time it may be by the chase, at another by warfare, and again by
+the quiet arts of peace and commerce, but something within is ever
+calling him on to &quot;replenish the earth and subdue it.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>It may be of little importance to determine at any time just where we
+are, but it is of the utmost importance to determine whither<a name='Page_30'></a> we are
+going. Set the course aright and time must bring mankind to the ultimate
+goal.</p>
+
+<p>We are living in a commercial age. It is often designated as selfish and
+materialistic. We are told that everything has been commercialized. They
+say it has not been enough that this spirit should dominate the marts
+of trade, it has spread to every avenue of human endeavor, to our arts,
+our sciences and professions, our politics, our educational institutions
+and even into the pulpit; and because of this there are those who have
+gone so far in their criticism of commercialism as to advocate the
+destruction of all enterprise and the abolition of all property.</p>
+
+<p>Destructive criticism is always easy because, despite some campaign
+oratory, some of us are not yet perfect. But constructive criticism is
+not so easy. The faults of commercialism, like <a name='Page_31'></a>many other faults, lie in
+the use we make of it. Before we decide upon a wholesale condemnation of
+the most noteworthy spirit of modern times it would be well to examine
+carefully what that spirit has done to advance the welfare of mankind.</p>
+
+<p>Wherever we can read human history, the answer is always the same. Where
+commerce has flourished there civilization has increased. It has not
+sufficed that men should tend their flocks, and maintain themselves in
+comfort on their industry alone, however great. It is only when the
+exchange of products begins that development follows. This was the case
+in ancient Babylon, whose records of trade and banking we are just
+beginning to read. Their merchandise went by canal and caravan to the
+ends of the earth. It was not the war galleys, but the merchant vessel
+of Phoenicia, of Tyre, and Carthage that brought t<a name='Page_32'></a>hem civilization and
+power. To-day it is not the battle fleet, but the mercantile marine
+which in the end will determine the destiny of nations. The advance of
+our own land has been due to our trade, and the comfort and happiness of
+our people are dependent on our general business conditions. It is only
+a figure of poetry that &quot;wealth accumulates and men decay.&quot; Where wealth
+has accumulated, there the arts and sciences have flourished, there
+education has been diffused, and of contemplation liberty has been born.
+The progress of man has been measured by his commercial prosperity. I
+believe that these considerations are sufficient to justify our business
+enterprise and activity, but there are still deeper reasons. I have
+intended to indicate not only that commerce is an instrument of great
+power, but that commercial development is necessary to all human
+progress. What, then, of the prevalent criticism? Men have mistaken the
+means f<a name='Page_33'></a>or the end. It is not enough for the individual or the nation to
+acquire riches. Money will not purchase character or good government. We
+are under the injunction to &quot;replenish the earth and subdue it,&quot; not so
+much because of the help a new earth will be to us, as because by that
+process man is to find himself and thereby realize his highest destiny.
+Men must work for more than wages, factories must turn out more than
+merchandise, or there is naught but black despair ahead.</p>
+
+<p>If material rewards be the only measure of success, there is no hope of
+a peaceful solution of our social questions, for they will never be
+large enough to satisfy. But such is not the case. Men struggle for
+material success because that is the path, the process, to the
+development of character. We ought to demand economic justice, but most
+of all because it is justice. We must forever realize that material
+rewards are limited and in a sense they are only incidental, but the
+development of character is unlimited and is the only es<a name='Page_34'></a>sential. The
+measure of success is not the quantity of merchandise, but the quality
+of manhood which is produced.</p>
+
+<p>These, then, are the justifying conceptions of the spirit of our age;
+that commerce is the foundation of human progress and prosperity and the
+great artisan of human character. Let us dismiss the general indictment
+that has all too long hung over business enterprise. While we continue
+to condemn, unsparingly, selfishness and greed and all trafficking in
+the natural rights of man, let us not forget to respect thrift and
+industry and enterprise. Let us look to the service rather than to the
+reward. Then shall we see in our industrial army, from the most exalted
+captain to the humblest soldier in the ranks, a purpose worthy to
+<a name='Page_35'></a>minister to the highest needs of man and to fulfil the hope of a fairer
+day.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='IV'></a><h2>IV</h2>
+
+<center>AT THE HOME OF DANIEL WEBSTER, MARSHFIELD</center>
+
+<center>JULY 4, 1916</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>History is revelation. It is the manifestation in human affairs of a
+&quot;power not ourselves that makes for righteousness.&quot; Savages have no
+history. It is the mark of civilization. This New England of ours
+slumbered from the dawn of creation until the beginning of the
+seventeenth century, not un<a name='Page_36'></a>peopled, but with no record of human events
+worthy of a name. Different races came, and lived, and vanished, but the
+story of their existence has little more of interest for us than the
+story the naturalist tells of the animal kingdom, or the geologist
+relates of the formation of the crust of the earth. It takes men of
+larger vision and higher inspiration, with a power to impart a larger
+vision and a higher inspiration to the people, to make history. It is
+not a negative, but a positive achievement. It is unconcerned with
+idolatry or despotism or treason or rebellion or betrayal, but bows in
+reverence before Moses or Hampden or Washington or Lincoln or the Light
+that shone on Calvary.</p>
+
+<p>July 4, 1776, was a day of history in its high and true significance.
+Not because the underlying principles set out in the Declaration of
+Independence were new; they are older than the Christian religion, or
+Greek ph<a name='Page_37'></a>ilosophy, nor was it because history is made by proclamation or
+declaration; history is made only by action. But it was an historic day
+because the representatives of three millions of people there vocalized
+Concord and Lexington and Bunker Hill, which gave notice to the world
+that they were acting, and proposed to act, and to found an independent
+nation, on the theory that &quot;all men are created equal; that they are
+endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among
+these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.&quot; The wonder and
+glory of the American people is not the ringing declaration of that day,
+but the action, then already begun, and in the process of being carried
+out in spite of every obstacle that war could interpose, making the
+theory of freedom and equality a reality. We revere that day because it
+marks the beginnings of independence, the beginnings of a constitution
+that was finally to give universal freedom and equality to all American
+citizens, the beginnings of a government that was to recognize beyond
+all oth<a name='Page_38'></a>ers the power and worth and dignity of man. There began the first
+of governments to acknowledge that it was founded on the sovereignty of
+the people. There the world first beheld the revelation of modern
+democracy.</p>
+
+<p>Democracy is not a tearing-down; it is a building-up. It is not a denial
+of the divine right of kings; it supplements that claim with the
+assertion of the divine right of all men. It does not destroy; it
+fulfils. It is the consummation of all theories of government, to the
+spirit of which all the nations of the earth must yield. It is the great
+constructive force of the ages. It is the alpha and omega of man's
+relation to man, the beginning and the end. There is and can be no more
+doubt of the triumph of democracy in human affairs, than there is of the
+triumph of gravitation in the physical world; the only question is how
+and when. Its foundation lays hold upon eter<a name='Page_39'></a>nity.</p>
+
+<p>These are some of the ideals that the founders of our institutions
+expressed, in part unconsciously, on that momentous day now passed by
+one hundred and forty years. They knew that ideals do not maintain
+themselves. They knew that they there declared a purpose which would be
+resisted by the forces, on land and sea, of the mightiest empire of the
+earth. Without the resolution of the people of the Colonies to resort to
+arms, and without the guiding military genius of Washington, the
+Declaration of Independence would be naught in history but the vision of
+doctrinaires, a mockery of sounding brass and tinkling cymbal. Let us
+never forget that it was that resolution and that genius which made it
+the vitalizing force of a great nation. It takes service and sacrifice
+to maintain ideals.</p>
+
+<p>But it is far more than the Declaration of I<a name='Page_40'></a>ndependence that brings us
+here to-day. That was, indeed, a great document. It was drawn up by
+Thomas Jefferson when he was at his best. It was the product of men who
+seemed inspired. No greater company ever assembled to interpret the
+voice of the people or direct the destinies of a nation. The events of
+history may have added to it, but subtracted nothing. Wisdom and
+experience have increased the admiration of it. Time and criticism have
+not shaken it. It stands with ordinance and law, charter and
+constitution, prophecy and revelation, whether we read them in the
+history of Babylon, the results of Runnymede, the Ten Commandments, or
+the Sermon on the Mount. But, however worthy of our reverence and
+admiration, however pre&euml;minent, it was only one incident of a great
+forward movement of the human race, of which the American Revolution was
+itself only a larger incident. It was not so much a struggle of the
+Colonies again<a name='Page_41'></a>st the tyranny of bad government, as against wrong
+principles of government, and for self-government. It was man realizing
+himself. It was sovereignty from within which responded to the alarm of
+Paul Revere on that April night, and which went marching, gun in hand,
+against sovereignty from without, wherever it was found on earth. It
+only paused at Concord, or Yorktown, then marched on to Paris, to
+London, to Moscow, to Pekin. Against it the powers of privilege and the
+forces of despotism could not prevail. Superstition and sham cannot
+stand before intelligence and reality. The light that first broke over
+the thirteen Colonies lying along the Atlantic Coast was destined to
+illuminate the world. It has been a struggle against the forces of
+darkness; victory has been and is still delayed in some quarters, but
+the result is not in doubt. All the forces of the universe are ranged on
+the side of democracy. It must prevail.</p>
+
+<p><a name='Page_42'></a>In the train of this idea there has come to man a long line of
+collateral blessings. Freedom has many sides and angles. Human slavery
+has been swept away. With security of personal rights has come security
+of property rights. The freedom of the human mind is recognized in the
+right of free speech and free press. The public schools have made
+education possible for all, and ignorance a disgrace. A most significant
+development of respect for man has come to be respect for his
+occupation. It is not alone for the learned professions that great
+treasures are now poured out. Technical, trade, and vocational schools
+for teaching skill in occupations are fostered and nourished, with the
+same care as colleges and universities for the teaching of sciences and
+the classics. Democracy not only ennobled man; it has ennobled industry.
+In political affairs the vote of the humblest has long counted for as
+much as the vote of the most exalted. We are working towards the day
+when, in our industrial life, equal honor shall fall to equal endeavor,
+whet<a name='Page_43'></a>her it be exhibited in the office or in the shop.</p>
+
+<p>These are some of the results of that great world movement, which, first
+exhibiting itself in the Continental Congress of America, carried her
+arms to victory, through the sacrifice of a seven years' revolutionary
+war, and wrote into the Treaty of Paris the recognition of the right of
+the people to rule: since which days existence on this planet has had a
+new meaning; a result which, changing the old order of things, putting
+the race under the control and guidance of new forces, rescued man from
+every thraldom, but laid on him every duty.</p>
+
+<p>We know that only ignorance and superstition seek to explain events by
+fate and destiny, yet there is a fascination in such speculations born,
+perhaps, of human frailty. How happens it that James Otis laid out in
+1762 the the<a name='Page_44'></a>n almost treasonable proposition that &quot;Kings were made for
+the good of the people, and not the people for them,&quot; in a pamphlet
+which was circulated among the Colonists? What school had taught Patrick
+Henry that national outlook which he expressed in the opening debates of
+the first Continental Congress when he said, &quot;I am not a Virginian, but
+an American,&quot; and which hurried him on to the later cry of &quot;Liberty or
+death?&quot; How was it that the filling of a vacancy sent Thomas Jefferson
+to the second Continental Congress, there to pen the immortal
+Declaration we this day celebrate? No other living man could have
+excelled him in preparation for, or in the execution of, that great
+task. What circumstance put the young George Washington under the
+military instruction of a former army officer, and then gave him years
+of training to lead the Continental forces? What settled Ethan Allen in
+the wilderness of the Green Mountains ready to strike Ticonderoga?<a name='Page_45'></a>
+Whence came that power to draft state papers, in a new and unlettered
+land, which compelled the admiration of the cultured Earl of Chatham?
+What lengthened out the days of Benjamin Franklin that he might
+negotiate the Treaty of Paris? What influence sent the miraculous voice
+of Daniel Webster from the outlying settlements of New Hampshire to
+rouse the land with his appeal for Liberty and Union? And finally who
+raised up Lincoln, to lead, to inspire, and to die, that the opening
+assertion of the Declaration might stand at last fulfilled?</p>
+
+<p>These thoughts are overpowering. But let us beware of fate and destiny.
+Barbarians have decreased, but barbarism still exists. Rome boasted the
+name of the Eternal City. It was but eight hundred years from the sack
+of the city by one tribe of barbarians to the sack of the city by
+another tribe of barbarians. Between lay something akin to a democratic
+commonwealth. Then games,<a name='Page_46'></a> and bribes for the populace, with dictators
+and C&aelig;sars, while later the Pr&aelig;torian Guard sold the royal purple to the
+highest bidder. After which came Alaric, the Goth, and night. Since when
+democracy lay dormant for some fifteen centuries. We may claim with
+reason that our Nation has had the guidance of Providence; we may know
+that our form of government must ultimately prevail upon earth; but what
+guaranty have we that it shall be maintained here? What proof that some
+unlineal hand, some barbarism, without or within, shall not wrench the
+sceptre of democracy from our grasp? The rule of princes, the privilege
+of birth, has come down through the ages; the rule of the people has not
+yet marked a century and a half. There is no absolute proof, no positive
+guaranty, but there is hope and high expectation, and the path is not
+uncharted.</p>
+
+<p>It may be some help to know that, however much of glory, there is no
+magic in American democracy. Let us examine some more of this
+Declaration of ours, and examine it in the light of the events of those
+solemn days in w<a name='Page_47'></a>hich it was adopted.</p>
+
+<p>Men of every clime have lavished much admiration upon the first part of
+the Declaration of Independence, and rightly so, for it marked the entry
+of new forces and new ideals into human affairs. Its admirers have
+sometimes failed in their attempts to live by it, but none have
+successfully disputed its truth. It is the realization of the true
+glory and worth of man, which, when once admitted, wrought vast changes
+that have marked all history since its day. All this relates to natural
+rights, fascinating to dwell upon, but not sufficient to live by. The
+signers knew that well; more important still, the people whom they
+represented knew it. So they did not stop there. After asserting that
+man was to stand out in the universe with a new and supreme importance,
+and that governments were instituted to insure life, liberty, and the
+<a name='Page_48'></a>pursuit of happiness, they did not shrink from the logical conclusion of
+this doctrine. They knew that the duty between the citizen and the State
+was reciprocal. They knew that the State called on its citizens for
+their property and their lives; they laid down the proposition that
+government was to protect the citizen in his life, liberty, and pursuit
+of happiness. At some expense? Yes. Those prudent and thrifty men had no
+false notions about incurring expense. They knew the value of
+increasing their material resources, but they knew that prosperity was a
+means, not an end. At cost of life? Yes. These sons of the Puritans, of
+the Huguenots, of the men of Londonderry, braved exile to secure peace,
+but they were not afraid to die in defence of their convictions. They
+put no limit on what the State must do for the citizen in his hour of
+need. While they required all, they gave all. Let us read their
+conclusion in their own words, and mark its simplicity and majesty: &quot;And
+for the support of this Declaration, <a name='Page_49'></a>with a firm reliance on the
+protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our
+lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.&quot; There is no cringing
+reservation here, no alternative, and no delay. Here is the voice of the
+plain men of Middlesex, promising Yorktown, promising Appomattox.</p>
+
+<p>The doctrine of the Declaration of Independence, predicated upon the
+glory of man, and the corresponding duty of society, is that the rights
+of citizens are to be protected with every power and resource of the
+State, and a government that does any less is false to the teachings of
+that great document, of the name American. Beyond this, the principle
+that it is the obligation of the people to rise and overthrow government
+which fails in these respects. But above all, the call to duty, the
+pledge of fortune and of life, nobility of character through nobility of
+action: this is Americanism.</p>
+<a name='Page_50'></a>
+<div class='blkquot'><p>&quot;Woe for us if we forget, we that hold by these.&quot; </p></div>
+
+<p>Herein are the teachings of this day&mdash;touching the heights of man's
+glory and the depths of man's duty. Here lies the path to national
+preservation, and there is no other. Education, the progress of science,
+commercial prosperity, yes, and peace, all these and their accompanying
+blessings are worthy and commendable objects of attainment. But these
+are not the end, whether these come or no; the end lies in
+action&mdash;action in accord with the eternal principles of the Declaration
+of Independence; the words of the Continental Congress, but the deeds of
+the Army of the Revolution.</p>
+
+<p>This is the meaning of America. And it is all our own. Doctrinaires and
+visionaries may shudder at it. The privilege of birth may jeer at it.
+The practical politician may scoff at it. But the people of the Nation
+<a name='Page_51'></a>respond to it, and march away to Mexico to the rescue of a colored
+trooper as they marched of old to the rescue of an emperor. The
+assertion of human rights is naught but a call to human sacrifice. This
+is yet the spirit of the American people. Only so long as this flame
+burns shall we endure and the light of liberty be shed over the nations
+of the earth. May the increase of the years increase for America only
+the devotion to this spirit, only the intensity of this flame, and the
+eternal truth of Lowell's lines:</p>
+
+<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'>
+<span><a name='Page_52'></a>&quot;What were our lives without thee?<br /></span>
+<span>What all our lives to save thee?<br /></span>
+<span>We reck not what we gave thee;<br /></span>
+<span>We will not dare to doubt thee,<br /></span>
+<span>But ask whatever else and we will dare.&quot;<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='V'></a><h2>V</h2>
+
+<center>RIVERSIDE</center>
+
+<center>AUGUST 28, 1916</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>It may be that there would be votes for the Republican Party in t<a name='Page_53'></a>he
+promise of low taxes and vanishing expenditures. I can see an
+opportunity for its candidates to pose as the apostles of retrenchment
+and reform. I am not one of those who believe votes are to be won by
+misrepresentations, skilful presentations of half truths, and plausible
+deductions from false premises. Good government cannot be found on the
+bargain-counter. We have seen samples of bargain-counter government in
+the past when low tax rates were secured by increasing the bonded debt
+for current expenses or refusing to keep our institutions up to the
+standard in repairs, extensions, equipment, and accommodations. I
+refuse, and the Republican Party refuses, to endorse that method of
+sham and shoddy economy. New projects can wait, but the commitments of
+the Commonwealth must be maintained. We cannot curtail the usual
+appropriations or the care of mothers with dependent children or the
+support of the poor, the insane, and the infirm. The Democratic
+programme of cutting the State tax, by <a name='Page_54'></a>vetoing appropriations of the
+utmost urgency for improvements and maintenance costs of institutions
+and asylums of the unfortunates of the State, cannot be the example for
+a Republican administration. The result has been that our institutions
+are deficient in resources&mdash;even in sleeping accommodations&mdash;and it will
+take years to restore them to the old-time Republican efficiency. Our
+party will have no part in a scheme of economy which adds to the misery
+of the wards of the Commonwealth&mdash;the sick, the insane, and the
+unfortunate; those who are too weak even to protest.</p>
+
+<p>Because I know these conditions I know a Republican administration
+would face an increasing State tax rather than not see them remedied.</p>
+
+<p>The Republican Party lit the fire of progress in Massachusetts. It has
+tended it faithfully. It will not flicker now. It has provided here
+conditions of employment, and safeguards for health, that are surpassed
+nowhere on earth. There will b<a name='Page_55'></a>e no backward step. The reuniting of the
+Republican Party means no reaction in the protection of women and
+children in our industrial life. These laws are settled. These
+principles are established. Minor modifications are possible, but the
+foundations are not to be disturbed. The advance may have been too rapid
+in some cases, but there can be no retreat. That is the position of the
+great majority of those who constitute our party.</p>
+
+<p>We recognize there is need of relief&mdash;need to our industries, need to
+our population in manufacturing centres; but it must come from
+construction, not from destruction. Put an administration on Beacon
+Hill that can conserve our resources, that can protect us from further
+injuries, until a national Republican policy can restore those
+conditions of confidence and prosperity under which our advance began
+<a name='Page_56'></a>and under which it can be resumed.</p>
+
+<p>This makes the coming State election take on a most important
+aspect&mdash;not that it can furnish all the needed relief, but that it will
+increase the probability of a complete relief in the near future if it
+be crowned with Republican victory.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='VI'></a><h2>VI</h2>
+
+<center>AT THE HOME OF AUGUSTUS P. GARDNER, HAMILTON</center>
+
+<center>SEPTEMBER, 1916</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>Standing here in the presence of our host, our thoughts naturally turn
+to a discussion of &quot;Preparedness.&quot; I do not propose to overlook that
+issue; but I sh<a name='Page_57'></a>all offer suggestions of another kind of &quot;preparedness.&quot;
+Not that I shrink from full and free consideration of the military needs
+of our country. Nor do I agree that it is now necessary to remain silent
+regarding the domestic or foreign relations of this Nation.</p>
+
+<p>I agree that partisanship should stop at the boundary line, but I assert
+that patriotism should begin there. Others, however, have covered this
+field, and I leave it to them and to you.</p>
+
+<p>I do, however, propose to discuss the &quot;preparedness&quot; of the State to
+care for its unfortunates. And I propose to do this without any party
+bias and without blame upon any particular individual, but in just
+criticism of a system.</p>
+
+<p>In Massachusetts, we are citizens before we are partisans. The good name
+of the Commonwealth is of more moment to us than party success. But
+unfortunately, because of existing conditions, that good name, in one
+particular at least, is now in jeopar<a name='Page_58'></a>dy.</p>
+
+<p>Massachusetts, for twenty years, has been able honestly to boast of the
+care it has bestowed upon her sick, poor, and insane. Her institutions
+have been regarded as models throughout the world. We are falling from
+that proud estate; crowded housing conditions, corridors used for
+sleeping purposes, are not only not unusual, but are coming to be the
+accepted standard. The heads of asylums complain that maintenance and
+the allowance for food supply and supervision are being skimped.</p>
+
+<p>On August 1 of this year, the institutions throughout the State housed
+more than 700 patients above what they were designed to accommodate, and
+I am told the crowding is steadily increasing. That is one reason I have
+been at pains to set forth that I do not see the way clear to make a
+radical reduction in the annual State budget. I now repeat that
+<a name='Page_59'></a>declaration, in spite of contradiction, because I know the citizens of
+this State have no desire for economies gained at such a sacrifice. The
+people have no stomach for retrenchment of that sort.</p>
+
+<p>A charge of overcrowding, which must mean a lack of care, is not to be
+carelessly made. You are entitled to facts, as well as phrases. I gave
+the whole number now confined in our institutions above the stated
+capacity as over 700. About August 1, Danvers had 1530 in an institution
+of 1350 capacity. Northampton, my home town, had 913, in a hospital
+built for 819. In Boston State Hospital, there were 1572, where the
+capacity was 1406. Westboro had 1260 inmates, with capacity for 1161,
+and Medfield had 1615, where the capacity was 1542. These capacities are
+given from official recorded accommodations.</p>
+
+<p>This was not the practice of the past, and there can be no question as
+to where the responsibility rests. The General Court <a name='Page_60'></a>has done its best,
+but there has been a halt elsewhere. A substantial appropriation was
+made for a new State Hospital for the Metropolitan District, and an
+additional appropriation for a new institution for the feeble-minded in
+the western part of the State. In its desire to hasten matters, the
+legislature went even further and granted money for plans for a new
+hospital in the Metropolitan District, to relieve part of the outside
+congestion, but the needed relief is still in the future.</p>
+
+<p>I feel the time has come when the people must assert themselves and show
+that they will tolerate no delay and no parsimony in the care of our
+unfortunates. Restore the fame of our State in the handling of these
+problems to its former lustre.</p>
+
+<p>I repeat that this is not partisan. I am not criticising individuals. I
+am denouncing a system. When you substitute patronage for patriotism,
+administration breaks down. We need more of the Office Desk and less of
+the Show Window in politics. Let men in office substitute the midnight
+oil for the limelight. Let Massachusetts return to the sound business
+methods which were exemplified in the past by such Democrats in the East
+as Governor Gaston and Governor Douglas, and by such Republicans in the
+<a name='Page_61'></a>West as Governor Robinson and Governor Crane.</p>
+
+<p>Above all, let us not, in our haste to prepare for war, forget to
+prepare for peace. The issue is with you. You can, by your votes, show
+what system you stamp with the approval of enlightened Massachusetts
+Public Opinion.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='VII'></a><h2>VII</h2>
+
+<center>LAFAYETTE BANQUET, FALL RIVER</center>
+
+<center>SEPTEMBER 4, 1916</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>Seemingly trifling events oft carry in their train great conseque<a name='Page_62'></a>nces.
+The firing of a gun in the backwoods of Pennsylvania, Macaulay tells us,
+started the Seven Years' War which set the world in conflagration,
+causing men to fight each other on every shore of the seven seas and
+giving new masters to the most ancient of empires. We see to-day fifteen
+nations engaged in the most terrific war in the history of the human
+race and trace its origin to the bullet of a madman fired in the
+Balkans. It is true that the flintlock gun at Lexington was not the
+first, nor yet the last, to fire a &quot;shot heard round the world.&quot; It was
+not the distance it travelled, but the message it carried which has
+marked it out above all other human events. It was the character of
+that message which, claimed the attention of him we this day honor, in
+the far-off fortress of the now famous Metz; it was because it roused in
+the listener a sympathetic response that it was destined to link forever
+the events of Concord and Lexington and Bunker Hill and Dorchester
+Heights, in our Commonwealth, w<a name='Page_63'></a>ith the name of Lafayette.</p>
+
+<p>For there was a new tone in those Massachusetts guns. It was not the old
+lust of conquest, not the sullen roar of hatred and revenge, but a
+higher, clearer note of a people asserting their inalienable
+sovereignty. It is a happy circumstance that one of our native-born,
+Benjamin Franklin, was instrumental in bringing Lafayette to America;
+but beyond that it is fitting at this time to give a thought to our
+Commonwealth because his ideals, his character, his life, were all in
+sympathy with that great Revolution which was begun within her borders
+and carried to a successful conclusion by the sacrifice of her treasure
+and her blood. It was not the able legal argument of James Otis against
+the British Writs of Assistance, nor the petitions and remonstrances of
+the Colonists to the British throne, admirable though they were, that
+aroused the approbation and brought his support to our cause. It was not
+al<a name='Page_64'></a>one that he agreed with the convictions of the Continental Congress.
+He saw in the example of Massachusetts a people who would shrink from no
+sacrifice to defend rights which were beyond price. It was not the
+Tories, fleeing to Canada, that attracted him. It was the patriots,
+bearing arms, and he brought them not a pen but a sword.</p>
+
+<p>&quot;Resistance to tyranny is obedience to law,&quot; and &quot;obedience to law is
+liberty.&quot; Those are the foundations of the Commonwealth. It was these
+principles in action which appealed to that young captain of dragoons
+and brought the sword and resources of the aristocrat to battle for
+democracy. I love to think of his connection with our history. I love
+to think of him at the dedication of the Bunker Hill Monument receiving
+the approbation of the Nation from the lips of Daniel Webster. I love to
+<a name='Page_65'></a>think of the long line of American citizens of French blood in our
+Commonwealth to-day, ready to defend the principles he fought for,
+&quot;Liberty under the Law,&quot; citizens who, like him, look not with apology,
+but with respect and approval and admiration on that sentiment inscribed
+on the white flag of Massachusetts, &quot;<i>Ense petit placidam sub libertate
+quietem</i>&quot; (With a sword she seeks secure peace under liberty).</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='VIII'></a><h2>VIII</h2>
+
+<center>NORFOLK REPUBLICAN CLUB, BOSTON</center>
+
+<center>OCTOBER 9, 1916</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>Last night at Somerville I spoke on some of the fundamental differences
+between the Republican and Democratic pol<a name='Page_66'></a>icies, and showed how we were
+dependent on Republican principles as a foundation on which to erect any
+advance in our social and economic welfare.</p>
+
+<p>This year the Republican Party has adopted a very advanced platform.
+That was natural, for we have always been the party of progress, and
+have given our attention to that, when we were not engaged in a
+life-and-death struggle to overcome the fallacies put forth by our
+opponents, with which we are all so familiar. The result has been that
+here in Massachusetts, where our party has ever been strong, and where
+we have framed legislation for more than fifty years, more progress has
+been made along the lines of humanitarian legislation than in any other
+State. We have felt free to call on our industries to make large outlays
+along these lines because we have furnished them with the advantages of
+a protective tariff and an honest and efficient state government. The
+consequences have been that in <a name='Page_67'></a>this State the hours and conditions of
+labor have been better than anywhere else on earth. Those provisions for
+safety, sanitation, compensations for accidents, and for good living
+conditions have now been almost entirely worked out. There remains,
+however, the condition of sickness, age, misfortune, lack of employment,
+or some other cause, that temporarily renders people unable to care for
+themselves. Our platform has taken up this condition.</p>
+
+<p>We have long been familiar with insurance to cover losses. You will
+readily recall the different kinds. Formerly it was only used in
+commerce, by the well-to-do. Recently it has been adapted to the use of
+all our people by the great industrial companies which have been very
+successful. Our State has adopted a system of savings-bank insurance,
+thus reducing the expense. Now, social insurance will not be, under a
+Republican interpretation, any new form of outdoor relief, some new
+scheme of living on the town. It will be an extension of the old
+familiar principle to the needs at hand, and so popularized as to meet
+<a name='Page_68'></a>the requirements of our times.</p>
+
+<p>It ought to be understood, however, that there can be no remedy for lack
+of industry and thrift, secured by law. It ought to be understood that
+no scheme of insurance and no scheme of government aid is likely to make
+us all prosperous. And above all, these remedies must go forward on the
+firm foundation of an independent, self-supporting, self-governing
+people. But we do honestly put forward a proposition for the relief of
+misfortune.</p>
+
+<p>The Republican Party is proposing humanitarian legislation to build up
+character, to establish independence, not pauperism; it will in the
+future, as in the past, ever stand opposed to the establishment of one
+<a name='Page_69'></a>class who shall live on the Government, and another class who shall pay
+the taxes. To those who fear we are turning Socialists, and to those who
+think we are withholding just and desirable public aid and support, I
+say that government under the Republican Party will continue in the
+future to be so administered as to breed not mendicants, but men.
+Humanitarian legislation is going to be the handmaid of character.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='IX'></a><h2>IX</h2>
+
+<center>PUBLIC MEETING ON THE HIGH COST OF LIVING, FANEUIL HALL</center>
+
+<center>DECEMBER 9, 1916</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>The great aim of American institutions is the protection of the
+individual. That is<a name='Page_70'></a> the principle which lies at the foundation of
+Anglo-Saxon liberty. It matters not with what power the individual is
+assailed, nor whether that power is represented by wealth or place or
+numbers; against it the humblest American citizen has the right to the
+protection of his Government by every force that Government can command.</p>
+
+<p>This right would be but half expressed if it ran only to a remedy after
+a wrong is inflicted; it should and does run to the prevention of a
+wrong which is threatened. We find our citizens, to-day, not so much
+suffering from the high cost of living, though that is grievous enough,
+as threatened with an increasing cost which will bring suffering and
+misery to a large body of our inhabitants. So we come here not only to
+discuss providing a remedy for what is now existing, but some protection
+to ward off what is threatening to be a worse calamity. We shall utterly
+fail of our purpose to provide relief unless we look at things as they
+are. It<a name='Page_71'></a> is useless to indulge in indiscriminate abuse. We must not
+confuse the innocent with the guilty; it must be our object to allay
+suspicion, not to create it. The great body of our tradespeople are
+honest and conscientious, anxious to serve their customers for a fair
+return for their service. We want their co&ouml;peration in our pursuit of
+facts; we want to co&ouml;perate with them in proposing and securing a
+remedy. We do not deny the existence of economic laws, nor the right to
+profit by a change of conditions.</p>
+
+<p>But we do claim the right and duty of the Government to investigate and
+punish any artificial creation of high prices by means of illegal
+monopolies or restraints of trade. And above all, we claim the right of
+publicity. That is a remedy with an arm longer and stronger than that of
+the law. Let us know what is going on and the remedy will provide
+itself. In working along this line we shall have g<a name='Page_72'></a>reat help from the
+newspapers. The American people are prepared to meet any reasonable
+burden; they are not asking for charity or favor; fair prices and fair
+profits they will gladly pay; but they demand information that they are
+fair, and an immediate reduction if they are not.</p>
+
+<p>The Commonwealth has just provided money for an investigation by a
+competent commission. Its Police Department, its Law Department, are
+<a name='Page_73'></a>also at the service of our citizens. Let us refrain from suspicion; let
+us refrain from all indiscriminate blame; but let us present at once to
+the proper authorities all facts and all evidence of unfair practices.
+Let all our merchants, of whatever degree, assist in this work for the
+public good and let the individual see and feel that all his rights are
+protected by his Government.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='X'></a><h2>X</h2>
+
+<center>ONE HUNDREDTH ANNIVERSARY DINNER OF THE PROVIDENT INSTITUTION FOR
+SAVINGS</center>
+
+<center>DECEMBER 13, 1916</center>
+<br /><a name='Page_74'></a>
+
+<p>The history of the institution we here celebrate reaches back more than
+one third of the way to the landing of the Mayflower&mdash;back to the day of
+the men who signed the Declaration of Independence, who saw Prescott,
+Pomeroy, Stark, and Warren at Bunker Hill, who followed Washington and
+his generals from Dochester Heights to Yorktown, and saw the old Bay
+Colony become the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. They had seen a nation
+in the making. They founded their government on the rights of the
+individual. They had no hesitation in defending those rights against the
+invasion of a British King and Parliament, by a Revolutionary War, nor
+in criticising their own Government at Washington when they thought an
+invasion of those rights was again threatened by the preliminaries and
+the prosecution of the War of 1812. They had made the Commonwealth. They
+understood its Government. They knew it was a part<a name='Page_75'></a> of themselves, their
+own organization. They had not acquired the state of mind that enabled
+them to stand aloof and regard government as something apart and
+separate from the people. It would never have occurred to them that they
+could not transact for themselves any other business just as well as
+they could transact for themselves the business of government. They were
+the men who had fought a war to limit the power of government and
+enlarge the privileges of the individual.</p>
+
+<p>It was the same spirit that made Massachusetts that made the Provident
+Institution for Savings. What the men of that day wanted they made for
+themselves. They would never have thought of asking Congress to keep
+their money in the post-office. They did not want their commercial
+privileges interfered with by having the Government buy and sell for
+them. They had the self-reliance and the independence t<a name='Page_76'></a>o prefer to do
+those things for themselves. This is the spirit that founded
+Massachusetts, the spirit that has seen your bank grow until it could
+now probably purchase all there was of property in the Commonwealth when
+it began its existence. I want to see that spirit still pre&euml;minent here.
+I want to see a deeper realization on the part of the people that this
+is their Commonwealth, their Government; that they control it, that they
+pay its expenses, that it is, after all, only a part of themselves; that
+<a name='Page_77'></a>any attempt to shift upon it their duties, their responsibilities, or
+their support will in the end only delude, degrade, impoverish, and
+enslave. Your institution points the only way, through self-control,
+self-denial, and self-support, to self-government, to independence, to a
+more generous liberty, and to a firmer establishment of individual
+rights.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XI'></a><h2>XI</h2>
+
+<center>ASSOCIATED INDUSTRIES DINNER, BOSTON</center>
+
+<center>DECEMBER 15, 1916</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>During the past few years we have questioned the soundness of many
+principles that had for a lon<a name='Page_78'></a>g time been taken for granted. We have
+examined the foundations of our institutions of government. We have
+debated again the theories of the men who wrote the Declaration of
+Independence, the Constitution of the Nation, and laid down the
+fundamental law of our own Commonwealth. Along with this examination of
+our form of government has gone an examination of our social,
+industrial, and economic system. What is to come out of it all?</p>
+
+<p>In the last fifty years we have had a material prosperity in this
+country the like of which was never beheld before. A prosperity which
+not only built up great industries, great transportation systems, great
+banks and a great commerce, but a prosperity under whose influence arts
+and sciences, education and charity flourished most abundantly. It was
+little wonder that men came to think that prosperity was the chief end
+of man and grew arrogant in the use of its power. It was little wonder
+that such a misunderstanding arose th<a name='Page_79'></a>at one part of the community
+thought the owners and managers of our great industries were robbers, or
+that they thought some of the people meant to confiscate all property.
+It has been a costly investigation, but if we can arrive at a better
+understanding of our economic and social laws it will be worth all it
+cost.</p>
+
+<p>As a part of this discussion we have had many attempts at regulation of
+industrial activity by law. Some of it has proceeded on the theory that
+if those who enjoyed material prosperity used it for wrong purposes,
+such prosperity should be limited or abolished. That is as sound as it
+would be to abolish writing to prevent forgery. We need to keep forever
+in mind that guilt is personal; if there is to be punishment let it fall
+on the evil-doer, let us not condemn the instrument. We need power. Is
+the steam engine too strong? Is electricity too swift? Can any
+prosperity be t<a name='Page_80'></a>oo great? Can any instrument of commerce or industry ever
+be too powerful to serve the public needs? What then of the anti-trust
+laws? They are sound in theory. Their assemblances of wealth are broken
+up because they were assembled for an unlawful purpose. It is the
+purpose that is condemned. You men who represent our industries can see
+that there is the same right to disperse unlawful assembling of wealth
+or power that there is to disperse a mob that has met to lynch or riot.
+But that principle does not denounce town-meetings or prayer-meetings.</p>
+
+<p>We have established here a democracy on the principle that all men are
+created equal. It is our endeavor to extend equal blessings to all. It
+can be done approximately if we establish the correct standards. We are
+coming to see that we are dependent upon commercial and industrial
+prosperity, not only for the creation of wealth, but for the solving of
+the great problem of the distribution of wealth. There is jus<a name='Page_81'></a>t one
+condition on which men can secure employment and a living, nourishing,
+profitable wages for whatever they contribute to the enterprise, be it
+labor or capital, and that condition is that some one make a profit by
+it. That is the sound basis for the distribution of wealth and the only
+one. It cannot be done by law, it cannot be done by public ownership, it
+cannot be done by socialism. When you deny the right to a profit you
+deny the right of a reward to thrift and industry.</p>
+
+<p>The scientists tell us that the same force that rounds the teardrop
+moulds the earth. Physical laws have their analogy in social and
+industrial life. The law that builds up the people is the law that
+builds up industry. What price could the millions, who have found the
+inestimable blessings of American citizenship around our great
+industrial centres, after coming here from lands of oppression, afford
+to pay to those who organized those industries? Sh<a name='Page_82'></a>all we not recognize
+the great service they have done the cause of humanity? Have we not seen
+what happens to industry, to transportation, to all commercial activity
+which we call business when profit fails? Have we not seen the suffering
+and misery which it entails upon the people?</p>
+
+<p>Let us recognize the source of these fundamental principles and not
+hesitate to assert them. Let us frown upon greed and selfishness, but
+<a name='Page_83'></a>let us also condemn envy and uncharitableness. Let us have done with
+misunderstandings, let us strive to realize the dream of democracy by a
+prosperity of industry that shall mean the prosperity of the people, by
+a strengthening of our material resources that shall mean a
+strengthening of our character, by a merchandising that has for its end
+manhood, and womanhood, the ideal of American Citizenship.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XII'></a><h2>XII</h2>
+
+<center>ON THE NATURE OF POLITICS</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>Politics is not an end, but a means. It is not a product, but a process.
+It is the art of government. Like other values it has its counterfeits.
+So much emphasis has been put upon the <a name='Page_84'></a>false that the significance of
+the true has been obscured and politics has come to convey the meaning
+of crafty and cunning selfishness, instead of candid and sincere
+service. The Greek derivation shows the nobler purpose. Politikos means
+city-rearing, state-craft. And when we remember that city also meant
+civilization, the spurious presentment, mean and sordid, drops away and
+the real figure of the politician, dignified and honorable, a minister
+to civilization, author and finisher of government, is revealed in its
+true and dignified proportions.</p>
+
+<p>There is always something about genius that is indefinable, mysterious,
+perhaps to its possessor most of all. It has been the product of rude
+surroundings no less than of the most cultured environment, want and
+neglect have sometimes nourished it, abundance and care have failed to
+produce it. Why so<a name='Page_85'></a>me succeed in public life and others fail would be as
+difficult to tell as why some succeed or fail in other activities. Very
+few men in America have started out with any fixed idea of entering
+public life, fewer still would admit having such an idea. It was said of
+Chief Justice Waite, of the United States Supreme Court, being asked
+when a youth what he proposed to do when a man, he replied, he had not
+yet decided whether to be President or Chief Justice. This may be in
+part due to a general profession of holding to the principle of Benjamin
+Franklin that office should neither be sought nor refused and in part to
+the American idea that the people choose their own officers so that
+public service is not optional. In other countries this is not so. For
+centuries some seats in the British Parliament were controlled and
+probably sold as were commissions in the army, but that has never been
+the case here. A certain Congressman, however, on arrivi<a name='Page_86'></a>ng at Washington
+was asked by an old friend how he happened to be elected. He replied
+that he was not elected, but appointed. It is worth while noting that
+the boss who was then supposed to hold the power of appointment in that
+district has since been driven from power, but the Congressman, though
+he was defeated when his party was lately divided, has been reflected.
+All of which suggests that the boss did not appoint in the first
+instance, but was merely well enough informed to see what the people
+wanted before they had formulated their own opinions and desires. It was
+said of McKinley that he could tell what Congress would do on a certain
+measure before the men in Congress themselves knew what their decision
+was to be. Cannon has said of McKinley that his ear was so close to the
+ground that it was full of grasshoppers. But the fact remains that
+office brokerage is here held in reprehensive scorn and professional
+office-seeking in contempt. Every native-born American, however, is
+potentially a President, and it must always be remembered that the
+obligation to serv<a name='Page_87'></a>e the State is forever binding upon all, although
+office is the gift of the people.</p>
+
+<p>Of course these considerations relate not to appointive places like the
+Judiciary, Commissionerships, clerical positions and like places, but to
+the more important elective offices. Another reason why political life
+of this nature is not chosen as a career is that it does not pay. Nearly
+all offices of this class are held at a financial sacrifice, not merely
+that the holder could earn more at some other occupation, but that the
+salary of the office does not maintain the holder of the office. It is
+but recently that Parliament has paid a salary to its members. In years
+gone by the United States Senate has been rather marked for its number
+of rich men. Few prominent members of Congress are dependent on their
+salary, which is but another way of saying that in Washington Senators
+and Representatives need more than their official salaries to become
+most effective. It is a consol<a name='Page_88'></a>ation to be able to state that this is not
+the condition of members of the Massachusetts General Court. There,
+ability and character come very near to being the sole requirements for
+success. Although some men have seen service in our legislature of
+nearly twenty years, to the great benefit of the Commonwealth, no one
+would choose that for a career and these men doubtless look on it only
+as an avocation.</p>
+
+<p>For these reasons we have no profession of politics or of public life in
+the sense that we have a profession of law and medicine and other
+learned callings. We have men who have spent many years in office, but
+it would be difficult to find one outside the limitations noted who
+would refer to that as his business, occupation, or profession.</p>
+
+<p>The inexperienced are prone to hold an erroneous idea of public life and
+its methods. Not<a name='Page_89'></a> long ago I listened to a joint debate in a prominent
+preparatory school. Each side took it for granted that public men were
+influenced only by improper motives and that officials of the government
+were seeking only their own gain and advantage without regard to the
+welfare of the people. Such a presumption has no foundation in fact.
+There are dishonest men in public office. There are quacks, shysters,
+and charlatans among doctors, lawyers, and clergy, but they are not
+representative of their professions nor indicative of their methods. Our
+public men, as a class, are inspired by honorable and patriotic motives,
+desirous only of a faithful execution of their trust from the executive
+and legislative branches of the States and Nation down to the
+executives of our towns, who bear the dignified and significant title of
+selectmen. Public men must expect criticism and be prepared to endure
+false charges from their opponents. It is a matter of no great concern
+to them. But public confidence in government is a ma<a name='Page_90'></a>tter of great
+concern. It cannot be maintained in the face of such opinions as I have
+mentioned. It is necessary to differentiate between partisan assertions
+and actual conditions. It is necessary to recognize worth as well as to
+condemn graft. No system of government can stand that lacks public
+confidence and no progress can be made on the assumption of a false
+premise. Public administration is honest and sound and public business
+is transacted on a higher plane than private business.</p>
+
+<p>There is no difficulty for men in college to understand elections and
+government. They have all had experience in it. The same motives that
+operate in the choice of class officers operate in choosing officers for
+the Commonwealth. Here men are soon estimated at their true worth. Here
+places of trust are conferred and administered as they will be in later
+years. The scale is smaller, the opportunities are less, conditions are
+more artificial, but the principl<a name='Page_91'></a>es are the same. Of course the present
+estimate is not the ultimate. There are men here who appear important
+that will not appear so in years to come. There are men who seem
+insignificant now who will develop at a later day. But the motive which
+leads to elections here leads to elections in the State.</p>
+
+<p>Is there any especial obligation on the part of college-bred men to be
+candidates for public office? I do not think so. It is said that
+although college graduates constitute but one per cent of the
+population, they hold about fifty per cent of the public offices, so
+that this question seems to take care of itself. But I do not feel that
+there is any more obligation to run for office than there is to become a
+banker, a merchant, a teacher, or enter any other special occupation. As
+indicated some men have a particular aptitude in this direction and some
+have none. Of course experience counts here as in any other human
+activity, and all experien<a name='Page_92'></a>ce worth the name is the result of
+application, of time and thought and study and practice. If the
+individual finds he has liking and capacity for this work, he will
+involuntarily find himself engaged in it. There is no catalogue of such
+capacity. One man gets results in one way, another in another. But in
+general only the man of broad sympathy and deep understanding of his
+fellow men can meet with much success.</p>
+
+<p>What I have said relates to the somewhat narrow field of office-holding.
+This is really a small part of the American system or of any system.
+James Bryce tells us that we have a government of public opinion. That
+is growing to be more and more true of the governments of the entire
+world. The first care of despotism seems to be to control the school and
+the press. Where the mind is free it turns not to force but to reason
+for the source of authority. Men submit to a government of force as we
+are doing now when they believe it is nec<a name='Page_93'></a>essary for their security,
+necessary to protect them from the imposition of force from without.
+This is probably the main motive of the German people. They have been
+taught that their only protection lay in the support of a military
+despotism. Rightly or wrongly they have believed this and believing have
+submitted to what they suppose their only means of security. They have
+been governed accordingly. Germany is still feudal.</p>
+
+<p>This leads to the larger and all important field of politics. Here we
+soon see that office-holding is the incidental, but the standard of
+citizenship is the essential. Government does rest upon the opinions of
+men. Its results rest on their actions. This makes every man a
+politician whether he will or no. This lays the burden on us all. Men
+who have had the advantages of liberal culture ought to be the leaders
+in maintaining the standards of citizenship. Unless they can and do
+accomplish this result education is a failure. Greatly have they been
+taug<a name='Page_94'></a>ht, greatly must they teach. The power to think is the most
+practical thing in the world. It is not and cannot be cloistered from
+politics.</p>
+
+<p>We live under a republican form of government. We need forever to
+remember that representative government does represent. A careless,
+indifferent representative is the result of a careless, indifferent
+electorate. The people who start to elect a man to get what he can for
+his district will probably find they have elected a man who will get
+what he can for himself. A body will keep on its course for a time after
+the moving impulse ceases by reason of its momentum. The men who
+founded our government had fought and thought mightily on the
+relationship of man to his government. Our institutions would go for a
+time under the momentum they gave. But we should be deluded if we
+supposed they can be maintained without more of the same stern sacr<a name='Page_95'></a>ifice
+offered in perpetuity. Government is not an edifice that the founders
+turn over to posterity all completed. It is an institution, like a
+university which fails unless the process of education continues.</p>
+
+<p>The State is not founded on selfishness. It cannot maintain itself by
+the offer of material rewards. It is the opportunity for service. There
+has of late been held out the hope that government could by legislation
+remove from the individual the need of effort. The managers of
+industries have seemed to think that their difficulties could be removed
+and prosperity ensured by changing the laws. The employee has been led
+to believe that his condition could be made easy by the same method.
+When industries can be carried on without any struggle, their results
+will be worthless, and when wages can be secured without any effort they
+will have no purchasing value. In the end the value of the product will
+be measured by the amount of effort necessary to secure it. Our late Dr.
+Garman recognized th<a name='Page_96'></a>is limitation in one of his lectures where he
+says:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>&quot;Critics have noticed three stages in the development of human
+civilization. First: the let-alone policy; every man to look out for
+number one. This is the age of selfishness. Second: the opposite pole of
+thinking; every man to do somebody's else work for him. This is the dry
+rot of sentimentality that feeds tramps and enacts poor laws such as
+excite the indignation of Herbert Spencer. But the third stage is
+represented by our formula: every man must render and receive the best
+possible service, except in the case of inequality, and there the
+strong must help the weak to help themselves; only on this condition is
+help given. This is the true interpretation of the life of Christ. On
+the first basis He would have remained in heaven and let the earth take
+care of itself. On the second basis He would have come to earth with his
+hands full of gold and silver treasures sati<a name='Page_97'></a>sfying every want that
+unfortunate humanity could have devised. But on the third basis He comes
+to earth in the form of a servant who is at the same time a master
+commanding his disciples to take up their cross and follow Him; it is
+sovereignty through service as opposed to slavery through service. He
+refuses to make the world wealthy, but He offers to help them make
+themselves wealthy with true riches which shall be a hundred-fold more,
+even in this life, than that which was offered them by any former
+system.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>This applies to political life no less than to industrial life. We live
+under the fairest government on earth. But it is not self-sustaining.
+Nor is that all. There are selfishness and injustice and evil in the
+world. More than that, these forces are never at rest. Some desire to
+use the processes<a name='Page_98'></a> of government for their own ends. Some desire to
+destroy the authority of government altogether. Our institutions are
+predicated on the rights and the corresponding duties, on the worth, of
+the individual. It is to him that we must look for safety. We may need
+new charters, new constitutions and new laws at times. We must always
+have an alert and interested citizenship. We have no dependence but the
+individual. New charters cannot save us. They may appear to help but the
+chances are that the beneficial results obtained result from an
+increased interest aroused by discussing changes. Laws do not make
+reforms, reforms make laws. We cannot look to government. We must look
+to ourselves. We must stand not in the expectation of a reward but with
+<a name='Page_99'></a>a desire to serve. There will come out of government exactly what is put
+into it. Society gets about what it deserves. It is the part of educated
+men to know and recognize these principles and influences and knowing
+them to inform and warn their fellow countrymen. Politics is the process
+of action in public affairs. It is personal, it is individual, and
+nothing more. Destiny is in you.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XIII'></a><h2>XIII</h2>
+
+<center>TREMONT TEMPLE</center>
+
+<center>NOVEMBER 3, 1917</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>There is a time and place for everything. There are times when some
+things are out of place. Domestic science is an important subject. So is
+the proper heating and ventil<a name='Page_100'></a>ating of our habitations. But when the
+house is on fire reasonable men do not stop to argue of culinary cuts
+nor listen to a disquisition on plumbing; they call out the fire
+department and join it in an attempt to save their dwelling. They think
+only in terms of the conflagration.</p>
+
+<p>So it is in this hour that has come to us so grim with destiny. We
+cannot stop now to discuss domestic party politics. Our men are on the
+firing-line of France. There will be no party designations in the
+casualty lists. We cannot stop to glance at that alluring field of
+history that tells us of the past patriotic devotion of the men of our
+party to the cause of the Nation&mdash;devotion without reserve. We must
+think now only in terms of winning the war.</p>
+
+<p>An election at this time is not of our choosing. We are having one
+because it is necessary under the terms of our Constitution of
+Massachusetts. We have not conducted the ordinary party canvass. We have
+not flaunted part<a name='Page_101'></a>y banners, we have not burned red fire, we have not
+rent the air with martial music, we have not held the usual party
+rallies. We have addressed meetings, but such addresses have been to
+urge subscriptions to the Liberty Loan, to urge gifts to the great
+humanitarian work of the Red Cross, and for the efforts of charity,
+benevolence, and mercy that are represented by the Y.M.C.A. and by the
+Knights of Columbus, for the conservation of food, and for the other
+patriotic purposes.</p>
+
+<p>But we are not to infer that this is not an important election. It is
+too important to think of candidates, too important to think of party,
+too important to think of anything but our country at war. No more
+important election has been held since the days of War Governor Andrew.
+On Tuesday next the voters of Massachusetts will decide whether they
+will support the Government i<a name='Page_102'></a>n its defence of America, and its defence
+of all that America means. There is no room for domestic party issues
+here. The only question for consideration is whether the Government of
+this Commonwealth, legislative and executive, has rendered and will
+render prompt and efficient support for the national defence. Perhaps it
+would be enough to point out that Massachusetts troops were first at the
+Mexican border and first in France. But that is only part of the story.</p>
+
+<p>Wars are waged now with far more than merely the troops in the field.
+Every resource of the people goes into the battle. It is a matter of
+organizing the entire fabric of society. No one has yet pointed out, no
+one can point out, any failure on the part of our State Government to
+take efficient measures for this purpose. More than that, Massachusetts
+did not have to be asked; while Washington was yet dumb Massachusetts
+spoke.</p>
+<a name='Page_103'></a>
+<p>Months before war was declared a Public Safety Committee was appointed
+and went to work; weeks before war a conference of New England Governors
+was called and a million dollars was given the Governor and Council to
+equip Massachusetts troops for which the National Treasury had no money.
+By reason of this foresight our men went forth better supplied than any
+others, with ten dollars additional pay from their home State, and the
+assurance that their dependents could draw forty dollars monthly where
+needed for their support. The production and distribution of food and
+fuel have been advanced. The maintenance of industrial peace has been
+promoted. The Gloucester fishermen, fifteen thousand shoemakers in
+Lynn, the Boston &amp; Maine railroad employees, have had their differences
+adjusted. A second million dollars for emergency expenses has been given
+the Governor and Council. An efficient State Guard of over ten thousand
+men has been organized. Our brave soldiers, their dependents, <a name='Page_104'></a>the great
+patriotic public have been protected by the present Government with
+every means that ingenuity could devise. We have won the right to
+reelection by duty well performed.</p>
+
+<p>Remember this: we are not responsible for the war, we are responsible
+for the preparation that enables us to defend our soldiers and ourselves
+from savages. Massachusetts is not going to repudiate these patriotic
+services. To do so now would mean more than repudiating the Government.
+It would mean repudiating the devotion of our brave men in arms,
+repudiating the sacrifice of the fathers, mothers, wives, and dear ones
+behind, and repudiating the loyalty of the millions who subscribed to
+the Liberty Loan,&mdash;it would mean repudiating America.</p>
+
+<p>Massachusetts has decided that the path of the Mayflower shall not be
+closed. She has decided to sail the seas. She has decided to sail not
+<a name='Page_105'></a>under the edict of Potsdam, crimped in narrow lanes seeking safety in
+unarmed merchantmen painted in fantastic hues, as the badge of an
+infamous servitude, but she has decided to sail under the ancient
+Declaration of Independence, choosing what course she will, maintaining
+security by the guns of ships of the line, flying at the mast the Stars
+and Stripes, forever the emblem of a militant liberty.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XIV'></a><h2>XIV</h2>
+
+<center>DEDICATION OF TOWN-HOUSE, WESTON</center>
+
+<center>NOVEMBER 27, 1917</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>I was interested to come out here and take part in the de<a name='Page_106'></a>dication of
+this beautiful building in part because my ancestors had lived in this
+locality in times gone past, but more especially because I am interested
+in the town governments of Massachusetts. You have heard the
+town-meeting referred to this evening. It seemed to me that the towns in
+this Commonwealth correspond in part to what we might call the
+water-tight compartments of the ship of state, and while sometimes our
+State Government has wavered, sometimes it has been suspended, and it
+has been thought that the people could not care for themselves under
+those conditions. Whenever that has arisen the towns of the Commonwealth
+have come to the rescue and been able to furnish the foundation and the
+strength on which might not only be carried on, but on which might again
+be erected the failing government of the Commonwealth or the failing
+government of the Nation. So that I know nothing to which we New
+Englanders owe more, and especially the people of Massachusetts, of our
+civil liber<a name='Page_107'></a>ties than we do to our form of town government.</p>
+
+<p>The history of Weston has been long and interesting, beginning, as your
+town seal designates, back in 1630, when Watertown was recognized as one
+of the three or four towns in the Commonwealth; set off by boundaries
+into the Farmers' Precinct in 1698, and becoming incorporated as a town
+in 1713. There begins a long and honorable history. Of course, the first
+part of it gathered to a large degree around the church. The first
+church was started here, I think, in 1695, and I believe that the land
+on which it was to be erected was purchased of a man who bore my name.
+Your first clergyman seems to have been settled about 1702; and the
+long and even tenor of your ways here and your devotion to things which
+were established is perhaps shown and exemplified in the fact that
+during the next one hundred and seventy-four years, coming clear down to
+1876, you had but six clergymen presiding over that church. You have an
+example here now, along the same line<a name='Page_108'></a>, in the long tenure of office that
+has come to your present town clerk, he having been first elected, I
+believe, in 1864 and having held office from that time to this, probably
+serving as long, if not longer, than any of the town clerks of
+Massachusetts, certainly, I believe, the longest of any present living
+town clerk.</p>
+
+<p>There are many interesting things connected with the history of this
+town. It bore its part in the Indian Wars. Here was organized an Indian
+fighting expedition that went to the North, and, though some of the men
+in that expedition were lost and the expedition was not altogether
+successful, it showed, the spirit, the resolution, the bravery, and the
+courage which animated the men of those days.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Young has referred to that day in Massachusetts history that we are
+all so proud of, the Ni<a name='Page_109'></a>neteenth of April, 1775. But you had an
+interesting event here in this town leading up to that great day.
+General Gage was in command of the British forces at Boston. There had
+been gathered supplies for carrying on a war out here through Middlesex
+County and out to the west in Worcester. History tells us that he sent
+out here Sergeant Howe and other spies, in order that he might find out
+what the conditions were and whether it would be easy for the British
+troops to come out here and seize those supplies and break what they
+thought was the idea on the part of the colonists of starting a
+rebellion. Sergeant Howe came out here, went to the hotel, where, of
+course, the landlord received him hospitably, but informed him that
+probably it wouldn't be a healthy place for him to stay for a very long
+time, and sent him away in the dead of the night. He went back to Boston
+and made a report to the General in which he said that the people of
+this vicinity were generally resolved to be free or to die. That was the
+<a name='Page_110'></a>spirit of those times; and he advised the Britishers that if they wanted
+to go out to Worcester they would probably need an expedition of ten
+thousand men and a sufficient train of artillery, and he doubted
+whether, if such an expedition as that were sent out, any part of it
+would return alive. On account of the report that he brought back it was
+determined by the British authorities that it was more prudent to go up
+to Concord than it was to come out here on the way to Worcester. That
+was the reason that the expedition on that Nineteenth of April was
+started for Concord rather than through here for Worcester.</p>
+
+<p>Of course, there are many other interesting events in the history of
+this town. You had here many men who have seen military service. You
+furnished a large number for the Revolutionary War and a large amount of
+money. You furnished as your <a name='Page_111'></a>quota one hundred and twenty-six soldiers
+that went into the army from 1861 to 1865. But you were doing here what
+they were doing all over the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. I doubt if
+the leading and prominent and decisive part that Massachusetts played in
+the great Revolutionary War is generally understood. It is interesting
+to recall that when General Washington came here he seems to have come
+with somewhat of a prejudice against New England men. I think there are
+extant letters which he wrote at that time rather reflecting upon what
+the New England men were doing and the character of Massachusetts men of
+those days. But that was not his idea at the end of the war. Then,
+although he had been brought up far to the south, he had a different
+idea. Then he said, and said very generously, that he thought well of
+New England men and had it not been for their support, had it not been
+for the men, the materials and munitions that they supplied to the
+Revolutionary forces, the war would not have been a success. His name is
+interesti<a name='Page_112'></a>ngly connected with your town of Weston.</p>
+
+<p>You have had here not only an interesting population but an interesting
+location. It was through this town that the great arteries of travel ran
+to the west and south and to the north. When Burgoyne surrendered, some
+of his troops were brought through this town on their way to the
+sea-coast. When Washington came up to visit New England after he had
+been President, he came through the town of Weston, and I do not know
+whether this is any reflection on the cooking of those days in the towns
+to the west, but it says in the history of the town of Weston that at
+one time when Washington stopped at the hotel in Wayland, although the
+hostess had provided what she thought was a very fine banquet, he left
+his staff to eat that and went out into the kitchen to help himself to a
+bowl of bread and milk. I suppose he would not be thought to have done
+that because he was a candidate for office and wanted to appear as o<a name='Page_113'></a>ne
+of the plain people, because that was after he had served in the office
+of President. But he stopped here in the town of Weston and was
+entertained here at the hotel. And many other great men passed through
+here and were entertained here from the time when we were colonies clear
+up to the time when the railroads were established along in the middle
+of the last century.</p>
+
+<p>So this town has had a long and interesting history, and has done its
+part in building up Massachusetts and giving her strength to take her
+part in the history of this great Nation. And it is pleasant to see how
+the work that the fathers have done before us is bearing fruit in these
+times of ours. It is interesting to see this beautiful building. It is
+interesting to know that you have a town planning committee who are
+placing this building in a situation where it will contribute to t<a name='Page_114'></a>he
+physical beauty of this historic town. We have not given the time and
+the attention and the thought that we should have given to things of
+that kind in Massachusetts. We have been too utilitarian. We have
+thought that if a building was located in some place where we could have
+access to it, where it could be used, where it could transact the
+business of the town, that was enough. We are coming to see in these
+modern days that that is not enough; that we need not only utilitarian
+motives, but that we need to give some time, some thought and attention
+to the artistic in life; that we need to concern ourselves not only with
+the material but give some thought to the spiritual; that we need to
+pay some attention to the beautiful as well as to that which is merely
+useful.</p>
+
+<p>These things are appreciated. Weston is doing something along these
+lines and building her public buildings and laying out her public square
+or her common (as it was known in the old days) so they will be things
+of beauty as well as things of use. Let us dedicate this building to
+<a name='Page_115'></a>these new purposes. Let us dedicate it to the glorious history of the
+past. Let us dedicate it to the sacrifice that is required in these
+present days. Let us dedicate it to the hope of the future. Let us
+dedicate it to New England ideals&mdash;those ideals that have made
+Massachusetts one of the strong States of the Nation; strong enough so
+that in Revolutionary days we contributed far in excess of our portion
+of men and money to that great struggle; strong enough so that the whole
+Nation has looked to Massachusetts in days of stress for comfort and
+support.</p>
+
+<p>We are very proud of our democracy. We are very proud of our form of
+government. We believe that there is no other nation on earth that gives
+to the individual the privileges and the rights that he has in America.
+The time has come now when we are going to defend those rights. The time
+has come when the world is looking to America, as the Nation has looked
+to Massachusetts in the past, to stand up and defend the rights of the
+individual. Sovereignty, it is our belief, is vested in the individual;
+and we are going to protect the rights of the individual. It is an
+<a name='Page_116'></a>auspicious moment to dedicate here in New England one of our town halls,
+an auspicious moment in which to dedicate it to the supremacy of those
+ideals for which the whole world is fighting at the present time; that
+the rights of the individual as they were established here in the past
+may be maintained by us now and carried to a yet greater development in
+the future.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XV'></a><h2>XV</h2>
+
+<center>AMHERST ALUMNI DINNER, SPRINGFIELD</center>
+
+<center>MARCH 15, 1918</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>The individual may not require the higher institutions of learning, but
+society does. Without them civilization as we know it would <a name='Page_117'></a>fall from
+mankind in a night. They minister not alone to their own students, they
+minister to all humanity.</p>
+
+<p>It is this same ancient spirit which, coming to the defence of the
+Nation, has in this new day of peril made nearly every college campus a
+training field for military service, and again sent graduate and
+undergraduate into the fighting forces of our country. They are
+demonstrating again that they are the strongholds of ordered liberty and
+individual freedom. This has ever been the distinguishing characteristic
+of the American institution of learning. They have believed in
+democracy because they believed in the nobility of man; they have served
+society because they have looked upon the possession of learning not as
+conferring a privilege but as laying on a duty. They have taught and
+practised the precept that the greater man's power the greater his
+obligation. The supreme choice is righteousness. It is that &quot;moral
+power&quot; to which Professor <a name='Page_118'></a>Tyler referred as the great contribution of
+college men to the cause of the Union.</p>
+
+<p>The Nation is taking a military census, it is thinking now in terms of
+armament. The officers of government are discussing manpower,
+transportation by land and sea and through the air, the production of
+rifles, artillery, and explosives, the raising of money by loans and
+taxation. The Nation ought to be most mightily engaged in this work. It
+must put every ounce of its resources into the production and
+organization of its material power. But these are to a degree but the
+outward manifestations of something yet more important. The ultimate
+result of all wars and of this war has been and will be determined by
+the moral power of the nations engaged. On that will depend whether
+armies &quot;ray out darkness&quot; or are the source of light and life and
+liberty. Without the support of the moral power of the Nation armies
+will prove useless, without a m<a name='Page_119'></a>oral victory, whatever the fortunes of
+the battlefield, there can be no abiding peace.</p>
+
+<p>Whatever the difficulties of an exact definition may be the
+manifestations of moral power are not difficult to recognize. The life
+of America is rich with such examples. It has been predominant here. It
+established thirteen colonies which were to a large degree
+self-sustaining and self-governing. They fought and won a revolutionary
+war. What manner of men they were, what was the character of their
+leadership, was attested only in part by Saratoga and Yorktown.
+Washington had displayed great power on many fields of battle, the
+colonists had suffered long and endured to the end, but the glory of
+military power fades away beside the picture of the victorious general,
+returning his commission to the representatives of a people who would
+have made him king, and retiring after two terms from the Presidency
+which he could have held for life, and the picture of a war<a name='Page_120'></a>-worn people
+turning from debt, disorder, almost anarchy, not to division, not to
+despotism, but to national unity under the ordered liberty of the
+Federal Constitution.</p>
+
+<p>It was manifested again in the adoption and defence by the young nation
+of that principle which is known as the Monroe Doctrine that European
+despotism should make no further progress in the Western Hemisphere. It
+is in the great argument of Webster replying to Hayne and the stout
+declaration of Jackson that he would treat nullification as treason. It
+was the compelling force of the Civil War, expounded by Lincoln in his
+unyielding purpose to save the Union but &quot;with malice toward none, with
+charity for all,&quot; which General Grant, his greatest soldier, put into
+practice at Appomattox when he sent General Lee back with his sword, and
+his soldiers home to the plantations, with their war<a name='Page_121'></a> horses for the
+spring plowing. And at the conclusion of the Spanish War it is to the
+ever-enduring credit of our country that it exacted not penalties, but
+justice, and actually compensated a defeated foe for public property
+that had come to our hands in the Philippines as the result of the
+fortunes of battle. But what of the present crisis? Is the heart of the
+Nation still sound, does it still respond to the appeal to the high
+ideals of the past? If those two and one half years, before the American
+<a name='Page_122'></a>declaration of war, shall appear, when unprejudiced history is written,
+to have been characterized by patience, forbearance, and self-restraint,
+they will add to the credit of former days. If they were characterized
+by selfishness, by politics, by a balancing of expediency against
+justice they will be counted as a time of ignominy for which a
+victorious war would furnish scant compensation.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XVI'></a><h2>XVI</h2>
+
+<center>MESSAGE FOR THE BOSTON POST</center>
+
+<center>APRIL 22, 1918</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>The nation with the greatest moral power will win. Of that are born
+armies and navies and the resolution to endure. Have faith in the moral
+<a name='Page_123'></a>power of America. It gave independence under Washington and freedom
+under Lincoln. Here, right never lost. Here, wrong never won. However
+powerful the forces of evil may appear, somewhere there are more
+powerful forces of righteousness. Courage and confidence are our
+heritage. Justice is our might. The outcome is in your hand, my fellow
+American; if you deserve to win, the Nation cannot lose.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XVII'></a><h2>XVII</h2>
+
+<center>ROXBURY HISTORICAL SOCIETY, BUNKER HILL DAY</center>
+
+<center>JUNE 17, 1918</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>Reverence is the measure not of others but of ourselves. This assemblage
+on the one hundred and forty-third anniversary of the Battle of Bunker
+Hill tells not only of the spirit of that day but of the spirit of
+<a name='Page_124'></a>to-day. What men worship that will they become. The heroes and holidays
+of a people which fascinate their soul reveal what they hold are the
+realities of life and mark out a line beyond which they will not
+retreat, but at which they will stand to overcome or die. They who
+reverence Bunker Hill will fight there. Your true patriot sees home and
+hearthstone in the welfare of his country.</p>
+
+<p>Rightly viewed, then, this day is set apart for an examination of
+ourselves by recounting the deeds of the men of long ago.</p>
+
+<p>What was there in the events of the seventeenth day of June, 1775,
+which holds the veneration of Americans and the increasing admiration of
+the world? There are the physical facts not too unimportant to be
+unworthy of reiteration even in the<a name='Page_125'></a> learned presence of an Historical
+Society. A detachment of men clad for the most part in the dress of
+their daily occupations, standing with bared heads and muskets grounded
+muzzle down in the twilight glow on Cambridge Common, heard Samuel
+Langdon, President of Harvard College, seek divine blessing on their
+cause and marched away in the darkness to a little eminence at
+Charlestown, where, ere the setting of another sun, much history was to
+be made and much glory lost and won. When a new dawn had lifted the
+mists of the Bay, the British, under General Howe, saw an intrenchment
+on Breed's Hill, which must be taken or Boston abandoned. The works were
+exposed in the rear to attack from land and sea. This was disdained by
+the king's soldiers in their contempt for the supposed fighting ability
+of the Americans. Leisurely, as on dress parade, they assembled for an
+assault that they thought was to be a demonstration of the uselessness
+of any armed resistance on <a name='Page_126'></a>the part of the Colonies. In splendid array
+they advanced late in the day. A few straggling shots and all was still
+behind the parapet. It was easier than they had expected. But when they
+reached a point where 'tis said the men behind the intrenchments could
+see the whites of their eyes, they were met by a withering fire that
+tore their ranks asunder and sent them back in disorder, utterly routed
+by their despised foes. In time they form and advance again but the
+result is the same. The demonstration of superiority was not a success.
+For a third time they form, not now for dress parade, but for a
+hazardous assault. This time the result was different. The patriots had
+lost nothing of courage or determination but there was left scarcely
+one round of powder. They had no bayonets. Pouring in their last volley
+and still resisting with clubbed muskets, they retired slowly and in
+order from the field. So great was the British loss that there was no
+pursuit. The intensity of the battle is told by the loss of the
+Amer<a name='Page_127'></a>icans, out of about fifteen hundred engaged, of nearly twenty per
+cent, and of the British, out of some thirty-five hundred engaged, of
+nearly thirty-three per cent, all in one and one half hours.</p>
+
+<p>It was the story of brave men bravely led but insufficiently equipped.
+Their leader, Colonel Prescott, had walked the breastworks to show his
+men that the cannonade was not particularly dangerous. John Stark,
+bringing his company, in which were his Irish compatriots, across
+Charlestown Neck under the guns of the battleships, refused to quicken
+his step. His Major, Andrew McCleary, fell at the rail fence which he
+had held during the day. Dr. Joseph Warren, your own son of Roxbury,
+fell in the retreat, but the Americans, though picking off his officers,
+spared General Howe. They had fought the French under his brother.</p>
+
+<p>Such were some of the outstanding deeds of the day. But these were the
+deeds of men and the deeds of men alway<a name='Page_128'></a>s have an inward significance. In
+distant Philadelphia, on this very day, the Continental Congress had
+chosen as the Commander of their Army, General George Washington, a man
+whose clear vision looked into the realities of things and did not
+falter. On his way to the front four days later, dispatches reached him
+of the battle. He revealed the meaning of the day with, one question,
+&quot;Did the militia fight?&quot; Learning how those heroic men fought, he said,
+&quot;Then the liberties of the Country are safe.&quot; No greater commentary has
+ever been made on the significance of Bunker Hill.</p>
+
+<p>We read events by what goes before and after. We think of Bunker Hill
+as the first real battle for independence, the prelude to the
+Revolution. Yet these were both after-thoughts. Independence Day was
+still more than a year away and then eight years from accomplishment.
+The Revolution cannot be said to have become established until the
+adoption of the Federal Constitution. No<a name='Page_129'></a>, on this June day, these were
+not the conscious objects sought. They were contending for the liberties
+of the country, they were not yet bent on establishing a new nation nor
+on recognizing that relationship between men which the modern world
+calls democracy. They were maintaining well their traditions, these sons
+of Londonderry, lovers of freedom and anxious for the fray, and these
+sons of the Puritans, whom Macaulay tells us humbly abased themselves in
+the dust before the Lord, but hesitated not to set their foot upon the
+neck of their king.</p>
+
+<p>It is the moral quality of the day that abides. It was the purpose of
+those plain garbed men behind the parapet that told whether they were
+savages bent on plunder, living under the law of the jungle, or sons of
+the morning bearing the light of civilization. The glorious revolution
+of 1688 was fading from me<a name='Page_130'></a>mory. The English Government of that day
+rested upon privilege and corruption at the base, surmounted by a king
+bent on despotism, but fortunately too weak to accomplish any design
+either of good or ill. An empire still outwardly sound was rotting at
+the core. The privilege which had found Great Britain so complacent
+sought to establish itself over the Colonies. The purpose of the
+patriots was resistance to tyranny. Pitt and Burke and Lord Camden in
+England recognized this, and, loving liberty, approved the course of the
+Colonies. The Tories here, loving privilege, approved the course of the
+Royal Government. Bunker Hill meant that the Colonies would save
+themselves and saving themselves save the mother country for liberty.
+The war was not inevitable. Perhaps wars are never inevitable. But the
+conflict between freedom and privilege was inevitable. That it broke out
+in America rather than in England was accidental. Liberty, the rights of
+man against tyranny, the rights of kings, was in the air. <a name='Page_131'></a>One side must
+give way. There might have been a peaceful settlement by timely
+concessions such as the Reform Bill of England some fifty years later,
+or the Japanese reforms of our own times, but wanting that a collision
+was inevitable. Lacking a Bunker Hill there had been another Dunbar.</p>
+
+<p>The eighteenth century was the era of the development of political
+rights. It was the culmination of the ideas of the Renaissance. It was
+the putting into practice in government of the answer to the long
+pondered and much discussed question, &quot;What is right?&quot; Custom was giving
+way at last to reason. Class and caste and place, all the distinctions
+based on appearance and accident were giving way before reality. Men
+turned from distinctions which were temporal to those which were
+eternal. The sovereignty of kings and the nobility of peers was
+swallowed up in the sovereignty and nobility of all men. The inequal in
+quantity became equal in quality.</p>
+
+<p>The successful solution o<a name='Page_132'></a>f this problem was the crowning glory of a
+century and a half of America. It established for all time how men ought
+to act toward each other in the governmental relation. The rule of the
+people had begun.</p>
+
+<p>Bunker Hill had a deeper significance. It was an example of the great
+law of human progress and civilization. There has been much talk in
+recent years of the survival of the fittest and of efficiency. We are
+beginning to hear of the development of the super-man and the claim that
+he has of right dominion over the rest of his inferiors on earth. This
+philosophy denies the doctrine of equality and holds that government is
+not based on consent but on compulsion. It holds that the weak must
+serve the strong, which is the law of slavery, it applies the law of the
+animal world to mankind and puts science above morals. This sounds the
+call to the jungle. It is not an advance to the morning but a retreat to
+night. It is not the light of human reason but <a name='Page_133'></a>the darkness of the
+wisdom of the serpent.</p>
+
+<p>The law of progress and civilization is not the law of the jungle. It is
+not an earthly law, it is a divine law. It does not mean the survival of
+the fittest, it means the sacrifice of the fittest. Any mother will give
+her life for her child. Men put the women and children in the lifeboats
+before they themselves will leave the sinking ship. John Hampden and
+Nathan Hale did not survive, nor did Lincoln, but Benedict Arnold did.
+The example above all others takes us back to Jerusalem some nineteen
+hundred years ago. The men of Bunker Hill were true disciples of
+civilization, because they were willing to sacrifice themselves to
+resist the evils and redeem the liberties of the British Empire. The
+proud shaft which rises over their battlefield and the bronze form of
+Joseph Warren in your square are not monuments to expediency or success,
+they are monuments to righteousness.</p>
+
+<p>This is the age-old story. Men are reading it again <a name='Page_134'></a>to-day&mdash;written in
+blood. The Prussian military despotism has abandoned the law of
+civilization for the law of barbarism. We could approve and join in the
+scramble to the jungle, or we could resist and sacrifice ourselves to
+save an erring nation. Not being beasts, but men, we choose the
+sacrifice.</p>
+
+<p>This brings us to the part that America is taking at the end of its
+second hundred and fifty years of existence. Is it not a part of that
+increasing purpose which the poet, the seer, tells us runs through the
+ages? Has not our Nation been raised up and strengthened, trained and
+prepared, to meet the great sacrifice that must be made now to save the
+world from despotism? We have heard much of our lack of preparation. We
+have been altogether lacking in preparation in a strict military sense.
+We had no vast forces of artillery or infantry, no large stores of
+munition<a name='Page_135'></a>s, few trained men. But let us not forget to pay proper respect
+to the preparation we did have, which was the result of long training
+and careful teaching. We had a mental, a moral, a spiritual training
+that fitted us equally with any other people to engage in this great
+contest which after all is a contest of ideas as well as of arms. We
+must never neglect the military preparation again, but we may as well
+recognize that we have had a preparation without which arms in our hands
+would very much resemble in purpose those now arrayed against us.</p>
+
+<p>Are we not realizing a noble destiny? The great Admiral who discovered
+America bore the significant name of Christopher. It has been pointed
+out that this name means Christ-bearer. Were not the men who stood at
+Bunker Hill bearing light to the world by their sacrifices? Are not the
+men of to-day, the entire Nation of to-day, living in accordance with
+the significance of that name, and by their service and sacrifice
+<a name='Page_136'></a>redeeming mankind from the forces that make for everlasting destruction?
+We seek no territory and no rewards. We give but do not take. We seek
+for a victory of our ideas. Our arms are but the means. America follows
+no such delusion as a place in the sun for the strong by the destruction
+of the weak. America seeks rather, by giving of her strength for the
+service of the weak, a place in eternity.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XVIII'></a><h2>XVIII</h2>
+
+<center>FAIRHAVEN</center>
+
+<center>JULY 4, 1918</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>We have met on this anniversary of Amer<a name='Page_137'></a>ican independence to assess the
+dimensions of a kind deed. Nearly four score years ago the master of a
+whaling vessel sailing from this port rescued from a barren rock in the
+China Sea some Japanese fishermen. Among them was a young boy whom he
+brought home with him to Fairhaven, where he was given the advantages of
+New England life and sent to school with the boys and girls of the
+neighborhood, where he excelled in his studies. But as he grew up he was
+filled with a longing to see Japan and his aged mother. He knew that the
+duty of filial piety lay upon him according to the teachings of his
+race, and he was determined to meet that obligation. I think that is one
+of the lessons of this day. Here was a youth who determined to pursue
+the course which he had been taught was right. He braved the dangers of
+the voyage and the greater dangers that awaited an absentee from his
+country under the then existing laws, to perform his duty to his mother
+and to his native land. In making that return I think we are entitled to
+say that he was the first Ambassador of Am<a name='Page_138'></a>erica to the Court of Japan,
+for his extraordinary experience soon brought him into the association
+of the highest officials of his country, and his presence there prepared
+the way for the friendly reception which was given to Commodore Perry
+when he was sent to Japan to open relations between that Government and
+the Government of America.</p>
+
+<p>And so we see how out of the kind deed of Captain Whitefield, friendly
+relations which have existed for many years between the people of Japan
+and the people of America were encouraged and made possible. And it is
+in recognition of that event that we have here to-day this great
+concourse of people, this martial array, and the representative of the
+Japanese people&mdash;a people who have never failed to respond to an act of
+kindness.</p>
+
+<p>It was with special pleasure that I came here representing the
+<a name='Page_139'></a>Commonwealth of Massachusetts, to extend an official welcome to His
+Excellency Viscount Ishii, who comes here to present to the town of
+Fairhaven a Sumari sword on behalf of the son of that boy who was
+rescued long ago. This sword was once the emblem of place and caste and
+arbitrary rank. It has taken on a new significance because Captain
+Whitefield was true to the call of humanity, because a Japanese boy was
+true to his call of duty. This emblem will hereafter be a token not only
+<a name='Page_140'></a>of the friendship that exists between two nations but a token of
+liberty, of freedom, and of the recognition by the Government of both
+these nations of the rights of the people. Let it remain here as a
+mutual pledge by the giver and the receiver of their determination that
+the motive which inspired the representatives of each race to do right
+is to be a motive which is to govern the people of the earth.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XIX'></a><h2>XIX</h2>
+
+<center>SOMERVILLE REPUBLICAN CITY COMMITTEE</center>
+
+<center>AUGUST 7, 1918</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>Coming<a name='Page_141'></a> into your presence in ordinary times, gentlemen of the committee,
+I should be inclined to direct your attention to the long and patriotic
+services of our party, to the great benefits its policies have conferred
+upon this Nation, to the illustrious names of our leaders, to our
+present activities, and to our future party policy. But these are not
+ordinary times. Our country is at war. There is no way to save our party
+if our country be lost. And in the present crisis there is only one way
+to save our country. We must support the State and National Governments
+in whatever they request for the conduct of the war. The Constitution
+makes the President Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy. What he
+needs should be freely given. This has been and will be the policy of
+the Republican administration of Massachusetts and of her Senators and
+Representatives in Congress. We seek no party advantage from the
+distress of our country. Among Republicans there will be no political
+profiteering.</p>
+<a name='Page_142'></a>
+<p>It is a year and four months now since we declared the German Government
+was making war on America. We are beginning to see what our requirements
+are. We had a small but efficient standing army, and a larger but less
+efficient National Guard. These have been increased by enlistments. We
+have a new national force,&mdash;never to be designated as Conscripts, but as
+the accepted soldiers of a whole Nation that has volunteered, of almost
+unlimited numbers. By taxation and by three Liberty Loans, each
+over-subscribed by more than fifty per cent, we have demonstrated that
+there will be no lack of money. The problem of the production and
+conservation of food is being met, though not yet without some
+inconvenience, yet so far with very little suffering. The remaining
+factor is the production of the necessary materials for carrying on the
+war. We lack ships and military supplies. Whether these are secured in
+time in sufficient quantity will depend in a large measure upon the
+attitu<a name='Page_143'></a>de of the people managing and employed in these industries. The
+attitude of the leaders of organized labor has been patriotic. They
+realize that this is a war to preserve the rights that have been won for
+the people, and they have at all times advised their fellow workmen to
+remain at work. There must be forbearance on all sides. Where wages are
+too low they should be increased voluntarily. Where there is
+disagreement the Government has provided means for investigation and
+adjustment. Our industrial front must keep pace with our military front.</p>
+
+<p>We are demonstrating the ability of America. Within the last few days
+the report has come to us that our soldiers have defeated the Prussian
+Guard. The sneer of Germany at America is vanishing. It is true that the
+German high command still couple American and African soldiers together
+in intended derision. What they say in scorn, let us say in praise. We
+have fought before for the rights of all men irrespective of<a name='Page_144'></a> color. We
+are proud to fight now with colored men for the rights of white men. It
+would be fitting recognition of their worth to send our American negro,
+when that time comes, to inform the Prussian military despotism on what
+terms their defeated armies are to be granted peace.</p>
+
+<p>While the victories that have recently come to our arms are most
+encouraging, they should only stimulate us to redoubled efforts. The
+only hope of a short war is to prepare for a long one. In this work the
+States play a most important part. Massachusetts must be kept so
+organized and governed as to continue that able, effective, and prompt
+co&ouml;peration with the National Government that has marked the past
+progress of the war. In this we have a great part to do here. It was for
+such a task that the Republican Party came into being sixty-four years
+ago. One of the resolutions adopted at its birth peculiarly dedicates it
+to the requirements of the present hour.</p>
+
+<p>&quot;Resolved, that in view of the necessity of battling for the first
+principles of <a name='Page_145'></a>republican government and against the schemes of an
+aristocracy, the most revolting and oppressive with which the earth was
+ever cursed, or man debased, we will co&ouml;perate and be known as
+'Republicans' until the contest be terminated.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>This great work lies before our party in Massachusetts. We shall go on
+battling for the first principles of Republican government until it has
+been secured to all the people of the earth.</p>
+
+<p>Our American forces on sea and land are proving sufficient to turn the
+tide in favor of the Allied cause. They could not succeed alone, we
+could not succeed alone. We are furnishing a reserve power that is
+bringing victory.</p>
+
+<p>But America must furnish more than armies and navies for the future. If
+armies and navies were to be supreme, Germany would be right. There are
+other and greater forces in the world than march to the roll of the
+drum. As we are turning the scale with our sword now, so hereafter we
+must turn the scale with the moral power of America. It must be our
+<a name='Page_146'></a>disinterested plans that are to restore Europe to a place through
+justice when we have secured victory through the sword. And into a new
+world we are to take not only the people of oppressed Europe but the
+people of America. Out of our sacrifice and suffering, out of our blood
+and tears, America shall have a new awakening, a rededication to the
+cause of Washington and Lincoln, a firmer conviction for the right.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XX'></a><h2>XX</h2>
+
+<center>WRITTEN FOR THE SUNDAY ADVERTISER AND AMERICAN</center>
+
+<center>SEPTEMBER 1, 1918</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>The man who seeks to stimulate and increase the production of materials
+necessary for the conduct of <a name='Page_147'></a>the war by raising the price he pays is a
+patriot. The man who refuses to sell at a fine price whatever he may
+have that is necessary for the conduct of the war is a profiteer. One
+man seeks to help his country at his own expense, the other seeks to
+help himself at his country's expense. One is willing to suffer himself
+that his country may prosper, the other is willing his country should
+suffer that he may prosper.</p>
+
+<p>In ordinary times these difficulties are taken care of by the operation
+of the law of supply and demand. If the price is too high the buyer has
+time to go elsewhere. In war the element of time is one of the chief
+considerations. When what is wanted is once found it must be made
+available at once. The principle of trusteeship also comes into more
+immediate operation. It is recognized in time of peace that the public
+may take what it may need of private property for the general welfare,
+paying a fair compensation, and that the righ<a name='Page_148'></a>t to own property carries
+with it the duty of using it for the welfare of our fellow man. The time
+has gone by when one may do what he will with his own. He must use his
+property for the general good or the very right to hold private property
+is lost.</p>
+
+<p>These are some of the rules to be observed in the relationship between
+man and man. To see that these rules are properly enforced, governments
+are formed. When they are not observed&mdash;when the strong refuse voluntary
+justice to the weak&mdash;then it is time for the strong arm of the law
+through the public officers to intervene and see that the weak are
+protected. This can usually be done by the enactment of a law which all
+will try to obey, but when this course has failed there is no remedy
+save by the process of law to take from the wrong-doer his power in the
+future to do harm.</p>
+
+<p>America is built on f<a name='Page_149'></a>aith in the individual, faith in his will and power
+to do right of his own accord, but equally is the determination that the
+individual shall be protected against whatsoever force may be brought
+against him. We believe in him not because of what he has, but what he
+is. But this is a practical faith. It does not rest on any silly
+assumption that virtue is the reward of anything but effort or that
+liberty can be secured at the price of anything but eternal vigilance.</p>
+
+<p>It is in recognition of these principles and conditions that the General
+Court of last year gave the Governor power to make rules for the use by
+individuals of their property during the war for the general defence of
+the Commonwealth, and on failure on their part so to use their property,
+to take possession of it for such term as may be necessary. Up to the
+present time it has not been necessary to take property. Our faith in
+the<a name='Page_150'></a> patriotism of our citizens has been amply demonstrated. Of our four
+millions of people few have failed voluntarily to use their every
+resource for the defence of the Nation. But of late there have been some
+complaints of too high charges for rent in war-material centres. In some
+cases patriotic workmen engaged in labor most vital to our country's
+salvation have been threatened with eviction by profiteering landlords
+unless they paid exorbitant rents. No one is undertaking to say that
+rents must on no account be raised. But the Executive Department of
+Massachusetts is undertaking to say that in any case where rents are
+unreasonably raised to the detriment of people who are just as essential
+to our victory as the soldier in the field, if any one is to be evicted
+from such premises it will be the persons who are raising rents and not
+the persons who are asked to pay them. This action is taken to protect
+the Nation. It is taken in our desire and determination here to
+co&ouml;perate with the Federal Government in every activity that is
+necessary<a name='Page_151'></a> to the prosecution of the war. It is taken also for the
+protection of the individual. We do not care how humble he may be, we do
+not care how exalted the landlord may be, justice shall be done.</p>
+
+<p>This is not to be taken as an offer on the part of the Commonwealth to
+have unloaded on it a large amount of property at a high price.
+Possession may be taken, but the ownership will not change. Unless
+reasonable rents are charged, the tenant will stay in possession, but
+the rent which the Commonwealth shall pay for occupation will be
+determined by a jury. This means justice, nothing more, nothing
+less&mdash;justice to the tenant, justice to the landlord. It is not to be
+inferred that our real estate owners have lacked anything as a class in
+patriotism. They are our most loyal, most self-sacrificing, most
+<a name='Page_152'></a>commendable citizens. Massachusetts by its Homestead Commission is
+encouraging its citizens to own real estate because such ownership is a
+sheet anchor to self-government. But it is a proclamation of warning to
+profiteers, of approbation and approval to patriots, and of assurance
+and assistance to the working people and rent payers of our
+Commonwealth.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXI'></a><h2>XXI</h2>
+
+<center>ESSEX COUNTY CLUB, LYNNFIELD</center>
+
+<center>SEPTEMBER 14, 1918</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>We meet here to-day as the inheritors of those principles<a name='Page_153'></a> which
+preserved our Nation and extended its constitutional guaranties to all
+its citizens. We come not as partisans but as patriots. We come to
+pledge anew our faith in all that America means and to declare our firm
+determination to defend her within and without from every foe. Above
+that we come to pay our tribute of wonder and admiration at the great
+achievements of our Nation and at the glory which they are shedding
+around her. The past four years has shown the world the existence of a
+conspiracy against mankind of a vastness and a wickedness that could
+only be believed when seen in operation and confessed by its
+participants. This conspiracy was promoted by the German military
+despotism. It probably was encouraged by the results of three wars&mdash;one
+against Denmark which robbed her of territory, one against Austria which
+robbed her of territory, and one against France which robbed her of
+territory and a cash indemnity of a billion dollars. These seemingly
+easy successes encouraged their perpetrators to plan for the pillage and
+enslavement of t<a name='Page_154'></a>he earth.</p>
+
+<p>To accomplish this, the German despotism began at home. By a systematic
+training the whole German people were perverted. A false idea of their
+own greatness was added to their contempt and hate of other nations,
+who, they were taught, were bent on their destruction. The military
+class were exalted and all else degraded. Thus was laid the foundation
+for the atrocities which have marked their conduct of the war.</p>
+
+<p>The vastness of the conquest planned has recently been revealed by
+August Thyssen, one of the greatest steel men of the empire. He tells
+of a calling together, in the years before the war, of the industrial
+and banking interests of the Nation, when a plan of war was laid before
+them, and their support secured by the promise of spoils. France, India,
+Canada, Australia were to be given over to German satraps. His share was
+30,000 acres in Australia, with $750,000 provided by the Government for
+its development. This was the promise made by the Kaiser. Here was the
+<a name='Page_155'></a>motive of the war.</p>
+
+<p>How it was provoked is told by Prince Lichnowski, the Ambassador of
+Germany to London. He shows how he had reached agreements for a treaty
+which would show the good will of Great Britain. Berlin refused to sign
+it unless it should be kept secret. He shows how Germany used Austria to
+attack Serbia; how mediations were refused; when Austria was about to
+withdraw, Germany sent an ultimatum to Russia one day and the next day
+declared war.</p>
+
+<p>This diplomat sums up the whole case when he says: &quot;I had to support in
+London a policy the heresy of which I recognized. That brought down
+vengeance on me because it was a sin against the Holy Ghost.&quot; What an
+indictment of Germany from her own confession! A plan to use the
+revelations of science for t<a name='Page_156'></a>he sack and slavery of the earth; the
+degradation, perversion, corruption of a whole people, and by those who
+should have been the wardens of their righteousness, done for the
+temporal glory of a military caste, and all in the name of divine right.</p>
+
+<p>Much of this was not known in America when we declared war. It is with
+great difficulty we realize it now. We had seen Germany going from
+infamy to infamy. We did know of the violated treaty of Belgium, of the
+piracy, the murder of women and children, the destruction of the
+property and lives of our neutral citizens, and finally the plain
+declaration of the German Imperial Government that it would wantonly
+and purposely destroy the property and lives of any American citizen who
+exercised his undoubted legal right to sail certain portions of the sea.
+This attempt to declare law for America by an edict from Potsdam we
+resisted by the sword. We see at last not only the hideous wickedness
+which perpetrated the war, we see that it is a world war, that Germany
+struck not only at Belgium, she struck at us, she struck at our whole
+system of civilization. A wicked purpose, which a vain attempt to
+<a name='Page_157'></a>realize has involved its authors in more and more wickedness. We hear
+that even among the civil population of Germany crime is rampant.</p>
+
+<p>Looking now at this condition of Germany and her Allies, it is time to
+inquire what America and her Allies have to offer as a remedy, and what
+effect the application of such remedy has had upon ourselves. We have
+drawn the sword, but is it only to</p>
+
+<div class='blkquot'><p>&quot;Be blood for blood, for treason treachery?&quot; </p></div>
+
+<p>Are we seeking merely to match infamy with infamy, merely to pillage
+and destroy those who threatened to pillage and destroy us? No; we have
+taken more than the sword, lest we perish by the sword; we h<a name='Page_158'></a>ave summoned
+the moral power of the Nation. We have recognized that evil is only to
+be overcome by good. We have marshalled the righteousness of America to
+overwhelm the wickedness of Germany. A new spirit has come over the
+nation the like of which was never seen before. We can see it not only
+in the new purity of camp life, in the heroism of our soldiers as they
+fight in the faith and for the faith of the fathers, but we see it in
+the healing influences which a righteous purpose has had upon the evils
+which beset us.</p>
+
+<p>We entered the war a people of many nationalities. We are united now;
+every one is first an American. We were beset with jealousies, and envy,
+and class prejudice. Service in the camp has taught each soldier to
+respect the other, whatever his source, and a mutual sympathy at home
+has brought all into a common citizenship. The service flag is a great
+leveller.</p>
+
+<p>Our industrial life has been purified of prejudice. No one is
+complaining now that any concern is too large, too strong. All see that
+the great organizations of capital in industry are our salvation. Labor
+<a name='Page_159'></a>has taken on a new dignity and nobility. When the idle see the necessity
+of work, when we begin to recognize industry as essential, the working
+man begins to have paid him the honor which is his due.</p>
+
+<p>Invention, chemistry, medicine, surgery, have been stimulated and
+improved. Even our agriculture has taken on more economical methods and
+increased production.</p>
+
+<p>The call for man power has given a new idea of the importance of the
+individual, so that there has been brought to the humblest the knowledge
+that he was not only important but his importance was realized.</p>
+
+<p>And with this has come the discovery of new powers, not only in the
+slouch whom military drill has transformed into a man, but to labor that
+has found a new joy, satisfaction and efficiency in its work. The entire
+activities of the Nation are tuned up.</p>
+
+<p>The spirit of charity has been aroused. Hundreds of millions have been
+provided by voluntary gifts fo<a name='Page_160'></a>r the Red Cross, Knights of Columbus,
+Hebrew Charities, and Christian Associations. The people are turning to
+their places of worship with a new religious fervor. Everywhere
+selfishness is giving way to service, idleness to industry, wastefulness
+to thrift.</p>
+
+<p>The war is being won. It is being overwhelmingly won. A righteous
+purpose has not only strengthened our arms abroad but exalted the Nation
+at home.</p>
+
+<p>The great work before us is to keep this new spirit in the right path.
+The opportunity for a military training, the beneficial results of its
+discipline, must be continued for the youth of our country. The
+sacrifice necessary for national defence must hereafter never be
+neglected. The virtues of war must be carried into peace. But this must
+not be done at the expense of the freedom of the individual. It m<a name='Page_161'></a>ust be
+the expression of self-government and not the despotism of a German
+military caste or a Russian Bolshevik state. We are in this war to
+preserve the institutions that have made us great. The war has revealed
+to us their true greatness. All argument about the efficiency of
+despotism and the incompetence of republics was answered at the Marne
+and will be hereafter answered at the Rhine. We are not going to
+overcome the Kaiser by becoming like him, nor aid Russia by becoming
+like her.</p>
+
+<p>We see now that Prussian despotism was the natural ally of the Russian
+Bolshevik and the I.W.W. here. Both exist to pervert and enslave the
+people; both seek to break down the national spirit of the world for
+their own wicked ends. Both are doomed to failure. By taking our place
+in the world, America is to become more American, as by doing his duty
+the individual develops his own manhood. We see now that when the
+individual fails, whether it be from a despotism or the dead level of a
+socialistic state, all has failed.</p>
+
+<p><a name='Page_162'></a>A new vision has come to the Nation, a vision that must never be
+obscured. It is for us to heed it, to follow it. It is a revelation, but
+a revelation not of our weakness but of our strength, not of new
+principles, but of the power that lies in the application of old
+doctrines. May that vision never fade, may America inspired by a great
+purpose ever be able to say,</p>
+
+<div class='blkquot'><p>&quot;Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord.&quot; </p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXII'></a><h2>XXII</h2>
+
+<center>TREMONT TEMPLE</center>
+
+<center>NOVEMBER 2, 1918</center>
+<br /><a name='Page_163'></a>
+
+<p>To the greatest task man ever undertook our Commonwealth has applied
+itself, will continue to apply itself with no laggard hand. One hundred
+and ninety thousand of her sons already in the field, hundreds of
+millions of her treasure contributed to the cause, her entire
+citizenship moved with a single purpose, all these show a determination
+unalterable, to prosecute the war to a victory so conclusive, to a
+destruction of all enemy forces so decisive, that those impious
+pretentions which have threatened the earth for many years will never be
+renewed. There can be no discussion about it, there can be no
+negotiation about it. The country is united in the conviction that the
+only terms are unconditional surrender.</p>
+
+<p>This determination has a<a name='Page_164'></a>risen from no sudden impulse or selfish motive.
+It was forced upon us by the plan and policy of Germany and her methods
+of waging war upon others. The main features of it all have long been
+revealed while each day brings to light more of the details. We have
+seen the studied effort to make perverts of sixty millions of German
+people. We know of the corrupting of the business interests of the
+Empire to secure their support. We know that war had been decreed before
+the pretext on which it was declared had happened. We know Austria was
+and is the creature of Germany. We have beheld the violation of innocent
+Belgium, the hideous outrages on soldier and civilian, the piracy, the
+murder of our own neutral citizens, and finally there came the notice,
+which as an insult to America has been exceeded only by the recent
+suggestion that we negotiate a peace with its authors,&mdash;the notice
+claiming dominion over our citizens and authority to exclude our ships
+from the sea. The great pretender to the throne of the earth thought
+the time had come to assert that we were his subjects. Two millions of
+our men already in France, and<a name='Page_165'></a> each day ten thousand more are hastening
+to pay their respects to him at his court in Berlin in person. He has
+our answer.</p>
+
+<p>It would be a mistake to suppose we have already won the war. It is not
+won yet, but we have reached the place where we know how to win it, and
+if we continue our exertions we shall win it fully, completely, grandly,
+as becomes a great people contending for the cause of righteousness.</p>
+
+<p>We entered the war late and without previous military preparation. The
+more clearly we discern the beginning and the progress of the struggle,
+the more we must admire the great spirit of those nations by whose side
+we fight. The more we know of the terrible price they paid, the
+matchless sacrifices they magnificently endured&mdash;the French, the
+Italians, the British, the Belgians, the Serbians, the Poles, and the
+misgoverne<a name='Page_166'></a>d, misguided people of Russia&mdash;the bravery of their soldiers
+in the field, the unflinching devotion of their people at home, and
+remember that in no small sense they were doing this for us, that we
+have been the direct beneficiaries of peoples who have given their all,
+the less disposition we have to think too much of our own importance.
+But all this should not cause us to withhold the praise that is due our
+own Army and Navy, or to overlook the fact that our people have met
+every call that patriotism has made. The soldiers and sailors who fight
+under the Stars and Stripes are the most magnificent body of men that
+ever took up arms for defence of a great cause. Man for man they surpass
+any other troops on earth.</p>
+
+<p>We must not forget these things. We must not neglect to record them for
+the information of generations to come. The names and records of boards
+and commissions, relief societies, of all who have engaged<a name='Page_167'></a> in financing
+the cause of government and charity, and other patriotic work, should be
+preserved in the Library of the Commonwealth, and with these, our
+military achievements. These will show how American soldiers met and
+defeated the Prussian Guard. They will show also that in all the war no
+single accomplishment, on a like scale, excelled the battle of St.
+Mihiel, carried out by American troops, with our own Massachusetts boys
+among them, and that the first regiment to be decorated as a regiment
+for conspicuous service and gallantry in our Army in France was the
+104th, formerly of the old Massachusetts National Guard. Such is our
+record and it cannot be forgotten.</p>
+
+<p>In reaching the great decision to enter the war, in preparing the answer
+which speaks with so much authority, in the only language that despotism
+can understand, America has arisen to a new life. We have taken a new
+place among the nations. The Revolution made us a nation; the Spanish
+War made us a world powe<a name='Page_168'></a>r, the present war has given us recognition as a
+world power. We shall not again be considered provincial. Whether we
+desired it or not this position has come to us with its duties and its
+responsibilities.</p>
+
+<p>This new position should not be misunderstood. It does not mean any
+diminution of our national spirit. It rather means that it should be
+intensified. The most outstanding feature of the war has been the
+assertion of the national spirit. Each nationality is contending for the
+right to have its own government, and in that is meeting with the
+sanction of the free peoples of the earth. We are discussing a league of
+nations. Such a league, if formed, is not for the purpose, must not be
+for the purpose, of diminishing the spirit or influence of our Nation,
+but to make that spirit and influence more real and more effective.
+Believing in our Nation thoroughly and unreservedly, confident that the
+evidence of the past and present justifies that belief, it is our one
+desire to make America more American. There is no greater service that
+<a name='Page_169'></a>we can render the oppressed of the earth than to maintain inviolate the
+freedom of our own citizens.</p>
+
+<p>Under our National Government the States are the sheet-anchors of our
+institutions. On them falls the task of administering local affairs and
+of supporting the National Government in peace and war. The success with
+which Massachusetts has met her local problems, the efficiency with
+which she has placed her resources of men and materials at the disposal
+of the Nation, has been unsurpassed. The efficient organization of the
+Commonwealth, which has proved itself in time of stress, must be
+maintained undiminished. On the States will largely fall the task of
+putting into effect the lessons of the war that are to make America more
+truly American.</p>
+
+<p>One of our first duties is military training. The opportunity hereafter
+for the youth of the Nation to receive instruction in the science of
+<a name='Page_170'></a>national defence should be universal. The great problem which our
+present experience has brought is the development of man power. This
+includes many questions, but especially public health and mental
+equipment. Sanitation and education will require more attention in the
+future.</p>
+
+<p>America has been performing a great service for humanity. In that
+service we have arisen to a new glory. The people of the nation without
+distinction have been performing a great service for America. In it they
+have realized a new citizenship. Prussianism fails. Americanism
+succeeds. Education is to teach men not what to think but how to think.
+Government will take on new activities, but it is not more to control
+the people, the people are more to control the Government.</p>
+
+<p>We have come to the realization of a new brotherhood among natio<a name='Page_171'></a>ns and
+among men. It came through the performance of a common duty. A
+brotherhood that existed unseen has been recognized at last by those
+called to the camp and trenches and those working for their victory at
+home. This spirit must not be misunderstood. It is not a gospel of ease
+but of work, not of dependence but of independence, not of an easy
+tolerance of wrong but a stern insistence on right, not the privilege of
+receiving but the duty of giving.</p>
+
+<p>&quot;<a name='Page_172'></a>Man proposes but God disposes.&quot; When Germany lit up her long toasted
+day with the lurid glare of war, she thought the end of freedom for the
+peoples of the earth had come. She thought that the power of her sword
+was hereafter to reign supreme over a world in slavery, and that the
+divine right of a king was to be established forever. We have seen the
+drama drawing to its close. It has shown the victory of justice and of
+freedom and established the divine rights of the people. Through it is
+shining a new revelation of the true brotherhood of man. As we see the
+purpose Germany sought and the result she will secure, the words of Holy
+Writ come back to us&mdash;&quot;The wrath of man shall praise Him.&quot;</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXIII'></a><h2>XXIII</h2>
+
+<center>FANEUIL HALL</center>
+
+<center>NOVEMBER 4, 1918</center>
+<br />
+<a name='Page_173'></a>
+<p>We need a word of caution and of warning. I am responsible for what I
+have said and what I have done. I am not responsible for what my
+opponents say I have said or say I have done either on the stump or in
+untrue political advertisements and untrue posters. I shall not deal
+with these. I do not care to touch them, but I do not want any of my
+fellow citizens to misunderstand my ignoring them as expressing any
+attitude other than considering such attempts unworthy of notice when
+men are fighting for the preservation of our country.</p>
+
+<p>Our work is drawing to a close&mdash;our patriotic efforts. We have had in
+view but one object&mdash;the saving of America.</p>
+
+<p>We shall accomplish that object first by winning the war. That means a
+great deal. It means getting the world forever rid of the German idea.
+We can see no way to do this but by a complete surrender by Germany to
+the Allies.</p>
+
+<p>We stand by the State and National Governments in the prosecution of
+this object. I have reiterated that we support the Commander-in-Chief in
+<a name='Page_174'></a>war work. He says that is so.</p>
+
+<p>We want no delay in prosecuting the war. The quickest way is the way to
+save most lives and treasure. We want to care for the soldiers and their
+dependents. That has been the recognized duty of the Government for
+generations.</p>
+
+<p><a name='Page_175'></a>To save America means to save American institutions, it means to save
+the manhood and womanhood of our country. To that we are pledged.</p>
+
+<p>There will be great questions of reconstruction, social, industrial,
+economic and governmental questions, that must be met and solved. They
+must be met with a recognition of a new spirit.</p>
+
+<p>It is a time to keep our faith in our State, our Nation, our
+institutions, and in each other. Doing that, the war will be won in the
+field and won in civil life at home.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXIV'></a><h2>XXIV</h2>
+
+<center>FROM INAUGURAL ADDRESS AS GOVERNOR</center>
+<a name='Page_176'></a>
+<center>JANUARY 2, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>You are coming to a new legislative session under the inspiration of the
+greatest achievements in all history. You are beholding the fulfilment
+of the age-old promise, man coming into his own. You are to have the
+opportunity and responsibility of reflecting this new spirit in the laws
+of the most enlightened of Commonwealths. We must steadily advance. Each
+individual must have the rewards and opportunities worthy of the
+character of our citizenship, a broader recognition of his worth and a
+larger liberty, protected by order&mdash;and always under the law. In the
+promotion of human welfare Massachusetts happily may not need much
+reconstruction, but, like all living organizations, forever needs
+continuing construction. What are the lessons of the past? How shall
+they be applied to these days of readjustment? How shall we emerge from
+the autocratic methods of war<a name='Page_177'></a> to the democratic methods of peace,
+raising ourselves again to the source of all our strength and all our
+glory&mdash;sound self-government?</p>
+
+<p>It is your duty not only to reflect public opinion, but to lead it.
+Whether we are to enter a new era in Massachusetts depends upon you. The
+lessons of the war are plain. Can we carry them on into peace? Can we
+still act on the principle that there is no sacrifice too great to
+maintain the right? Shall we continue to advocate and practise thrift
+and industry? Shall we require unswerving loyalty to our country? These
+are the foundations of all greatness.</p>
+
+<p>Let there be a purpose in all your legislation to recognize the right of
+man to be well born, well nurtured, well educated, well employed, and
+well paid. This is no gospel of ease and selfishness, or class
+distinction, but a gospel of effort and service, of universal
+<a name='Page_178'></a>application.</p>
+
+<p>Such results cannot be secured at once, but they should be ever before
+us. The world has assumed burdens that will bear heavily on all peoples.
+We shall not escape our share. But whatever may be our trials, however
+difficult our tasks, they are only the problems of peace, and a
+victorious peace. The war is over. Whatever the call of duty now we
+should remember with gratitude that it is nothing compared with the
+heavy sacrifice so lately made. The genius and fortitude which conquered
+then cannot now fail.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXV'></a><h2>XXV</h2>
+
+<center>STATEMENT ON THE DEATH OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT</center>
+<br /><a name='Page_179'></a>
+
+<p>The people of our Commonwealth have learned with profound sorrow of the
+death of Theodore Roosevelt. No other citizen of the Nation would have
+brought in so large a degree the feeling of a common loss. During the
+almost eight years he was President, the people came to see in him a
+reflection of their ideals of the true Americanism.</p>
+<a name='Page_180'></a>
+<p>He was the advocate of every good cause. He awakened the moral purpose
+of the Nation and raised the standard of public service. He appealed to
+the imagination of youth and satisfied the judgment of maturity. In him
+Massachusetts saw an exponent of her own ideals.</p>
+
+<p>In token of the love and reverence which all the people bore him, I urge
+that the national and state flags be flown at half-mast throughout the
+Commonwealth until after his funeral, and that, when next the people
+gather for public worship, his loss be marked with proper ceremony.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXVI'></a><h2>XXVI</h2>
+
+<center>LINCOLN DAY PROCLAMATION</center>
+
+<center>JANUARY 30, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p><i>The Commonwealth of Massachusetts By His Excellency Calvin Coolidge,
+Governo<a name='Page_181'></a>r</i></p>
+
+<p>A PROCLAMATION</p>
+<br />
+
+<p>Fivescore and ten years ago that Divine Providence which infinite
+repetition has made only the more a miracle sent into the world a new
+life, destined to save a nation. No star, no sign, foretold his coming.
+About his cradle all was poor and mean save only the source of all great
+men, the love of a wonderful woman. When she faded way in his tender
+years, from her deathbed in humble poverty she dowered her son with
+greatness. There can be no proper observance of a birthday which forgets
+the mother. Into his origin as into his life men long have looked and
+wondered. In wisdom great, but in humility greater, in justice strong,
+but in compassion stronger, he became a leader of men by being a
+follower of the truth. He overcame evil with good. His presence filled
+the Nation. He broke the might of oppression. He restored a race to its
+birthright. His mortal frame has vanished, but his spirit increases with
+the increasing years, the richest legacy of the greatest century.</p>
+<a name='Page_182'></a>
+<p>Men show by what they worship what they are. It is no accident that
+before the great example of American manhood our people stand with
+respect and reverence. And in accordance with this sentiment our laws
+have provided for a formal recognition of the birthday of Abraham
+Lincoln, for in him is revealed our ideal, the hope of our country
+fulfilled.</p>
+
+<p>Now, therefore, by the authority of Massachusetts, the 12th day of
+February is set apart as</p>
+
+<p>LINCOLN DAY</p>
+
+<p>and its observance recommended as befits the beneficiaries of his life
+and the admirers of his character, in places of education and worship
+wherever our people meet one with another.</p>
+
+<div class='blkquot'><p>Given at the Executive Chamber, in Boston, this 30th day of
+     January, in the year of Our Lord one thousand nine hundred and
+     nineteen, and of the independence of the United States of America
+<a name='Page_183'></a>     the one hundred and forty-third. </p></div>
+
+<span style='margin-left: 10em;'>CALVIN COOLIDGE</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style='margin-left: 1em;'>By his Excellency the Governor,</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style='margin-left: 1em;'>ALBERT P. LANGTRY,</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style='margin-left: 1em;'><i>Secretary of the Commonwealth</i>.</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style='margin-left: 1em;'>God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.</span><br />
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXVII'></a><h2>XXVII</h2><a name='Page_184'></a>
+
+<center>INTRODUCING HENRY CABOT LODGE AND A. LAWRENCE LOWELL AT THE DEBATE ON
+THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS SYMPHONY HALL</center>
+
+<center>MARCH 19, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>We meet here as representatives of a great people to listen to the
+discussion of a great question by great men. All America has but one
+desire, the security of the peace by facts and by parchment which her
+brave sons have wrought by the sword. It is a duty we owe alike to the
+living and the dead.</p>
+
+<p>Fortunate is Massachusetts that she has among her sons two men so
+eminently trained for the task of our enlightenment, a senior Senator of
+the Commonwealth and the President of a university established in her
+<a name='Page_185'></a>Constitution. Wherever statesmen gather, wherever men love letters, this
+day's discussion will be read and pondered. Of these great men in
+learning, and experience, wise in the science and practice of
+government, the first to address you is a Senator distinguished at home
+and famous everywhere&mdash;Henry Cabot Lodge.</p>
+
+<p>[After Senator Lodge spoke he introduced President Lowell:]</p>
+
+<p>The next to address you is the President of Harvard University&mdash;an
+educator renowned throughout the world, a learned student of
+statesmanship, endowed with a wisdom which has made him a leader of men,
+truly a Master of Arts, eminently a Doctor of Laws, a fitting
+representative of the Massachusetts domain of letters&mdash;Abbott Lawrence
+Lowell.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXVIII'></a><h2>XXVIII</h2>
+
+<center>VETO OF SALARY INCREASE</center>
+<br /><br />
+
+<p><a name='Page_186'></a>TO THE HONORABLE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:</p>
+
+<p>In accordance with the duty imposed by the Constitution, a bill
+entitled, &quot;An act to establish the compensation of the members of the
+General Court,&quot; being House No. 1629, is herewith returned without
+approval.</p>
+
+<p>This bill raises the salaries of members from $1000 to $1500, an
+increase of fifty per cent, and is retroactive. It is necessary to
+decide whether the Commonwealth can well afford this additional tax and
+whether any public benefit would accrue from it.</p>
+
+<p>These are times that require careful scrutiny of public expenditure. The
+burden o<a name='Page_187'></a>f taxes resulting from war is heavy. The addition of $142,000 to
+the expense of the Commonwealth in perpetuity is not to be undertaken
+but upon proven necessity.</p>
+
+<p>Service in the General Court is not obligatory but optional. It is not
+to be undertaken as a profession or a means of livelihood. It is a
+voluntary public service. In accord with the principles of our
+democratic institutions a compensation has been given in order that
+talent for service rather than the possession of property might be the
+standard of membership. There is no man of sufficient talent in the
+Commonwealth so poor that he cannot serve for a session, which averages
+about five months, and five days each week, at a salary of $1000&mdash;and
+travel allowance of $2.50 for each mile between his home and the State
+House. This is too clear for argument. There is no need to consider
+those who are too rich to serve for this sum. It would be futile to
+disc<a name='Page_188'></a>uss whether their services are worth more or less than this, as that
+is not here the question. Membership in the General Court is not a job.
+There are services rendered to the Commonwealth by senators and
+representatives that are priceless. For the searching out of great
+principles on which legislation is based there is no adequate
+compensation. If value for services were the criterion, there would be
+280 different salaries. When membership is sought as a means of
+livelihood, legislation will pass from a public function to a private
+enterprise. Men do not serve here for pay. They seek work and places of
+responsibility and find in that seeking, not in their pay, their honor.</p>
+
+<p>The realities of life are not measured by dollars and cents. The skill
+of the physician, the divine eloquence of the clergyman, the courage of
+the soldier, that which we call character in all men, are not matters of
+hire and salary. No person was ever honored for what he received. Honor
+has been<a name='Page_189'></a> the reward for what he gave. Public acclaim and the ceremonious
+recognition paid to returning heroes are not on account of their
+government pay but of the service and sacrifice they gave their country.
+The place each member of the General Court will hold in the estimation
+of his constituents will never depend on his salary, but on the ability
+and integrity with which he does his duty; not on what he receives, but
+on what he gives; and only out of the bountifulness of his own giving
+will his constituents raise him to power. Not by indulging himself, but
+by denying himself, will he reach success.</p>
+
+<p>It is because the General Court has recognized these principles in its
+past history that it has secured its high place as a legislative body.
+This act disregards all this and will ever appear to be an undertaking
+by members to raise their own salaries. The fact that many were thinking
+of the needs of others will remain unknown. Appearances cannot be
+disregarded. Those in whom is placed the so<a name='Page_190'></a>lemn duty of caring for
+others ought to think of themselves last or their decisions will lack
+authority. There is apparent a disposition to deny the
+disinterestedness and impartiality of government. Such charges are the
+result of ignorance and an evil desire to destroy our institutions for
+personal profit. It is of infinite importance to demonstrate that
+legislation is used not for the benefit of the legislator, but of the
+public.</p>
+
+<p>The General Court of Massachusetts is a legislative body noted for its
+<a name='Page_191'></a>fairness and ability. It has no superior. Its critics have for the most
+part come from the outside and have most frequently been those who have
+approached it with the purpose of securing selfish desires of their
+clients or themselves. A long familiarity with it increases respect for
+it. It is charged with expressing the abiding convictions and conscience
+of the people of the Commonwealth. The most solemn obligation placed by
+the Constitution on the Executive is the power to veto its actions. In
+all matters affecting it the General Court is entitled to his best
+judgment and carefully considered opinion. Anything less would be a
+mark of disrespect and disloyalty to its members. That judgment and
+opinion, arrived at after a wide counsel with members and others, is
+here expressed, in the light of an obligation which is not personal,
+&quot;faithfully and impartially to discharge and perform&quot; the duties of a
+public office.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' /><a name='Page_192'></a>
+<a name='XXIX'></a><h2>XXIX</h2>
+
+<center>FLAG DAY PROCLAMATION</center>
+
+<center>MAY 26, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>Works which endure come from the soul of the people. The mighty in their
+pride walk alone to destruction. The humble walk hand in hand with
+Providence to immortality. Their works survive. When the people of the
+Colonies were defending their liberties against the might of kings, they
+chose their banner from the design set in the firmament through all
+eternity. The flags of the great empires of that day are gone, but the
+Stars and Stripes remain. It pictures the vision of a people whose eyes
+were turned to the rising dawn. It represents the hope of a father for
+his posterity. It was never flaunted for the glory of royalty, but to be
+born under it is to be a child of a king, a<a name='Page_193'></a>nd to establish a home under
+it is to be the founder of a royal house. Alone of all flags it
+expresses the sovereignty of the people which endures when all else
+passes away. Speaking with their voice it has the sanctity of
+revelation. He who lives under it and is loyal to it is loyal to truth
+and justice everywhere. He who lives under it and is disloyal to it is a
+traitor to the human race everywhere. What could be saved if the flag of
+<a name='Page_194'></a>the American Nation were to perish?</p>
+
+<p>In recognition of these truths and out of a desire born of a purpose to
+defend and perpetuate them, the Commonwealth of Massachusetts has by
+ordinance decreed that for one day of each year their importance should
+be dwelt upon and remembered. Therefore, in accordance with that
+authority, the anniversary of the adoption of the national flag, the
+14th day of June next, is set apart as</p>
+
+<p>FLAG DAY</p>
+
+<p>and it is earnestly recommended that it be observed by the people of
+the Commonwealth by the display of the flag of our country and in all
+ways that may testify to their loyalty and perpetuate its glory.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXX'></a><h2>XXX</h2><a name='Page_195'></a>
+
+<center>AMHERST COLLEGE COMMENCEMENT</center>
+
+<center>JUNE 18, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>To the son of any college, although he does not make his connection with
+his college a profession, a return of Commencement Day recalls many
+memories. It is likely also, after nearly a quarter of a century, to
+cause some reflections. It is, I suppose, to give tongue to such
+memories and reflections that after-dinner speaking is provided. After
+all due allowance for change of perspective, going to college was a
+greater event twenty-five years ago than it is to-day. My own memories
+are not yet ancient enough to warrant their recalling. The greater
+events<a name='Page_196'></a> of that day are too recent to need to be related.</p>
+
+<p>But I should fail in my duty and neglect my deep conviction if I did not
+declare that in my day there was no better place to educate a young
+man. Most of them came with a realization that their coming meant a
+sacrifice at home. They may have lacked a proficiency in the arts of the
+drawing room which sometimes brought a smile; but no competitor met the
+Amherst men of that day on the athletic field or in the postgraduate
+school with a smile that did not soon come off. They had their pranks
+and sprees, but they had the ideals of a true manhood. They were moved
+with a serious purpose. He who had less lacked place among them. They
+are come and gone from the campus, those men of the early nineties, and
+with them went the power to command.</p>
+
+<p>Those were days that represented especially the spirit of President
+Seelye. Under his brilliant and polished successor the Faculty changes
+were few. There was Professor Wood, the most accomplished intellectual
+hazer of freshmen. Ther<a name='Page_197'></a>e was Professor Gibbons, who was strong enough in
+Greek derivation so that every second-year man soon had a clear
+conception of the meaning of sophomore. After demonstrating clearly that
+on the negative side the derivation of &quot;contiguity&quot; was not &quot;con&quot; and
+&quot;tiguity,&quot; he advised those who could not with equal clearness
+demonstrate its derivation on the positive side to look it up. There
+were Morse and Frink, Richardson, Hitchcock, Estey, Crowell, Tyler, and
+Garman. All these and more are gone. The living, no less eminent, I need
+not recall. As a teaching force, as an inspirer of youth, for training
+men how to think, that faculty has had and will have nowhere any
+superior.</p>
+
+<div class='blkquot'><p>&quot;So passed that pageant.&quot; </p></div>
+
+<p>The col<a name='Page_198'></a>lege of to-day has taken on a new life, a new activity. Military
+training then was a spectacle for the Massachusetts Agricultural
+College. To-day Amherst welcomes its returning soldiers, and but a
+little time since divested itself of the character of a military camp to
+resume the wonted garb of peace. Yet it is and has been the same
+institution,&mdash;a college of the liberal arts. In this so-called practical
+age Amherst has chosen for her province the most practical of all,&mdash;the
+culture and the classics of all time.</p>
+
+<p>Civilization depends not only upon the knowledge of the people, but upon
+the use they make of it. If knowledge be wrongfully used, civilization
+commits suicide. Broadly speaking, the college is not to educate the
+individual, but to educate society. The individual may be ignorant and
+vicious. If society have learning and virtue, that will sustain him. If
+society lacks learning and virtue, it perishes<a name='Page_199'></a>. Education must give not
+only power but direction. It must minister to the whole man or it fails.</p>
+
+<p>Such an education considered from the position of society does not come
+from science. That provides power alone, but not direction. Give a
+savage tribe firearms and a distillery, and their members will
+exterminate each other. They have science all right, but misuse it.
+They lack ideals. These young men that we welcome back with so much
+pride did not go forth to demonstrate their faith in science. They did
+not offer their lives because of their belief in any rule of mathematics
+or any principle of physics or chemistry. The laws of the natural world
+would be unaffected by their defeat or victory. No; they were defending
+their ideals, and those ideals came from the classics.</p>
+
+<p>This is pre&euml;minently true of the culture of Greece and Rome. Patriotism
+with them was predominant. Their heroes were those who sacrificed
+themselves for their country, from the three hundred at Thermopyl&aelig; to
+Horatius at the bridge. Their poets sang of the glory of dying for one's
+native lan<a name='Page_200'></a>d. The orations of Demosthenes and Cicero are pitched in the
+same high strain. The philosophy of Plato and Aristotle and the Greek
+and Latin classics were the foundation of the Renaissance. The revival
+of learning was the revival of Athens and Sparta and of the Imperial
+City. Modern science is their product. To be included with the classics
+are modern history and literature, the philosophers, the orators, the
+statesmen, and poets,&mdash;Milton and Shakespeare, Lowell and Whittier,&mdash;the
+Farewell Address, the Reply to Hayne, the Speech at Gettysburg,&mdash;it is
+all these and more that I mean by the classics. They give not only power
+to the intellect, but direct its course of action.</p>
+
+<p>The classic of all classics is the Bible.</p>
+
+<p>I do not underestimate schools of science and technical arts. They have
+a high and noble calling in ministering to mankind. They are important
+and necessary. I am poi<a name='Page_201'></a>nting out that in my opinion they do not provide
+a civilization that can stand without the support of the ideals that
+come from the classics.</p>
+
+<p>The conclusion to be derived from this position is that a vocational or
+technical education is not enough. We must have every American citizen
+well grounded in the classical ideals. Such an education will not unfit
+him for the work of the world. Did those men in the trenches fight any
+less valiantly, did they shrink any more from the hardships of war, when
+a liberal culture had given a broader vision of what the great conflict
+meant? The discontent in modern industry is the result of a too narrow
+outlook. A more liberal culture will reveal the importance and nobility
+of the work of the world, whether in war or peace. It is far from enough
+to teach our citizens a vocation. Our industrial system will break down
+unless it is humanized. There is greater need for a liberal culture that
+will develop the whole man in the whole body of our citizenship. The day
+<a name='Page_202'></a>when a college education will be the portion of all may not be so far
+distant as it seems.</p>
+
+<p>We live in a republic. Our Government is exercised through
+representatives. Their course of action is a very accurate reflection
+of public opinion. Where shall that be formed and directed unless from
+the influences, direct and indirect, that come from our institutions of
+learning. The laws of a republic represent its ideals. They are founded
+upon public opinion, and public opinion in America up to the present
+time has drawn its inspiration from the classics. They tell us that
+Waterloo was won on the football fields of Rugby and Eton. The German
+war was won by the influence of classical ideals. As a teacher of the
+classics, as a maker of public opinion, as a source of wise laws, as the
+herald of a righteous victory,&mdash;Amherst College stands on a foundation
+which has remained unchanged through the ages. May there be in all her
+sons a conviction that with her abides Him who changes not.</p>
+
+
+<a name='Page_203'></a>
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXXI'></a><h2>XXXI</h2>
+
+<center>HARVARD UNIVERSITY COMMENCEMENT</center>
+
+<center>JUNE 19, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>No college man who has ever glanced at the Constitution of Massachusetts
+is likely to miss or forget the generous references there made to
+Harvard University. It may need a closer study of that instrument, which
+is older than the American Constitution, to realize the full
+significance of those most enduring of guaranties that could then be
+imposed in behalf of Massachusetts institutions.</p>
+<a name='Page_204'></a>
+<p>The convention which framed our Constitution has as its president James
+Bowdoin, a son of Harvard. He was a man of great strength of character
+and cast an influence for good upon the deliberations of his day worthy
+of a place in history more conspicuous than is generally accorded to
+him. He had as his colleague on the floor no less a person than John
+Adams. It is not necessary in this presence to designate his alma mater.
+There were others of importance, but these represented the type of
+thought that prevailed.</p>
+
+<p>In that noble Declaration of Rights the principles of freedom and
+equality were first declared. Following this is set forth the right of
+religious liberty and the duty of citizens to support places of
+religious worship and instruction; and in the Frame of Government, after
+establishing the University, there is given to legislators and
+magistrates a mandate forever to cherish and support the cause of
+education and institutions of learning. These were the declaration of
+broad and libera<a name='Page_205'></a>l policies. They are capable of being combined, for in
+fact they declare that teaching, whether it be by clergy or laity, is of
+an importance that requires it to be surrounded with the same safeguards
+and guaranties as freedom and equality. In fact the Constitution
+declares that &quot;wisdom and knowledge, as well as virtue, diffused
+generally among the body of the people, are necessary for the
+preservation of their rights and liberties.&quot; John Adams and James
+Bowdoin knew that freedom was the fruit of knowledge. Their conclusions
+were drawn from the directions of Holy Writ&mdash;&quot;Come, know the truth, and
+it shall make you free.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>These principles there laid down with so much solemnity have now the
+same binding force as in those revolutionary days when they were
+recognized and proclaimed. I am not unaware that they are old. Whatever
+is, is old. It is but our own poor apprehension of it that is new. It
+would<a name='Page_206'></a> be well if they were re-apprehended. It is not well if the great
+diversity of modern learning has made the truth so little of a novelty
+that it lacks all reverence.</p>
+
+<p>The days of the Revolution were days of reverence and of applied
+reverence. Teaching was to a considerable extent in the hands of the
+clergy. Institutions of learning were presided over by clergymen. The
+teacher spoke with the voice of authority. He was treated with
+deference. He held a place in the community that was not only secure but
+high. The rewards of his services were comparatively large. He was a
+leader of the people. From him came the inspiration of liberty. It was
+in the meeting-houses that the Revolution was framed.</p>
+
+<p>This dual character little exists now, but the principle is the same.
+Teaching is the same high calling, but how lacking now in comparative
+appreciation. The compensation of many teachers and clergymen is far
+<a name='Page_207'></a>less than the pay of unskilled labor. The salaries of college professors
+are much less than like training and ability would command in the
+commercial world. We pay a good price to bank men to guard our money. We
+compensate liberally the manufacturer and the merchant; but we fail to
+appreciate those who guard the minds of our youth or those who preside
+over our congregations. We have lost our reverence for the profession of
+teaching and bestowed it upon the profession of acquiring.</p>
+
+<p>This will have such a reaction as might be expected. Some of the clergy,
+seeing their own rewards are disproportionate, will draw the conclusion
+that all rewards are disproportionate, that the whole distribution of
+wealth is unsound; and turn to a belief in and an advocacy of some kind
+of a socialistic state. Some of our teachers, out of a like discontent,
+will listen too willingly to revolutionary doctrines which<a name='Page_208'></a> have not
+originated in meeting-houses but are the importations of those who lack
+nothing but the power to destroy all that our civilization holds dear.
+Unless these conditions are changed, these professions will not attract
+to their services young men of the same comparative quality of ability
+and character that in the past they commanded.</p>
+
+<p>In our pursuit of prosperity we have forgotten and neglected its
+foundations. It is true that many of our institutions of learning are
+well endowed and have spacious buildings, but the plant is not enough.
+Many modern schoolhouses put to shame any public buildings that were
+erected in the Colonies. I am directing attention to the comparative
+position of the great mass of teachers and clergymen. They are not
+properly appreciated or properly paid. They have provided the
+foundations of our liberties. The importance of their position cannot be
+overestimated<a name='Page_209'></a>. They have been faithful though neglected; but a state
+which neglects or refuses to support any class will soon find that such
+class neglects and refuses to support it. The remedy lies in part with
+private charity, in part with government action; but it lies wholly with
+public opinion. Private charity must worthily support its clergymen and
+the faculty and instructors of our higher institutions of learning; and
+the Government must adequately reward the teachers in its schools. In
+the great bound forward which has been taken in a material way, these
+two noble professions, the pillars of liberty and equality, have been
+neglected and left behind. They must be reestablished. They must be
+restored to the place of reverence they formerly held.</p>
+
+<p>The profession of teaching has come down to us with a sanction of
+antiquity greater than all else. So far back as we can peer into human
+history there has stood a priesthood that has led its people
+intellectually and morally. Teaching is leading. Th<a name='Page_210'></a>e fundamental needs
+of humanity do not change. They are constant. These influences so potent
+in the development of Massachusetts cannot be exchanged for a leadership
+that is bred of the market-place, to her advantage. We must turn our
+eyes from what is to what ought to be. The men of the day of John Adams
+and James Bowdoin had a vision that looked into the heart of things.
+They led a revolution that swept on to a successful conclusion. They
+established a nation that has endured until its flag is the ancient
+<a name='Page_211'></a>among the banners of the earth. Their counsel will not be mocked. The
+men of that day almost alone in history brought a Revolution to its
+objective. Not only that, they reached it in such a condition that it
+there remained. The counterattack of disorder failed entirely to
+dislodge it. Their success lay entirely in the convictions they had. No
+nation can reject these convictions and remain a republic. Anarchy or
+despotism will overwhelm it.</p>
+
+<p>Massachusetts established Harvard College to be a defender of righteous
+convictions, of reverence for truth and for the heralds of truth. The
+purpose set forth in the Constitution is clear and plain. It recognizes
+with the clear conviction of men not thinking of themselves that the
+cause of America is the cause of education, but of education with a
+soul, a trained intellect but guided ever by an enlightened conscience.
+We of our day need to recognize with the same vision that when these
+fail, America has failed.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXXII'></a><h2><a name='Page_212'></a>XXXII</h2>
+
+<center>PLYMOUTH, LABOR DAY</center>
+
+<center>SEPTEMBER 1, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>The laws of our country have designated the first Monday of each
+September as Labor Day. It is truly an American day, for it was here
+that for the first time in history a government was founded on a
+recognition of the sovereignty of the citizen which has irresistibly led
+to a realization of the dignity of his occupation. It is with added
+propriety that this day is observed this year. For the first time in
+five years it comes at a time when the issue of world events makes it no
+longer doubtful whether the American conception of work as the crowning
+glory of men free and equal is to prevail over the age-old European
+conception that <a name='Page_213'></a>work is the badge of the menial and the inferior. The
+American ideal has prevailed on European battle-fields through the
+loyalty, devotion, and sacrifice of American labor.</p>
+
+<p>The duty of citizenship in this hour is to strive to maintain and
+extend that ideal at home.</p>
+
+<p>The past five years have been a time of rapid change and great progress
+for the American people. Not only have the hours and conditions of labor
+been greatly improved, but wages have increased about one hundred per
+cent. There has been a great economic change for the better among all
+wage-earners.</p>
+
+<p>We have known that political power was with the people, because they
+have the votes. We have generally supposed that economic power was not
+with the people, because they did not own the property. This
+supposition, probably never true, is growing more and more to be
+contrary to the facts. The great outstanding fact in the economic life
+of America is that the wealth of the Nation is owned by the people of
+the Nation. The stockholders of the great corporations run into the
+hundreds of thousands, the small tradesmen, the thrifty householders,
+the tillers of the soil, the depositors in savings banks, and the now
+owners of government bonds, make a number that includes nearly our
+entire people. This would be illustrated by a few Massachusetts examples
+from figures which were reported in 1918:</p>
+
+
+<pre>
+<i>Number of Stockholders</i><br />
+Railroads                        40,485
+Street railways                  17,527
+Telephone                        49,688
+Western Union Telegraph           9,360
+                                 ------
+                                117,060<a name='Page_214'></a>
+<br />
+<i>Number of Employees</i><br />
+Railroads                        20,604
+Street railways                  25,000
+Telephone                        11,471
+Western Union Telegraph           2,065
+                                 ------
+                                 59,140
+<br />
+Savings bank depositors       2,491,646
+Railroad, street railway, and
+telephone bonds held by
+savings banks and savings
+departments of trust companies<br /><a name='Page_215'></a>
+                           $267,795,636<br />
+
+Savings bank deposits    $1,022,342,583
+</pre>
+
+<p>Money is pouring into savings banks at the rate of $275,000 each
+working day.</p>
+
+<p>Comment on these figures is unnecessary. There is, of course, some
+reduplication, but in these four public service enterprises there are in
+Massachusetts almost twice as many direct owners as there are employees.
+Two persons out of three have money in the savings bank&mdash;men, women, and
+children. There is this additional fact: more than one quarter of the
+stupendous sum of over a billion dollars of the savings of nearly two
+and a half <a name='Page_216'></a>million savings depositors is invested in railroad, street
+railway, and telephone securities.</p>
+
+<p>With these examples in mind it would appear that our problem of economic
+justice in Massachusetts, where we live and for which alone we can
+legislate, is not quite so simple as assuming that we can take from one
+class and give to another class. We are reaching and maintaining the
+position in this Commonwealth where the property class and the employed
+class are not separate, but identical. There is a relationship of
+interdependence which makes their interests the same in the long run.
+Most of us earn our livelihood through some form of employment. More and
+more of our people are in possession of some part of the wages of
+yesterday, and so are investors. This is the ideal economic condition.</p>
+
+<p>The great aim of our Government is to protect the weak&mdash;to aid them to
+become strong. Massachusetts is an industrial State. If her people
+prosper, it must be by that means in some of i<a name='Page_217'></a>ts broad avenues. How can
+our people be made strong? Only as they draw their strength from our
+industries. How can they do that? Only by building up our industries and
+making them strong. This is fundamental. It is the place to begin. These
+are the instruments of all our achievement. When they fail, all fails.
+When they prosper, all prosper. Workmen's compensation, hours and
+conditions of labor are cold, consolations, if there be no employment.
+And employment can be had only if some one finds it profitable. The
+greater the profit, the greater the wages.</p>
+
+<p>This is one of the economic lessons of the war. It should be remembered
+now when taxes are to be laid, and in the period of readjustment. Taxes
+must be measured by the ability to meet them out of surplus income.
+Industry must expand or fail. It must show a surplus after all payments
+of wages, taxes, and returns to investors. Conscription can call once,
+then all is over. Just requirements can be met again and again with
+ever-increasing ability.</p>
+<a name='Page_218'></a>
+<p>Justice and the general welfare go hand in hand. Government had to take
+over our transportation interests in order to do such justice to them
+that they could pay their employees and carry our merchandise. They have
+been so restricted lest they do harm that they became unable to do good.
+Their surplus was gone, and we New Englanders had to go without coal.
+Seeing now more clearly than before the true interests of wage-earner,
+investor, and the public, which is the consumer, we shall hereafter be
+willing to pay the price and secure the benefits of justice to all these
+co&ouml;rdinate interests.</p>
+
+<p>We have met the economic problem of the returning service men. They have
+been assimilated into our industrial life with little delay and with no
+disturbance of existing conditions. The day of adversity has passed. The
+American people met and overcame it. The day of prosperity has come. The
+great question now is whether the American people can endure their
+<a name='Page_219'></a>prosperity. I believe they can. The power to preserve America is in the
+same hands to-day that it was when the German army was almost at the
+gates of Paris. That power is with the people themselves; not one class,
+but all classes; not one occupation, but all occupations; not one
+citizen, but all citizens.</p>
+
+<p>During the past five years we have heard many false prophets. Some were
+honest, but unwise; some plain slackers; a very few were simply public
+enemies. Had their counsels prevailed, America would have been
+destroyed. In general they appealed to the lower impulses of the people,
+for in their ignorance they believed the most powerful motive of this
+Nation was a sodden selfishness. They said the war would never affect
+us; we should confine ourselves to making money. They argued for peace
+at any price. They opposed selective service. They sought to prevent
+sending soldiers to Europe. They advocated peace by negotiation. They
+were answere<a name='Page_220'></a>d from beginning to end by the loyalty of the American
+workingmen and the wisdom of their leaders. That loyalty and that wisdom
+will not desert us now. The voices that would have lured us to
+destruction were unheeded. All counsels of selfishness were unheeded,
+and America responded with a spirit which united our people as never
+before to the call of duty.</p>
+
+<p>Having accomplished this great task, having emerged from the war the
+strongest, the least burdened nation on earth, are we now to fail before
+our lesser task? Are we to turn aside from the path that has led us to
+success? Who now will set selfishness above duty? The counsel that
+Samuel Gompers gave is still sound, when he said in effect, &quot;America may
+not be perfect. It has the imperfections of all things human. But it is
+the best country on earth, and the man who will not work for it, who
+will not fight for it, and if need be die for it, is unworthy to live in
+<a name='Page_221'></a>it.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>Happily, the day when the call to fight or die is now past. But the day
+when it is the duty of all Americans to work will remain forever. Our
+great need now is for more of everything for everybody. It is not money
+that the nation or the world needs to-day, but the products of labor.
+These products are to be secured only by the united efforts of an entire
+people. The trained business man and the humblest workman must each
+contribute. All of us must work, and in that work there should be no
+interruption. There must be more food, more clothing, more shelter. The
+directors of industry must direct it more efficiently, the workers in
+industry must work in it more efficiently. Such a course saved us in
+war; only such a course can preserve us in peace. The power to preserve
+America, with all that it now means to the world, all the great hope
+that it holds for humanity, lies in the hands of the people. Talents and
+opportunity exist. Application only is uncertain. May Labor Day of 1919
+declare with an increased emphasis the resolution of all Americans to
+work for America.</p><a name='Page_222'></a>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXXIII'></a><h2>XXXIII</h2>
+
+<center>WESTFIELD</center>
+
+<center>SEPTEMBER 3, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>We come here on this occasion to honor the past, and in that honor
+render more secure the present. It was by such men as settled Westfield,
+and two hundred and fifty years ago established by law a chartered and
+ordered government, that the foundations of Massachusetts were laid. And
+it was on the foundations of Massachusetts that there began that
+training of the <a name='Page_223'></a>people for the great days that were to come, when they
+were prepared to endorse and support the principles set out in the
+Declaration of Independence, the Constitution of the United States of
+America, and the Emancipation Proclamation of Abraham Lincoln. Here were
+planted the same seeds of righteousness victorious which later
+flourished with such abundance at Saratoga, at Gettysburg, and at the
+second battle of the Marne. Stupendous results, the product of a people
+working with an everlasting purpose.</p>
+
+<p>While celebrating the history of Westfield, this day has been set apart
+to the memory of one of her most illustrious sons, General William
+Shepard. To others are assigned the history of your town and the
+biography of your soldier. Into those particulars I shall not enter. But
+the principles of government and of citizenship which they so well
+represent, and nobly illustrate, will never be untimely or unworthy of
+reiteration.</p>
+
+<p>The political history of Westfield has seen the success of a great
+<a name='Page_224'></a>forward movement, to which it contributed its part, in establishing the
+principle, that the individual in his rights is supreme, and that
+&quot;governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed.&quot;
+It is the establishment of liberty, under an ordered form of government,
+in this ancient town, by the people themselves, that to-day draws us
+here in admiration of her achievements. When we turn to the life of her
+patriot son we see that he no less grandly illustrated the principle,
+that to such government, so established, the people owe an allegiance
+which has the binding power of the most solemn obligation.</p>
+
+<p>There is such a disposition in these days to deny that our Government
+was formed by, or is now in control of, the people, that a glance at the
+history of the days of General Shepard is peculiarly pertinent and
+instructive.</p><a name='Page_225'></a>
+
+<p>The Constitution of Massachusetts, with its noble Declaration of Rights,
+was adopted in 1780. Under it we still live with scarce any changes that
+affect the rights of the people. The end of the Revolutionary War was
+1783. Shays's Rebellion was in 1787. The American Constitution was
+ratified and adopted in 1788. These dates tell us what the form of
+government was in this period.</p>
+
+<p>If there are any who doubt that our institutions, formed in those days,
+did not establish a peoples' government, let them study the action of
+the Massachusetts Convention which ratified the Federal Constitution in
+1788. Presiding over it was the popular patriot Governor John Hancock.
+On the floor sat Samuel Adams, who had been the father of the
+Revolution, pre&euml;minent champion of the liberty of the people. Such an
+influence had he, that his assertion of satisfaction, was enough <a name='Page_226'></a>to
+carry the delegates. Like a majority of the members he came opposed to
+ratification. Having totally thrown off the authority of foreign power,
+they came suspicious of all outside authority. Besides there were
+eighteen members who had taken part in Shays's Rebellion, so hostile
+were they to the execution of all law. Mr. Adams was finally convinced
+by a gathering of the workingmen among his constituents, who exercised
+their constitutional right of instructing their representatives. Their
+opinion was presented to him by Paul Revere. &quot;How many mechanics were at
+the Green Dragon when these resolutions were passed?&quot; asked Mr. Adams.
+&quot;More, sir, than the Green Dragon could hold.&quot; &quot;And where were the
+rest?&quot; &quot;In the streets, sir.&quot; &quot;And how many were in the streets?&quot; &quot;More
+than there are stars in the sky.&quot; This is supposed to have convinced the
+great Massachusetts tribune that it was his duty to support
+ratification.</p>
+
+<p><a name='Page_227'></a>There were those, however, who distrusted the Constitution and
+distrusted its proponents. They viewed lawyers and men of means with
+great jealousy. Amos Singletary expressed their sentiments in the form
+of an argument that has not ceased to be repeated in the discussion of
+all public affairs. &quot;These lawyers,&quot; said he, &quot;and men of learning and
+moneyed men that talk so finely and gloss over matters so smoothly, to
+make us poor illiterates swallow the pill, expect to get into Congress
+themselves. They mean to be managers of the Constitution. They mean to
+get all the money into their hands and then they will swallow up us
+little folk, like the great Leviathan, Mr. President: yes, just like the
+whale swallowed up Jonah.&quot; In the convention sat Jonathan Smith, a
+farmer from Lanesboro. He had seen Shays's Rebellion in Berkshire. There
+had been no better example of a man of the people desiring the common
+good.</p><a name='Page_228'></a>
+
+<p>&quot;I am a plain man,&quot; said Mr. Smith, &quot;and am not used to speak in public,
+but I am going to show the effects of anarchy, that you may see why I
+wish for good government. Last winter people took up arms, and then, if
+you went to speak to them, you had the musket of death presented to your
+breast. They would rob you of your property, threaten to burn your
+houses, oblige you to be on your guard night and day. Alarms spread from
+town to town, families were broken up; the tender mother would cry,
+'Oh, my son is among them! What shall I do for my child?' Some were
+taken captive; children taken out of their schools and carried away....
+How dreadful was this! Our distress was so great that we should have
+been glad to snatch at anything that looked like a government.... Now,
+Mr. President, when I saw this Constitution, I found that it was a cure
+for these disorders.<a name='Page_229'></a> I got a copy of it, and read it over and over.... I
+did not go to any lawyer, to ask his opinion; we have no lawyer in our
+town, and we do well enough without. My honourable old daddy there
+(pointing to Mr. Singletary) won't think that I expect to be a
+Congressman, and swallow up the liberties of the people. I never had any
+post, nor do I want one. But I don't think the worse of the Constitution
+because lawyers, and men of learning, and moneyed men are fond of it. I
+am not of such a jealous make. They that are honest men themselves are
+not apt to suspect other people.... Brother farmers, let us suppose a
+case, now. Suppose you had a farm of 50 acres, and your title was
+disputed, and there was a farm of 5000 acres joined to you that belonged
+to a man of learning, and his title was involved in the same difficulty;
+would you not be glad to have him for your friend, rather than to stand
+alone in the dispute? Well, the case is the same. These lawyers, these
+moneyed men, these men of learning, are all embarked in the same cause
+with us, and we must all sink or swim together. Shall we throw the
+Constitution overboard becau<a name='Page_230'></a>se it does not please us all alike? Suppose
+two or three of you had been at the pains to break up a piece of rough
+land and sow it with wheat: would you let it lie waste because you could
+not agree what sort of a fence to make? Would it not be better to put up
+a fence that did not please every one's fancy, rather than keep
+disputing about it until the wild beasts came in and devoured the crop?
+Some gentlemen say, Don't be in a hurry; take time to consider. I say,
+There is a time to sow and a time to reap. We sowed our seed when we
+sent men to the Federal Convention, now is the time to reap the fruit of
+our labour; and if we do not do it now, I am afraid we shall never have
+another opportunity.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>There spoke the common sense of the common man of the Commonwealth. The
+counsel of the farmer from the country, joined with the resolutions of
+the workingmen from the city, carried the convention and the
+Constitution was ratified. In the light of succeeding history, who shall
+<a name='Page_231'></a>say, that it was not the voice of the people, speaking with the voice of
+Infinite Authority?</p>
+
+<p>The attitude of Samuel Adams, William Shepard, Jonathan Smith and the
+workingmen of Boston toward government, is worthy of our constant
+emulation. They had not hesitated to take up arms against tyranny in the
+Revolution, but having established a government of the people they were
+equally determined to defend and support it. They hated the usurper
+whether king, or Parliament, or mob, but they bowed before the duly
+constituted authority of the people.</p>
+
+<p>When the question of pardoning the convicted leaders of the rebellion
+came up, Adams opposed it. &quot;In monarchies,&quot; he said, &quot;the crime of
+treason and rebellion may admit of being pardoned or lightly punished;
+but the man who dares to rebe<a name='Page_232'></a>l against the laws of a republic ought to
+suffer death.&quot; We are all glad mercy prevailed and pardon was granted.
+But the calm judgment of Samuel Adams, the lover of liberty, &quot;the man of
+the town meeting&quot; whose clear vision, taught by bitter experience, saw
+that all usurpation is tyranny, must not go unheeded now. The authority
+of a just government derived from the consent of the governed, has back
+of it a Power that does not fail.</p>
+<a name='Page_233'></a>
+<p>All wars bring in their trail great hardships. They existed in the day
+of General Shepard. They exist now. Having set up a sound government in
+Massachusetts, having secured their independence, as the result of a
+victorious war, the people expected a season of easy prosperity. In that
+they were temporarily disappointed. Some rebelling, were overthrown. The
+adoption of the Federal Constitution brought relief and prosperity.</p>
+
+<p>Success has attended the establishment here of a government of the
+people. We of this day have just finished a victorious war that has
+added new glory to American arms. We are facing some hardships, but they
+are not serious. Private obligations are not so large as to be
+burdensome. Taxes can be paid. Prosperity abounds. But the great promise
+of the future lies in the loyalty and devotion of the people to their
+own Government. They are firm in the conviction of the fathers, that
+liberty is increased only by increasing the determination to support a
+government of the people, as established in this ancient town, and
+defended by its patriotic sons.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXXIV'></a><h2>XXXIV</h2><a name='Page_234'></a>
+
+<center><i>The Commonwealth of Massachusetts</i></center>
+
+<p><i>By His Excellency Calvin Coolidge, Governor</i></p>
+
+<p>A PROCLAMATION</p>
+<br />
+
+<p>The entire State Guard of Massachusetts has been called out. Under the
+Constitution the Governor is the Commander-in-Chief thereof by an
+authority of which he could not if he chose divest himself. That command
+I must and will exercise. Under the law I hereby call on all the police
+of Boston who have loyally and in a never-to-be-forgotten way remained
+on duty to aid me in the performance of my duty of the restoration and
+maintenance of order in the city of Boston, and each of such officers is
+required to act in obedience to such orders as I may hereafter issue or
+<a name='Page_235'></a>cause to be issued.</p>
+
+<p>I call on every citizen to aid me in the maintenance of law and order.</p>
+
+<div class='blkquot'><p>Given at the Executive Chamber, in Boston, this eleventh day of
+     September, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and
+     nineteen, and of the Independence of the United States of America
+     the one hundred and forty-fourth.</p>
+
+<span style='margin-left: 25em;'>CALVIN COOLIDGE</span>
+
+<p>     By His Excellency the Governor,</p>
+
+<p>     ALBERT P. LANGTRY</p>
+
+<p>     <i>Secretary of the Commonwealth</i> </p></div>
+
+<p>     God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXXV'></a><h2>XXXV</h2>
+<a name='Page_236'></a>
+<center>AN ORDER</center>
+<br /><br />
+<span style='margin-left: 25em;'>BOSTON, <i>September</i> 11, 1919</span><br />
+
+<p>To EDWIN U. CURTIS,</p>
+
+<p>As you are Police Commissioner of the City of Boston,</p>
+
+<p><i>Executive Order No. 1</i></p>
+
+<p>You are hereby directed, for the purpose of assisting me in the
+performance of my duty, pursuant to the proclamation issued by me this
+day, to proceed in the performance of your duties as Police Commissioner
+of the city of Boston under my command and in obedience to such orders
+as I shall issue from time to time, and obey only such orders as I may
+so issue or transmit.</p>
+<a name='Page_237'></a>
+<span style='margin-left: 25em;'>CALVIN COOLIDGE</span><br />
+<span style='margin-left: 23em;'><i>Governor of Massachusetts</i></span><br />
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXXVI'></a><h2>XXXVI</h2>
+
+<center>A TELEGRAM</center>
+<br /><br />
+<span style='margin-left: 25em;'>BOSTON, MASS., <i>Sept</i>. 14, 1919</span><a name='Page_238'></a><br />
+
+<p>MR. SAMUEL GOMPERS</p>
+
+<p><i>President American Federation of Labor, New York City, N.Y.</i></p>
+
+<p>Replying to your telegram, I have already refused to remove the Police
+Commissioner of Boston. I did not appoint him. He can assume no position
+which the courts would uphold except what the people have by the
+<a name='Page_239'></a>authority of their law vested in him. He speaks only with their voice.
+The right of the police of Boston to affiliate has always been
+questioned, never granted, is now prohibited. The suggestion of
+President Wilson to Washington does not apply to Boston. There the
+police have remained on duty. Here the Policemen's Union left their
+duty, an action which President Wilson characterized as a crime against
+civilization. Your assertion that the Commissioner was wrong cannot
+justify the wrong of leaving the city unguarded. That furnished the
+opportunity, the criminal element furnished the action. There is no
+right to strike against the public safety by anybody, anywhere, any
+time. You ask that the public safety again be placed in the hands of
+these same policemen while they continue in disobedience to the laws of
+Massachusetts and in their refusal to obey the orders of the Police
+Department. Nineteen men have been tried and removed. Others having
+abandoned their duty, their places have, under the law, been declared
+vacant on the opinion of the Attorney-General. I can suggest no
+authority outside the courts to take further action. I wish to join and
+assist in taking a broad view of every situation. A grave responsibility
+rests on all of us. You can depend on me to support you in every legal
+action and sound policy. I am equally determined to defend the
+<a name='Page_240'></a>sovereignty of Massachusetts and to maintain the authority and
+jurisdiction over her public officers where it has been placed by the
+Constitution and law of her people.</p>
+
+<span style='margin-left: 25em;'>CALVIN COOLIDGE</span><br />
+<span style='margin-left: 23em;'><i>Governor of Massachusetts</i></span><br />
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXXVII'></a><h2>XXXVII</h2>
+
+<center><i>The Commonwealth of Massachusetts</i></center>
+<a name='Page_241'></a>
+
+<p><i>By His Excellency Calvin Coolidge, Governor</i></p>
+
+<p>A PROCLAMATION</p>
+<br />
+
+<p>There appears to be a misapprehension as to the position of the police
+of Boston. In the deliberate intention to intimidate and coerce the
+Government of this Commonwealth a large body of policemen, urging all
+others to join them, deserted their posts of duty, letting in the enemy.
+This act of theirs was voluntary, against the advice of their well
+wishers, long discussed and premeditated, and with the purpose of
+obstructing the power of the Government to protect its citizens or even
+to maintain its own existence. Its success meant anarchy. By this act
+through the operation of the law they dispossessed themselves. They went
+out of office. They stand as though they had never been appointed.</p>
+
+<p>Other police remained on duty. They are the real heroes of this crisis.
+The State Guard responded most efficiently. Thousands have volunteered
+for the Guard and the Militia. Money has been contributed from every
+walk of life by the hundreds of thousands for the encouragement and
+relief of these loyal men. These acts have been spontaneous,
+significant, and decisive. I propose to support all those who are
+supporting their own Government with every power which the people have
+entrusted to me.</p>
+
+<p>There is an obligation, inescapable, no less solemn, to resist all those
+<a name='Page_242'></a>who do not support the Government. The authority of the Commonwealth
+cannot be intimidated or coerced. It cannot be compromised. To place the
+maintenance of the public security in the hands of a body of men who
+have attempted to destroy it would be to flout the sovereignty of the
+laws the people have made. It is my duty to resist any such proposal.
+Those who would counsel it join hands with those whose acts have
+threatened to destroy the Government. There is no middle ground. Every
+attempt to prevent the formation of a new police force is a blow at the
+Government. That way treason lies. No man has a right to place his own
+ease or convenience or the opportunity of making money above his duty to
+the State. This is the cause of all the people. I call on every citizen
+to stand by me in executing the oath of my office by supporting the
+authority of the Government and resisting all assaults upon it.</p>
+
+<div class='blkquot'><p>Given at the Executive Chamber, in Boston, this twenty-fourth day
+     of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and
+     nineteen, and of the Independence of the United States of America
+     the one hundred and forty-fourth. </p></div>
+<a name='Page_243'></a>
+<span style='margin-left: 25em;'>CALVIN COOLIDGE</span><br />
+
+<p>    By His Excellency the Governor,</p>
+
+<p>    HERBERT H. BOYNTON</p>
+
+<p>    <i>Deputy, Acting Secretary of the Commonwealth</i></p>
+
+<p>    God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXXVIII'></a><h2>XXXVIII</h2><a name='Page_244'></a>
+
+<center>HOLY CROSS COLLEGE</center>
+
+<center>JUNE 25, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>To come from the press of public affairs, where the practical side of
+life is at its flood, into these calm and classic surroundings, where
+ideals are cherished for their own sake, is an intense relief and
+satisfaction. Even in the full flow of Commencement exercises it is
+apparent that here abide the truth and the servants of the truth. Here
+appears the fulfillment of the past in the grand company of alumni,
+recalling a history already so thick with laurels. Here is the hope of
+the future, brighter yet in the young men to-day sent forth.</p>
+
+<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'><a name='Page_245'></a>
+<span>&quot;The unarmed youth of heaven. But o'er their heads<br /></span>
+<span>Celestial armory, shield, helm and spear,<br /></span>
+<span>Hung bright, with diamond flaming and with gold.&quot;<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>In them the dead past lives. They represent the college. They are the
+college. It is not in the campus with its imposing halls and temples,
+nor in the silent lore of the vast library or the scientific instruments
+of well-equipped laboratories, but in the men who are the incarnation of
+all these, that your college lives. It is not enough that there be
+knowledge, history and poetry, eloquence and art, science and
+mathematics, philosophy and ethics, ideas and ideals. They must be
+vitalized. They must be fashioned into life. To send forth men who live
+all these is to be a college. This temple of learning must be translated
+into human form if it is to exercise any influence over the affairs of
+mankind,<a name='Page_246'></a> or if its alumni are to wield the power of education.</p>
+
+<p>A great thinker and master of the expression of thought has told us:</p>
+
+<p>&quot;It was before Deity, embodied in a human form, walking among men,
+partaking of their infirmities, leaning on their bosoms, weeping over
+their graves, slumbering in the manger, bleeding on the cross, that the
+prejudices of the Synagogue, and the doubts of the Academy, and the
+pride of the Portico, and the fasces of the Lictor, and the swords of
+thirty Legions, were humbled in the dust.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>If college-bred men are to exercise the influence over the progress of
+the world which ought to be their portion, they must exhibit in their
+lives a knowledge and a learning which is marked with candor, hum<a name='Page_247'></a>ility,
+and the honest mind.</p>
+
+<p>The present is ever influenced mightily by the past. Patrick Henry spoke
+with great wisdom when he declared to the Continental Congress, &quot;I have
+but one lamp by which my feet are guided and that is the lamp of
+experience.&quot; Mankind is finite. It has the limits of all things finite.
+The processes of government are subject to the same limitations, and,
+lacking imperfections, would be something more than human. It is always
+easy to discover flaws, and, pointing them out, to criticize. It is not
+so easy to suggest substantial remedies or propose constructive
+policies. It is characteristic of the unlearned that they are forever
+proposing something which is old, and, because it has recently come to
+their own attention, supposing it to be new. Into this error men of
+liberal education ought not to fall. The forms and processes of
+government are not new. They have been known, discus<a name='Page_248'></a>sed, and tried in
+all their varieties through the past ages. That which America
+exemplifies in her Constitution and system of representative government
+is the most modern, and of any yet devised gives promise of being the
+most substantial and enduring.</p>
+
+<p>It is not unusual to hear arguments against our institutions and our
+Government, addressed particularly to recent arrivals and the sons of
+recent arrivals to our shores. They sometimes take the form of a claim
+that our institutions were founded long ago; that changed conditions
+require that they now be changed. Especially is it claimed by those
+seeking such changes that these new arrivals and men of their race and
+ideas had no hand in the making of our country, and that it was formed
+by those who were hostile to them and therefore they owe it no support.
+Whatever may be the condition in relation to others, and whatever
+ignorance and <a name='Page_249'></a>bigotry may imagine, such arguments do not apply to those
+of the race and blood so prominent in this assemblage. To establish this
+it were but necessary to cite eleven of the fifty-five signers of the
+Declaration of Independence and recall that on the roll of Washington's
+generals were Sullivan, Knox, Wayne, and the gallant son of Trinity
+College, Dublin, who fell at Quebec at the head of his troops,&mdash;Richard
+Montgomery. But scholarship has answered ignorance. The learned and
+patriotic research of men of the education of Dr. James J. Walsh and
+Michael J. O'Brien, the historian of the Irish American Society, has
+demonstrated that a generous portion of the rank and file of the men who
+fought in the Revolution and supported those who framed our institutions
+was not alien to those who are represented here. It is no wonder that
+from among such that which is American has drawn some of its most
+steadfast defenders.</p>
+<a name='Page_250'></a>
+<p>In these days of violent agitation scholarly men should reflect that the
+progress of the past has been accomplished not by the total overthrow of
+institutions so much as by discarding that which was bad and preserving
+that which was good; not by revolution but by evolution has man worked
+out his destiny. We shall miss the central feature of all progress
+unless we hold to that process now. It is not a question of whether our
+institutions are perfect. The most beneficent of our institutions had
+their beginnings in forms which would be particularly odious to us now.
+Civilization began with war and slavery; government began in absolute
+despotism; and religion itself grew out of superstition which was
+oftentimes marked with human sacrifices. So out of our present
+imperfections we shall develop that which is more perfect. But the
+candid mind of the scholar will admit and seek to remedy all wrongs with
+the same zeal with which it defends all rights.</p>
+
+<p>From the knowledge and the lear<a name='Page_251'></a>ning of the scholar there ought to be
+developed an abiding faith. What is the teaching of all history? That
+which is necessary for the welfare and progress of the human race has
+never been destroyed. The discoverers of truth, the teachers of science,
+the makers of inventions, have passed to their last rewards, but their
+works have survived. The Phoenician galleys and the civilization which
+was born of their commerce have perished, but the alphabet which that
+people perfected remains. The shepherd kings of Israel, the temple and
+empire of Solomon, have gone the way of all the earth, but the Old
+Testament has been preserved for the inspiration of mankind. The ark of
+the covenant and the seven-pronged candlestick have passed from human
+view; the inhabitants of Judea have been dispersed to the ends of the
+<a name='Page_252'></a>earth, but the New Testament has survived and increased in its influence
+among men. The glory of Athens and Sparta, the grandeur of the Imperial
+City, are a long-lost memory, but the poetry of Homer and Virgil, the
+oratory of Demosthenes and Cicero, the philosophy of Plato and
+Aristotle, abide with us forevermore. Whatever America holds that may be
+of value to posterity will not pass away.</p>
+
+<p>The long and toilsome processes which have marked the progress of the
+past cannot be shunned by the present generation to our advantage. We
+have no right to expect as our portion something substantially different
+from human experience in the past. The constitution of the universe
+does not change. Human nature remains constant. That service and
+sacrifice which have been the price of past progress are the price of
+progress now.</p>
+
+<p>This is not a gospel of despair, but of hope and high expectation. Out
+of many tribulations mankind has pressed steadily onward. The
+opportunity for a rational existence was never before so great.
+Bl<a name='Page_253'></a>essings were never so bountiful. But the evidence was never so
+overwhelming as now that men and nations must live rationally or perish.</p>
+
+<p>The defenses of our Commonwealth are not material but mental and
+spiritual. Her fortifications, her castles, are her institutions of
+learning. Those who are admitted to the college campus tread the
+ramparts of the State. The classic halls are the armories from which are
+furnished forth the knights in armor to defend and support our liberty.
+For such high purpose has Holy Cross been called into being. A firm
+foundation of the Commonwealth. A defender of righteousness. A teacher
+of holy men. Let her turrets continue to rise, showing forth &quot;the way,
+the truth and the light&quot;&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'>
+<span>&quot;In thoughts sublime that pierce the night like stars,<br /></span><a name='Page_254'></a>
+<span>And with their mild persistence urge man's arch<br /></span>
+<span>To vaster issues.&quot;<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXXIX'></a><h2>XXXIX</h2>
+
+<center>REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION, TREMONT TEMPLE, BOSTON</center>
+
+<center>OCTOBER 4, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>Ancient custom crystallized to law has drawn us here. We come to renew
+our pledge pu<a name='Page_255'></a>blicly at the altar of our country. We come in the light of
+history and of reason. We come to take counsel both from experience and
+from imagination. Over us shines a glorious past, before us lies a
+promising future. Around us is a renewed determination deep and solemn
+that this Commonwealth of ours shall endure.</p>
+
+<p>The period since our last election has been one of momentous events.
+Within its first week the victorious advance of America and her allies
+terminated in the armistice of November eleventh. The power of organized
+despotisms had been proven to be inferior to the power of organized
+republics. Reason had again triumphed over absolutism. The &quot;still small
+voice&quot; of the moral law was seen to be greater than the might of kings.
+The world appeal to duty triumphed over the world appeal to selfishness.
+It always will. There will be far-reaching results from all this w<a name='Page_256'></a>hich
+no one can now foresee. But some things are apparent. The power of the
+people has been revealed. The worth of the individual man shines forth
+with an increased glory. But most significant of all, for it lies at the
+foundation of all civilization and all progress, was the demonstration
+that the citizens of the great republics of the earth possess the power
+which they dare to use, of maintaining among all men the orderly
+processes of revealed law.</p>
+
+<p>These are no new doctrines in Massachusetts. For nearly three hundred
+years she has laid her course according to these principles, extending
+the blessings which arise from them to her citizens, ever ready to
+defend them with her treasure and her blood. In this the past year has
+been no exception.</p>
+
+<p>In recognition of the long-established policy of making this
+Com<a name='Page_257'></a>monwealth first in humanitarian legislation, the General Court
+enacted a law providing for reducing a fifty-four hour week for women
+and minors to a forty-eight hour week. It passed the weavers'
+specification bill. The allowance under the workmen's compensation law
+was increased. Local option was provided on the question of a
+twelve-hour day for firemen. Authority was granted corporations to give
+their employees a voice in their management. Representatives of the
+employees have been appointed to the Board of Trustees of great public
+service corporations. Profiteering has been made a crime. A special
+commission of which the chairman is Brigadier-General John H. Sherburne
+was established to deal with the problem of the high cost of
+living&mdash;with power which has been effective in reducing the prices of
+the necessaries of life. No other State has taken any effective measure.
+The compensation of public employees has been increased. The entire
+public service of the Commonwealth has been reorganized in accor<a name='Page_258'></a>dance
+with the constitutional amendment into twenty departments. In caring for
+her service men Massachusetts led all the States of the Nation in relief
+and in assistance, besides voting the stupendous sum of twenty million
+dollars, not as compensation, but as recognition of the gratitude due
+those who had represented us in the great war. The educational
+opportunities of the youth of the State have been improved. All of these
+acts of great importance, which are of course only representative of the
+character of current legislation, had the executive approval. There has
+been not only a sympathetic but a very practical attitude toward the
+ideal expressed in my inaugural address, that there is a right to be
+well born, well reared, well educated, well employed, and well paid. We
+shall not be shaken in the mature determination to promote these
+policies. The ancient faith of Massachusetts in the worth of her
+citizens, the cause of great solicitude for the welfare of each
+individual, will remain undiminished.</p><a name='Page_259'></a>
+
+<p>The many uncertainties in transportation which are State, Nation, and
+world wide, sent our street railway problems to an expert commission
+which will report to a special session of the General Court. It is
+recognized that the rate of fare necessary to pay for the service
+rendered has in some instances become prohibitive. Some roads and
+portions of roads have been closed down. There must be relief. But such
+relief must be in accord with sound economic principles. What the public
+has the public must pay for. From this there is no escape. Under
+private, or public, ownership or operation this rule will be the same.
+We must face the facts and restore this necessary service to the people
+in such a form that they can meet its costs. In meeting this issue, not
+hysterically, not with demagogy, but calmly, with candor, applying an
+adequate remedy to ascertained facts, Massachusetts, as usual, will lead
+all the other States of the Nation.</p><a name='Page_260'></a>
+
+<p>That agitation and unrest which has been characteristic of the whole
+world since the close of the war has had some manifestations here. There
+is a natural desire in every human mind to seek better conditions. Such
+a desire is altogether praiseworthy. There must, however, be
+discrimination in the methods employed. Wholesale criticism of everybody
+and everything does not necessarily exhibit statesmanlike qualities, and
+may not be true. Not all those who are working to better the condition
+of the people are Bolsheviki or enemies of society. Not all those who
+are attempting to conduct a successful business are profiteers. But
+unreasonable criticism and agitation for unreasonable remedies will
+avail nothing. We, in common with the whole world, are suffering from a
+shortage of materials. There is but one remedy for this, increased
+production. We need to use sparingly what we have and make more. No
+progress will be made by shouting Bolsheviki and profiteers. What we
+need is thrift and industry. Let everybody keep at work. Profitable
+<a name='Page_261'></a>employment is the death blow to Bolshevism and abundant production is
+disaster to the profiteer. Our salvation lies in putting forth greater
+effort, in manfully assuming our own burdens, rather than in
+entertaining the pleasing delusion that they can be shifted to some
+other shoulders. Those who attempt to lead people on in this expectation
+only add to their burdens and their dangers.</p>
+
+<p>The people of Boston have recently seen the result of agitation and
+unrest in its police force. The policy of that department, established
+by an order of former Commissioner O'Meara and adopted by a rule which
+has the force of law by the present Commissioner Curtis, prohibited a
+police union from affiliating with an outside union. In spite of this
+such a union was formed and persisted in with acknowledged and open
+defiance of the rules and of the counsel and almost entreaties of the
+officers of the department. Such disobedience conti<a name='Page_262'></a>nuing, the leaders
+were cited for trial on charges and heard with their counsel before the
+Commissioner. After thorough consideration, and opportunity again to
+obey the rules, they were found guilty. In order to give a chance to
+recant sentence was suspended. Shortly after, three fourths of the
+police force abandoned their posts and refused further to perform their
+duties. During the next few hours, there was destruction of property in
+the city but happily no loss of life.</p>
+
+<p>Meantime there had been various efforts to save the situation. Some
+urged me to remove the Commissioner, some to request him to alter his
+course. To all these I had to reply that I had no authority whatever
+over his actions and could not lawfully interfere with him. It was my
+duty to support him in the execution of the law and that I should do. I
+was glad to confer with any one and give my help where it was sought.
+The Commissioner was appointed b<a name='Page_263'></a>y my predecessor in office for a term of
+years. I could with almost equal propriety interfere in the decisions of
+the Supreme Court.</p>
+
+<p>To restore order, I at once and by pre-arrangement with him and the
+Commissioner, offered to the Mayor to call out the State Guard. At his
+request I did so, immediately beginning restoring obedience to the law.
+On account of the public danger, I called on the Commissioner to aid me
+in the execution of my duties of keeping order, and issued a
+proclamation to that effect.</p>
+
+<p>To various suggestions that the police be permitted to return I replied
+that the Attorney-General had ruled that by law that could not be done
+and while I had no power to appoint, discharge, or reinstate, I was
+opposed to placing the public security again in the keeping of this body
+of men. There is an obligation to forgive but it does not extend to the
+unrepentant. To give them aid and comfo<a name='Page_264'></a>rt is to support their evil doing
+and to become what is known in law as an accessory after the fact. A
+government which does that is a reproach to civilization and will soon
+have on its hands the blood of its citizens.</p>
+
+<p>The response to the appeal to support the Government of Massachusetts in
+sustaining law and order was instantaneous. It came from the State
+Guard, from volunteers for police, and the militia, from contributions
+gathered among all classes now reaching hundreds of thousands of
+dollars, from the loyal police of Boston, from all quarters of the
+Commonwealth and beyond. These forces may all be dissipated, they may be
+defeated, but while I am entrusted with the office of their
+Commander-in-Chief they will not be surrendered. Over them and over
+every other law-abiding citizen has gone up the white flag of
+Massachusetts. Who is there that by compromising the authority of her
+laws dares to haul down that flag? I have resisted and propose to
+<a name='Page_265'></a>continue in resistance to such action.</p>
+
+<p>This issue is perfectly plain. The Government of Massachusetts is not
+seeking to resist the lawful action or sound policy of organized labor.
+It has time and again passed laws for the protection and encouragement
+of trade unions. It has done so under my administration upon my
+recommendation to a greater extent than in any previous year. In that
+policy it will continue. It is seeking to prevent a condition which
+would at once destroy all labor unions and all else that is the
+foundation of civilization by maintaining the authority and sanctity of
+the law. When that goes all goes. It costs something but it is the
+cheapest thing that can be bought; it causes some inconvenience but it
+is the foundation of all convenience, the orderly execution of the laws.</p>
+
+<p>The people understand this thoroughly. They know that the laws are their
+laws and speak their voice. They know that this Government is their
+Government founded on their will, administered by their representatives.
+Disobedience to i<a name='Page_266'></a>t is disobedience to the people. They know that the
+property of the Commonwealth is their property. Destruction of it
+destroys their substance. The public security is their security. When
+that is gone they are in deadly peril. And knowing this the people have
+a determination to support the Government with a resolution that is
+unchanging.</p>
+
+<p>It is my purpose to maintain the Government of Massachusetts as it was
+founded by her people, the protector of the rights of all but
+subservient to none. It is my purpose to maintain unimpaired the
+authority of her laws, her jurisdiction, her peace, her security. This
+ancient faith of Massachusetts which became the great faith of America,
+she reestablished in her Constitution before the army of Washington had
+gained our independence, declaring for &quot;a government of laws and not of
+men.&quot; In that faith she still abides. Let him challenge it who dares.
+All who love Massachusetts, who believe in America, are bound <a name='Page_267'></a>to defend
+it. The choice lies between living under coercion and intimidation, the
+forces of evil, or under the laws of the people, orderly, speaking with
+their settled convictions, the revelation of a divine authority.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XL'></a><h2>XL</h2>
+
+<center>WILLIAMS COLLEGE</center>
+
+<center>OCTOBER 17, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>There speaks here with the voice of immortality one who loved
+Massachusetts. On every side arise monuments to that enduring affection
+bred not of benefits received but of services rendered, of sacrifices
+made, that the province of Massachusetts Bay might live enlightened and
+secure. A bit of parchment has filled libraries. A few hundred dollars
+<a name='Page_268'></a>has enriched generations. The spirit of a single liberty-loving soldier
+has raised up a host that has shaken the earth with its martial tread,
+laying low the hills but exalting the valleys. Here Colonel Ephraim
+Williams still executes his will, still disposes of his patrimony, still
+leads the soldiers of the free to an enduring victory, and with a power
+greater than the sword stands guard on the frontier marches of the
+Commonwealth.</p>
+
+<p>Honor compels that honor be recognized. In compliance with that
+requirement this day has been set apart by this institution of letters
+in testimony of the merit of her sons. Nearly one half of her living
+alumni were under the direct service of the Nation in the great war.
+Into all branches of the service, civil and military, they went from the
+alumni, from the class rooms, from the faculty, up to President Garfield
+himself, who served as Director of the Fuel Administration. From America
+and her allies has come the high<a name='Page_269'></a>est of recognition, conferred by
+citation, awards, and decorations. Their individual deeds of valor I
+shall not relate. They are known to all. Advisedly I say that they have
+not been surpassed among men. Their heroism was no less heroic because
+it was unconscious there or because of befitting modesty it is
+unostentatious here. There was yet a courage unequaled by the most
+momentous dangers which were met by those now marked with fame and a
+capacity in the others which would have matched equal events with equal
+fortitude. In the most grateful recognition of all this, to the living
+and the dead, by their Alma Mater the Commonwealth of Massachusetts
+reverently joins.</p>
+
+<p>But this day, if it is truly to represent the spirit of this college,
+means more than a glorification of the past. It was by a stern
+determination to discharge the duties of the present that Ephraim
+<a name='Page_270'></a>Williams provided for a future filled with a glory that must not yet be
+termed complete. His thoughts were not on himself nor on material
+things. Had he chosen to inscribe his name upon a monument of granite or
+of bronze it would have gone the way of all the earth. Enlightening the
+soul of his fellow man he made his mark which all eternity cannot erase.
+A soldier, he did not</p>
+
+<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'>
+<span class='i5'>&quot;put his trust<br /></span>
+<span>In reeking tube and iron shard&quot;<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>to save his countrymen, but like Solomon chose first knowledge and
+wisdom and to his choice has likewise been added a splendor of material
+prosperity.</p>
+
+<p>Earth's great lesson is written here. In it all men may read the
+interpretation of the founder of this college, of the meaning of
+America, of the motive high and true which has inspired her soldiers.
+Not unmindful of a desire for economic justice but scorning sordid gain,
+not seeking the spoils of war but a victory of righteousness, they came,
+subordinating the finite to the infinite, placing their trust in that
+which does not pass away. This precept heretofore observed must not be
+aban<a name='Page_271'></a>doned now. A desire for the earth and the fullness thereof must not
+lure our people from their truer selves. Those who seek for a sign
+merely in a greatly increased material prosperity, however worthy that
+may be, disappointed through all the ages, will be disappointed now. Men
+find their true satisfaction in something higher, finer, nobler than
+all that. We sought no spoils from war; let us seek no spoil from peace.
+Let us remember Babylon and Carthage and that city which her people,
+flushed with purple pride, dared call Eternal.</p>
+
+<p>This college and her sons have turned their eyes resolutely toward the
+morning. Above the roar of reeking strife they hear the voice of the
+founder. Their actions have matched their vision. They have seen. They
+have heard. They have done. I thank you for receiving me into their
+company, so romantic, so glorious, and for enrolling me as a soldier in
+the legion of Colonel Ephraim Williams.</p>
+
+<a name='Page_272'></a>
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XLI'></a><h2>XLI</h2>
+
+<center>CONCERNING TEACHERS' SALARIES</center>
+
+<center>OCTOBER 29, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p><i>A Letter to the Mayor of Boston</i></p>
+<br />
+
+<p>MY DEAR MR. MAYOR:</p>
+
+<p>It will be with a good deal of satisfaction that I co&ouml;perate with you
+and any other cities of Massachusetts for the purpose of increasing the
+pay of those engaged in the teaching <a name='Page_273'></a>of the youth of our Commonwealth.
+It has become notorious that the pay for this most important function is
+much less than that which prevails in commercial life and business
+activities.</p>
+
+<p>Roger Ascham, the teacher to Queen Elizabeth, about 1565, in discussing
+this question, wrote: &quot;And it is pity that commonly more care is had,
+yea and that among very wise men, to find out rather a cunning man for
+their horse than a cunning man for their children. They say nay in word,
+but they do so in deed. For to the one they will gladly give a stipend
+of two hundred crowns by the year and are loath to offer to the other
+two hundred shillings. God that sitteth in Heaven laugheth their choice
+to scorn and rewardeth their liberality as it should. For he suffereth
+them to have tame and well-ordered horses, but wild and unfortunate
+children, and therefore in the end they find more pleasure in their
+horse than comfort in their children.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>In an address which I made at a Harvard College Commencement I undertook
+to direct attention to the inadequate compensation paid to our teachers,
+whether in the universities, public schools, or the pulpits of the land.
+It is perfectly clear that more money must be provided for these
+purposes, which surpass in their importance all our other public
+<a name='Page_274'></a>activities, both by government appropriation and by private charity.</p>
+
+<p>It is significant that the number of teachers who are in training in our
+normal schools has decreased in the past twelve or fifteen years from
+three thousand to two thousand, while the number of students in colleges
+and technical schools has increased. The people of the Commonwealth
+cannot support the Government unless the Government supports them.</p>
+
+<p>The condition which was described by the teacher of Queen Elizabeth,
+that greater compensation is paid for the unimportant things than is
+paid for training the intellectual abilities of our youth, might exist
+in the sixteenth century, but it ought not to exist in the twentieth
+century.</p>
+
+<p>Fortunately for us, the sterling character of teachers of all kinds has
+kept them at their task even though we have failed to show them due
+appreciation, and up to the present time the public has suffered little.</p>
+
+<p><a name='Page_275'></a>But unless a change is made and a new policy adopted, the cause of
+education will break down. It will either become a trade for those
+little fitted for it or be abandoned altogether, instead of remaining
+the noblest profession, which it has been and ought to be.</p>
+
+<p>There are some things that are fundamental. In the sixteenth century the
+voice of the people was little heard. If the sovereign had wisdom, that
+might suffice. But in the twentieth century the people are sovereign.
+What they think determines every question of civilization. Unless they
+are well trained, well informed, and well instructed, unless a proper
+value is put on knowledge and wisdom, the value of all material things
+will be lost.</p>
+
+<p>There is now no pains too great, no cost too high, to prevent or
+diminish t<a name='Page_276'></a>he duty enjoined by the Constitution of the Commonwealth that
+wisdom and knowledge, as well as virtue, be generally diffused among the
+body of the people.</p>
+
+<p>This important subject ought to be considered and a remedy provided at
+the special session of the General Court.</p>
+<a name='Page_277'></a>
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XLII'></a><h2>XLII</h2>
+
+<center>STATEMENT TO THE PRESS</center>
+
+<center>ELECTION DAY, NOVEMBER 4, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>My thanks are due to the millions of my fellow citizens of
+Massachusetts. I offer them freely, without undertaking to specify, to
+all who have supported the great cause of the supremacy of the law. The
+heart of the people has proven again sound and true. No
+misrepresentation has blinded them, no sophistry has turned them. They
+have listened to the truth and followed it. They have again disappointed
+those who distrusted them. They have turned away from those who sought
+to play upon their selfishness. They have justified those who trusted
+them. They have justif<a name='Page_278'></a>ied America. The attempt to appeal to class
+prejudice has failed. The men of Massachusetts are not labor men, or
+policemen, or union men, or poor men, or rich men, or any other class
+of men first; they are Americans first. The wage-earners have
+vindicated themselves. They have shown by their votes that they resent
+trying to use them for private interests, or to employ them to resist
+the operation of the Government. They are for the Government. They are
+against those who are against the Government. American institutions are
+safe in their hands. Some of those who have posed as their leaders and
+argued that the wage-earners were patriotic because those leaders told
+them to be may well now inquire whether the case did not stand the other
+way about. It begins to look as if those who attempt to lead the
+wage-earners must first show that they themselves are patriotic if they
+are to have any following. The patriotism of some alleged leaders was
+not the cause but the effect of the patriotism of the wage-earners.</p>
+
+<p><a name='Page_279'></a>Three words tell the result. Massachusetts is American. The election
+will be a welcome demonstration to the Nation and to people everywhere
+who believe that liberty can only be secured by obedience to law.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XLIII'></a><h2>XLIII</h2>
+
+<center>SPEECH AT TREMONT TEMPLE</center>
+
+<center>SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 1, 1919, 8 P.M.</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>Revelation has not ceased. The strength of a righteous cause has not
+grown less. The people of Massachusetts are patriotic before they are
+partisan, they are not for men but for me<a name='Page_280'></a>asures, not for selfishness but
+for duty, and they will support their Government. Revelation has not
+ceased and faith in men has not failed. They cannot be intimidated, they
+cannot be coerced, they cannot be deceived, and their sovereignty is not
+for sale.</p>
+
+<p>When this campaign is over it will be a rash man who will again attempt
+to further his selfish interests by dragging a great party name in the
+mire and seeking to gain the honor of office by trafficking with
+disorder. The conduct of public affairs is not a game. Responsible
+office does not go to the crafty. Governments are not founded upon an
+association for public plunder but on the co&ouml;peration of men wherein
+each is seeking to do his duty.</p>
+
+<p>The past five years have been like an earthquake. They have shaken the
+institutions of men to their very foundations. It has been a time of
+searchings an<a name='Page_281'></a>d questionings. It has been a time of great awakenings.
+There has been an overpowering resolution among men to make things
+better. Despotisms have been falling. Republics have been rising. There
+has been rebellion everywhere against usurped authority. With all that
+America has been entirely sympathetic. There has been bred in the blood
+through generations a great sympathy for all peoples struggling to be
+free. We have a deep conviction that &quot;resistance to tyranny is obedience
+to law.&quot; And on that conviction we have stood for three centuries. Time
+and experience have but strengthened our belief that it is sound.</p>
+
+<p>But like all rules of action it only applies to the conditions it
+describes. All authority is not usurped authority. Any government is not
+tyranny. These are the counterfeits. There are no counterfeits of the
+unreal. It is only of the real and true that men seek to pass spurious
+imitations.</p>
+
+<p>There are among us a great mass of people who<a name='Page_282'></a> have been reared for
+generations under a government of tyranny and oppression. It is
+ingrained in their blood that there is no other form of government. They
+are disposed and inclined to think our institutions partake of the same
+nature as these they have left behind. We know they are wrong. They must
+be shown they are wrong.</p>
+
+<p>There is a just government. There are righteous laws. We know the
+formula by which they are produced. The principle is best stated in the
+immortal Declaration of Independence to be &quot;the consent of the
+governed.&quot; It is from that source our Government derives its just
+powers and promulgates its righteous laws. They are the will of the
+people, the settled conviction derived from orderly deliberation, that
+take on the sanctity ascribed to the people's voice. Along with the
+binding obligation to resist tyranny goes the other admonition, that
+&quot;obedience to law is liberty,&quot;&mdash;such law and so derived.</p>
+<a name='Page_283'></a>
+<p>These principles, which I have but lightly sketched, are the foundation
+of American institutions, the source of American freedom and the faith
+of any party entitled to call itself American. It constitutes truly the
+rule of the people. It justifies and sanctifies the authority of our
+laws and the obligation to support our Government. It is democracy
+administered through representation.</p>
+
+<p>There are only two other choices, anarchy or despotism&mdash;Russia, present
+and past. For the most part human existence has been under the one or
+the other of these. Both have failed to minister to the highest welfare
+of the people. Unless American institutions can provide for that welfare
+the cause of humanity is hopeless. Unless the blessings of prosperity,
+the rewards of industry, justice and liberty, the satisfaction of duty
+well done, can come under a rule of the people, they cannot come at all.
+We may as well abandon hope and, yielding to the demands of selfishness,
+each take what he can.</p>
+<a name='Page_284'></a>
+<p>We had hoped these questions were settled. But nothing is settled that
+evil and selfish men can find advantage for themselves in overthrowing.
+We must eternally smite the rock of public conscience if the waters of
+patriotism are to pour forth. We must ever be ready to point out the
+success of our country as justification of our determination to support
+it.</p>
+
+<p>No one can deny that we are in the midst of an abounding prosperity. No
+one can deny that this prosperity is well distributed; especially is
+this true of the wage-earner. Industrially, commercially, financially,
+America has been a success. The wealth of Massachusetts is increasing
+rapidly. There are large deposits going into her savings institutions,
+during banking hours with each tick of the clock more than $12.50, with
+each minute more than $750, with each day over $270,000. Wages and hours
+of labor were never so favorable. We have attained a standard of living
+among our people the like of which never before existed on earth.</p>
+<a name='Page_285'></a>
+<p>Intellectually our progress compares with our prosperity. The
+opportunity for education is not only large, but it is well used. The
+school is everywhere. Ignorance is a disgrace. The turrets of college
+and university dot the land. Their student bodies were never so large.
+Science and invention, literature and art flourish.</p>
+
+<p>There is higher standard of justice in all the affairs of life than in
+the past. Our commercial transactions are on a higher plane. There is a
+moral standard that runs through all the avenues of our life that has
+lifted it into a new position and gives to men a keener sense of honor
+in all things. There has come to be a new realization of the brotherhood
+of man, a new significance to religion. The war aroused a new
+patriotism, and revealed the strength of our moral power.</p>
+
+<p>The issue in Massachusetts is whether these conditions can endure. Will
+men rea<a name='Page_286'></a>lize their blessing and exhibit the resolution to support and
+defend the foundation on which they rest? Having saved Europe are we
+ready to surrender America? Having beaten the foe from without are we to
+fall a victim to the foe from within?</p>
+
+<p>All of this is put in question by the issue of this campaign. That one
+fundamental issue is the support of the Government in its determination
+to maintain order. On that all of these opportunities depend.</p>
+
+<p>There can be no material prosperity without order. Stores and banks
+could not open. Factories could not run, railways could not operate.
+What was the value of plate glass and goods, the value of real estate in
+Boston at three o'clock, A.M., September 10? Unless the people vote to
+sustain order that value is gone entirely. Business is ended.</p>
+
+<p>On order depends all intelle<a name='Page_287'></a>ctual progress. Without it all schools
+close, libraries are empty, education stops. Disorder was the forerunner
+of the Dark Ages.</p>
+
+<p>Without order the moral progress of the people would be lost. With the
+schools would go the churches. There could be no assemblages for
+worship, no services even for the departed, piety would be swallowed up
+in viciousness.</p>
+
+<p>I have understated the result of disorder. Man has not the imagination,
+the ability to overstate it. There are those who aim to bring about
+exactly this result. I propose at all times to resist them with all the
+power at the command of the Chief Executive of Massachusetts.</p>
+
+<p>Naturally the question arises, what shall we do to defend our
+birthright? In the first place eve<a name='Page_288'></a>rybody must take a more active part in
+public affairs. It will not do for men to send, they must go. It is not
+enough to draw a check. Good government cannot be bought, it has to be
+given. Office has great opportunities for doing wrong, but equal chance
+for doing right. Unless good citizens hold office bad citizens will.
+People see the office-holder rather than the Government. Let the worth
+of the office-holder speak the worth of the government. The voice of the
+people speaks by the voice of the individual. Duty is not collective, it
+is personal. Let every inhabitant make known his determination to
+support law and order. That duty is supreme.</p>
+
+<p>That the supremacy of the law, the preservation of the Government itself
+by the maintenance of order, should be the issue of this campaign was
+entirely due to circumstances beyond my control. That any one should
+dare to put in jeopardy the stability of our Government for the purpose
+of securing office was to me inconceivable. That any one should attempt
+to substitute the will of any outside organization fo<a name='Page_289'></a>r the authority
+conferred by law upon the representatives of the people had never
+occurred to me. But the issue arose by action of some of the police of
+Boston and it was my duty to meet it. I shall continue to administer the
+law of all the people.</p>
+
+<p>I should have been pleased to make this campaign on the record of the
+past year. I should have been pleased to show what the march of progress
+had been under the people's government, what action had been taken for
+the relief of those who toil with their hands as well as their
+heads,&mdash;and the record was never more alluring,&mdash;what has been done to
+advance the business and commercial interests of this great industrial
+Commonwealth, what has promoted public health, what has assisted in
+agricultural development, the progress made in providing transportation,
+the increased opportunity given our youth for education. In particular I
+should have desired to point out the great pride Massachusetts has in
+her war record and the abundant way she has shown her gratitude for her
+service men and women, surpassing every other State. All this is a
+record not of promises, but of achievement. It is one in which the
+voters of the Commonwealth may well take a deep satisfaction. It is
+there, it stands, it cannot be argued away. No deception can pervert it.
+It endures.</p>
+
+<p>All these are the result of ordered liberty&mdash;the result of living under
+the law. It is the great desire of Massachusetts to continue such
+legislation of progress and humanity. Those who are attempting to wrench
+the scepter of authority from the representatives of the people, to
+subvert the jurisdiction of her laws, are the enemies not only of
+progress, but of all present achievement, not only of what we hope for,
+but of what we have.</p>
+
+<p>This is the cause of all the people, especially of the weak and
+defenseless. Their only refuge is the protection of the law. The people
+have come to understand this. They are taking the deciding of this
+election into their own hands regardless of party. If the people win who
+can lose? They are awake to the words of Daniel Webster, &quot;nothing will
+ruin the country if the people themselves will undertake its safety; and
+nothing can save it if they leave that safety in any hands but their
+own.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>My fellow citizens of Massachusetts, to you I commend this cause. To you
+who have added the glory of the hills and plains of France to the glory
+of Concord and Bunker Hill, to you who have led when others faltered,
+to you again is given the leadership. Grasp it. Secure it. Make it
+decisive. Make the discharge of the great trust you now hold an example
+of hope for righteousness everywhere, a new guaranty that the Government
+of America shall endure.</p>
+
+<div>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 13748 ***</div>
+</body>
+</html>
+
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+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
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+
+No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in
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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #13748 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/13748)
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+Project Gutenberg's Have faith in Massachusetts; 2d ed., by Calvin Coolidge
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Have faith in Massachusetts; 2d ed.
+       A Collection of Speeches and Messages
+
+Author: Calvin Coolidge
+
+Release Date: October 14, 2004 [EBook #13748]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HAVE FAITH IN MASSACHUSETTS; ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Audrey Longhurst and the PG Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+HAVE FAITH
+
+IN
+
+MASSACHUSETTS
+
+[Illustration: Portrait of Calvin Coolidge _Copyright, Notman_]
+
+
+
+
+HAVE FAITH
+
+IN
+
+MASSACHUSETTS
+
+_A Collection of Speeches and Messages_
+
+BY
+
+CALVIN COOLIDGE
+
+_Governor of Massachusetts_
+
+
+SECOND EDITION ENLARGED
+
+
+
+
+BOSTON AND NEW YORK
+
+HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY
+
+_The Riverside Press Cambridge_
+
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTORY NOTE
+
+
+There are certain fundamental principles of sound community life which
+cannot be stated too emphatically or too often. Few public men of to-day
+have shown a finer combination of right feeling and clear thinking about
+these principles, with a gift for the pithy expression of them, than has
+Governor Calvin Coolidge. It was an accurate phrase that President
+Meiklejohn used when, in conferring the degree of Doctor of Laws on him
+at Amherst College last June, he complimented him on teaching the lesson
+of "adequate brevity."
+
+His speeches and messages abound in evidences of this gift, but in the
+main the speeches are not easily accessible. It has seemed to some of
+Governor Coolidge's admirers, as it has to the publishers of this little
+volume, that a real public service might be rendered by making a
+careful selection from the best of the speeches and issuing them in an
+attractive and convenient form. With his permission this has been done,
+and it is hoped that many readers will welcome the book in this time of
+special need of inspiring and steadying influences.
+
+It is a time when all men should realize that, in the words of Governor
+Coolidge himself, "Laws must rest on the eternal foundations of
+righteousness"; that "Industry, thrift, character are not conferred by
+act or resolve. Government cannot relieve from toil." It is a time when
+we must "have faith in Massachusetts. We need a broader, firmer, deeper
+faith in the people,--a faith that men desire to do right, that the
+Commonwealth is founded upon a righteousness which will endure."
+
+THE EDITORS
+
+_Boston, September_, 1919
+
+
+
+
+NOTE TO SECOND EDITION
+
+
+In the issue of a second edition of this collection of Governor
+Coolidge's speeches and messages, the opportunity has been taken to add
+a proclamation and three recently delivered addresses, which bring the
+volume practically up to the date of publication.
+
+_Boston, October, 1919_
+
+
+
+
+  The Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
+
+  _By His Excellency_
+
+  CALVIN COOLIDGE
+
+  GOVERNOR
+
+  A PROCLAMATION
+
+
+Massachusetts has many glories. The last one she would wish to surrender
+is the glory of the men who have served her in war. While such devotion
+lives the Commonwealth is secure. Whatever dangers may threaten from
+within or without she can view them calmly. Turning to her veterans she
+can say "These are our defenders. They are invincible. In them is our
+safety."
+
+War is the rule of force. Peace is the reign of law. When Massachusetts
+was settled the Pilgrims first dedicated themselves to a reign of law.
+When they set foot on Plymouth Rock they brought the Mayflower Compact,
+in which, calling on the Creator to witness, they agreed with each other
+to make just laws and render due submission and obedience. The date of
+that American document was written November 11, 1620.
+
+After more than five years of the bitterest war in human experience, the
+last great stronghold of force, surrendering to the demands of America
+and her allies, agreed to cast aside the sword and live under the law.
+The date of that world document was written November 11, 1918.
+
+Now, therefore, in grateful commemoration of the unsurpassed deeds of
+heroism performed by the service men of Massachusetts, of the sacrifice
+of her people, sometimes greater than life itself, of the service
+rendered by every war charity and organization, to honor those who bore
+arms, to recognize those who supported the government, in accordance
+with the law of the current year
+
+TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 1919
+
+is set apart as a holiday for general observance and celebration of the
+home coming of Massachusetts soldiers, sailors and marines. In that
+welcome may we dedicate ourselves to a continued support of the cause
+for which they freely offered life, that there may be wiped away
+everywhere the burden of, injustice and every attempt to rule by force,
+and that there may be ushered in a reign of law, that will ease the weak
+of their great burdens, and leave the strong, unhampered by the
+opposition of evil men, the opportunity to exert their whole energy for
+the welfare of their fellow men. Let war and all force end, and peace
+and all law reign.
+
+GIVEN at the Executive Chamber, in Boston, this twenty-eighth day of
+October, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and nineteen,
+and of the Independence of the United States of America the one hundred
+and forty-fourth.
+
+[Illustration: Seal of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts]
+
+By His Excellency the Governor.
+
+[Illustration: signatures of Calvin Coolidge and Albert P. Langley]
+
+_Secretary of the Commonwealth._
+
+God Save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+        I. To the State Senate on Being Elected its President,
+           January 7, 1914
+       II. Amherst College Alumni Association, Boston, February 4, 1916
+      III. Brockton Chamber of Commerce, April 11, 1916
+       IV. At the Home of Daniel Webster, Marshfield, July 4, 1916
+        V. Riverside, August 28, 1916
+       VI. At the Home of Augustus P. Gardner, Hamilton, September, 1916
+      VII. Lafayette Banquet, Fall River, September 4, 1913
+     VIII. Norfolk Republican Club, Boston, October 9, 1916
+       IX. Public Meeting on the High Cost of Living, Faneuil Hall,
+           December 9, 1916
+        X. One Hundredth Anniversary Dinner of the Provident Institution
+           for Savings, December 13, 1916
+       XI. Associated Industries Dinner, Boston, December 15, 1916
+      XII. On the Nature of Politics
+     XIII. Tremont Temple, November 3, 1917
+      XIV. Dedication of Town-House, Weston, November 27, 1917
+       XV. Amherst Alumni Dinner, Springfield, March 15, 1918
+      XVI. Message for the Boston _Post_, April 22, 1918
+     XVII. Roxbury Historical Society, Bunker Hill Day, June 17, 1918
+    XVIII. Fairhaven, July 4, 1918
+      XIX. Somerville Republican City Committee, August 7, 1918
+       XX. Written for the Sunday _Advertiser_ and _American_,
+           September 1, 1918
+      XXI. Essex County Club, Lynnfield, September 14, 1918
+     XXII. Tremont Temple, November 2, 1918
+    XXIII. Faneuil Hall, November 4, 1918
+     XXIV. From Inaugural Address as Governor, January 2, 1919
+      XXV. Statement on the Death of Theodore Roosevelt
+     XXVI. Lincoln Day Proclamation, January 30, 1919
+    XXVII. Introducing Henry Cabot Lodge and A. Lawrence Lowell at the
+           Debate on the League of Nations, Symphony Hall, March 19, 1919
+   XXVIII. Veto of Salary Increase
+     XXIX. Flag Day Proclamation, May 26, 1919
+      XXX. Amherst College Commencement, June 18, 1919
+     XXXI. Harvard University Commencement, June 19, 1919
+    XXXII. Plymouth, Labor Day, September 1, 1919
+   XXXIII. Westfield, September 3, 1919
+    XXXIV. A Proclamation, September 11, 1919
+     XXXV. An Order to the Police Commissioner of Boston,
+           September 11, 1919
+    XXXVI. A Telegram to Samuel Gompers, September 14, 1919
+   XXXVII. A Proclamation, September 24, 1919
+  XXXVIII. Holy Cross College, June 25, 1919
+    XXXIX. Republican State Convention, Tremont Temple, October 4, 1919
+       XL. Williams College, October 17, 1919
+      XLI. Concerning Teachers' Salaries, October 29, 1919
+     XLII. Statement to the Press, Election Day, November 4, 1919
+    XLIII. Speech at Tremont Temple, Saturday, November 1, 1919, 8 P.M.
+
+
+
+
+HAVE FAITH
+
+IN
+
+MASSACHUSETTS
+
+
+
+
+I
+
+TO THE STATE SENATE ON BEING ELECTED ITS PRESIDENT
+
+JANUARY 7, 1914
+
+
+Honorable Senators:--I thank you--with gratitude for the high honor
+given, with appreciation for the solemn obligations assumed--I thank
+you.
+
+This Commonwealth is one. We are all members of one body. The welfare of
+the weakest and the welfare of the most powerful are inseparably bound
+together. Industry cannot flourish if labor languish. Transportation
+cannot prosper if manufactures decline. The general welfare cannot be
+provided for in any one act, but it is well to remember that the benefit
+of one is the benefit of all, and the neglect of one is the neglect of
+all. The suspension of one man's dividends is the suspension of another
+man's pay envelope.
+
+Men do not make laws. They do but discover them. Laws must be justified
+by something more than the will of the majority. They must rest on the
+eternal foundation of righteousness. That state is most fortunate in its
+form of government which has the aptest instruments for the discovery of
+laws. The latest, most modern, and nearest perfect system that
+statesmanship has devised is representative government. Its weakness is
+the weakness of us imperfect human beings who administer it. Its
+strength is that even such administration secures to the people more
+blessings than any other system ever produced. No nation has discarded
+it and retained liberty. Representative government must be preserved.
+
+Courts are established, not to determine the popularity of a cause, but
+to adjudicate and enforce rights. No litigant should be required to
+submit his case to the hazard and expense of a political campaign. No
+judge should be required to seek or receive political rewards. The
+courts of Massachusetts are known and honored wherever men love justice.
+Let their glory suffer no diminution at our hands. The electorate and
+judiciary cannot combine. A hearing means a hearing. When the trial of
+causes goes outside the court-room, Anglo-Saxon constitutional
+government ends.
+
+The people cannot look to legislation generally for success. Industry,
+thrift, character, are not conferred by act or resolve. Government
+cannot relieve from toil. It can provide no substitute for the rewards
+of service. It can, of course, care for the defective and recognize
+distinguished merit. The normal must care for themselves.
+Self-government means self-support.
+
+Man is born into the universe with a personality that is his own. He
+has a right that is founded upon the constitution of the universe to
+have property that is his own. Ultimately, property rights and personal
+rights are the same thing. The one cannot be preserved if the other be
+violated. Each man is entitled to his rights and the rewards of his
+service be they never so large or never so small.
+
+History reveals no civilized people among whom there were not a highly
+educated class, and large aggregations of wealth, represented usually by
+the clergy and the nobility. Inspiration has always come from above.
+Diffusion of learning has come down from the university to the common
+school--the kindergarten is last. No one would now expect to aid the
+common school by abolishing higher education.
+
+It may be that the diffusion of wealth works in an analogous way. As the
+little red schoolhouse is builded in the college, it may be that the
+fostering and protection of large aggregations of wealth are the only
+foundation on which to build the prosperity of the whole people. Large
+profits mean large pay rolls. But profits must be the result of service
+performed. In no land are there so many and such large aggregations of
+wealth as here; in no land do they perform larger service; in no land
+will the work of a day bring so large a reward in material and spiritual
+welfare.
+
+Have faith in Massachusetts. In some unimportant detail some other
+States may surpass her, but in the general results, there is no place on
+earth where the people secure, in a larger measure, the blessings of
+organized government, and nowhere can those functions more properly be
+termed self-government.
+
+Do the day's work. If it be to protect the rights of the weak, whoever
+objects, do it. If it be to help a powerful corporation better to serve
+the people, whatever the opposition, do that. Expect to be called a
+stand-patter, but don't be a stand-patter. Expect to be called a
+demagogue, but don't be a demagogue. Don't hesitate to be as
+revolutionary as science. Don't hesitate to be as reactionary as the
+multiplication table. Don't expect to build up the weak by pulling down
+the strong. Don't hurry to legislate. Give administration a chance to
+catch up with legislation.
+
+We need a broader, firmer, deeper faith in the people--a faith that men
+desire to do right, that the Commonwealth is founded upon a
+righteousness which will endure, a reconstructed faith that the final
+approval of the people is given not to demagogues, slavishly pandering
+to their selfishness, merchandising with the clamor of the hour, but to
+statesmen, ministering to their welfare, representing their deep,
+silent, abiding convictions.
+
+Statutes must appeal to more than material welfare. Wages won't satisfy,
+be they never so large. Nor houses; nor lands; nor coupons, though they
+fall thick as the leaves of autumn. Man has a spiritual nature. Touch
+it, and it must respond as the magnet responds to the pole. To that, not
+to selfishness, let the laws of the Commonwealth appeal. Recognize the
+immortal worth and dignity of man. Let the laws of Massachusetts
+proclaim to her humblest citizen, performing the most menial task, the
+recognition of his manhood, the recognition that all men are peers, the
+humblest with the most exalted, the recognition that all work is
+glorified. Such is the path to equality before the law. Such is the
+foundation of liberty under the law. Such is the sublime revelation of
+man's relation to man--Democracy.
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+AMHERST COLLEGE ALUMNI ASSOCIATION, BOSTON
+
+FEBRUARY 4, 1916
+
+
+We live in an age which questions everything. The past generation was
+one of religious criticism. This is one of commercial criticism.
+
+We have seen the development of great industries. It has been
+represented that some of these have not been free from blame. In this
+development some men have seemed to prosper beyond the measure of their
+service, while others have appeared to be bound to toil beyond their
+strength for less than a decent livelihood.
+
+As a result of criticising these conditions there has grown up a too
+well-developed public opinion along two lines; one, that the men engaged
+in great affairs are selfish and greedy and not to be trusted, that
+business activity is not moral and the whole system is to be condemned;
+and the other, that employment, that work, is a curse to man, and that
+working hours ought to be as short as possible or in some way abolished.
+After criticism, our religious faith emerged clearer and stronger and
+freed from doubt. So will our business relations emerge, purified but
+justified.
+
+The evidence of evolution and the facts of history tell us of the
+progress and development of man through various steps and ages, known by
+various names. We learn of the stone age, the bronze, and the iron age.
+We can see the different steps in the growth of the forms of government;
+how anarchy was put down by the strong arm of the despot, of the growth
+of aristocracy, of limited monarchies and of parliaments, and finally
+democracy.
+
+But in all these changes man took but one step at a time. Where we can
+trace history, no race ever stepped directly from the stone age to the
+iron age and no nation ever passed directly from depotism to democracy.
+Each advance has been made only when a previous stage was approaching
+perfection, even to conditions which are now sometimes lost arts.
+
+We have reached the age of invention, of commerce, of great industrial
+enterprise. It is often referred to as selfish and materialistic.
+
+Our economic system has been attacked from above and from below. But the
+short answer lies in the teachings of history. The hope of a Watt or an
+Edison lay in the men who chipped flint to perfection. The seed of
+democracy lay in a perfected despotism. The hope of to-morrow lies in
+the development of the instruments of to-day. The prospect of advance
+lies in maintaining those conditions which have stimulated invention and
+industry and commerce. The only road to a more progressive age lies in
+perfecting the instrumentalities of this age. The only hope for peace
+lies in the perfection of the arts of war.
+
+    "We build the ladder by which we rise ...
+           *       *       *       *       *
+    And we mount to the summit round by round."
+
+All growth depends upon activity. Life is manifest only by action. There
+is no development physically or intellectually without effort, and
+effort means work. Work is not a curse, it is the prerogative of
+intelligence, the only means to manhood, and the measure of
+civilization. Savages do not work. The growth of a sentiment that
+despises work is an appeal from civilization to barbarism.
+
+I would not be understood as making a sweeping criticism of current
+legislation along these lines. I, too, rejoice that an awakened
+conscience has outlawed commercial standards that were false or low and
+that an awakened humanity has decreed that the working and living
+condition of our citizens must be worthy of true manhood and true
+womanhood.
+
+I agree that the measure of success is not merchandise but character.
+But I do criticise those sentiments, held in all too respectable
+quarters, that our economic system is fundamentally wrong, that commerce
+is only selfishness, and that our citizens, holding the hope of all that
+America means, are living in industrial slavery. I appeal to Amherst men
+to reiterate and sustain the Amherst doctrine, that the man who builds a
+factory builds a temple, that the man who works there worships there,
+and to each is due, not scorn and blame, but reverence and praise.
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+BROCKTON CHAMBER OF COMMERCE
+
+APRIL 11, 1916
+
+
+Man's nature drives him ever onward. He is forever seeking development.
+At one time it may be by the chase, at another by warfare, and again by
+the quiet arts of peace and commerce, but something within is ever
+calling him on to "replenish the earth and subdue it."
+
+It may be of little importance to determine at any time just where we
+are, but it is of the utmost importance to determine whither we are
+going. Set the course aright and time must bring mankind to the ultimate
+goal.
+
+We are living in a commercial age. It is often designated as selfish and
+materialistic. We are told that everything has been commercialized. They
+say it has not been enough that this spirit should dominate the marts
+of trade, it has spread to every avenue of human endeavor, to our arts,
+our sciences and professions, our politics, our educational institutions
+and even into the pulpit; and because of this there are those who have
+gone so far in their criticism of commercialism as to advocate the
+destruction of all enterprise and the abolition of all property.
+
+Destructive criticism is always easy because, despite some campaign
+oratory, some of us are not yet perfect. But constructive criticism is
+not so easy. The faults of commercialism, like many other faults, lie in
+the use we make of it. Before we decide upon a wholesale condemnation of
+the most noteworthy spirit of modern times it would be well to examine
+carefully what that spirit has done to advance the welfare of mankind.
+
+Wherever we can read human history, the answer is always the same. Where
+commerce has flourished there civilization has increased. It has not
+sufficed that men should tend their flocks, and maintain themselves in
+comfort on their industry alone, however great. It is only when the
+exchange of products begins that development follows. This was the case
+in ancient Babylon, whose records of trade and banking we are just
+beginning to read. Their merchandise went by canal and caravan to the
+ends of the earth. It was not the war galleys, but the merchant vessel
+of Phoenicia, of Tyre, and Carthage that brought them civilization and
+power. To-day it is not the battle fleet, but the mercantile marine
+which in the end will determine the destiny of nations. The advance of
+our own land has been due to our trade, and the comfort and happiness of
+our people are dependent on our general business conditions. It is only
+a figure of poetry that "wealth accumulates and men decay." Where wealth
+has accumulated, there the arts and sciences have flourished, there
+education has been diffused, and of contemplation liberty has been born.
+The progress of man has been measured by his commercial prosperity. I
+believe that these considerations are sufficient to justify our business
+enterprise and activity, but there are still deeper reasons. I have
+intended to indicate not only that commerce is an instrument of great
+power, but that commercial development is necessary to all human
+progress. What, then, of the prevalent criticism? Men have mistaken the
+means for the end. It is not enough for the individual or the nation to
+acquire riches. Money will not purchase character or good government. We
+are under the injunction to "replenish the earth and subdue it," not so
+much because of the help a new earth will be to us, as because by that
+process man is to find himself and thereby realize his highest destiny.
+Men must work for more than wages, factories must turn out more than
+merchandise, or there is naught but black despair ahead.
+
+If material rewards be the only measure of success, there is no hope of
+a peaceful solution of our social questions, for they will never be
+large enough to satisfy. But such is not the case. Men struggle for
+material success because that is the path, the process, to the
+development of character. We ought to demand economic justice, but most
+of all because it is justice. We must forever realize that material
+rewards are limited and in a sense they are only incidental, but the
+development of character is unlimited and is the only essential. The
+measure of success is not the quantity of merchandise, but the quality
+of manhood which is produced.
+
+These, then, are the justifying conceptions of the spirit of our age;
+that commerce is the foundation of human progress and prosperity and the
+great artisan of human character. Let us dismiss the general indictment
+that has all too long hung over business enterprise. While we continue
+to condemn, unsparingly, selfishness and greed and all trafficking in
+the natural rights of man, let us not forget to respect thrift and
+industry and enterprise. Let us look to the service rather than to the
+reward. Then shall we see in our industrial army, from the most exalted
+captain to the humblest soldier in the ranks, a purpose worthy to
+minister to the highest needs of man and to fulfil the hope of a fairer
+day.
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+AT THE HOME OF DANIEL WEBSTER, MARSHFIELD
+
+JULY 4, 1916
+
+
+History is revelation. It is the manifestation in human affairs of a
+"power not ourselves that makes for righteousness." Savages have no
+history. It is the mark of civilization. This New England of ours
+slumbered from the dawn of creation until the beginning of the
+seventeenth century, not unpeopled, but with no record of human events
+worthy of a name. Different races came, and lived, and vanished, but the
+story of their existence has little more of interest for us than the
+story the naturalist tells of the animal kingdom, or the geologist
+relates of the formation of the crust of the earth. It takes men of
+larger vision and higher inspiration, with a power to impart a larger
+vision and a higher inspiration to the people, to make history. It is
+not a negative, but a positive achievement. It is unconcerned with
+idolatry or despotism or treason or rebellion or betrayal, but bows in
+reverence before Moses or Hampden or Washington or Lincoln or the Light
+that shone on Calvary.
+
+July 4, 1776, was a day of history in its high and true significance.
+Not because the underlying principles set out in the Declaration of
+Independence were new; they are older than the Christian religion, or
+Greek philosophy, nor was it because history is made by proclamation or
+declaration; history is made only by action. But it was an historic day
+because the representatives of three millions of people there vocalized
+Concord and Lexington and Bunker Hill, which gave notice to the world
+that they were acting, and proposed to act, and to found an independent
+nation, on the theory that "all men are created equal; that they are
+endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among
+these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." The wonder and
+glory of the American people is not the ringing declaration of that day,
+but the action, then already begun, and in the process of being carried
+out in spite of every obstacle that war could interpose, making the
+theory of freedom and equality a reality. We revere that day because it
+marks the beginnings of independence, the beginnings of a constitution
+that was finally to give universal freedom and equality to all American
+citizens, the beginnings of a government that was to recognize beyond
+all others the power and worth and dignity of man. There began the first
+of governments to acknowledge that it was founded on the sovereignty of
+the people. There the world first beheld the revelation of modern
+democracy.
+
+Democracy is not a tearing-down; it is a building-up. It is not a denial
+of the divine right of kings; it supplements that claim with the
+assertion of the divine right of all men. It does not destroy; it
+fulfils. It is the consummation of all theories of government, to the
+spirit of which all the nations of the earth must yield. It is the great
+constructive force of the ages. It is the alpha and omega of man's
+relation to man, the beginning and the end. There is and can be no more
+doubt of the triumph of democracy in human affairs, than there is of the
+triumph of gravitation in the physical world; the only question is how
+and when. Its foundation lays hold upon eternity.
+
+These are some of the ideals that the founders of our institutions
+expressed, in part unconsciously, on that momentous day now passed by
+one hundred and forty years. They knew that ideals do not maintain
+themselves. They knew that they there declared a purpose which would be
+resisted by the forces, on land and sea, of the mightiest empire of the
+earth. Without the resolution of the people of the Colonies to resort to
+arms, and without the guiding military genius of Washington, the
+Declaration of Independence would be naught in history but the vision of
+doctrinaires, a mockery of sounding brass and tinkling cymbal. Let us
+never forget that it was that resolution and that genius which made it
+the vitalizing force of a great nation. It takes service and sacrifice
+to maintain ideals.
+
+But it is far more than the Declaration of Independence that brings us
+here to-day. That was, indeed, a great document. It was drawn up by
+Thomas Jefferson when he was at his best. It was the product of men who
+seemed inspired. No greater company ever assembled to interpret the
+voice of the people or direct the destinies of a nation. The events of
+history may have added to it, but subtracted nothing. Wisdom and
+experience have increased the admiration of it. Time and criticism have
+not shaken it. It stands with ordinance and law, charter and
+constitution, prophecy and revelation, whether we read them in the
+history of Babylon, the results of Runnymede, the Ten Commandments, or
+the Sermon on the Mount. But, however worthy of our reverence and
+admiration, however preëminent, it was only one incident of a great
+forward movement of the human race, of which the American Revolution was
+itself only a larger incident. It was not so much a struggle of the
+Colonies against the tyranny of bad government, as against wrong
+principles of government, and for self-government. It was man realizing
+himself. It was sovereignty from within which responded to the alarm of
+Paul Revere on that April night, and which went marching, gun in hand,
+against sovereignty from without, wherever it was found on earth. It
+only paused at Concord, or Yorktown, then marched on to Paris, to
+London, to Moscow, to Pekin. Against it the powers of privilege and the
+forces of despotism could not prevail. Superstition and sham cannot
+stand before intelligence and reality. The light that first broke over
+the thirteen Colonies lying along the Atlantic Coast was destined to
+illuminate the world. It has been a struggle against the forces of
+darkness; victory has been and is still delayed in some quarters, but
+the result is not in doubt. All the forces of the universe are ranged on
+the side of democracy. It must prevail.
+
+In the train of this idea there has come to man a long line of
+collateral blessings. Freedom has many sides and angles. Human slavery
+has been swept away. With security of personal rights has come security
+of property rights. The freedom of the human mind is recognized in the
+right of free speech and free press. The public schools have made
+education possible for all, and ignorance a disgrace. A most significant
+development of respect for man has come to be respect for his
+occupation. It is not alone for the learned professions that great
+treasures are now poured out. Technical, trade, and vocational schools
+for teaching skill in occupations are fostered and nourished, with the
+same care as colleges and universities for the teaching of sciences and
+the classics. Democracy not only ennobled man; it has ennobled industry.
+In political affairs the vote of the humblest has long counted for as
+much as the vote of the most exalted. We are working towards the day
+when, in our industrial life, equal honor shall fall to equal endeavor,
+whether it be exhibited in the office or in the shop.
+
+These are some of the results of that great world movement, which, first
+exhibiting itself in the Continental Congress of America, carried her
+arms to victory, through the sacrifice of a seven years' revolutionary
+war, and wrote into the Treaty of Paris the recognition of the right of
+the people to rule: since which days existence on this planet has had a
+new meaning; a result which, changing the old order of things, putting
+the race under the control and guidance of new forces, rescued man from
+every thraldom, but laid on him every duty.
+
+We know that only ignorance and superstition seek to explain events by
+fate and destiny, yet there is a fascination in such speculations born,
+perhaps, of human frailty. How happens it that James Otis laid out in
+1762 the then almost treasonable proposition that "Kings were made for
+the good of the people, and not the people for them," in a pamphlet
+which was circulated among the Colonists? What school had taught Patrick
+Henry that national outlook which he expressed in the opening debates of
+the first Continental Congress when he said, "I am not a Virginian, but
+an American," and which hurried him on to the later cry of "Liberty or
+death?" How was it that the filling of a vacancy sent Thomas Jefferson
+to the second Continental Congress, there to pen the immortal
+Declaration we this day celebrate? No other living man could have
+excelled him in preparation for, or in the execution of, that great
+task. What circumstance put the young George Washington under the
+military instruction of a former army officer, and then gave him years
+of training to lead the Continental forces? What settled Ethan Allen in
+the wilderness of the Green Mountains ready to strike Ticonderoga?
+Whence came that power to draft state papers, in a new and unlettered
+land, which compelled the admiration of the cultured Earl of Chatham?
+What lengthened out the days of Benjamin Franklin that he might
+negotiate the Treaty of Paris? What influence sent the miraculous voice
+of Daniel Webster from the outlying settlements of New Hampshire to
+rouse the land with his appeal for Liberty and Union? And finally who
+raised up Lincoln, to lead, to inspire, and to die, that the opening
+assertion of the Declaration might stand at last fulfilled?
+
+These thoughts are overpowering. But let us beware of fate and destiny.
+Barbarians have decreased, but barbarism still exists. Rome boasted the
+name of the Eternal City. It was but eight hundred years from the sack
+of the city by one tribe of barbarians to the sack of the city by
+another tribe of barbarians. Between lay something akin to a democratic
+commonwealth. Then games, and bribes for the populace, with dictators
+and Cæsars, while later the Prætorian Guard sold the royal purple to the
+highest bidder. After which came Alaric, the Goth, and night. Since when
+democracy lay dormant for some fifteen centuries. We may claim with
+reason that our Nation has had the guidance of Providence; we may know
+that our form of government must ultimately prevail upon earth; but what
+guaranty have we that it shall be maintained here? What proof that some
+unlineal hand, some barbarism, without or within, shall not wrench the
+sceptre of democracy from our grasp? The rule of princes, the privilege
+of birth, has come down through the ages; the rule of the people has not
+yet marked a century and a half. There is no absolute proof, no positive
+guaranty, but there is hope and high expectation, and the path is not
+uncharted.
+
+It may be some help to know that, however much of glory, there is no
+magic in American democracy. Let us examine some more of this
+Declaration of ours, and examine it in the light of the events of those
+solemn days in which it was adopted.
+
+Men of every clime have lavished much admiration upon the first part of
+the Declaration of Independence, and rightly so, for it marked the entry
+of new forces and new ideals into human affairs. Its admirers have
+sometimes failed in their attempts to live by it, but none have
+successfully disputed its truth. It is the realization of the true
+glory and worth of man, which, when once admitted, wrought vast changes
+that have marked all history since its day. All this relates to natural
+rights, fascinating to dwell upon, but not sufficient to live by. The
+signers knew that well; more important still, the people whom they
+represented knew it. So they did not stop there. After asserting that
+man was to stand out in the universe with a new and supreme importance,
+and that governments were instituted to insure life, liberty, and the
+pursuit of happiness, they did not shrink from the logical conclusion of
+this doctrine. They knew that the duty between the citizen and the State
+was reciprocal. They knew that the State called on its citizens for
+their property and their lives; they laid down the proposition that
+government was to protect the citizen in his life, liberty, and pursuit
+of happiness. At some expense? Yes. Those prudent and thrifty men had no
+false notions about incurring expense. They knew the value of
+increasing their material resources, but they knew that prosperity was a
+means, not an end. At cost of life? Yes. These sons of the Puritans, of
+the Huguenots, of the men of Londonderry, braved exile to secure peace,
+but they were not afraid to die in defence of their convictions. They
+put no limit on what the State must do for the citizen in his hour of
+need. While they required all, they gave all. Let us read their
+conclusion in their own words, and mark its simplicity and majesty: "And
+for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the
+protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our
+lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor." There is no cringing
+reservation here, no alternative, and no delay. Here is the voice of the
+plain men of Middlesex, promising Yorktown, promising Appomattox.
+
+The doctrine of the Declaration of Independence, predicated upon the
+glory of man, and the corresponding duty of society, is that the rights
+of citizens are to be protected with every power and resource of the
+State, and a government that does any less is false to the teachings of
+that great document, of the name American. Beyond this, the principle
+that it is the obligation of the people to rise and overthrow government
+which fails in these respects. But above all, the call to duty, the
+pledge of fortune and of life, nobility of character through nobility of
+action: this is Americanism.
+
+     "Woe for us if we forget, we that hold by these."
+
+Herein are the teachings of this day--touching the heights of man's
+glory and the depths of man's duty. Here lies the path to national
+preservation, and there is no other. Education, the progress of science,
+commercial prosperity, yes, and peace, all these and their accompanying
+blessings are worthy and commendable objects of attainment. But these
+are not the end, whether these come or no; the end lies in
+action--action in accord with the eternal principles of the Declaration
+of Independence; the words of the Continental Congress, but the deeds of
+the Army of the Revolution.
+
+This is the meaning of America. And it is all our own. Doctrinaires and
+visionaries may shudder at it. The privilege of birth may jeer at it.
+The practical politician may scoff at it. But the people of the Nation
+respond to it, and march away to Mexico to the rescue of a colored
+trooper as they marched of old to the rescue of an emperor. The
+assertion of human rights is naught but a call to human sacrifice. This
+is yet the spirit of the American people. Only so long as this flame
+burns shall we endure and the light of liberty be shed over the nations
+of the earth. May the increase of the years increase for America only
+the devotion to this spirit, only the intensity of this flame, and the
+eternal truth of Lowell's lines:
+
+    "What were our lives without thee?
+    What all our lives to save thee?
+    We reck not what we gave thee;
+    We will not dare to doubt thee,
+    But ask whatever else and we will dare."
+
+
+
+
+V
+
+RIVERSIDE
+
+AUGUST 28, 1916
+
+
+It may be that there would be votes for the Republican Party in the
+promise of low taxes and vanishing expenditures. I can see an
+opportunity for its candidates to pose as the apostles of retrenchment
+and reform. I am not one of those who believe votes are to be won by
+misrepresentations, skilful presentations of half truths, and plausible
+deductions from false premises. Good government cannot be found on the
+bargain-counter. We have seen samples of bargain-counter government in
+the past when low tax rates were secured by increasing the bonded debt
+for current expenses or refusing to keep our institutions up to the
+standard in repairs, extensions, equipment, and accommodations. I
+refuse, and the Republican Party refuses, to endorse that method of
+sham and shoddy economy. New projects can wait, but the commitments of
+the Commonwealth must be maintained. We cannot curtail the usual
+appropriations or the care of mothers with dependent children or the
+support of the poor, the insane, and the infirm. The Democratic
+programme of cutting the State tax, by vetoing appropriations of the
+utmost urgency for improvements and maintenance costs of institutions
+and asylums of the unfortunates of the State, cannot be the example for
+a Republican administration. The result has been that our institutions
+are deficient in resources--even in sleeping accommodations--and it will
+take years to restore them to the old-time Republican efficiency. Our
+party will have no part in a scheme of economy which adds to the misery
+of the wards of the Commonwealth--the sick, the insane, and the
+unfortunate; those who are too weak even to protest.
+
+Because I know these conditions I know a Republican administration
+would face an increasing State tax rather than not see them remedied.
+
+The Republican Party lit the fire of progress in Massachusetts. It has
+tended it faithfully. It will not flicker now. It has provided here
+conditions of employment, and safeguards for health, that are surpassed
+nowhere on earth. There will be no backward step. The reuniting of the
+Republican Party means no reaction in the protection of women and
+children in our industrial life. These laws are settled. These
+principles are established. Minor modifications are possible, but the
+foundations are not to be disturbed. The advance may have been too rapid
+in some cases, but there can be no retreat. That is the position of the
+great majority of those who constitute our party.
+
+We recognize there is need of relief--need to our industries, need to
+our population in manufacturing centres; but it must come from
+construction, not from destruction. Put an administration on Beacon
+Hill that can conserve our resources, that can protect us from further
+injuries, until a national Republican policy can restore those
+conditions of confidence and prosperity under which our advance began
+and under which it can be resumed.
+
+This makes the coming State election take on a most important
+aspect--not that it can furnish all the needed relief, but that it will
+increase the probability of a complete relief in the near future if it
+be crowned with Republican victory.
+
+
+
+
+VI
+
+AT THE HOME OF AUGUSTUS P. GARDNER, HAMILTON
+
+SEPTEMBER, 1916
+
+
+Standing here in the presence of our host, our thoughts naturally turn
+to a discussion of "Preparedness." I do not propose to overlook that
+issue; but I shall offer suggestions of another kind of "preparedness."
+Not that I shrink from full and free consideration of the military needs
+of our country. Nor do I agree that it is now necessary to remain silent
+regarding the domestic or foreign relations of this Nation.
+
+I agree that partisanship should stop at the boundary line, but I assert
+that patriotism should begin there. Others, however, have covered this
+field, and I leave it to them and to you.
+
+I do, however, propose to discuss the "preparedness" of the State to
+care for its unfortunates. And I propose to do this without any party
+bias and without blame upon any particular individual, but in just
+criticism of a system.
+
+In Massachusetts, we are citizens before we are partisans. The good name
+of the Commonwealth is of more moment to us than party success. But
+unfortunately, because of existing conditions, that good name, in one
+particular at least, is now in jeopardy.
+
+Massachusetts, for twenty years, has been able honestly to boast of the
+care it has bestowed upon her sick, poor, and insane. Her institutions
+have been regarded as models throughout the world. We are falling from
+that proud estate; crowded housing conditions, corridors used for
+sleeping purposes, are not only not unusual, but are coming to be the
+accepted standard. The heads of asylums complain that maintenance and
+the allowance for food supply and supervision are being skimped.
+
+On August 1 of this year, the institutions throughout the State housed
+more than 700 patients above what they were designed to accommodate, and
+I am told the crowding is steadily increasing. That is one reason I have
+been at pains to set forth that I do not see the way clear to make a
+radical reduction in the annual State budget. I now repeat that
+declaration, in spite of contradiction, because I know the citizens of
+this State have no desire for economies gained at such a sacrifice. The
+people have no stomach for retrenchment of that sort.
+
+A charge of overcrowding, which must mean a lack of care, is not to be
+carelessly made. You are entitled to facts, as well as phrases. I gave
+the whole number now confined in our institutions above the stated
+capacity as over 700. About August 1, Danvers had 1530 in an institution
+of 1350 capacity. Northampton, my home town, had 913, in a hospital
+built for 819. In Boston State Hospital, there were 1572, where the
+capacity was 1406. Westboro had 1260 inmates, with capacity for 1161,
+and Medfield had 1615, where the capacity was 1542. These capacities are
+given from official recorded accommodations.
+
+This was not the practice of the past, and there can be no question as
+to where the responsibility rests. The General Court has done its best,
+but there has been a halt elsewhere. A substantial appropriation was
+made for a new State Hospital for the Metropolitan District, and an
+additional appropriation for a new institution for the feeble-minded in
+the western part of the State. In its desire to hasten matters, the
+legislature went even further and granted money for plans for a new
+hospital in the Metropolitan District, to relieve part of the outside
+congestion, but the needed relief is still in the future.
+
+I feel the time has come when the people must assert themselves and show
+that they will tolerate no delay and no parsimony in the care of our
+unfortunates. Restore the fame of our State in the handling of these
+problems to its former lustre.
+
+I repeat that this is not partisan. I am not criticising individuals. I
+am denouncing a system. When you substitute patronage for patriotism,
+administration breaks down. We need more of the Office Desk and less of
+the Show Window in politics. Let men in office substitute the midnight
+oil for the limelight. Let Massachusetts return to the sound business
+methods which were exemplified in the past by such Democrats in the East
+as Governor Gaston and Governor Douglas, and by such Republicans in the
+West as Governor Robinson and Governor Crane.
+
+Above all, let us not, in our haste to prepare for war, forget to
+prepare for peace. The issue is with you. You can, by your votes, show
+what system you stamp with the approval of enlightened Massachusetts
+Public Opinion.
+
+
+
+
+VII
+
+LAFAYETTE BANQUET, FALL RIVER
+
+SEPTEMBER 4, 1916
+
+
+Seemingly trifling events oft carry in their train great consequences.
+The firing of a gun in the backwoods of Pennsylvania, Macaulay tells us,
+started the Seven Years' War which set the world in conflagration,
+causing men to fight each other on every shore of the seven seas and
+giving new masters to the most ancient of empires. We see to-day fifteen
+nations engaged in the most terrific war in the history of the human
+race and trace its origin to the bullet of a madman fired in the
+Balkans. It is true that the flintlock gun at Lexington was not the
+first, nor yet the last, to fire a "shot heard round the world." It was
+not the distance it travelled, but the message it carried which has
+marked it out above all other human events. It was the character of
+that message which, claimed the attention of him we this day honor, in
+the far-off fortress of the now famous Metz; it was because it roused in
+the listener a sympathetic response that it was destined to link forever
+the events of Concord and Lexington and Bunker Hill and Dorchester
+Heights, in our Commonwealth, with the name of Lafayette.
+
+For there was a new tone in those Massachusetts guns. It was not the old
+lust of conquest, not the sullen roar of hatred and revenge, but a
+higher, clearer note of a people asserting their inalienable
+sovereignty. It is a happy circumstance that one of our native-born,
+Benjamin Franklin, was instrumental in bringing Lafayette to America;
+but beyond that it is fitting at this time to give a thought to our
+Commonwealth because his ideals, his character, his life, were all in
+sympathy with that great Revolution which was begun within her borders
+and carried to a successful conclusion by the sacrifice of her treasure
+and her blood. It was not the able legal argument of James Otis against
+the British Writs of Assistance, nor the petitions and remonstrances of
+the Colonists to the British throne, admirable though they were, that
+aroused the approbation and brought his support to our cause. It was not
+alone that he agreed with the convictions of the Continental Congress.
+He saw in the example of Massachusetts a people who would shrink from no
+sacrifice to defend rights which were beyond price. It was not the
+Tories, fleeing to Canada, that attracted him. It was the patriots,
+bearing arms, and he brought them not a pen but a sword.
+
+"Resistance to tyranny is obedience to law," and "obedience to law is
+liberty." Those are the foundations of the Commonwealth. It was these
+principles in action which appealed to that young captain of dragoons
+and brought the sword and resources of the aristocrat to battle for
+democracy. I love to think of his connection with our history. I love
+to think of him at the dedication of the Bunker Hill Monument receiving
+the approbation of the Nation from the lips of Daniel Webster. I love to
+think of the long line of American citizens of French blood in our
+Commonwealth to-day, ready to defend the principles he fought for,
+"Liberty under the Law," citizens who, like him, look not with apology,
+but with respect and approval and admiration on that sentiment inscribed
+on the white flag of Massachusetts, "_Ense petit placidam sub libertate
+quietem_" (With a sword she seeks secure peace under liberty).
+
+
+
+
+VIII
+
+NORFOLK REPUBLICAN CLUB, BOSTON
+
+OCTOBER 9, 1916
+
+
+Last night at Somerville I spoke on some of the fundamental differences
+between the Republican and Democratic policies, and showed how we were
+dependent on Republican principles as a foundation on which to erect any
+advance in our social and economic welfare.
+
+This year the Republican Party has adopted a very advanced platform.
+That was natural, for we have always been the party of progress, and
+have given our attention to that, when we were not engaged in a
+life-and-death struggle to overcome the fallacies put forth by our
+opponents, with which we are all so familiar. The result has been that
+here in Massachusetts, where our party has ever been strong, and where
+we have framed legislation for more than fifty years, more progress has
+been made along the lines of humanitarian legislation than in any other
+State. We have felt free to call on our industries to make large outlays
+along these lines because we have furnished them with the advantages of
+a protective tariff and an honest and efficient state government. The
+consequences have been that in this State the hours and conditions of
+labor have been better than anywhere else on earth. Those provisions for
+safety, sanitation, compensations for accidents, and for good living
+conditions have now been almost entirely worked out. There remains,
+however, the condition of sickness, age, misfortune, lack of employment,
+or some other cause, that temporarily renders people unable to care for
+themselves. Our platform has taken up this condition.
+
+We have long been familiar with insurance to cover losses. You will
+readily recall the different kinds. Formerly it was only used in
+commerce, by the well-to-do. Recently it has been adapted to the use of
+all our people by the great industrial companies which have been very
+successful. Our State has adopted a system of savings-bank insurance,
+thus reducing the expense. Now, social insurance will not be, under a
+Republican interpretation, any new form of outdoor relief, some new
+scheme of living on the town. It will be an extension of the old
+familiar principle to the needs at hand, and so popularized as to meet
+the requirements of our times.
+
+It ought to be understood, however, that there can be no remedy for lack
+of industry and thrift, secured by law. It ought to be understood that
+no scheme of insurance and no scheme of government aid is likely to make
+us all prosperous. And above all, these remedies must go forward on the
+firm foundation of an independent, self-supporting, self-governing
+people. But we do honestly put forward a proposition for the relief of
+misfortune.
+
+The Republican Party is proposing humanitarian legislation to build up
+character, to establish independence, not pauperism; it will in the
+future, as in the past, ever stand opposed to the establishment of one
+class who shall live on the Government, and another class who shall pay
+the taxes. To those who fear we are turning Socialists, and to those who
+think we are withholding just and desirable public aid and support, I
+say that government under the Republican Party will continue in the
+future to be so administered as to breed not mendicants, but men.
+Humanitarian legislation is going to be the handmaid of character.
+
+
+
+
+IX
+
+PUBLIC MEETING ON THE HIGH COST OF LIVING, FANEUIL HALL
+
+DECEMBER 9, 1916
+
+
+The great aim of American institutions is the protection of the
+individual. That is the principle which lies at the foundation of
+Anglo-Saxon liberty. It matters not with what power the individual is
+assailed, nor whether that power is represented by wealth or place or
+numbers; against it the humblest American citizen has the right to the
+protection of his Government by every force that Government can command.
+
+This right would be but half expressed if it ran only to a remedy after
+a wrong is inflicted; it should and does run to the prevention of a
+wrong which is threatened. We find our citizens, to-day, not so much
+suffering from the high cost of living, though that is grievous enough,
+as threatened with an increasing cost which will bring suffering and
+misery to a large body of our inhabitants. So we come here not only to
+discuss providing a remedy for what is now existing, but some protection
+to ward off what is threatening to be a worse calamity. We shall utterly
+fail of our purpose to provide relief unless we look at things as they
+are. It is useless to indulge in indiscriminate abuse. We must not
+confuse the innocent with the guilty; it must be our object to allay
+suspicion, not to create it. The great body of our tradespeople are
+honest and conscientious, anxious to serve their customers for a fair
+return for their service. We want their coöperation in our pursuit of
+facts; we want to coöperate with them in proposing and securing a
+remedy. We do not deny the existence of economic laws, nor the right to
+profit by a change of conditions.
+
+But we do claim the right and duty of the Government to investigate and
+punish any artificial creation of high prices by means of illegal
+monopolies or restraints of trade. And above all, we claim the right of
+publicity. That is a remedy with an arm longer and stronger than that of
+the law. Let us know what is going on and the remedy will provide
+itself. In working along this line we shall have great help from the
+newspapers. The American people are prepared to meet any reasonable
+burden; they are not asking for charity or favor; fair prices and fair
+profits they will gladly pay; but they demand information that they are
+fair, and an immediate reduction if they are not.
+
+The Commonwealth has just provided money for an investigation by a
+competent commission. Its Police Department, its Law Department, are
+also at the service of our citizens. Let us refrain from suspicion; let
+us refrain from all indiscriminate blame; but let us present at once to
+the proper authorities all facts and all evidence of unfair practices.
+Let all our merchants, of whatever degree, assist in this work for the
+public good and let the individual see and feel that all his rights are
+protected by his Government.
+
+
+
+
+X
+
+ONE HUNDREDTH ANNIVERSARY DINNER OF THE PROVIDENT INSTITUTION FOR
+SAVINGS
+
+DECEMBER 13, 1916
+
+
+The history of the institution we here celebrate reaches back more than
+one third of the way to the landing of the Mayflower--back to the day of
+the men who signed the Declaration of Independence, who saw Prescott,
+Pomeroy, Stark, and Warren at Bunker Hill, who followed Washington and
+his generals from Dochester Heights to Yorktown, and saw the old Bay
+Colony become the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. They had seen a nation
+in the making. They founded their government on the rights of the
+individual. They had no hesitation in defending those rights against the
+invasion of a British King and Parliament, by a Revolutionary War, nor
+in criticising their own Government at Washington when they thought an
+invasion of those rights was again threatened by the preliminaries and
+the prosecution of the War of 1812. They had made the Commonwealth. They
+understood its Government. They knew it was a part of themselves, their
+own organization. They had not acquired the state of mind that enabled
+them to stand aloof and regard government as something apart and
+separate from the people. It would never have occurred to them that they
+could not transact for themselves any other business just as well as
+they could transact for themselves the business of government. They were
+the men who had fought a war to limit the power of government and
+enlarge the privileges of the individual.
+
+It was the same spirit that made Massachusetts that made the Provident
+Institution for Savings. What the men of that day wanted they made for
+themselves. They would never have thought of asking Congress to keep
+their money in the post-office. They did not want their commercial
+privileges interfered with by having the Government buy and sell for
+them. They had the self-reliance and the independence to prefer to do
+those things for themselves. This is the spirit that founded
+Massachusetts, the spirit that has seen your bank grow until it could
+now probably purchase all there was of property in the Commonwealth when
+it began its existence. I want to see that spirit still preëminent here.
+I want to see a deeper realization on the part of the people that this
+is their Commonwealth, their Government; that they control it, that they
+pay its expenses, that it is, after all, only a part of themselves; that
+any attempt to shift upon it their duties, their responsibilities, or
+their support will in the end only delude, degrade, impoverish, and
+enslave. Your institution points the only way, through self-control,
+self-denial, and self-support, to self-government, to independence, to a
+more generous liberty, and to a firmer establishment of individual
+rights.
+
+
+
+
+XI
+
+ASSOCIATED INDUSTRIES DINNER, BOSTON
+
+DECEMBER 15, 1916
+
+
+During the past few years we have questioned the soundness of many
+principles that had for a long time been taken for granted. We have
+examined the foundations of our institutions of government. We have
+debated again the theories of the men who wrote the Declaration of
+Independence, the Constitution of the Nation, and laid down the
+fundamental law of our own Commonwealth. Along with this examination of
+our form of government has gone an examination of our social,
+industrial, and economic system. What is to come out of it all?
+
+In the last fifty years we have had a material prosperity in this
+country the like of which was never beheld before. A prosperity which
+not only built up great industries, great transportation systems, great
+banks and a great commerce, but a prosperity under whose influence arts
+and sciences, education and charity flourished most abundantly. It was
+little wonder that men came to think that prosperity was the chief end
+of man and grew arrogant in the use of its power. It was little wonder
+that such a misunderstanding arose that one part of the community
+thought the owners and managers of our great industries were robbers, or
+that they thought some of the people meant to confiscate all property.
+It has been a costly investigation, but if we can arrive at a better
+understanding of our economic and social laws it will be worth all it
+cost.
+
+As a part of this discussion we have had many attempts at regulation of
+industrial activity by law. Some of it has proceeded on the theory that
+if those who enjoyed material prosperity used it for wrong purposes,
+such prosperity should be limited or abolished. That is as sound as it
+would be to abolish writing to prevent forgery. We need to keep forever
+in mind that guilt is personal; if there is to be punishment let it fall
+on the evil-doer, let us not condemn the instrument. We need power. Is
+the steam engine too strong? Is electricity too swift? Can any
+prosperity be too great? Can any instrument of commerce or industry ever
+be too powerful to serve the public needs? What then of the anti-trust
+laws? They are sound in theory. Their assemblances of wealth are broken
+up because they were assembled for an unlawful purpose. It is the
+purpose that is condemned. You men who represent our industries can see
+that there is the same right to disperse unlawful assembling of wealth
+or power that there is to disperse a mob that has met to lynch or riot.
+But that principle does not denounce town-meetings or prayer-meetings.
+
+We have established here a democracy on the principle that all men are
+created equal. It is our endeavor to extend equal blessings to all. It
+can be done approximately if we establish the correct standards. We are
+coming to see that we are dependent upon commercial and industrial
+prosperity, not only for the creation of wealth, but for the solving of
+the great problem of the distribution of wealth. There is just one
+condition on which men can secure employment and a living, nourishing,
+profitable wages for whatever they contribute to the enterprise, be it
+labor or capital, and that condition is that some one make a profit by
+it. That is the sound basis for the distribution of wealth and the only
+one. It cannot be done by law, it cannot be done by public ownership, it
+cannot be done by socialism. When you deny the right to a profit you
+deny the right of a reward to thrift and industry.
+
+The scientists tell us that the same force that rounds the teardrop
+moulds the earth. Physical laws have their analogy in social and
+industrial life. The law that builds up the people is the law that
+builds up industry. What price could the millions, who have found the
+inestimable blessings of American citizenship around our great
+industrial centres, after coming here from lands of oppression, afford
+to pay to those who organized those industries? Shall we not recognize
+the great service they have done the cause of humanity? Have we not seen
+what happens to industry, to transportation, to all commercial activity
+which we call business when profit fails? Have we not seen the suffering
+and misery which it entails upon the people?
+
+Let us recognize the source of these fundamental principles and not
+hesitate to assert them. Let us frown upon greed and selfishness, but
+let us also condemn envy and uncharitableness. Let us have done with
+misunderstandings, let us strive to realize the dream of democracy by a
+prosperity of industry that shall mean the prosperity of the people, by
+a strengthening of our material resources that shall mean a
+strengthening of our character, by a merchandising that has for its end
+manhood, and womanhood, the ideal of American Citizenship.
+
+
+
+
+XII
+
+ON THE NATURE OF POLITICS
+
+
+Politics is not an end, but a means. It is not a product, but a process.
+It is the art of government. Like other values it has its counterfeits.
+So much emphasis has been put upon the false that the significance of
+the true has been obscured and politics has come to convey the meaning
+of crafty and cunning selfishness, instead of candid and sincere
+service. The Greek derivation shows the nobler purpose. Politikos means
+city-rearing, state-craft. And when we remember that city also meant
+civilization, the spurious presentment, mean and sordid, drops away and
+the real figure of the politician, dignified and honorable, a minister
+to civilization, author and finisher of government, is revealed in its
+true and dignified proportions.
+
+There is always something about genius that is indefinable, mysterious,
+perhaps to its possessor most of all. It has been the product of rude
+surroundings no less than of the most cultured environment, want and
+neglect have sometimes nourished it, abundance and care have failed to
+produce it. Why some succeed in public life and others fail would be as
+difficult to tell as why some succeed or fail in other activities. Very
+few men in America have started out with any fixed idea of entering
+public life, fewer still would admit having such an idea. It was said of
+Chief Justice Waite, of the United States Supreme Court, being asked
+when a youth what he proposed to do when a man, he replied, he had not
+yet decided whether to be President or Chief Justice. This may be in
+part due to a general profession of holding to the principle of Benjamin
+Franklin that office should neither be sought nor refused and in part to
+the American idea that the people choose their own officers so that
+public service is not optional. In other countries this is not so. For
+centuries some seats in the British Parliament were controlled and
+probably sold as were commissions in the army, but that has never been
+the case here. A certain Congressman, however, on arriving at Washington
+was asked by an old friend how he happened to be elected. He replied
+that he was not elected, but appointed. It is worth while noting that
+the boss who was then supposed to hold the power of appointment in that
+district has since been driven from power, but the Congressman, though
+he was defeated when his party was lately divided, has been reflected.
+All of which suggests that the boss did not appoint in the first
+instance, but was merely well enough informed to see what the people
+wanted before they had formulated their own opinions and desires. It was
+said of McKinley that he could tell what Congress would do on a certain
+measure before the men in Congress themselves knew what their decision
+was to be. Cannon has said of McKinley that his ear was so close to the
+ground that it was full of grasshoppers. But the fact remains that
+office brokerage is here held in reprehensive scorn and professional
+office-seeking in contempt. Every native-born American, however, is
+potentially a President, and it must always be remembered that the
+obligation to serve the State is forever binding upon all, although
+office is the gift of the people.
+
+Of course these considerations relate not to appointive places like the
+Judiciary, Commissionerships, clerical positions and like places, but to
+the more important elective offices. Another reason why political life
+of this nature is not chosen as a career is that it does not pay. Nearly
+all offices of this class are held at a financial sacrifice, not merely
+that the holder could earn more at some other occupation, but that the
+salary of the office does not maintain the holder of the office. It is
+but recently that Parliament has paid a salary to its members. In years
+gone by the United States Senate has been rather marked for its number
+of rich men. Few prominent members of Congress are dependent on their
+salary, which is but another way of saying that in Washington Senators
+and Representatives need more than their official salaries to become
+most effective. It is a consolation to be able to state that this is not
+the condition of members of the Massachusetts General Court. There,
+ability and character come very near to being the sole requirements for
+success. Although some men have seen service in our legislature of
+nearly twenty years, to the great benefit of the Commonwealth, no one
+would choose that for a career and these men doubtless look on it only
+as an avocation.
+
+For these reasons we have no profession of politics or of public life in
+the sense that we have a profession of law and medicine and other
+learned callings. We have men who have spent many years in office, but
+it would be difficult to find one outside the limitations noted who
+would refer to that as his business, occupation, or profession.
+
+The inexperienced are prone to hold an erroneous idea of public life and
+its methods. Not long ago I listened to a joint debate in a prominent
+preparatory school. Each side took it for granted that public men were
+influenced only by improper motives and that officials of the government
+were seeking only their own gain and advantage without regard to the
+welfare of the people. Such a presumption has no foundation in fact.
+There are dishonest men in public office. There are quacks, shysters,
+and charlatans among doctors, lawyers, and clergy, but they are not
+representative of their professions nor indicative of their methods. Our
+public men, as a class, are inspired by honorable and patriotic motives,
+desirous only of a faithful execution of their trust from the executive
+and legislative branches of the States and Nation down to the
+executives of our towns, who bear the dignified and significant title of
+selectmen. Public men must expect criticism and be prepared to endure
+false charges from their opponents. It is a matter of no great concern
+to them. But public confidence in government is a matter of great
+concern. It cannot be maintained in the face of such opinions as I have
+mentioned. It is necessary to differentiate between partisan assertions
+and actual conditions. It is necessary to recognize worth as well as to
+condemn graft. No system of government can stand that lacks public
+confidence and no progress can be made on the assumption of a false
+premise. Public administration is honest and sound and public business
+is transacted on a higher plane than private business.
+
+There is no difficulty for men in college to understand elections and
+government. They have all had experience in it. The same motives that
+operate in the choice of class officers operate in choosing officers for
+the Commonwealth. Here men are soon estimated at their true worth. Here
+places of trust are conferred and administered as they will be in later
+years. The scale is smaller, the opportunities are less, conditions are
+more artificial, but the principles are the same. Of course the present
+estimate is not the ultimate. There are men here who appear important
+that will not appear so in years to come. There are men who seem
+insignificant now who will develop at a later day. But the motive which
+leads to elections here leads to elections in the State.
+
+Is there any especial obligation on the part of college-bred men to be
+candidates for public office? I do not think so. It is said that
+although college graduates constitute but one per cent of the
+population, they hold about fifty per cent of the public offices, so
+that this question seems to take care of itself. But I do not feel that
+there is any more obligation to run for office than there is to become a
+banker, a merchant, a teacher, or enter any other special occupation. As
+indicated some men have a particular aptitude in this direction and some
+have none. Of course experience counts here as in any other human
+activity, and all experience worth the name is the result of
+application, of time and thought and study and practice. If the
+individual finds he has liking and capacity for this work, he will
+involuntarily find himself engaged in it. There is no catalogue of such
+capacity. One man gets results in one way, another in another. But in
+general only the man of broad sympathy and deep understanding of his
+fellow men can meet with much success.
+
+What I have said relates to the somewhat narrow field of office-holding.
+This is really a small part of the American system or of any system.
+James Bryce tells us that we have a government of public opinion. That
+is growing to be more and more true of the governments of the entire
+world. The first care of despotism seems to be to control the school and
+the press. Where the mind is free it turns not to force but to reason
+for the source of authority. Men submit to a government of force as we
+are doing now when they believe it is necessary for their security,
+necessary to protect them from the imposition of force from without.
+This is probably the main motive of the German people. They have been
+taught that their only protection lay in the support of a military
+despotism. Rightly or wrongly they have believed this and believing have
+submitted to what they suppose their only means of security. They have
+been governed accordingly. Germany is still feudal.
+
+This leads to the larger and all important field of politics. Here we
+soon see that office-holding is the incidental, but the standard of
+citizenship is the essential. Government does rest upon the opinions of
+men. Its results rest on their actions. This makes every man a
+politician whether he will or no. This lays the burden on us all. Men
+who have had the advantages of liberal culture ought to be the leaders
+in maintaining the standards of citizenship. Unless they can and do
+accomplish this result education is a failure. Greatly have they been
+taught, greatly must they teach. The power to think is the most
+practical thing in the world. It is not and cannot be cloistered from
+politics.
+
+We live under a republican form of government. We need forever to
+remember that representative government does represent. A careless,
+indifferent representative is the result of a careless, indifferent
+electorate. The people who start to elect a man to get what he can for
+his district will probably find they have elected a man who will get
+what he can for himself. A body will keep on its course for a time after
+the moving impulse ceases by reason of its momentum. The men who
+founded our government had fought and thought mightily on the
+relationship of man to his government. Our institutions would go for a
+time under the momentum they gave. But we should be deluded if we
+supposed they can be maintained without more of the same stern sacrifice
+offered in perpetuity. Government is not an edifice that the founders
+turn over to posterity all completed. It is an institution, like a
+university which fails unless the process of education continues.
+
+The State is not founded on selfishness. It cannot maintain itself by
+the offer of material rewards. It is the opportunity for service. There
+has of late been held out the hope that government could by legislation
+remove from the individual the need of effort. The managers of
+industries have seemed to think that their difficulties could be removed
+and prosperity ensured by changing the laws. The employee has been led
+to believe that his condition could be made easy by the same method.
+When industries can be carried on without any struggle, their results
+will be worthless, and when wages can be secured without any effort they
+will have no purchasing value. In the end the value of the product will
+be measured by the amount of effort necessary to secure it. Our late Dr.
+Garman recognized this limitation in one of his lectures where he
+says:--
+
+"Critics have noticed three stages in the development of human
+civilization. First: the let-alone policy; every man to look out for
+number one. This is the age of selfishness. Second: the opposite pole of
+thinking; every man to do somebody's else work for him. This is the dry
+rot of sentimentality that feeds tramps and enacts poor laws such as
+excite the indignation of Herbert Spencer. But the third stage is
+represented by our formula: every man must render and receive the best
+possible service, except in the case of inequality, and there the
+strong must help the weak to help themselves; only on this condition is
+help given. This is the true interpretation of the life of Christ. On
+the first basis He would have remained in heaven and let the earth take
+care of itself. On the second basis He would have come to earth with his
+hands full of gold and silver treasures satisfying every want that
+unfortunate humanity could have devised. But on the third basis He comes
+to earth in the form of a servant who is at the same time a master
+commanding his disciples to take up their cross and follow Him; it is
+sovereignty through service as opposed to slavery through service. He
+refuses to make the world wealthy, but He offers to help them make
+themselves wealthy with true riches which shall be a hundred-fold more,
+even in this life, than that which was offered them by any former
+system."
+
+This applies to political life no less than to industrial life. We live
+under the fairest government on earth. But it is not self-sustaining.
+Nor is that all. There are selfishness and injustice and evil in the
+world. More than that, these forces are never at rest. Some desire to
+use the processes of government for their own ends. Some desire to
+destroy the authority of government altogether. Our institutions are
+predicated on the rights and the corresponding duties, on the worth, of
+the individual. It is to him that we must look for safety. We may need
+new charters, new constitutions and new laws at times. We must always
+have an alert and interested citizenship. We have no dependence but the
+individual. New charters cannot save us. They may appear to help but the
+chances are that the beneficial results obtained result from an
+increased interest aroused by discussing changes. Laws do not make
+reforms, reforms make laws. We cannot look to government. We must look
+to ourselves. We must stand not in the expectation of a reward but with
+a desire to serve. There will come out of government exactly what is put
+into it. Society gets about what it deserves. It is the part of educated
+men to know and recognize these principles and influences and knowing
+them to inform and warn their fellow countrymen. Politics is the process
+of action in public affairs. It is personal, it is individual, and
+nothing more. Destiny is in you.
+
+
+
+
+XIII
+
+TREMONT TEMPLE
+
+NOVEMBER 3, 1917
+
+
+There is a time and place for everything. There are times when some
+things are out of place. Domestic science is an important subject. So is
+the proper heating and ventilating of our habitations. But when the
+house is on fire reasonable men do not stop to argue of culinary cuts
+nor listen to a disquisition on plumbing; they call out the fire
+department and join it in an attempt to save their dwelling. They think
+only in terms of the conflagration.
+
+So it is in this hour that has come to us so grim with destiny. We
+cannot stop now to discuss domestic party politics. Our men are on the
+firing-line of France. There will be no party designations in the
+casualty lists. We cannot stop to glance at that alluring field of
+history that tells us of the past patriotic devotion of the men of our
+party to the cause of the Nation--devotion without reserve. We must
+think now only in terms of winning the war.
+
+An election at this time is not of our choosing. We are having one
+because it is necessary under the terms of our Constitution of
+Massachusetts. We have not conducted the ordinary party canvass. We have
+not flaunted party banners, we have not burned red fire, we have not
+rent the air with martial music, we have not held the usual party
+rallies. We have addressed meetings, but such addresses have been to
+urge subscriptions to the Liberty Loan, to urge gifts to the great
+humanitarian work of the Red Cross, and for the efforts of charity,
+benevolence, and mercy that are represented by the Y.M.C.A. and by the
+Knights of Columbus, for the conservation of food, and for the other
+patriotic purposes.
+
+But we are not to infer that this is not an important election. It is
+too important to think of candidates, too important to think of party,
+too important to think of anything but our country at war. No more
+important election has been held since the days of War Governor Andrew.
+On Tuesday next the voters of Massachusetts will decide whether they
+will support the Government in its defence of America, and its defence
+of all that America means. There is no room for domestic party issues
+here. The only question for consideration is whether the Government of
+this Commonwealth, legislative and executive, has rendered and will
+render prompt and efficient support for the national defence. Perhaps it
+would be enough to point out that Massachusetts troops were first at the
+Mexican border and first in France. But that is only part of the story.
+
+Wars are waged now with far more than merely the troops in the field.
+Every resource of the people goes into the battle. It is a matter of
+organizing the entire fabric of society. No one has yet pointed out, no
+one can point out, any failure on the part of our State Government to
+take efficient measures for this purpose. More than that, Massachusetts
+did not have to be asked; while Washington was yet dumb Massachusetts
+spoke.
+
+Months before war was declared a Public Safety Committee was appointed
+and went to work; weeks before war a conference of New England Governors
+was called and a million dollars was given the Governor and Council to
+equip Massachusetts troops for which the National Treasury had no money.
+By reason of this foresight our men went forth better supplied than any
+others, with ten dollars additional pay from their home State, and the
+assurance that their dependents could draw forty dollars monthly where
+needed for their support. The production and distribution of food and
+fuel have been advanced. The maintenance of industrial peace has been
+promoted. The Gloucester fishermen, fifteen thousand shoemakers in
+Lynn, the Boston & Maine railroad employees, have had their differences
+adjusted. A second million dollars for emergency expenses has been given
+the Governor and Council. An efficient State Guard of over ten thousand
+men has been organized. Our brave soldiers, their dependents, the great
+patriotic public have been protected by the present Government with
+every means that ingenuity could devise. We have won the right to
+reelection by duty well performed.
+
+Remember this: we are not responsible for the war, we are responsible
+for the preparation that enables us to defend our soldiers and ourselves
+from savages. Massachusetts is not going to repudiate these patriotic
+services. To do so now would mean more than repudiating the Government.
+It would mean repudiating the devotion of our brave men in arms,
+repudiating the sacrifice of the fathers, mothers, wives, and dear ones
+behind, and repudiating the loyalty of the millions who subscribed to
+the Liberty Loan,--it would mean repudiating America.
+
+Massachusetts has decided that the path of the Mayflower shall not be
+closed. She has decided to sail the seas. She has decided to sail not
+under the edict of Potsdam, crimped in narrow lanes seeking safety in
+unarmed merchantmen painted in fantastic hues, as the badge of an
+infamous servitude, but she has decided to sail under the ancient
+Declaration of Independence, choosing what course she will, maintaining
+security by the guns of ships of the line, flying at the mast the Stars
+and Stripes, forever the emblem of a militant liberty.
+
+
+
+
+XIV
+
+DEDICATION OF TOWN-HOUSE, WESTON
+
+NOVEMBER 27, 1917
+
+
+I was interested to come out here and take part in the dedication of
+this beautiful building in part because my ancestors had lived in this
+locality in times gone past, but more especially because I am interested
+in the town governments of Massachusetts. You have heard the
+town-meeting referred to this evening. It seemed to me that the towns in
+this Commonwealth correspond in part to what we might call the
+water-tight compartments of the ship of state, and while sometimes our
+State Government has wavered, sometimes it has been suspended, and it
+has been thought that the people could not care for themselves under
+those conditions. Whenever that has arisen the towns of the Commonwealth
+have come to the rescue and been able to furnish the foundation and the
+strength on which might not only be carried on, but on which might again
+be erected the failing government of the Commonwealth or the failing
+government of the Nation. So that I know nothing to which we New
+Englanders owe more, and especially the people of Massachusetts, of our
+civil liberties than we do to our form of town government.
+
+The history of Weston has been long and interesting, beginning, as your
+town seal designates, back in 1630, when Watertown was recognized as one
+of the three or four towns in the Commonwealth; set off by boundaries
+into the Farmers' Precinct in 1698, and becoming incorporated as a town
+in 1713. There begins a long and honorable history. Of course, the first
+part of it gathered to a large degree around the church. The first
+church was started here, I think, in 1695, and I believe that the land
+on which it was to be erected was purchased of a man who bore my name.
+Your first clergyman seems to have been settled about 1702; and the
+long and even tenor of your ways here and your devotion to things which
+were established is perhaps shown and exemplified in the fact that
+during the next one hundred and seventy-four years, coming clear down to
+1876, you had but six clergymen presiding over that church. You have an
+example here now, along the same line, in the long tenure of office that
+has come to your present town clerk, he having been first elected, I
+believe, in 1864 and having held office from that time to this, probably
+serving as long, if not longer, than any of the town clerks of
+Massachusetts, certainly, I believe, the longest of any present living
+town clerk.
+
+There are many interesting things connected with the history of this
+town. It bore its part in the Indian Wars. Here was organized an Indian
+fighting expedition that went to the North, and, though some of the men
+in that expedition were lost and the expedition was not altogether
+successful, it showed, the spirit, the resolution, the bravery, and the
+courage which animated the men of those days.
+
+Mr. Young has referred to that day in Massachusetts history that we are
+all so proud of, the Nineteenth of April, 1775. But you had an
+interesting event here in this town leading up to that great day.
+General Gage was in command of the British forces at Boston. There had
+been gathered supplies for carrying on a war out here through Middlesex
+County and out to the west in Worcester. History tells us that he sent
+out here Sergeant Howe and other spies, in order that he might find out
+what the conditions were and whether it would be easy for the British
+troops to come out here and seize those supplies and break what they
+thought was the idea on the part of the colonists of starting a
+rebellion. Sergeant Howe came out here, went to the hotel, where, of
+course, the landlord received him hospitably, but informed him that
+probably it wouldn't be a healthy place for him to stay for a very long
+time, and sent him away in the dead of the night. He went back to Boston
+and made a report to the General in which he said that the people of
+this vicinity were generally resolved to be free or to die. That was the
+spirit of those times; and he advised the Britishers that if they wanted
+to go out to Worcester they would probably need an expedition of ten
+thousand men and a sufficient train of artillery, and he doubted
+whether, if such an expedition as that were sent out, any part of it
+would return alive. On account of the report that he brought back it was
+determined by the British authorities that it was more prudent to go up
+to Concord than it was to come out here on the way to Worcester. That
+was the reason that the expedition on that Nineteenth of April was
+started for Concord rather than through here for Worcester.
+
+Of course, there are many other interesting events in the history of
+this town. You had here many men who have seen military service. You
+furnished a large number for the Revolutionary War and a large amount of
+money. You furnished as your quota one hundred and twenty-six soldiers
+that went into the army from 1861 to 1865. But you were doing here what
+they were doing all over the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. I doubt if
+the leading and prominent and decisive part that Massachusetts played in
+the great Revolutionary War is generally understood. It is interesting
+to recall that when General Washington came here he seems to have come
+with somewhat of a prejudice against New England men. I think there are
+extant letters which he wrote at that time rather reflecting upon what
+the New England men were doing and the character of Massachusetts men of
+those days. But that was not his idea at the end of the war. Then,
+although he had been brought up far to the south, he had a different
+idea. Then he said, and said very generously, that he thought well of
+New England men and had it not been for their support, had it not been
+for the men, the materials and munitions that they supplied to the
+Revolutionary forces, the war would not have been a success. His name is
+interestingly connected with your town of Weston.
+
+You have had here not only an interesting population but an interesting
+location. It was through this town that the great arteries of travel ran
+to the west and south and to the north. When Burgoyne surrendered, some
+of his troops were brought through this town on their way to the
+sea-coast. When Washington came up to visit New England after he had
+been President, he came through the town of Weston, and I do not know
+whether this is any reflection on the cooking of those days in the towns
+to the west, but it says in the history of the town of Weston that at
+one time when Washington stopped at the hotel in Wayland, although the
+hostess had provided what she thought was a very fine banquet, he left
+his staff to eat that and went out into the kitchen to help himself to a
+bowl of bread and milk. I suppose he would not be thought to have done
+that because he was a candidate for office and wanted to appear as one
+of the plain people, because that was after he had served in the office
+of President. But he stopped here in the town of Weston and was
+entertained here at the hotel. And many other great men passed through
+here and were entertained here from the time when we were colonies clear
+up to the time when the railroads were established along in the middle
+of the last century.
+
+So this town has had a long and interesting history, and has done its
+part in building up Massachusetts and giving her strength to take her
+part in the history of this great Nation. And it is pleasant to see how
+the work that the fathers have done before us is bearing fruit in these
+times of ours. It is interesting to see this beautiful building. It is
+interesting to know that you have a town planning committee who are
+placing this building in a situation where it will contribute to the
+physical beauty of this historic town. We have not given the time and
+the attention and the thought that we should have given to things of
+that kind in Massachusetts. We have been too utilitarian. We have
+thought that if a building was located in some place where we could have
+access to it, where it could be used, where it could transact the
+business of the town, that was enough. We are coming to see in these
+modern days that that is not enough; that we need not only utilitarian
+motives, but that we need to give some time, some thought and attention
+to the artistic in life; that we need to concern ourselves not only with
+the material but give some thought to the spiritual; that we need to
+pay some attention to the beautiful as well as to that which is merely
+useful.
+
+These things are appreciated. Weston is doing something along these
+lines and building her public buildings and laying out her public square
+or her common (as it was known in the old days) so they will be things
+of beauty as well as things of use. Let us dedicate this building to
+these new purposes. Let us dedicate it to the glorious history of the
+past. Let us dedicate it to the sacrifice that is required in these
+present days. Let us dedicate it to the hope of the future. Let us
+dedicate it to New England ideals--those ideals that have made
+Massachusetts one of the strong States of the Nation; strong enough so
+that in Revolutionary days we contributed far in excess of our portion
+of men and money to that great struggle; strong enough so that the whole
+Nation has looked to Massachusetts in days of stress for comfort and
+support.
+
+We are very proud of our democracy. We are very proud of our form of
+government. We believe that there is no other nation on earth that gives
+to the individual the privileges and the rights that he has in America.
+The time has come now when we are going to defend those rights. The time
+has come when the world is looking to America, as the Nation has looked
+to Massachusetts in the past, to stand up and defend the rights of the
+individual. Sovereignty, it is our belief, is vested in the individual;
+and we are going to protect the rights of the individual. It is an
+auspicious moment to dedicate here in New England one of our town halls,
+an auspicious moment in which to dedicate it to the supremacy of those
+ideals for which the whole world is fighting at the present time; that
+the rights of the individual as they were established here in the past
+may be maintained by us now and carried to a yet greater development in
+the future.
+
+
+
+
+XV
+
+AMHERST ALUMNI DINNER, SPRINGFIELD
+
+MARCH 15, 1918
+
+
+The individual may not require the higher institutions of learning, but
+society does. Without them civilization as we know it would fall from
+mankind in a night. They minister not alone to their own students, they
+minister to all humanity.
+
+It is this same ancient spirit which, coming to the defence of the
+Nation, has in this new day of peril made nearly every college campus a
+training field for military service, and again sent graduate and
+undergraduate into the fighting forces of our country. They are
+demonstrating again that they are the strongholds of ordered liberty and
+individual freedom. This has ever been the distinguishing characteristic
+of the American institution of learning. They have believed in
+democracy because they believed in the nobility of man; they have served
+society because they have looked upon the possession of learning not as
+conferring a privilege but as laying on a duty. They have taught and
+practised the precept that the greater man's power the greater his
+obligation. The supreme choice is righteousness. It is that "moral
+power" to which Professor Tyler referred as the great contribution of
+college men to the cause of the Union.
+
+The Nation is taking a military census, it is thinking now in terms of
+armament. The officers of government are discussing manpower,
+transportation by land and sea and through the air, the production of
+rifles, artillery, and explosives, the raising of money by loans and
+taxation. The Nation ought to be most mightily engaged in this work. It
+must put every ounce of its resources into the production and
+organization of its material power. But these are to a degree but the
+outward manifestations of something yet more important. The ultimate
+result of all wars and of this war has been and will be determined by
+the moral power of the nations engaged. On that will depend whether
+armies "ray out darkness" or are the source of light and life and
+liberty. Without the support of the moral power of the Nation armies
+will prove useless, without a moral victory, whatever the fortunes of
+the battlefield, there can be no abiding peace.
+
+Whatever the difficulties of an exact definition may be the
+manifestations of moral power are not difficult to recognize. The life
+of America is rich with such examples. It has been predominant here. It
+established thirteen colonies which were to a large degree
+self-sustaining and self-governing. They fought and won a revolutionary
+war. What manner of men they were, what was the character of their
+leadership, was attested only in part by Saratoga and Yorktown.
+Washington had displayed great power on many fields of battle, the
+colonists had suffered long and endured to the end, but the glory of
+military power fades away beside the picture of the victorious general,
+returning his commission to the representatives of a people who would
+have made him king, and retiring after two terms from the Presidency
+which he could have held for life, and the picture of a war-worn people
+turning from debt, disorder, almost anarchy, not to division, not to
+despotism, but to national unity under the ordered liberty of the
+Federal Constitution.
+
+It was manifested again in the adoption and defence by the young nation
+of that principle which is known as the Monroe Doctrine that European
+despotism should make no further progress in the Western Hemisphere. It
+is in the great argument of Webster replying to Hayne and the stout
+declaration of Jackson that he would treat nullification as treason. It
+was the compelling force of the Civil War, expounded by Lincoln in his
+unyielding purpose to save the Union but "with malice toward none, with
+charity for all," which General Grant, his greatest soldier, put into
+practice at Appomattox when he sent General Lee back with his sword, and
+his soldiers home to the plantations, with their war horses for the
+spring plowing. And at the conclusion of the Spanish War it is to the
+ever-enduring credit of our country that it exacted not penalties, but
+justice, and actually compensated a defeated foe for public property
+that had come to our hands in the Philippines as the result of the
+fortunes of battle. But what of the present crisis? Is the heart of the
+Nation still sound, does it still respond to the appeal to the high
+ideals of the past? If those two and one half years, before the American
+declaration of war, shall appear, when unprejudiced history is written,
+to have been characterized by patience, forbearance, and self-restraint,
+they will add to the credit of former days. If they were characterized
+by selfishness, by politics, by a balancing of expediency against
+justice they will be counted as a time of ignominy for which a
+victorious war would furnish scant compensation.
+
+
+
+
+XVI
+
+MESSAGE FOR THE BOSTON POST
+
+APRIL 22, 1918
+
+
+The nation with the greatest moral power will win. Of that are born
+armies and navies and the resolution to endure. Have faith in the moral
+power of America. It gave independence under Washington and freedom
+under Lincoln. Here, right never lost. Here, wrong never won. However
+powerful the forces of evil may appear, somewhere there are more
+powerful forces of righteousness. Courage and confidence are our
+heritage. Justice is our might. The outcome is in your hand, my fellow
+American; if you deserve to win, the Nation cannot lose.
+
+
+
+
+XVII
+
+ROXBURY HISTORICAL SOCIETY, BUNKER HILL DAY
+
+JUNE 17, 1918
+
+
+Reverence is the measure not of others but of ourselves. This assemblage
+on the one hundred and forty-third anniversary of the Battle of Bunker
+Hill tells not only of the spirit of that day but of the spirit of
+to-day. What men worship that will they become. The heroes and holidays
+of a people which fascinate their soul reveal what they hold are the
+realities of life and mark out a line beyond which they will not
+retreat, but at which they will stand to overcome or die. They who
+reverence Bunker Hill will fight there. Your true patriot sees home and
+hearthstone in the welfare of his country.
+
+Rightly viewed, then, this day is set apart for an examination of
+ourselves by recounting the deeds of the men of long ago.
+
+What was there in the events of the seventeenth day of June, 1775,
+which holds the veneration of Americans and the increasing admiration of
+the world? There are the physical facts not too unimportant to be
+unworthy of reiteration even in the learned presence of an Historical
+Society. A detachment of men clad for the most part in the dress of
+their daily occupations, standing with bared heads and muskets grounded
+muzzle down in the twilight glow on Cambridge Common, heard Samuel
+Langdon, President of Harvard College, seek divine blessing on their
+cause and marched away in the darkness to a little eminence at
+Charlestown, where, ere the setting of another sun, much history was to
+be made and much glory lost and won. When a new dawn had lifted the
+mists of the Bay, the British, under General Howe, saw an intrenchment
+on Breed's Hill, which must be taken or Boston abandoned. The works were
+exposed in the rear to attack from land and sea. This was disdained by
+the king's soldiers in their contempt for the supposed fighting ability
+of the Americans. Leisurely, as on dress parade, they assembled for an
+assault that they thought was to be a demonstration of the uselessness
+of any armed resistance on the part of the Colonies. In splendid array
+they advanced late in the day. A few straggling shots and all was still
+behind the parapet. It was easier than they had expected. But when they
+reached a point where 'tis said the men behind the intrenchments could
+see the whites of their eyes, they were met by a withering fire that
+tore their ranks asunder and sent them back in disorder, utterly routed
+by their despised foes. In time they form and advance again but the
+result is the same. The demonstration of superiority was not a success.
+For a third time they form, not now for dress parade, but for a
+hazardous assault. This time the result was different. The patriots had
+lost nothing of courage or determination but there was left scarcely
+one round of powder. They had no bayonets. Pouring in their last volley
+and still resisting with clubbed muskets, they retired slowly and in
+order from the field. So great was the British loss that there was no
+pursuit. The intensity of the battle is told by the loss of the
+Americans, out of about fifteen hundred engaged, of nearly twenty per
+cent, and of the British, out of some thirty-five hundred engaged, of
+nearly thirty-three per cent, all in one and one half hours.
+
+It was the story of brave men bravely led but insufficiently equipped.
+Their leader, Colonel Prescott, had walked the breastworks to show his
+men that the cannonade was not particularly dangerous. John Stark,
+bringing his company, in which were his Irish compatriots, across
+Charlestown Neck under the guns of the battleships, refused to quicken
+his step. His Major, Andrew McCleary, fell at the rail fence which he
+had held during the day. Dr. Joseph Warren, your own son of Roxbury,
+fell in the retreat, but the Americans, though picking off his officers,
+spared General Howe. They had fought the French under his brother.
+
+Such were some of the outstanding deeds of the day. But these were the
+deeds of men and the deeds of men always have an inward significance. In
+distant Philadelphia, on this very day, the Continental Congress had
+chosen as the Commander of their Army, General George Washington, a man
+whose clear vision looked into the realities of things and did not
+falter. On his way to the front four days later, dispatches reached him
+of the battle. He revealed the meaning of the day with, one question,
+"Did the militia fight?" Learning how those heroic men fought, he said,
+"Then the liberties of the Country are safe." No greater commentary has
+ever been made on the significance of Bunker Hill.
+
+We read events by what goes before and after. We think of Bunker Hill
+as the first real battle for independence, the prelude to the
+Revolution. Yet these were both after-thoughts. Independence Day was
+still more than a year away and then eight years from accomplishment.
+The Revolution cannot be said to have become established until the
+adoption of the Federal Constitution. No, on this June day, these were
+not the conscious objects sought. They were contending for the liberties
+of the country, they were not yet bent on establishing a new nation nor
+on recognizing that relationship between men which the modern world
+calls democracy. They were maintaining well their traditions, these sons
+of Londonderry, lovers of freedom and anxious for the fray, and these
+sons of the Puritans, whom Macaulay tells us humbly abased themselves in
+the dust before the Lord, but hesitated not to set their foot upon the
+neck of their king.
+
+It is the moral quality of the day that abides. It was the purpose of
+those plain garbed men behind the parapet that told whether they were
+savages bent on plunder, living under the law of the jungle, or sons of
+the morning bearing the light of civilization. The glorious revolution
+of 1688 was fading from memory. The English Government of that day
+rested upon privilege and corruption at the base, surmounted by a king
+bent on despotism, but fortunately too weak to accomplish any design
+either of good or ill. An empire still outwardly sound was rotting at
+the core. The privilege which had found Great Britain so complacent
+sought to establish itself over the Colonies. The purpose of the
+patriots was resistance to tyranny. Pitt and Burke and Lord Camden in
+England recognized this, and, loving liberty, approved the course of the
+Colonies. The Tories here, loving privilege, approved the course of the
+Royal Government. Bunker Hill meant that the Colonies would save
+themselves and saving themselves save the mother country for liberty.
+The war was not inevitable. Perhaps wars are never inevitable. But the
+conflict between freedom and privilege was inevitable. That it broke out
+in America rather than in England was accidental. Liberty, the rights of
+man against tyranny, the rights of kings, was in the air. One side must
+give way. There might have been a peaceful settlement by timely
+concessions such as the Reform Bill of England some fifty years later,
+or the Japanese reforms of our own times, but wanting that a collision
+was inevitable. Lacking a Bunker Hill there had been another Dunbar.
+
+The eighteenth century was the era of the development of political
+rights. It was the culmination of the ideas of the Renaissance. It was
+the putting into practice in government of the answer to the long
+pondered and much discussed question, "What is right?" Custom was giving
+way at last to reason. Class and caste and place, all the distinctions
+based on appearance and accident were giving way before reality. Men
+turned from distinctions which were temporal to those which were
+eternal. The sovereignty of kings and the nobility of peers was
+swallowed up in the sovereignty and nobility of all men. The inequal in
+quantity became equal in quality.
+
+The successful solution of this problem was the crowning glory of a
+century and a half of America. It established for all time how men ought
+to act toward each other in the governmental relation. The rule of the
+people had begun.
+
+Bunker Hill had a deeper significance. It was an example of the great
+law of human progress and civilization. There has been much talk in
+recent years of the survival of the fittest and of efficiency. We are
+beginning to hear of the development of the super-man and the claim that
+he has of right dominion over the rest of his inferiors on earth. This
+philosophy denies the doctrine of equality and holds that government is
+not based on consent but on compulsion. It holds that the weak must
+serve the strong, which is the law of slavery, it applies the law of the
+animal world to mankind and puts science above morals. This sounds the
+call to the jungle. It is not an advance to the morning but a retreat to
+night. It is not the light of human reason but the darkness of the
+wisdom of the serpent.
+
+The law of progress and civilization is not the law of the jungle. It is
+not an earthly law, it is a divine law. It does not mean the survival of
+the fittest, it means the sacrifice of the fittest. Any mother will give
+her life for her child. Men put the women and children in the lifeboats
+before they themselves will leave the sinking ship. John Hampden and
+Nathan Hale did not survive, nor did Lincoln, but Benedict Arnold did.
+The example above all others takes us back to Jerusalem some nineteen
+hundred years ago. The men of Bunker Hill were true disciples of
+civilization, because they were willing to sacrifice themselves to
+resist the evils and redeem the liberties of the British Empire. The
+proud shaft which rises over their battlefield and the bronze form of
+Joseph Warren in your square are not monuments to expediency or success,
+they are monuments to righteousness.
+
+This is the age-old story. Men are reading it again to-day--written in
+blood. The Prussian military despotism has abandoned the law of
+civilization for the law of barbarism. We could approve and join in the
+scramble to the jungle, or we could resist and sacrifice ourselves to
+save an erring nation. Not being beasts, but men, we choose the
+sacrifice.
+
+This brings us to the part that America is taking at the end of its
+second hundred and fifty years of existence. Is it not a part of that
+increasing purpose which the poet, the seer, tells us runs through the
+ages? Has not our Nation been raised up and strengthened, trained and
+prepared, to meet the great sacrifice that must be made now to save the
+world from despotism? We have heard much of our lack of preparation. We
+have been altogether lacking in preparation in a strict military sense.
+We had no vast forces of artillery or infantry, no large stores of
+munitions, few trained men. But let us not forget to pay proper respect
+to the preparation we did have, which was the result of long training
+and careful teaching. We had a mental, a moral, a spiritual training
+that fitted us equally with any other people to engage in this great
+contest which after all is a contest of ideas as well as of arms. We
+must never neglect the military preparation again, but we may as well
+recognize that we have had a preparation without which arms in our hands
+would very much resemble in purpose those now arrayed against us.
+
+Are we not realizing a noble destiny? The great Admiral who discovered
+America bore the significant name of Christopher. It has been pointed
+out that this name means Christ-bearer. Were not the men who stood at
+Bunker Hill bearing light to the world by their sacrifices? Are not the
+men of to-day, the entire Nation of to-day, living in accordance with
+the significance of that name, and by their service and sacrifice
+redeeming mankind from the forces that make for everlasting destruction?
+We seek no territory and no rewards. We give but do not take. We seek
+for a victory of our ideas. Our arms are but the means. America follows
+no such delusion as a place in the sun for the strong by the destruction
+of the weak. America seeks rather, by giving of her strength for the
+service of the weak, a place in eternity.
+
+
+
+
+XVIII
+
+FAIRHAVEN
+
+JULY 4, 1918
+
+
+We have met on this anniversary of American independence to assess the
+dimensions of a kind deed. Nearly four score years ago the master of a
+whaling vessel sailing from this port rescued from a barren rock in the
+China Sea some Japanese fishermen. Among them was a young boy whom he
+brought home with him to Fairhaven, where he was given the advantages of
+New England life and sent to school with the boys and girls of the
+neighborhood, where he excelled in his studies. But as he grew up he was
+filled with a longing to see Japan and his aged mother. He knew that the
+duty of filial piety lay upon him according to the teachings of his
+race, and he was determined to meet that obligation. I think that is one
+of the lessons of this day. Here was a youth who determined to pursue
+the course which he had been taught was right. He braved the dangers of
+the voyage and the greater dangers that awaited an absentee from his
+country under the then existing laws, to perform his duty to his mother
+and to his native land. In making that return I think we are entitled to
+say that he was the first Ambassador of America to the Court of Japan,
+for his extraordinary experience soon brought him into the association
+of the highest officials of his country, and his presence there prepared
+the way for the friendly reception which was given to Commodore Perry
+when he was sent to Japan to open relations between that Government and
+the Government of America.
+
+And so we see how out of the kind deed of Captain Whitefield, friendly
+relations which have existed for many years between the people of Japan
+and the people of America were encouraged and made possible. And it is
+in recognition of that event that we have here to-day this great
+concourse of people, this martial array, and the representative of the
+Japanese people--a people who have never failed to respond to an act of
+kindness.
+
+It was with special pleasure that I came here representing the
+Commonwealth of Massachusetts, to extend an official welcome to His
+Excellency Viscount Ishii, who comes here to present to the town of
+Fairhaven a Sumari sword on behalf of the son of that boy who was
+rescued long ago. This sword was once the emblem of place and caste and
+arbitrary rank. It has taken on a new significance because Captain
+Whitefield was true to the call of humanity, because a Japanese boy was
+true to his call of duty. This emblem will hereafter be a token not only
+of the friendship that exists between two nations but a token of
+liberty, of freedom, and of the recognition by the Government of both
+these nations of the rights of the people. Let it remain here as a
+mutual pledge by the giver and the receiver of their determination that
+the motive which inspired the representatives of each race to do right
+is to be a motive which is to govern the people of the earth.
+
+
+
+
+XIX
+
+SOMERVILLE REPUBLICAN CITY COMMITTEE
+
+AUGUST 7, 1918
+
+
+Coming into your presence in ordinary times, gentlemen of the committee,
+I should be inclined to direct your attention to the long and patriotic
+services of our party, to the great benefits its policies have conferred
+upon this Nation, to the illustrious names of our leaders, to our
+present activities, and to our future party policy. But these are not
+ordinary times. Our country is at war. There is no way to save our party
+if our country be lost. And in the present crisis there is only one way
+to save our country. We must support the State and National Governments
+in whatever they request for the conduct of the war. The Constitution
+makes the President Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy. What he
+needs should be freely given. This has been and will be the policy of
+the Republican administration of Massachusetts and of her Senators and
+Representatives in Congress. We seek no party advantage from the
+distress of our country. Among Republicans there will be no political
+profiteering.
+
+It is a year and four months now since we declared the German Government
+was making war on America. We are beginning to see what our requirements
+are. We had a small but efficient standing army, and a larger but less
+efficient National Guard. These have been increased by enlistments. We
+have a new national force,--never to be designated as Conscripts, but as
+the accepted soldiers of a whole Nation that has volunteered, of almost
+unlimited numbers. By taxation and by three Liberty Loans, each
+over-subscribed by more than fifty per cent, we have demonstrated that
+there will be no lack of money. The problem of the production and
+conservation of food is being met, though not yet without some
+inconvenience, yet so far with very little suffering. The remaining
+factor is the production of the necessary materials for carrying on the
+war. We lack ships and military supplies. Whether these are secured in
+time in sufficient quantity will depend in a large measure upon the
+attitude of the people managing and employed in these industries. The
+attitude of the leaders of organized labor has been patriotic. They
+realize that this is a war to preserve the rights that have been won for
+the people, and they have at all times advised their fellow workmen to
+remain at work. There must be forbearance on all sides. Where wages are
+too low they should be increased voluntarily. Where there is
+disagreement the Government has provided means for investigation and
+adjustment. Our industrial front must keep pace with our military front.
+
+We are demonstrating the ability of America. Within the last few days
+the report has come to us that our soldiers have defeated the Prussian
+Guard. The sneer of Germany at America is vanishing. It is true that the
+German high command still couple American and African soldiers together
+in intended derision. What they say in scorn, let us say in praise. We
+have fought before for the rights of all men irrespective of color. We
+are proud to fight now with colored men for the rights of white men. It
+would be fitting recognition of their worth to send our American negro,
+when that time comes, to inform the Prussian military despotism on what
+terms their defeated armies are to be granted peace.
+
+While the victories that have recently come to our arms are most
+encouraging, they should only stimulate us to redoubled efforts. The
+only hope of a short war is to prepare for a long one. In this work the
+States play a most important part. Massachusetts must be kept so
+organized and governed as to continue that able, effective, and prompt
+coöperation with the National Government that has marked the past
+progress of the war. In this we have a great part to do here. It was for
+such a task that the Republican Party came into being sixty-four years
+ago. One of the resolutions adopted at its birth peculiarly dedicates it
+to the requirements of the present hour.
+
+"Resolved, that in view of the necessity of battling for the first
+principles of republican government and against the schemes of an
+aristocracy, the most revolting and oppressive with which the earth was
+ever cursed, or man debased, we will coöperate and be known as
+'Republicans' until the contest be terminated."
+
+This great work lies before our party in Massachusetts. We shall go on
+battling for the first principles of Republican government until it has
+been secured to all the people of the earth.
+
+Our American forces on sea and land are proving sufficient to turn the
+tide in favor of the Allied cause. They could not succeed alone, we
+could not succeed alone. We are furnishing a reserve power that is
+bringing victory.
+
+But America must furnish more than armies and navies for the future. If
+armies and navies were to be supreme, Germany would be right. There are
+other and greater forces in the world than march to the roll of the
+drum. As we are turning the scale with our sword now, so hereafter we
+must turn the scale with the moral power of America. It must be our
+disinterested plans that are to restore Europe to a place through
+justice when we have secured victory through the sword. And into a new
+world we are to take not only the people of oppressed Europe but the
+people of America. Out of our sacrifice and suffering, out of our blood
+and tears, America shall have a new awakening, a rededication to the
+cause of Washington and Lincoln, a firmer conviction for the right.
+
+
+
+
+XX
+
+WRITTEN FOR THE SUNDAY ADVERTISER AND AMERICAN
+
+SEPTEMBER 1, 1918
+
+
+The man who seeks to stimulate and increase the production of materials
+necessary for the conduct of the war by raising the price he pays is a
+patriot. The man who refuses to sell at a fine price whatever he may
+have that is necessary for the conduct of the war is a profiteer. One
+man seeks to help his country at his own expense, the other seeks to
+help himself at his country's expense. One is willing to suffer himself
+that his country may prosper, the other is willing his country should
+suffer that he may prosper.
+
+In ordinary times these difficulties are taken care of by the operation
+of the law of supply and demand. If the price is too high the buyer has
+time to go elsewhere. In war the element of time is one of the chief
+considerations. When what is wanted is once found it must be made
+available at once. The principle of trusteeship also comes into more
+immediate operation. It is recognized in time of peace that the public
+may take what it may need of private property for the general welfare,
+paying a fair compensation, and that the right to own property carries
+with it the duty of using it for the welfare of our fellow man. The time
+has gone by when one may do what he will with his own. He must use his
+property for the general good or the very right to hold private property
+is lost.
+
+These are some of the rules to be observed in the relationship between
+man and man. To see that these rules are properly enforced, governments
+are formed. When they are not observed--when the strong refuse voluntary
+justice to the weak--then it is time for the strong arm of the law
+through the public officers to intervene and see that the weak are
+protected. This can usually be done by the enactment of a law which all
+will try to obey, but when this course has failed there is no remedy
+save by the process of law to take from the wrong-doer his power in the
+future to do harm.
+
+America is built on faith in the individual, faith in his will and power
+to do right of his own accord, but equally is the determination that the
+individual shall be protected against whatsoever force may be brought
+against him. We believe in him not because of what he has, but what he
+is. But this is a practical faith. It does not rest on any silly
+assumption that virtue is the reward of anything but effort or that
+liberty can be secured at the price of anything but eternal vigilance.
+
+It is in recognition of these principles and conditions that the General
+Court of last year gave the Governor power to make rules for the use by
+individuals of their property during the war for the general defence of
+the Commonwealth, and on failure on their part so to use their property,
+to take possession of it for such term as may be necessary. Up to the
+present time it has not been necessary to take property. Our faith in
+the patriotism of our citizens has been amply demonstrated. Of our four
+millions of people few have failed voluntarily to use their every
+resource for the defence of the Nation. But of late there have been some
+complaints of too high charges for rent in war-material centres. In some
+cases patriotic workmen engaged in labor most vital to our country's
+salvation have been threatened with eviction by profiteering landlords
+unless they paid exorbitant rents. No one is undertaking to say that
+rents must on no account be raised. But the Executive Department of
+Massachusetts is undertaking to say that in any case where rents are
+unreasonably raised to the detriment of people who are just as essential
+to our victory as the soldier in the field, if any one is to be evicted
+from such premises it will be the persons who are raising rents and not
+the persons who are asked to pay them. This action is taken to protect
+the Nation. It is taken in our desire and determination here to
+coöperate with the Federal Government in every activity that is
+necessary to the prosecution of the war. It is taken also for the
+protection of the individual. We do not care how humble he may be, we do
+not care how exalted the landlord may be, justice shall be done.
+
+This is not to be taken as an offer on the part of the Commonwealth to
+have unloaded on it a large amount of property at a high price.
+Possession may be taken, but the ownership will not change. Unless
+reasonable rents are charged, the tenant will stay in possession, but
+the rent which the Commonwealth shall pay for occupation will be
+determined by a jury. This means justice, nothing more, nothing
+less--justice to the tenant, justice to the landlord. It is not to be
+inferred that our real estate owners have lacked anything as a class in
+patriotism. They are our most loyal, most self-sacrificing, most
+commendable citizens. Massachusetts by its Homestead Commission is
+encouraging its citizens to own real estate because such ownership is a
+sheet anchor to self-government. But it is a proclamation of warning to
+profiteers, of approbation and approval to patriots, and of assurance
+and assistance to the working people and rent payers of our
+Commonwealth.
+
+
+
+
+XXI
+
+ESSEX COUNTY CLUB, LYNNFIELD
+
+SEPTEMBER 14, 1918
+
+
+We meet here to-day as the inheritors of those principles which
+preserved our Nation and extended its constitutional guaranties to all
+its citizens. We come not as partisans but as patriots. We come to
+pledge anew our faith in all that America means and to declare our firm
+determination to defend her within and without from every foe. Above
+that we come to pay our tribute of wonder and admiration at the great
+achievements of our Nation and at the glory which they are shedding
+around her. The past four years has shown the world the existence of a
+conspiracy against mankind of a vastness and a wickedness that could
+only be believed when seen in operation and confessed by its
+participants. This conspiracy was promoted by the German military
+despotism. It probably was encouraged by the results of three wars--one
+against Denmark which robbed her of territory, one against Austria which
+robbed her of territory, and one against France which robbed her of
+territory and a cash indemnity of a billion dollars. These seemingly
+easy successes encouraged their perpetrators to plan for the pillage and
+enslavement of the earth.
+
+To accomplish this, the German despotism began at home. By a systematic
+training the whole German people were perverted. A false idea of their
+own greatness was added to their contempt and hate of other nations,
+who, they were taught, were bent on their destruction. The military
+class were exalted and all else degraded. Thus was laid the foundation
+for the atrocities which have marked their conduct of the war.
+
+The vastness of the conquest planned has recently been revealed by
+August Thyssen, one of the greatest steel men of the empire. He tells
+of a calling together, in the years before the war, of the industrial
+and banking interests of the Nation, when a plan of war was laid before
+them, and their support secured by the promise of spoils. France, India,
+Canada, Australia were to be given over to German satraps. His share was
+30,000 acres in Australia, with $750,000 provided by the Government for
+its development. This was the promise made by the Kaiser. Here was the
+motive of the war.
+
+How it was provoked is told by Prince Lichnowski, the Ambassador of
+Germany to London. He shows how he had reached agreements for a treaty
+which would show the good will of Great Britain. Berlin refused to sign
+it unless it should be kept secret. He shows how Germany used Austria to
+attack Serbia; how mediations were refused; when Austria was about to
+withdraw, Germany sent an ultimatum to Russia one day and the next day
+declared war.
+
+This diplomat sums up the whole case when he says: "I had to support in
+London a policy the heresy of which I recognized. That brought down
+vengeance on me because it was a sin against the Holy Ghost." What an
+indictment of Germany from her own confession! A plan to use the
+revelations of science for the sack and slavery of the earth; the
+degradation, perversion, corruption of a whole people, and by those who
+should have been the wardens of their righteousness, done for the
+temporal glory of a military caste, and all in the name of divine right.
+
+Much of this was not known in America when we declared war. It is with
+great difficulty we realize it now. We had seen Germany going from
+infamy to infamy. We did know of the violated treaty of Belgium, of the
+piracy, the murder of women and children, the destruction of the
+property and lives of our neutral citizens, and finally the plain
+declaration of the German Imperial Government that it would wantonly
+and purposely destroy the property and lives of any American citizen who
+exercised his undoubted legal right to sail certain portions of the sea.
+This attempt to declare law for America by an edict from Potsdam we
+resisted by the sword. We see at last not only the hideous wickedness
+which perpetrated the war, we see that it is a world war, that Germany
+struck not only at Belgium, she struck at us, she struck at our whole
+system of civilization. A wicked purpose, which a vain attempt to
+realize has involved its authors in more and more wickedness. We hear
+that even among the civil population of Germany crime is rampant.
+
+Looking now at this condition of Germany and her Allies, it is time to
+inquire what America and her Allies have to offer as a remedy, and what
+effect the application of such remedy has had upon ourselves. We have
+drawn the sword, but is it only to
+
+     "Be blood for blood, for treason treachery?"
+
+Are we seeking merely to match infamy with infamy, merely to pillage
+and destroy those who threatened to pillage and destroy us? No; we have
+taken more than the sword, lest we perish by the sword; we have summoned
+the moral power of the Nation. We have recognized that evil is only to
+be overcome by good. We have marshalled the righteousness of America to
+overwhelm the wickedness of Germany. A new spirit has come over the
+nation the like of which was never seen before. We can see it not only
+in the new purity of camp life, in the heroism of our soldiers as they
+fight in the faith and for the faith of the fathers, but we see it in
+the healing influences which a righteous purpose has had upon the evils
+which beset us.
+
+We entered the war a people of many nationalities. We are united now;
+every one is first an American. We were beset with jealousies, and envy,
+and class prejudice. Service in the camp has taught each soldier to
+respect the other, whatever his source, and a mutual sympathy at home
+has brought all into a common citizenship. The service flag is a great
+leveller.
+
+Our industrial life has been purified of prejudice. No one is
+complaining now that any concern is too large, too strong. All see that
+the great organizations of capital in industry are our salvation. Labor
+has taken on a new dignity and nobility. When the idle see the necessity
+of work, when we begin to recognize industry as essential, the working
+man begins to have paid him the honor which is his due.
+
+Invention, chemistry, medicine, surgery, have been stimulated and
+improved. Even our agriculture has taken on more economical methods and
+increased production.
+
+The call for man power has given a new idea of the importance of the
+individual, so that there has been brought to the humblest the knowledge
+that he was not only important but his importance was realized.
+
+And with this has come the discovery of new powers, not only in the
+slouch whom military drill has transformed into a man, but to labor that
+has found a new joy, satisfaction and efficiency in its work. The entire
+activities of the Nation are tuned up.
+
+The spirit of charity has been aroused. Hundreds of millions have been
+provided by voluntary gifts for the Red Cross, Knights of Columbus,
+Hebrew Charities, and Christian Associations. The people are turning to
+their places of worship with a new religious fervor. Everywhere
+selfishness is giving way to service, idleness to industry, wastefulness
+to thrift.
+
+The war is being won. It is being overwhelmingly won. A righteous
+purpose has not only strengthened our arms abroad but exalted the Nation
+at home.
+
+The great work before us is to keep this new spirit in the right path.
+The opportunity for a military training, the beneficial results of its
+discipline, must be continued for the youth of our country. The
+sacrifice necessary for national defence must hereafter never be
+neglected. The virtues of war must be carried into peace. But this must
+not be done at the expense of the freedom of the individual. It must be
+the expression of self-government and not the despotism of a German
+military caste or a Russian Bolshevik state. We are in this war to
+preserve the institutions that have made us great. The war has revealed
+to us their true greatness. All argument about the efficiency of
+despotism and the incompetence of republics was answered at the Marne
+and will be hereafter answered at the Rhine. We are not going to
+overcome the Kaiser by becoming like him, nor aid Russia by becoming
+like her.
+
+We see now that Prussian despotism was the natural ally of the Russian
+Bolshevik and the I.W.W. here. Both exist to pervert and enslave the
+people; both seek to break down the national spirit of the world for
+their own wicked ends. Both are doomed to failure. By taking our place
+in the world, America is to become more American, as by doing his duty
+the individual develops his own manhood. We see now that when the
+individual fails, whether it be from a despotism or the dead level of a
+socialistic state, all has failed.
+
+A new vision has come to the Nation, a vision that must never be
+obscured. It is for us to heed it, to follow it. It is a revelation, but
+a revelation not of our weakness but of our strength, not of new
+principles, but of the power that lies in the application of old
+doctrines. May that vision never fade, may America inspired by a great
+purpose ever be able to say,
+
+     "Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord."
+
+
+
+
+XXII
+
+TREMONT TEMPLE
+
+NOVEMBER 2, 1918
+
+
+To the greatest task man ever undertook our Commonwealth has applied
+itself, will continue to apply itself with no laggard hand. One hundred
+and ninety thousand of her sons already in the field, hundreds of
+millions of her treasure contributed to the cause, her entire
+citizenship moved with a single purpose, all these show a determination
+unalterable, to prosecute the war to a victory so conclusive, to a
+destruction of all enemy forces so decisive, that those impious
+pretentions which have threatened the earth for many years will never be
+renewed. There can be no discussion about it, there can be no
+negotiation about it. The country is united in the conviction that the
+only terms are unconditional surrender.
+
+This determination has arisen from no sudden impulse or selfish motive.
+It was forced upon us by the plan and policy of Germany and her methods
+of waging war upon others. The main features of it all have long been
+revealed while each day brings to light more of the details. We have
+seen the studied effort to make perverts of sixty millions of German
+people. We know of the corrupting of the business interests of the
+Empire to secure their support. We know that war had been decreed before
+the pretext on which it was declared had happened. We know Austria was
+and is the creature of Germany. We have beheld the violation of innocent
+Belgium, the hideous outrages on soldier and civilian, the piracy, the
+murder of our own neutral citizens, and finally there came the notice,
+which as an insult to America has been exceeded only by the recent
+suggestion that we negotiate a peace with its authors,--the notice
+claiming dominion over our citizens and authority to exclude our ships
+from the sea. The great pretender to the throne of the earth thought
+the time had come to assert that we were his subjects. Two millions of
+our men already in France, and each day ten thousand more are hastening
+to pay their respects to him at his court in Berlin in person. He has
+our answer.
+
+It would be a mistake to suppose we have already won the war. It is not
+won yet, but we have reached the place where we know how to win it, and
+if we continue our exertions we shall win it fully, completely, grandly,
+as becomes a great people contending for the cause of righteousness.
+
+We entered the war late and without previous military preparation. The
+more clearly we discern the beginning and the progress of the struggle,
+the more we must admire the great spirit of those nations by whose side
+we fight. The more we know of the terrible price they paid, the
+matchless sacrifices they magnificently endured--the French, the
+Italians, the British, the Belgians, the Serbians, the Poles, and the
+misgoverned, misguided people of Russia--the bravery of their soldiers
+in the field, the unflinching devotion of their people at home, and
+remember that in no small sense they were doing this for us, that we
+have been the direct beneficiaries of peoples who have given their all,
+the less disposition we have to think too much of our own importance.
+But all this should not cause us to withhold the praise that is due our
+own Army and Navy, or to overlook the fact that our people have met
+every call that patriotism has made. The soldiers and sailors who fight
+under the Stars and Stripes are the most magnificent body of men that
+ever took up arms for defence of a great cause. Man for man they surpass
+any other troops on earth.
+
+We must not forget these things. We must not neglect to record them for
+the information of generations to come. The names and records of boards
+and commissions, relief societies, of all who have engaged in financing
+the cause of government and charity, and other patriotic work, should be
+preserved in the Library of the Commonwealth, and with these, our
+military achievements. These will show how American soldiers met and
+defeated the Prussian Guard. They will show also that in all the war no
+single accomplishment, on a like scale, excelled the battle of St.
+Mihiel, carried out by American troops, with our own Massachusetts boys
+among them, and that the first regiment to be decorated as a regiment
+for conspicuous service and gallantry in our Army in France was the
+104th, formerly of the old Massachusetts National Guard. Such is our
+record and it cannot be forgotten.
+
+In reaching the great decision to enter the war, in preparing the answer
+which speaks with so much authority, in the only language that despotism
+can understand, America has arisen to a new life. We have taken a new
+place among the nations. The Revolution made us a nation; the Spanish
+War made us a world power, the present war has given us recognition as a
+world power. We shall not again be considered provincial. Whether we
+desired it or not this position has come to us with its duties and its
+responsibilities.
+
+This new position should not be misunderstood. It does not mean any
+diminution of our national spirit. It rather means that it should be
+intensified. The most outstanding feature of the war has been the
+assertion of the national spirit. Each nationality is contending for the
+right to have its own government, and in that is meeting with the
+sanction of the free peoples of the earth. We are discussing a league of
+nations. Such a league, if formed, is not for the purpose, must not be
+for the purpose, of diminishing the spirit or influence of our Nation,
+but to make that spirit and influence more real and more effective.
+Believing in our Nation thoroughly and unreservedly, confident that the
+evidence of the past and present justifies that belief, it is our one
+desire to make America more American. There is no greater service that
+we can render the oppressed of the earth than to maintain inviolate the
+freedom of our own citizens.
+
+Under our National Government the States are the sheet-anchors of our
+institutions. On them falls the task of administering local affairs and
+of supporting the National Government in peace and war. The success with
+which Massachusetts has met her local problems, the efficiency with
+which she has placed her resources of men and materials at the disposal
+of the Nation, has been unsurpassed. The efficient organization of the
+Commonwealth, which has proved itself in time of stress, must be
+maintained undiminished. On the States will largely fall the task of
+putting into effect the lessons of the war that are to make America more
+truly American.
+
+One of our first duties is military training. The opportunity hereafter
+for the youth of the Nation to receive instruction in the science of
+national defence should be universal. The great problem which our
+present experience has brought is the development of man power. This
+includes many questions, but especially public health and mental
+equipment. Sanitation and education will require more attention in the
+future.
+
+America has been performing a great service for humanity. In that
+service we have arisen to a new glory. The people of the nation without
+distinction have been performing a great service for America. In it they
+have realized a new citizenship. Prussianism fails. Americanism
+succeeds. Education is to teach men not what to think but how to think.
+Government will take on new activities, but it is not more to control
+the people, the people are more to control the Government.
+
+We have come to the realization of a new brotherhood among nations and
+among men. It came through the performance of a common duty. A
+brotherhood that existed unseen has been recognized at last by those
+called to the camp and trenches and those working for their victory at
+home. This spirit must not be misunderstood. It is not a gospel of ease
+but of work, not of dependence but of independence, not of an easy
+tolerance of wrong but a stern insistence on right, not the privilege of
+receiving but the duty of giving.
+
+"Man proposes but God disposes." When Germany lit up her long toasted
+day with the lurid glare of war, she thought the end of freedom for the
+peoples of the earth had come. She thought that the power of her sword
+was hereafter to reign supreme over a world in slavery, and that the
+divine right of a king was to be established forever. We have seen the
+drama drawing to its close. It has shown the victory of justice and of
+freedom and established the divine rights of the people. Through it is
+shining a new revelation of the true brotherhood of man. As we see the
+purpose Germany sought and the result she will secure, the words of Holy
+Writ come back to us--"The wrath of man shall praise Him."
+
+
+
+
+XXIII
+
+FANEUIL HALL
+
+NOVEMBER 4, 1918
+
+
+We need a word of caution and of warning. I am responsible for what I
+have said and what I have done. I am not responsible for what my
+opponents say I have said or say I have done either on the stump or in
+untrue political advertisements and untrue posters. I shall not deal
+with these. I do not care to touch them, but I do not want any of my
+fellow citizens to misunderstand my ignoring them as expressing any
+attitude other than considering such attempts unworthy of notice when
+men are fighting for the preservation of our country.
+
+Our work is drawing to a close--our patriotic efforts. We have had in
+view but one object--the saving of America.
+
+We shall accomplish that object first by winning the war. That means a
+great deal. It means getting the world forever rid of the German idea.
+We can see no way to do this but by a complete surrender by Germany to
+the Allies.
+
+We stand by the State and National Governments in the prosecution of
+this object. I have reiterated that we support the Commander-in-Chief in
+war work. He says that is so.
+
+We want no delay in prosecuting the war. The quickest way is the way to
+save most lives and treasure. We want to care for the soldiers and their
+dependents. That has been the recognized duty of the Government for
+generations.
+
+To save America means to save American institutions, it means to save
+the manhood and womanhood of our country. To that we are pledged.
+
+There will be great questions of reconstruction, social, industrial,
+economic and governmental questions, that must be met and solved. They
+must be met with a recognition of a new spirit.
+
+It is a time to keep our faith in our State, our Nation, our
+institutions, and in each other. Doing that, the war will be won in the
+field and won in civil life at home.
+
+
+
+
+XXIV
+
+FROM INAUGURAL ADDRESS AS GOVERNOR
+
+JANUARY 2, 1919
+
+
+You are coming to a new legislative session under the inspiration of the
+greatest achievements in all history. You are beholding the fulfilment
+of the age-old promise, man coming into his own. You are to have the
+opportunity and responsibility of reflecting this new spirit in the laws
+of the most enlightened of Commonwealths. We must steadily advance. Each
+individual must have the rewards and opportunities worthy of the
+character of our citizenship, a broader recognition of his worth and a
+larger liberty, protected by order--and always under the law. In the
+promotion of human welfare Massachusetts happily may not need much
+reconstruction, but, like all living organizations, forever needs
+continuing construction. What are the lessons of the past? How shall
+they be applied to these days of readjustment? How shall we emerge from
+the autocratic methods of war to the democratic methods of peace,
+raising ourselves again to the source of all our strength and all our
+glory--sound self-government?
+
+It is your duty not only to reflect public opinion, but to lead it.
+Whether we are to enter a new era in Massachusetts depends upon you. The
+lessons of the war are plain. Can we carry them on into peace? Can we
+still act on the principle that there is no sacrifice too great to
+maintain the right? Shall we continue to advocate and practise thrift
+and industry? Shall we require unswerving loyalty to our country? These
+are the foundations of all greatness.
+
+Let there be a purpose in all your legislation to recognize the right of
+man to be well born, well nurtured, well educated, well employed, and
+well paid. This is no gospel of ease and selfishness, or class
+distinction, but a gospel of effort and service, of universal
+application.
+
+Such results cannot be secured at once, but they should be ever before
+us. The world has assumed burdens that will bear heavily on all peoples.
+We shall not escape our share. But whatever may be our trials, however
+difficult our tasks, they are only the problems of peace, and a
+victorious peace. The war is over. Whatever the call of duty now we
+should remember with gratitude that it is nothing compared with the
+heavy sacrifice so lately made. The genius and fortitude which conquered
+then cannot now fail.
+
+
+
+
+XXV
+
+STATEMENT ON THE DEATH OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT
+
+
+The people of our Commonwealth have learned with profound sorrow of the
+death of Theodore Roosevelt. No other citizen of the Nation would have
+brought in so large a degree the feeling of a common loss. During the
+almost eight years he was President, the people came to see in him a
+reflection of their ideals of the true Americanism.
+
+He was the advocate of every good cause. He awakened the moral purpose
+of the Nation and raised the standard of public service. He appealed to
+the imagination of youth and satisfied the judgment of maturity. In him
+Massachusetts saw an exponent of her own ideals.
+
+In token of the love and reverence which all the people bore him, I urge
+that the national and state flags be flown at half-mast throughout the
+Commonwealth until after his funeral, and that, when next the people
+gather for public worship, his loss be marked with proper ceremony.
+
+
+
+
+XXVI
+
+LINCOLN DAY PROCLAMATION
+
+JANUARY 30, 1919
+
+
+_The Commonwealth of Massachusetts By His Excellency Calvin Coolidge,
+Governor_
+
+A PROCLAMATION
+
+
+Fivescore and ten years ago that Divine Providence which infinite
+repetition has made only the more a miracle sent into the world a new
+life, destined to save a nation. No star, no sign, foretold his coming.
+About his cradle all was poor and mean save only the source of all great
+men, the love of a wonderful woman. When she faded way in his tender
+years, from her deathbed in humble poverty she dowered her son with
+greatness. There can be no proper observance of a birthday which forgets
+the mother. Into his origin as into his life men long have looked and
+wondered. In wisdom great, but in humility greater, in justice strong,
+but in compassion stronger, he became a leader of men by being a
+follower of the truth. He overcame evil with good. His presence filled
+the Nation. He broke the might of oppression. He restored a race to its
+birthright. His mortal frame has vanished, but his spirit increases with
+the increasing years, the richest legacy of the greatest century.
+
+Men show by what they worship what they are. It is no accident that
+before the great example of American manhood our people stand with
+respect and reverence. And in accordance with this sentiment our laws
+have provided for a formal recognition of the birthday of Abraham
+Lincoln, for in him is revealed our ideal, the hope of our country
+fulfilled.
+
+Now, therefore, by the authority of Massachusetts, the 12th day of
+February is set apart as
+
+LINCOLN DAY
+
+and its observance recommended as befits the beneficiaries of his life
+and the admirers of his character, in places of education and worship
+wherever our people meet one with another.
+
+     Given at the Executive Chamber, in Boston, this 30th day of
+     January, in the year of Our Lord one thousand nine hundred and
+     nineteen, and of the independence of the United States of America
+     the one hundred and forty-third.
+
+  CALVIN COOLIDGE
+
+  By his Excellency the Governor,
+
+  ALBERT P. LANGTRY,
+
+  _Secretary of the Commonwealth_.
+
+  God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
+
+
+
+
+XXVII
+
+INTRODUCING HENRY CABOT LODGE AND A. LAWRENCE LOWELL AT THE DEBATE ON
+THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS SYMPHONY HALL
+
+MARCH 19, 1919
+
+
+We meet here as representatives of a great people to listen to the
+discussion of a great question by great men. All America has but one
+desire, the security of the peace by facts and by parchment which her
+brave sons have wrought by the sword. It is a duty we owe alike to the
+living and the dead.
+
+Fortunate is Massachusetts that she has among her sons two men so
+eminently trained for the task of our enlightenment, a senior Senator of
+the Commonwealth and the President of a university established in her
+Constitution. Wherever statesmen gather, wherever men love letters, this
+day's discussion will be read and pondered. Of these great men in
+learning, and experience, wise in the science and practice of
+government, the first to address you is a Senator distinguished at home
+and famous everywhere--Henry Cabot Lodge.
+
+[After Senator Lodge spoke he introduced President Lowell:]
+
+The next to address you is the President of Harvard University--an
+educator renowned throughout the world, a learned student of
+statesmanship, endowed with a wisdom which has made him a leader of men,
+truly a Master of Arts, eminently a Doctor of Laws, a fitting
+representative of the Massachusetts domain of letters--Abbott Lawrence
+Lowell.
+
+
+
+
+XXVIII
+
+VETO OF SALARY INCREASE
+
+
+TO THE HONORABLE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
+
+
+In accordance with the duty imposed by the Constitution, a bill
+entitled, "An act to establish the compensation of the members of the
+General Court," being House No. 1629, is herewith returned without
+approval.
+
+This bill raises the salaries of members from $1000 to $1500, an
+increase of fifty per cent, and is retroactive. It is necessary to
+decide whether the Commonwealth can well afford this additional tax and
+whether any public benefit would accrue from it.
+
+These are times that require careful scrutiny of public expenditure. The
+burden of taxes resulting from war is heavy. The addition of $142,000 to
+the expense of the Commonwealth in perpetuity is not to be undertaken
+but upon proven necessity.
+
+Service in the General Court is not obligatory but optional. It is not
+to be undertaken as a profession or a means of livelihood. It is a
+voluntary public service. In accord with the principles of our
+democratic institutions a compensation has been given in order that
+talent for service rather than the possession of property might be the
+standard of membership. There is no man of sufficient talent in the
+Commonwealth so poor that he cannot serve for a session, which averages
+about five months, and five days each week, at a salary of $1000--and
+travel allowance of $2.50 for each mile between his home and the State
+House. This is too clear for argument. There is no need to consider
+those who are too rich to serve for this sum. It would be futile to
+discuss whether their services are worth more or less than this, as that
+is not here the question. Membership in the General Court is not a job.
+There are services rendered to the Commonwealth by senators and
+representatives that are priceless. For the searching out of great
+principles on which legislation is based there is no adequate
+compensation. If value for services were the criterion, there would be
+280 different salaries. When membership is sought as a means of
+livelihood, legislation will pass from a public function to a private
+enterprise. Men do not serve here for pay. They seek work and places of
+responsibility and find in that seeking, not in their pay, their honor.
+
+The realities of life are not measured by dollars and cents. The skill
+of the physician, the divine eloquence of the clergyman, the courage of
+the soldier, that which we call character in all men, are not matters of
+hire and salary. No person was ever honored for what he received. Honor
+has been the reward for what he gave. Public acclaim and the ceremonious
+recognition paid to returning heroes are not on account of their
+government pay but of the service and sacrifice they gave their country.
+The place each member of the General Court will hold in the estimation
+of his constituents will never depend on his salary, but on the ability
+and integrity with which he does his duty; not on what he receives, but
+on what he gives; and only out of the bountifulness of his own giving
+will his constituents raise him to power. Not by indulging himself, but
+by denying himself, will he reach success.
+
+It is because the General Court has recognized these principles in its
+past history that it has secured its high place as a legislative body.
+This act disregards all this and will ever appear to be an undertaking
+by members to raise their own salaries. The fact that many were thinking
+of the needs of others will remain unknown. Appearances cannot be
+disregarded. Those in whom is placed the solemn duty of caring for
+others ought to think of themselves last or their decisions will lack
+authority. There is apparent a disposition to deny the
+disinterestedness and impartiality of government. Such charges are the
+result of ignorance and an evil desire to destroy our institutions for
+personal profit. It is of infinite importance to demonstrate that
+legislation is used not for the benefit of the legislator, but of the
+public.
+
+The General Court of Massachusetts is a legislative body noted for its
+fairness and ability. It has no superior. Its critics have for the most
+part come from the outside and have most frequently been those who have
+approached it with the purpose of securing selfish desires of their
+clients or themselves. A long familiarity with it increases respect for
+it. It is charged with expressing the abiding convictions and conscience
+of the people of the Commonwealth. The most solemn obligation placed by
+the Constitution on the Executive is the power to veto its actions. In
+all matters affecting it the General Court is entitled to his best
+judgment and carefully considered opinion. Anything less would be a
+mark of disrespect and disloyalty to its members. That judgment and
+opinion, arrived at after a wide counsel with members and others, is
+here expressed, in the light of an obligation which is not personal,
+"faithfully and impartially to discharge and perform" the duties of a
+public office.
+
+
+
+
+XXIX
+
+FLAG DAY PROCLAMATION
+
+MAY 26, 1919
+
+
+Works which endure come from the soul of the people. The mighty in their
+pride walk alone to destruction. The humble walk hand in hand with
+Providence to immortality. Their works survive. When the people of the
+Colonies were defending their liberties against the might of kings, they
+chose their banner from the design set in the firmament through all
+eternity. The flags of the great empires of that day are gone, but the
+Stars and Stripes remain. It pictures the vision of a people whose eyes
+were turned to the rising dawn. It represents the hope of a father for
+his posterity. It was never flaunted for the glory of royalty, but to be
+born under it is to be a child of a king, and to establish a home under
+it is to be the founder of a royal house. Alone of all flags it
+expresses the sovereignty of the people which endures when all else
+passes away. Speaking with their voice it has the sanctity of
+revelation. He who lives under it and is loyal to it is loyal to truth
+and justice everywhere. He who lives under it and is disloyal to it is a
+traitor to the human race everywhere. What could be saved if the flag of
+the American Nation were to perish?
+
+In recognition of these truths and out of a desire born of a purpose to
+defend and perpetuate them, the Commonwealth of Massachusetts has by
+ordinance decreed that for one day of each year their importance should
+be dwelt upon and remembered. Therefore, in accordance with that
+authority, the anniversary of the adoption of the national flag, the
+14th day of June next, is set apart as
+
+FLAG DAY
+
+and it is earnestly recommended that it be observed by the people of
+the Commonwealth by the display of the flag of our country and in all
+ways that may testify to their loyalty and perpetuate its glory.
+
+
+
+
+XXX
+
+AMHERST COLLEGE COMMENCEMENT
+
+JUNE 18, 1919
+
+
+To the son of any college, although he does not make his connection with
+his college a profession, a return of Commencement Day recalls many
+memories. It is likely also, after nearly a quarter of a century, to
+cause some reflections. It is, I suppose, to give tongue to such
+memories and reflections that after-dinner speaking is provided. After
+all due allowance for change of perspective, going to college was a
+greater event twenty-five years ago than it is to-day. My own memories
+are not yet ancient enough to warrant their recalling. The greater
+events of that day are too recent to need to be related.
+
+But I should fail in my duty and neglect my deep conviction if I did not
+declare that in my day there was no better place to educate a young
+man. Most of them came with a realization that their coming meant a
+sacrifice at home. They may have lacked a proficiency in the arts of the
+drawing room which sometimes brought a smile; but no competitor met the
+Amherst men of that day on the athletic field or in the postgraduate
+school with a smile that did not soon come off. They had their pranks
+and sprees, but they had the ideals of a true manhood. They were moved
+with a serious purpose. He who had less lacked place among them. They
+are come and gone from the campus, those men of the early nineties, and
+with them went the power to command.
+
+Those were days that represented especially the spirit of President
+Seelye. Under his brilliant and polished successor the Faculty changes
+were few. There was Professor Wood, the most accomplished intellectual
+hazer of freshmen. There was Professor Gibbons, who was strong enough in
+Greek derivation so that every second-year man soon had a clear
+conception of the meaning of sophomore. After demonstrating clearly that
+on the negative side the derivation of "contiguity" was not "con" and
+"tiguity," he advised those who could not with equal clearness
+demonstrate its derivation on the positive side to look it up. There
+were Morse and Frink, Richardson, Hitchcock, Estey, Crowell, Tyler, and
+Garman. All these and more are gone. The living, no less eminent, I need
+not recall. As a teaching force, as an inspirer of youth, for training
+men how to think, that faculty has had and will have nowhere any
+superior.
+
+     "So passed that pageant."
+
+The college of to-day has taken on a new life, a new activity. Military
+training then was a spectacle for the Massachusetts Agricultural
+College. To-day Amherst welcomes its returning soldiers, and but a
+little time since divested itself of the character of a military camp to
+resume the wonted garb of peace. Yet it is and has been the same
+institution,--a college of the liberal arts. In this so-called practical
+age Amherst has chosen for her province the most practical of all,--the
+culture and the classics of all time.
+
+Civilization depends not only upon the knowledge of the people, but upon
+the use they make of it. If knowledge be wrongfully used, civilization
+commits suicide. Broadly speaking, the college is not to educate the
+individual, but to educate society. The individual may be ignorant and
+vicious. If society have learning and virtue, that will sustain him. If
+society lacks learning and virtue, it perishes. Education must give not
+only power but direction. It must minister to the whole man or it fails.
+
+Such an education considered from the position of society does not come
+from science. That provides power alone, but not direction. Give a
+savage tribe firearms and a distillery, and their members will
+exterminate each other. They have science all right, but misuse it.
+They lack ideals. These young men that we welcome back with so much
+pride did not go forth to demonstrate their faith in science. They did
+not offer their lives because of their belief in any rule of mathematics
+or any principle of physics or chemistry. The laws of the natural world
+would be unaffected by their defeat or victory. No; they were defending
+their ideals, and those ideals came from the classics.
+
+This is preëminently true of the culture of Greece and Rome. Patriotism
+with them was predominant. Their heroes were those who sacrificed
+themselves for their country, from the three hundred at Thermopylæ to
+Horatius at the bridge. Their poets sang of the glory of dying for one's
+native land. The orations of Demosthenes and Cicero are pitched in the
+same high strain. The philosophy of Plato and Aristotle and the Greek
+and Latin classics were the foundation of the Renaissance. The revival
+of learning was the revival of Athens and Sparta and of the Imperial
+City. Modern science is their product. To be included with the classics
+are modern history and literature, the philosophers, the orators, the
+statesmen, and poets,--Milton and Shakespeare, Lowell and Whittier,--the
+Farewell Address, the Reply to Hayne, the Speech at Gettysburg,--it is
+all these and more that I mean by the classics. They give not only power
+to the intellect, but direct its course of action.
+
+The classic of all classics is the Bible.
+
+I do not underestimate schools of science and technical arts. They have
+a high and noble calling in ministering to mankind. They are important
+and necessary. I am pointing out that in my opinion they do not provide
+a civilization that can stand without the support of the ideals that
+come from the classics.
+
+The conclusion to be derived from this position is that a vocational or
+technical education is not enough. We must have every American citizen
+well grounded in the classical ideals. Such an education will not unfit
+him for the work of the world. Did those men in the trenches fight any
+less valiantly, did they shrink any more from the hardships of war, when
+a liberal culture had given a broader vision of what the great conflict
+meant? The discontent in modern industry is the result of a too narrow
+outlook. A more liberal culture will reveal the importance and nobility
+of the work of the world, whether in war or peace. It is far from enough
+to teach our citizens a vocation. Our industrial system will break down
+unless it is humanized. There is greater need for a liberal culture that
+will develop the whole man in the whole body of our citizenship. The day
+when a college education will be the portion of all may not be so far
+distant as it seems.
+
+We live in a republic. Our Government is exercised through
+representatives. Their course of action is a very accurate reflection
+of public opinion. Where shall that be formed and directed unless from
+the influences, direct and indirect, that come from our institutions of
+learning. The laws of a republic represent its ideals. They are founded
+upon public opinion, and public opinion in America up to the present
+time has drawn its inspiration from the classics. They tell us that
+Waterloo was won on the football fields of Rugby and Eton. The German
+war was won by the influence of classical ideals. As a teacher of the
+classics, as a maker of public opinion, as a source of wise laws, as the
+herald of a righteous victory,--Amherst College stands on a foundation
+which has remained unchanged through the ages. May there be in all her
+sons a conviction that with her abides Him who changes not.
+
+
+
+
+XXXI
+
+HARVARD UNIVERSITY COMMENCEMENT
+
+JUNE 19, 1919
+
+
+No college man who has ever glanced at the Constitution of Massachusetts
+is likely to miss or forget the generous references there made to
+Harvard University. It may need a closer study of that instrument, which
+is older than the American Constitution, to realize the full
+significance of those most enduring of guaranties that could then be
+imposed in behalf of Massachusetts institutions.
+
+The convention which framed our Constitution has as its president James
+Bowdoin, a son of Harvard. He was a man of great strength of character
+and cast an influence for good upon the deliberations of his day worthy
+of a place in history more conspicuous than is generally accorded to
+him. He had as his colleague on the floor no less a person than John
+Adams. It is not necessary in this presence to designate his alma mater.
+There were others of importance, but these represented the type of
+thought that prevailed.
+
+In that noble Declaration of Rights the principles of freedom and
+equality were first declared. Following this is set forth the right of
+religious liberty and the duty of citizens to support places of
+religious worship and instruction; and in the Frame of Government, after
+establishing the University, there is given to legislators and
+magistrates a mandate forever to cherish and support the cause of
+education and institutions of learning. These were the declaration of
+broad and liberal policies. They are capable of being combined, for in
+fact they declare that teaching, whether it be by clergy or laity, is of
+an importance that requires it to be surrounded with the same safeguards
+and guaranties as freedom and equality. In fact the Constitution
+declares that "wisdom and knowledge, as well as virtue, diffused
+generally among the body of the people, are necessary for the
+preservation of their rights and liberties." John Adams and James
+Bowdoin knew that freedom was the fruit of knowledge. Their conclusions
+were drawn from the directions of Holy Writ--"Come, know the truth, and
+it shall make you free."
+
+These principles there laid down with so much solemnity have now the
+same binding force as in those revolutionary days when they were
+recognized and proclaimed. I am not unaware that they are old. Whatever
+is, is old. It is but our own poor apprehension of it that is new. It
+would be well if they were re-apprehended. It is not well if the great
+diversity of modern learning has made the truth so little of a novelty
+that it lacks all reverence.
+
+The days of the Revolution were days of reverence and of applied
+reverence. Teaching was to a considerable extent in the hands of the
+clergy. Institutions of learning were presided over by clergymen. The
+teacher spoke with the voice of authority. He was treated with
+deference. He held a place in the community that was not only secure but
+high. The rewards of his services were comparatively large. He was a
+leader of the people. From him came the inspiration of liberty. It was
+in the meeting-houses that the Revolution was framed.
+
+This dual character little exists now, but the principle is the same.
+Teaching is the same high calling, but how lacking now in comparative
+appreciation. The compensation of many teachers and clergymen is far
+less than the pay of unskilled labor. The salaries of college professors
+are much less than like training and ability would command in the
+commercial world. We pay a good price to bank men to guard our money. We
+compensate liberally the manufacturer and the merchant; but we fail to
+appreciate those who guard the minds of our youth or those who preside
+over our congregations. We have lost our reverence for the profession of
+teaching and bestowed it upon the profession of acquiring.
+
+This will have such a reaction as might be expected. Some of the clergy,
+seeing their own rewards are disproportionate, will draw the conclusion
+that all rewards are disproportionate, that the whole distribution of
+wealth is unsound; and turn to a belief in and an advocacy of some kind
+of a socialistic state. Some of our teachers, out of a like discontent,
+will listen too willingly to revolutionary doctrines which have not
+originated in meeting-houses but are the importations of those who lack
+nothing but the power to destroy all that our civilization holds dear.
+Unless these conditions are changed, these professions will not attract
+to their services young men of the same comparative quality of ability
+and character that in the past they commanded.
+
+In our pursuit of prosperity we have forgotten and neglected its
+foundations. It is true that many of our institutions of learning are
+well endowed and have spacious buildings, but the plant is not enough.
+Many modern schoolhouses put to shame any public buildings that were
+erected in the Colonies. I am directing attention to the comparative
+position of the great mass of teachers and clergymen. They are not
+properly appreciated or properly paid. They have provided the
+foundations of our liberties. The importance of their position cannot be
+overestimated. They have been faithful though neglected; but a state
+which neglects or refuses to support any class will soon find that such
+class neglects and refuses to support it. The remedy lies in part with
+private charity, in part with government action; but it lies wholly with
+public opinion. Private charity must worthily support its clergymen and
+the faculty and instructors of our higher institutions of learning; and
+the Government must adequately reward the teachers in its schools. In
+the great bound forward which has been taken in a material way, these
+two noble professions, the pillars of liberty and equality, have been
+neglected and left behind. They must be reestablished. They must be
+restored to the place of reverence they formerly held.
+
+The profession of teaching has come down to us with a sanction of
+antiquity greater than all else. So far back as we can peer into human
+history there has stood a priesthood that has led its people
+intellectually and morally. Teaching is leading. The fundamental needs
+of humanity do not change. They are constant. These influences so potent
+in the development of Massachusetts cannot be exchanged for a leadership
+that is bred of the market-place, to her advantage. We must turn our
+eyes from what is to what ought to be. The men of the day of John Adams
+and James Bowdoin had a vision that looked into the heart of things.
+They led a revolution that swept on to a successful conclusion. They
+established a nation that has endured until its flag is the ancient
+among the banners of the earth. Their counsel will not be mocked. The
+men of that day almost alone in history brought a Revolution to its
+objective. Not only that, they reached it in such a condition that it
+there remained. The counterattack of disorder failed entirely to
+dislodge it. Their success lay entirely in the convictions they had. No
+nation can reject these convictions and remain a republic. Anarchy or
+despotism will overwhelm it.
+
+Massachusetts established Harvard College to be a defender of righteous
+convictions, of reverence for truth and for the heralds of truth. The
+purpose set forth in the Constitution is clear and plain. It recognizes
+with the clear conviction of men not thinking of themselves that the
+cause of America is the cause of education, but of education with a
+soul, a trained intellect but guided ever by an enlightened conscience.
+We of our day need to recognize with the same vision that when these
+fail, America has failed.
+
+
+
+
+XXXII
+
+PLYMOUTH, LABOR DAY
+
+SEPTEMBER 1, 1919
+
+
+The laws of our country have designated the first Monday of each
+September as Labor Day. It is truly an American day, for it was here
+that for the first time in history a government was founded on a
+recognition of the sovereignty of the citizen which has irresistibly led
+to a realization of the dignity of his occupation. It is with added
+propriety that this day is observed this year. For the first time in
+five years it comes at a time when the issue of world events makes it no
+longer doubtful whether the American conception of work as the crowning
+glory of men free and equal is to prevail over the age-old European
+conception that work is the badge of the menial and the inferior. The
+American ideal has prevailed on European battle-fields through the
+loyalty, devotion, and sacrifice of American labor.
+
+The duty of citizenship in this hour is to strive to maintain and
+extend that ideal at home.
+
+The past five years have been a time of rapid change and great progress
+for the American people. Not only have the hours and conditions of labor
+been greatly improved, but wages have increased about one hundred per
+cent. There has been a great economic change for the better among all
+wage-earners.
+
+We have known that political power was with the people, because they
+have the votes. We have generally supposed that economic power was not
+with the people, because they did not own the property. This
+supposition, probably never true, is growing more and more to be
+contrary to the facts. The great outstanding fact in the economic life
+of America is that the wealth of the Nation is owned by the people of
+the Nation. The stockholders of the great corporations run into the
+hundreds of thousands, the small tradesmen, the thrifty householders,
+the tillers of the soil, the depositors in savings banks, and the now
+owners of government bonds, make a number that includes nearly our
+entire people. This would be illustrated by a few Massachusetts examples
+from figures which were reported in 1918:
+
+_Number of Stockholders_
+
+Railroads                        40,485
+Street railways                  17,527
+Telephone                        49,688
+Western Union Telegraph           9,360
+                                -------
+                                117,060
+
+_Number of Employees_
+
+Railroads                        20,604
+Street railways                  25,000
+Telephone                        11,471
+Western Union Telegraph           2,065
+                                 ------
+                                 59,140
+
+Savings bank depositors       2,491,646
+
+Railroad, street railway, and
+telephone bonds held by
+savings banks and savings
+departments of trust companies
+                           $267,795,636
+
+Savings bank deposits    $1,022,342,583
+
+Money is pouring into savings banks at the rate of $275,000 each
+working day.
+
+Comment on these figures is unnecessary. There is, of course, some
+reduplication, but in these four public service enterprises there are in
+Massachusetts almost twice as many direct owners as there are employees.
+Two persons out of three have money in the savings bank--men, women, and
+children. There is this additional fact: more than one quarter of the
+stupendous sum of over a billion dollars of the savings of nearly two
+and a half million savings depositors is invested in railroad, street
+railway, and telephone securities.
+
+With these examples in mind it would appear that our problem of economic
+justice in Massachusetts, where we live and for which alone we can
+legislate, is not quite so simple as assuming that we can take from one
+class and give to another class. We are reaching and maintaining the
+position in this Commonwealth where the property class and the employed
+class are not separate, but identical. There is a relationship of
+interdependence which makes their interests the same in the long run.
+Most of us earn our livelihood through some form of employment. More and
+more of our people are in possession of some part of the wages of
+yesterday, and so are investors. This is the ideal economic condition.
+
+The great aim of our Government is to protect the weak--to aid them to
+become strong. Massachusetts is an industrial State. If her people
+prosper, it must be by that means in some of its broad avenues. How can
+our people be made strong? Only as they draw their strength from our
+industries. How can they do that? Only by building up our industries and
+making them strong. This is fundamental. It is the place to begin. These
+are the instruments of all our achievement. When they fail, all fails.
+When they prosper, all prosper. Workmen's compensation, hours and
+conditions of labor are cold, consolations, if there be no employment.
+And employment can be had only if some one finds it profitable. The
+greater the profit, the greater the wages.
+
+This is one of the economic lessons of the war. It should be remembered
+now when taxes are to be laid, and in the period of readjustment. Taxes
+must be measured by the ability to meet them out of surplus income.
+Industry must expand or fail. It must show a surplus after all payments
+of wages, taxes, and returns to investors. Conscription can call once,
+then all is over. Just requirements can be met again and again with
+ever-increasing ability.
+
+Justice and the general welfare go hand in hand. Government had to take
+over our transportation interests in order to do such justice to them
+that they could pay their employees and carry our merchandise. They have
+been so restricted lest they do harm that they became unable to do good.
+Their surplus was gone, and we New Englanders had to go without coal.
+Seeing now more clearly than before the true interests of wage-earner,
+investor, and the public, which is the consumer, we shall hereafter be
+willing to pay the price and secure the benefits of justice to all these
+coördinate interests.
+
+We have met the economic problem of the returning service men. They have
+been assimilated into our industrial life with little delay and with no
+disturbance of existing conditions. The day of adversity has passed. The
+American people met and overcame it. The day of prosperity has come. The
+great question now is whether the American people can endure their
+prosperity. I believe they can. The power to preserve America is in the
+same hands to-day that it was when the German army was almost at the
+gates of Paris. That power is with the people themselves; not one class,
+but all classes; not one occupation, but all occupations; not one
+citizen, but all citizens.
+
+During the past five years we have heard many false prophets. Some were
+honest, but unwise; some plain slackers; a very few were simply public
+enemies. Had their counsels prevailed, America would have been
+destroyed. In general they appealed to the lower impulses of the people,
+for in their ignorance they believed the most powerful motive of this
+Nation was a sodden selfishness. They said the war would never affect
+us; we should confine ourselves to making money. They argued for peace
+at any price. They opposed selective service. They sought to prevent
+sending soldiers to Europe. They advocated peace by negotiation. They
+were answered from beginning to end by the loyalty of the American
+workingmen and the wisdom of their leaders. That loyalty and that wisdom
+will not desert us now. The voices that would have lured us to
+destruction were unheeded. All counsels of selfishness were unheeded,
+and America responded with a spirit which united our people as never
+before to the call of duty.
+
+Having accomplished this great task, having emerged from the war the
+strongest, the least burdened nation on earth, are we now to fail before
+our lesser task? Are we to turn aside from the path that has led us to
+success? Who now will set selfishness above duty? The counsel that
+Samuel Gompers gave is still sound, when he said in effect, "America may
+not be perfect. It has the imperfections of all things human. But it is
+the best country on earth, and the man who will not work for it, who
+will not fight for it, and if need be die for it, is unworthy to live in
+it."
+
+Happily, the day when the call to fight or die is now past. But the day
+when it is the duty of all Americans to work will remain forever. Our
+great need now is for more of everything for everybody. It is not money
+that the nation or the world needs to-day, but the products of labor.
+These products are to be secured only by the united efforts of an entire
+people. The trained business man and the humblest workman must each
+contribute. All of us must work, and in that work there should be no
+interruption. There must be more food, more clothing, more shelter. The
+directors of industry must direct it more efficiently, the workers in
+industry must work in it more efficiently. Such a course saved us in
+war; only such a course can preserve us in peace. The power to preserve
+America, with all that it now means to the world, all the great hope
+that it holds for humanity, lies in the hands of the people. Talents and
+opportunity exist. Application only is uncertain. May Labor Day of 1919
+declare with an increased emphasis the resolution of all Americans to
+work for America.
+
+
+
+
+XXXIII
+
+WESTFIELD
+
+SEPTEMBER 3, 1919
+
+
+We come here on this occasion to honor the past, and in that honor
+render more secure the present. It was by such men as settled Westfield,
+and two hundred and fifty years ago established by law a chartered and
+ordered government, that the foundations of Massachusetts were laid. And
+it was on the foundations of Massachusetts that there began that
+training of the people for the great days that were to come, when they
+were prepared to endorse and support the principles set out in the
+Declaration of Independence, the Constitution of the United States of
+America, and the Emancipation Proclamation of Abraham Lincoln. Here were
+planted the same seeds of righteousness victorious which later
+flourished with such abundance at Saratoga, at Gettysburg, and at the
+second battle of the Marne. Stupendous results, the product of a people
+working with an everlasting purpose.
+
+While celebrating the history of Westfield, this day has been set apart
+to the memory of one of her most illustrious sons, General William
+Shepard. To others are assigned the history of your town and the
+biography of your soldier. Into those particulars I shall not enter. But
+the principles of government and of citizenship which they so well
+represent, and nobly illustrate, will never be untimely or unworthy of
+reiteration.
+
+The political history of Westfield has seen the success of a great
+forward movement, to which it contributed its part, in establishing the
+principle, that the individual in his rights is supreme, and that
+"governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed."
+It is the establishment of liberty, under an ordered form of government,
+in this ancient town, by the people themselves, that to-day draws us
+here in admiration of her achievements. When we turn to the life of her
+patriot son we see that he no less grandly illustrated the principle,
+that to such government, so established, the people owe an allegiance
+which has the binding power of the most solemn obligation.
+
+There is such a disposition in these days to deny that our Government
+was formed by, or is now in control of, the people, that a glance at the
+history of the days of General Shepard is peculiarly pertinent and
+instructive.
+
+The Constitution of Massachusetts, with its noble Declaration of Rights,
+was adopted in 1780. Under it we still live with scarce any changes that
+affect the rights of the people. The end of the Revolutionary War was
+1783. Shays's Rebellion was in 1787. The American Constitution was
+ratified and adopted in 1788. These dates tell us what the form of
+government was in this period.
+
+If there are any who doubt that our institutions, formed in those days,
+did not establish a peoples' government, let them study the action of
+the Massachusetts Convention which ratified the Federal Constitution in
+1788. Presiding over it was the popular patriot Governor John Hancock.
+On the floor sat Samuel Adams, who had been the father of the
+Revolution, preëminent champion of the liberty of the people. Such an
+influence had he, that his assertion of satisfaction, was enough to
+carry the delegates. Like a majority of the members he came opposed to
+ratification. Having totally thrown off the authority of foreign power,
+they came suspicious of all outside authority. Besides there were
+eighteen members who had taken part in Shays's Rebellion, so hostile
+were they to the execution of all law. Mr. Adams was finally convinced
+by a gathering of the workingmen among his constituents, who exercised
+their constitutional right of instructing their representatives. Their
+opinion was presented to him by Paul Revere. "How many mechanics were at
+the Green Dragon when these resolutions were passed?" asked Mr. Adams.
+"More, sir, than the Green Dragon could hold." "And where were the
+rest?" "In the streets, sir." "And how many were in the streets?" "More
+than there are stars in the sky." This is supposed to have convinced the
+great Massachusetts tribune that it was his duty to support
+ratification.
+
+There were those, however, who distrusted the Constitution and
+distrusted its proponents. They viewed lawyers and men of means with
+great jealousy. Amos Singletary expressed their sentiments in the form
+of an argument that has not ceased to be repeated in the discussion of
+all public affairs. "These lawyers," said he, "and men of learning and
+moneyed men that talk so finely and gloss over matters so smoothly, to
+make us poor illiterates swallow the pill, expect to get into Congress
+themselves. They mean to be managers of the Constitution. They mean to
+get all the money into their hands and then they will swallow up us
+little folk, like the great Leviathan, Mr. President: yes, just like the
+whale swallowed up Jonah." In the convention sat Jonathan Smith, a
+farmer from Lanesboro. He had seen Shays's Rebellion in Berkshire. There
+had been no better example of a man of the people desiring the common
+good.
+
+"I am a plain man," said Mr. Smith, "and am not used to speak in public,
+but I am going to show the effects of anarchy, that you may see why I
+wish for good government. Last winter people took up arms, and then, if
+you went to speak to them, you had the musket of death presented to your
+breast. They would rob you of your property, threaten to burn your
+houses, oblige you to be on your guard night and day. Alarms spread from
+town to town, families were broken up; the tender mother would cry,
+'Oh, my son is among them! What shall I do for my child?' Some were
+taken captive; children taken out of their schools and carried away....
+How dreadful was this! Our distress was so great that we should have
+been glad to snatch at anything that looked like a government.... Now,
+Mr. President, when I saw this Constitution, I found that it was a cure
+for these disorders. I got a copy of it, and read it over and over.... I
+did not go to any lawyer, to ask his opinion; we have no lawyer in our
+town, and we do well enough without. My honourable old daddy there
+(pointing to Mr. Singletary) won't think that I expect to be a
+Congressman, and swallow up the liberties of the people. I never had any
+post, nor do I want one. But I don't think the worse of the Constitution
+because lawyers, and men of learning, and moneyed men are fond of it. I
+am not of such a jealous make. They that are honest men themselves are
+not apt to suspect other people.... Brother farmers, let us suppose a
+case, now. Suppose you had a farm of 50 acres, and your title was
+disputed, and there was a farm of 5000 acres joined to you that belonged
+to a man of learning, and his title was involved in the same difficulty;
+would you not be glad to have him for your friend, rather than to stand
+alone in the dispute? Well, the case is the same. These lawyers, these
+moneyed men, these men of learning, are all embarked in the same cause
+with us, and we must all sink or swim together. Shall we throw the
+Constitution overboard because it does not please us all alike? Suppose
+two or three of you had been at the pains to break up a piece of rough
+land and sow it with wheat: would you let it lie waste because you could
+not agree what sort of a fence to make? Would it not be better to put up
+a fence that did not please every one's fancy, rather than keep
+disputing about it until the wild beasts came in and devoured the crop?
+Some gentlemen say, Don't be in a hurry; take time to consider. I say,
+There is a time to sow and a time to reap. We sowed our seed when we
+sent men to the Federal Convention, now is the time to reap the fruit of
+our labour; and if we do not do it now, I am afraid we shall never have
+another opportunity."
+
+There spoke the common sense of the common man of the Commonwealth. The
+counsel of the farmer from the country, joined with the resolutions of
+the workingmen from the city, carried the convention and the
+Constitution was ratified. In the light of succeeding history, who shall
+say, that it was not the voice of the people, speaking with the voice of
+Infinite Authority?
+
+The attitude of Samuel Adams, William Shepard, Jonathan Smith and the
+workingmen of Boston toward government, is worthy of our constant
+emulation. They had not hesitated to take up arms against tyranny in the
+Revolution, but having established a government of the people they were
+equally determined to defend and support it. They hated the usurper
+whether king, or Parliament, or mob, but they bowed before the duly
+constituted authority of the people.
+
+When the question of pardoning the convicted leaders of the rebellion
+came up, Adams opposed it. "In monarchies," he said, "the crime of
+treason and rebellion may admit of being pardoned or lightly punished;
+but the man who dares to rebel against the laws of a republic ought to
+suffer death." We are all glad mercy prevailed and pardon was granted.
+But the calm judgment of Samuel Adams, the lover of liberty, "the man of
+the town meeting" whose clear vision, taught by bitter experience, saw
+that all usurpation is tyranny, must not go unheeded now. The authority
+of a just government derived from the consent of the governed, has back
+of it a Power that does not fail.
+
+All wars bring in their trail great hardships. They existed in the day
+of General Shepard. They exist now. Having set up a sound government in
+Massachusetts, having secured their independence, as the result of a
+victorious war, the people expected a season of easy prosperity. In that
+they were temporarily disappointed. Some rebelling, were overthrown. The
+adoption of the Federal Constitution brought relief and prosperity.
+
+Success has attended the establishment here of a government of the
+people. We of this day have just finished a victorious war that has
+added new glory to American arms. We are facing some hardships, but they
+are not serious. Private obligations are not so large as to be
+burdensome. Taxes can be paid. Prosperity abounds. But the great promise
+of the future lies in the loyalty and devotion of the people to their
+own Government. They are firm in the conviction of the fathers, that
+liberty is increased only by increasing the determination to support a
+government of the people, as established in this ancient town, and
+defended by its patriotic sons.
+
+
+
+
+XXXIV
+
+_The Commonwealth of Massachusetts
+
+By His Excellency Calvin Coolidge, Governor_
+
+A PROCLAMATION
+
+
+The entire State Guard of Massachusetts has been called out. Under the
+Constitution the Governor is the Commander-in-Chief thereof by an
+authority of which he could not if he chose divest himself. That command
+I must and will exercise. Under the law I hereby call on all the police
+of Boston who have loyally and in a never-to-be-forgotten way remained
+on duty to aid me in the performance of my duty of the restoration and
+maintenance of order in the city of Boston, and each of such officers is
+required to act in obedience to such orders as I may hereafter issue or
+cause to be issued.
+
+I call on every citizen to aid me in the maintenance of law and order.
+
+     Given at the Executive Chamber, in Boston, this eleventh day of
+     September, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and
+     nineteen, and of the Independence of the United States of America
+     the one hundred and forty-fourth.
+
+     CALVIN COOLIDGE
+
+     By His Excellency the Governor,
+
+     ALBERT P. LANGTRY
+
+     _Secretary of the Commonwealth_
+
+God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
+
+
+
+
+XXXV
+
+AN ORDER
+
+  BOSTON, _September_ 11, 1919
+
+To EDWIN U. CURTIS,
+
+As you are Police Commissioner of the City of Boston,
+
+_Executive Order No. 1_
+
+You are hereby directed, for the purpose of assisting me in the
+performance of my duty, pursuant to the proclamation issued by me this
+day, to proceed in the performance of your duties as Police Commissioner
+of the city of Boston under my command and in obedience to such orders
+as I shall issue from time to time, and obey only such orders as I may
+so issue or transmit.
+
+  CALVIN COOLIDGE
+  _Governor of Massachusetts_
+
+
+
+
+XXXVI
+
+A TELEGRAM
+
+  BOSTON, MASS., _Sept_. 14, 1919
+
+MR. SAMUEL GOMPERS
+
+_President American Federation of Labor, New York City, N.Y._
+
+Replying to your telegram, I have already refused to remove the Police
+Commissioner of Boston. I did not appoint him. He can assume no position
+which the courts would uphold except what the people have by the
+authority of their law vested in him. He speaks only with their voice.
+The right of the police of Boston to affiliate has always been
+questioned, never granted, is now prohibited. The suggestion of
+President Wilson to Washington does not apply to Boston. There the
+police have remained on duty. Here the Policemen's Union left their
+duty, an action which President Wilson characterized as a crime against
+civilization. Your assertion that the Commissioner was wrong cannot
+justify the wrong of leaving the city unguarded. That furnished the
+opportunity, the criminal element furnished the action. There is no
+right to strike against the public safety by anybody, anywhere, any
+time. You ask that the public safety again be placed in the hands of
+these same policemen while they continue in disobedience to the laws of
+Massachusetts and in their refusal to obey the orders of the Police
+Department. Nineteen men have been tried and removed. Others having
+abandoned their duty, their places have, under the law, been declared
+vacant on the opinion of the Attorney-General. I can suggest no
+authority outside the courts to take further action. I wish to join and
+assist in taking a broad view of every situation. A grave responsibility
+rests on all of us. You can depend on me to support you in every legal
+action and sound policy. I am equally determined to defend the
+sovereignty of Massachusetts and to maintain the authority and
+jurisdiction over her public officers where it has been placed by the
+Constitution and law of her people.
+
+  CALVIN COOLIDGE
+  _Governor of Massachusetts_
+
+
+
+
+XXXVII
+
+_The Commonwealth of Massachusetts
+
+By His Excellency Calvin Coolidge, Governor_
+
+A PROCLAMATION
+
+
+There appears to be a misapprehension as to the position of the police
+of Boston. In the deliberate intention to intimidate and coerce the
+Government of this Commonwealth a large body of policemen, urging all
+others to join them, deserted their posts of duty, letting in the enemy.
+This act of theirs was voluntary, against the advice of their well
+wishers, long discussed and premeditated, and with the purpose of
+obstructing the power of the Government to protect its citizens or even
+to maintain its own existence. Its success meant anarchy. By this act
+through the operation of the law they dispossessed themselves. They went
+out of office. They stand as though they had never been appointed.
+
+Other police remained on duty. They are the real heroes of this crisis.
+The State Guard responded most efficiently. Thousands have volunteered
+for the Guard and the Militia. Money has been contributed from every
+walk of life by the hundreds of thousands for the encouragement and
+relief of these loyal men. These acts have been spontaneous,
+significant, and decisive. I propose to support all those who are
+supporting their own Government with every power which the people have
+entrusted to me.
+
+There is an obligation, inescapable, no less solemn, to resist all those
+who do not support the Government. The authority of the Commonwealth
+cannot be intimidated or coerced. It cannot be compromised. To place the
+maintenance of the public security in the hands of a body of men who
+have attempted to destroy it would be to flout the sovereignty of the
+laws the people have made. It is my duty to resist any such proposal.
+Those who would counsel it join hands with those whose acts have
+threatened to destroy the Government. There is no middle ground. Every
+attempt to prevent the formation of a new police force is a blow at the
+Government. That way treason lies. No man has a right to place his own
+ease or convenience or the opportunity of making money above his duty to
+the State. This is the cause of all the people. I call on every citizen
+to stand by me in executing the oath of my office by supporting the
+authority of the Government and resisting all assaults upon it.
+
+     Given at the Executive Chamber, in Boston, this twenty-fourth day
+     of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and
+     nineteen, and of the Independence of the United States of America
+     the one hundred and forty-fourth.
+
+  CALVIN COOLIDGE
+
+By His Excellency the Governor,
+
+HERBERT H. BOYNTON
+
+_Deputy, Acting Secretary of the Commonwealth_
+
+God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
+
+
+
+
+XXXVIII
+
+HOLY CROSS COLLEGE
+
+JUNE 25, 1919
+
+
+To come from the press of public affairs, where the practical side of
+life is at its flood, into these calm and classic surroundings, where
+ideals are cherished for their own sake, is an intense relief and
+satisfaction. Even in the full flow of Commencement exercises it is
+apparent that here abide the truth and the servants of the truth. Here
+appears the fulfillment of the past in the grand company of alumni,
+recalling a history already so thick with laurels. Here is the hope of
+the future, brighter yet in the young men to-day sent forth.
+
+    "The unarmed youth of heaven. But o'er their heads
+    Celestial armory, shield, helm and spear,
+    Hung bright, with diamond flaming and with gold."
+
+In them the dead past lives. They represent the college. They are the
+college. It is not in the campus with its imposing halls and temples,
+nor in the silent lore of the vast library or the scientific instruments
+of well-equipped laboratories, but in the men who are the incarnation of
+all these, that your college lives. It is not enough that there be
+knowledge, history and poetry, eloquence and art, science and
+mathematics, philosophy and ethics, ideas and ideals. They must be
+vitalized. They must be fashioned into life. To send forth men who live
+all these is to be a college. This temple of learning must be translated
+into human form if it is to exercise any influence over the affairs of
+mankind, or if its alumni are to wield the power of education.
+
+A great thinker and master of the expression of thought has told us:
+
+"It was before Deity, embodied in a human form, walking among men,
+partaking of their infirmities, leaning on their bosoms, weeping over
+their graves, slumbering in the manger, bleeding on the cross, that the
+prejudices of the Synagogue, and the doubts of the Academy, and the
+pride of the Portico, and the fasces of the Lictor, and the swords of
+thirty Legions, were humbled in the dust."
+
+If college-bred men are to exercise the influence over the progress of
+the world which ought to be their portion, they must exhibit in their
+lives a knowledge and a learning which is marked with candor, humility,
+and the honest mind.
+
+The present is ever influenced mightily by the past. Patrick Henry spoke
+with great wisdom when he declared to the Continental Congress, "I have
+but one lamp by which my feet are guided and that is the lamp of
+experience." Mankind is finite. It has the limits of all things finite.
+The processes of government are subject to the same limitations, and,
+lacking imperfections, would be something more than human. It is always
+easy to discover flaws, and, pointing them out, to criticize. It is not
+so easy to suggest substantial remedies or propose constructive
+policies. It is characteristic of the unlearned that they are forever
+proposing something which is old, and, because it has recently come to
+their own attention, supposing it to be new. Into this error men of
+liberal education ought not to fall. The forms and processes of
+government are not new. They have been known, discussed, and tried in
+all their varieties through the past ages. That which America
+exemplifies in her Constitution and system of representative government
+is the most modern, and of any yet devised gives promise of being the
+most substantial and enduring.
+
+It is not unusual to hear arguments against our institutions and our
+Government, addressed particularly to recent arrivals and the sons of
+recent arrivals to our shores. They sometimes take the form of a claim
+that our institutions were founded long ago; that changed conditions
+require that they now be changed. Especially is it claimed by those
+seeking such changes that these new arrivals and men of their race and
+ideas had no hand in the making of our country, and that it was formed
+by those who were hostile to them and therefore they owe it no support.
+Whatever may be the condition in relation to others, and whatever
+ignorance and bigotry may imagine, such arguments do not apply to those
+of the race and blood so prominent in this assemblage. To establish this
+it were but necessary to cite eleven of the fifty-five signers of the
+Declaration of Independence and recall that on the roll of Washington's
+generals were Sullivan, Knox, Wayne, and the gallant son of Trinity
+College, Dublin, who fell at Quebec at the head of his troops,--Richard
+Montgomery. But scholarship has answered ignorance. The learned and
+patriotic research of men of the education of Dr. James J. Walsh and
+Michael J. O'Brien, the historian of the Irish American Society, has
+demonstrated that a generous portion of the rank and file of the men who
+fought in the Revolution and supported those who framed our institutions
+was not alien to those who are represented here. It is no wonder that
+from among such that which is American has drawn some of its most
+steadfast defenders.
+
+In these days of violent agitation scholarly men should reflect that the
+progress of the past has been accomplished not by the total overthrow of
+institutions so much as by discarding that which was bad and preserving
+that which was good; not by revolution but by evolution has man worked
+out his destiny. We shall miss the central feature of all progress
+unless we hold to that process now. It is not a question of whether our
+institutions are perfect. The most beneficent of our institutions had
+their beginnings in forms which would be particularly odious to us now.
+Civilization began with war and slavery; government began in absolute
+despotism; and religion itself grew out of superstition which was
+oftentimes marked with human sacrifices. So out of our present
+imperfections we shall develop that which is more perfect. But the
+candid mind of the scholar will admit and seek to remedy all wrongs with
+the same zeal with which it defends all rights.
+
+From the knowledge and the learning of the scholar there ought to be
+developed an abiding faith. What is the teaching of all history? That
+which is necessary for the welfare and progress of the human race has
+never been destroyed. The discoverers of truth, the teachers of science,
+the makers of inventions, have passed to their last rewards, but their
+works have survived. The Phoenician galleys and the civilization which
+was born of their commerce have perished, but the alphabet which that
+people perfected remains. The shepherd kings of Israel, the temple and
+empire of Solomon, have gone the way of all the earth, but the Old
+Testament has been preserved for the inspiration of mankind. The ark of
+the covenant and the seven-pronged candlestick have passed from human
+view; the inhabitants of Judea have been dispersed to the ends of the
+earth, but the New Testament has survived and increased in its influence
+among men. The glory of Athens and Sparta, the grandeur of the Imperial
+City, are a long-lost memory, but the poetry of Homer and Virgil, the
+oratory of Demosthenes and Cicero, the philosophy of Plato and
+Aristotle, abide with us forevermore. Whatever America holds that may be
+of value to posterity will not pass away.
+
+The long and toilsome processes which have marked the progress of the
+past cannot be shunned by the present generation to our advantage. We
+have no right to expect as our portion something substantially different
+from human experience in the past. The constitution of the universe
+does not change. Human nature remains constant. That service and
+sacrifice which have been the price of past progress are the price of
+progress now.
+
+This is not a gospel of despair, but of hope and high expectation. Out
+of many tribulations mankind has pressed steadily onward. The
+opportunity for a rational existence was never before so great.
+Blessings were never so bountiful. But the evidence was never so
+overwhelming as now that men and nations must live rationally or perish.
+
+The defenses of our Commonwealth are not material but mental and
+spiritual. Her fortifications, her castles, are her institutions of
+learning. Those who are admitted to the college campus tread the
+ramparts of the State. The classic halls are the armories from which are
+furnished forth the knights in armor to defend and support our liberty.
+For such high purpose has Holy Cross been called into being. A firm
+foundation of the Commonwealth. A defender of righteousness. A teacher
+of holy men. Let her turrets continue to rise, showing forth "the way,
+the truth and the light"--
+
+    "In thoughts sublime that pierce the night like stars,
+    And with their mild persistence urge man's arch
+    To vaster issues."
+
+
+
+
+XXXIX
+
+REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION, TREMONT TEMPLE, BOSTON
+
+OCTOBER 4, 1919
+
+
+Ancient custom crystallized to law has drawn us here. We come to renew
+our pledge publicly at the altar of our country. We come in the light of
+history and of reason. We come to take counsel both from experience and
+from imagination. Over us shines a glorious past, before us lies a
+promising future. Around us is a renewed determination deep and solemn
+that this Commonwealth of ours shall endure.
+
+The period since our last election has been one of momentous events.
+Within its first week the victorious advance of America and her allies
+terminated in the armistice of November eleventh. The power of organized
+despotisms had been proven to be inferior to the power of organized
+republics. Reason had again triumphed over absolutism. The "still small
+voice" of the moral law was seen to be greater than the might of kings.
+The world appeal to duty triumphed over the world appeal to selfishness.
+It always will. There will be far-reaching results from all this which
+no one can now foresee. But some things are apparent. The power of the
+people has been revealed. The worth of the individual man shines forth
+with an increased glory. But most significant of all, for it lies at the
+foundation of all civilization and all progress, was the demonstration
+that the citizens of the great republics of the earth possess the power
+which they dare to use, of maintaining among all men the orderly
+processes of revealed law.
+
+These are no new doctrines in Massachusetts. For nearly three hundred
+years she has laid her course according to these principles, extending
+the blessings which arise from them to her citizens, ever ready to
+defend them with her treasure and her blood. In this the past year has
+been no exception.
+
+In recognition of the long-established policy of making this
+Commonwealth first in humanitarian legislation, the General Court
+enacted a law providing for reducing a fifty-four hour week for women
+and minors to a forty-eight hour week. It passed the weavers'
+specification bill. The allowance under the workmen's compensation law
+was increased. Local option was provided on the question of a
+twelve-hour day for firemen. Authority was granted corporations to give
+their employees a voice in their management. Representatives of the
+employees have been appointed to the Board of Trustees of great public
+service corporations. Profiteering has been made a crime. A special
+commission of which the chairman is Brigadier-General John H. Sherburne
+was established to deal with the problem of the high cost of
+living--with power which has been effective in reducing the prices of
+the necessaries of life. No other State has taken any effective measure.
+The compensation of public employees has been increased. The entire
+public service of the Commonwealth has been reorganized in accordance
+with the constitutional amendment into twenty departments. In caring for
+her service men Massachusetts led all the States of the Nation in relief
+and in assistance, besides voting the stupendous sum of twenty million
+dollars, not as compensation, but as recognition of the gratitude due
+those who had represented us in the great war. The educational
+opportunities of the youth of the State have been improved. All of these
+acts of great importance, which are of course only representative of the
+character of current legislation, had the executive approval. There has
+been not only a sympathetic but a very practical attitude toward the
+ideal expressed in my inaugural address, that there is a right to be
+well born, well reared, well educated, well employed, and well paid. We
+shall not be shaken in the mature determination to promote these
+policies. The ancient faith of Massachusetts in the worth of her
+citizens, the cause of great solicitude for the welfare of each
+individual, will remain undiminished.
+
+The many uncertainties in transportation which are State, Nation, and
+world wide, sent our street railway problems to an expert commission
+which will report to a special session of the General Court. It is
+recognized that the rate of fare necessary to pay for the service
+rendered has in some instances become prohibitive. Some roads and
+portions of roads have been closed down. There must be relief. But such
+relief must be in accord with sound economic principles. What the public
+has the public must pay for. From this there is no escape. Under
+private, or public, ownership or operation this rule will be the same.
+We must face the facts and restore this necessary service to the people
+in such a form that they can meet its costs. In meeting this issue, not
+hysterically, not with demagogy, but calmly, with candor, applying an
+adequate remedy to ascertained facts, Massachusetts, as usual, will lead
+all the other States of the Nation.
+
+That agitation and unrest which has been characteristic of the whole
+world since the close of the war has had some manifestations here. There
+is a natural desire in every human mind to seek better conditions. Such
+a desire is altogether praiseworthy. There must, however, be
+discrimination in the methods employed. Wholesale criticism of everybody
+and everything does not necessarily exhibit statesmanlike qualities, and
+may not be true. Not all those who are working to better the condition
+of the people are Bolsheviki or enemies of society. Not all those who
+are attempting to conduct a successful business are profiteers. But
+unreasonable criticism and agitation for unreasonable remedies will
+avail nothing. We, in common with the whole world, are suffering from a
+shortage of materials. There is but one remedy for this, increased
+production. We need to use sparingly what we have and make more. No
+progress will be made by shouting Bolsheviki and profiteers. What we
+need is thrift and industry. Let everybody keep at work. Profitable
+employment is the death blow to Bolshevism and abundant production is
+disaster to the profiteer. Our salvation lies in putting forth greater
+effort, in manfully assuming our own burdens, rather than in
+entertaining the pleasing delusion that they can be shifted to some
+other shoulders. Those who attempt to lead people on in this expectation
+only add to their burdens and their dangers.
+
+The people of Boston have recently seen the result of agitation and
+unrest in its police force. The policy of that department, established
+by an order of former Commissioner O'Meara and adopted by a rule which
+has the force of law by the present Commissioner Curtis, prohibited a
+police union from affiliating with an outside union. In spite of this
+such a union was formed and persisted in with acknowledged and open
+defiance of the rules and of the counsel and almost entreaties of the
+officers of the department. Such disobedience continuing, the leaders
+were cited for trial on charges and heard with their counsel before the
+Commissioner. After thorough consideration, and opportunity again to
+obey the rules, they were found guilty. In order to give a chance to
+recant sentence was suspended. Shortly after, three fourths of the
+police force abandoned their posts and refused further to perform their
+duties. During the next few hours, there was destruction of property in
+the city but happily no loss of life.
+
+Meantime there had been various efforts to save the situation. Some
+urged me to remove the Commissioner, some to request him to alter his
+course. To all these I had to reply that I had no authority whatever
+over his actions and could not lawfully interfere with him. It was my
+duty to support him in the execution of the law and that I should do. I
+was glad to confer with any one and give my help where it was sought.
+The Commissioner was appointed by my predecessor in office for a term of
+years. I could with almost equal propriety interfere in the decisions of
+the Supreme Court.
+
+To restore order, I at once and by pre-arrangement with him and the
+Commissioner, offered to the Mayor to call out the State Guard. At his
+request I did so, immediately beginning restoring obedience to the law.
+On account of the public danger, I called on the Commissioner to aid me
+in the execution of my duties of keeping order, and issued a
+proclamation to that effect.
+
+To various suggestions that the police be permitted to return I replied
+that the Attorney-General had ruled that by law that could not be done
+and while I had no power to appoint, discharge, or reinstate, I was
+opposed to placing the public security again in the keeping of this body
+of men. There is an obligation to forgive but it does not extend to the
+unrepentant. To give them aid and comfort is to support their evil doing
+and to become what is known in law as an accessory after the fact. A
+government which does that is a reproach to civilization and will soon
+have on its hands the blood of its citizens.
+
+The response to the appeal to support the Government of Massachusetts in
+sustaining law and order was instantaneous. It came from the State
+Guard, from volunteers for police, and the militia, from contributions
+gathered among all classes now reaching hundreds of thousands of
+dollars, from the loyal police of Boston, from all quarters of the
+Commonwealth and beyond. These forces may all be dissipated, they may be
+defeated, but while I am entrusted with the office of their
+Commander-in-Chief they will not be surrendered. Over them and over
+every other law-abiding citizen has gone up the white flag of
+Massachusetts. Who is there that by compromising the authority of her
+laws dares to haul down that flag? I have resisted and propose to
+continue in resistance to such action.
+
+This issue is perfectly plain. The Government of Massachusetts is not
+seeking to resist the lawful action or sound policy of organized labor.
+It has time and again passed laws for the protection and encouragement
+of trade unions. It has done so under my administration upon my
+recommendation to a greater extent than in any previous year. In that
+policy it will continue. It is seeking to prevent a condition which
+would at once destroy all labor unions and all else that is the
+foundation of civilization by maintaining the authority and sanctity of
+the law. When that goes all goes. It costs something but it is the
+cheapest thing that can be bought; it causes some inconvenience but it
+is the foundation of all convenience, the orderly execution of the laws.
+
+The people understand this thoroughly. They know that the laws are their
+laws and speak their voice. They know that this Government is their
+Government founded on their will, administered by their representatives.
+Disobedience to it is disobedience to the people. They know that the
+property of the Commonwealth is their property. Destruction of it
+destroys their substance. The public security is their security. When
+that is gone they are in deadly peril. And knowing this the people have
+a determination to support the Government with a resolution that is
+unchanging.
+
+It is my purpose to maintain the Government of Massachusetts as it was
+founded by her people, the protector of the rights of all but
+subservient to none. It is my purpose to maintain unimpaired the
+authority of her laws, her jurisdiction, her peace, her security. This
+ancient faith of Massachusetts which became the great faith of America,
+she reestablished in her Constitution before the army of Washington had
+gained our independence, declaring for "a government of laws and not of
+men." In that faith she still abides. Let him challenge it who dares.
+All who love Massachusetts, who believe in America, are bound to defend
+it. The choice lies between living under coercion and intimidation, the
+forces of evil, or under the laws of the people, orderly, speaking with
+their settled convictions, the revelation of a divine authority.
+
+
+
+
+XL
+
+WILLIAMS COLLEGE
+
+OCTOBER 17, 1919
+
+
+There speaks here with the voice of immortality one who loved
+Massachusetts. On every side arise monuments to that enduring affection
+bred not of benefits received but of services rendered, of sacrifices
+made, that the province of Massachusetts Bay might live enlightened and
+secure. A bit of parchment has filled libraries. A few hundred dollars
+has enriched generations. The spirit of a single liberty-loving soldier
+has raised up a host that has shaken the earth with its martial tread,
+laying low the hills but exalting the valleys. Here Colonel Ephraim
+Williams still executes his will, still disposes of his patrimony, still
+leads the soldiers of the free to an enduring victory, and with a power
+greater than the sword stands guard on the frontier marches of the
+Commonwealth.
+
+Honor compels that honor be recognized. In compliance with that
+requirement this day has been set apart by this institution of letters
+in testimony of the merit of her sons. Nearly one half of her living
+alumni were under the direct service of the Nation in the great war.
+Into all branches of the service, civil and military, they went from the
+alumni, from the class rooms, from the faculty, up to President Garfield
+himself, who served as Director of the Fuel Administration. From America
+and her allies has come the highest of recognition, conferred by
+citation, awards, and decorations. Their individual deeds of valor I
+shall not relate. They are known to all. Advisedly I say that they have
+not been surpassed among men. Their heroism was no less heroic because
+it was unconscious there or because of befitting modesty it is
+unostentatious here. There was yet a courage unequaled by the most
+momentous dangers which were met by those now marked with fame and a
+capacity in the others which would have matched equal events with equal
+fortitude. In the most grateful recognition of all this, to the living
+and the dead, by their Alma Mater the Commonwealth of Massachusetts
+reverently joins.
+
+But this day, if it is truly to represent the spirit of this college,
+means more than a glorification of the past. It was by a stern
+determination to discharge the duties of the present that Ephraim
+Williams provided for a future filled with a glory that must not yet be
+termed complete. His thoughts were not on himself nor on material
+things. Had he chosen to inscribe his name upon a monument of granite or
+of bronze it would have gone the way of all the earth. Enlightening the
+soul of his fellow man he made his mark which all eternity cannot erase.
+A soldier, he did not
+
+         "put his trust
+    In reeking tube and iron shard"
+
+to save his countrymen, but like Solomon chose first knowledge and
+wisdom and to his choice has likewise been added a splendor of material
+prosperity.
+
+Earth's great lesson is written here. In it all men may read the
+interpretation of the founder of this college, of the meaning of
+America, of the motive high and true which has inspired her soldiers.
+Not unmindful of a desire for economic justice but scorning sordid gain,
+not seeking the spoils of war but a victory of righteousness, they came,
+subordinating the finite to the infinite, placing their trust in that
+which does not pass away. This precept heretofore observed must not be
+abandoned now. A desire for the earth and the fullness thereof must not
+lure our people from their truer selves. Those who seek for a sign
+merely in a greatly increased material prosperity, however worthy that
+may be, disappointed through all the ages, will be disappointed now. Men
+find their true satisfaction in something higher, finer, nobler than
+all that. We sought no spoils from war; let us seek no spoil from peace.
+Let us remember Babylon and Carthage and that city which her people,
+flushed with purple pride, dared call Eternal.
+
+This college and her sons have turned their eyes resolutely toward the
+morning. Above the roar of reeking strife they hear the voice of the
+founder. Their actions have matched their vision. They have seen. They
+have heard. They have done. I thank you for receiving me into their
+company, so romantic, so glorious, and for enrolling me as a soldier in
+the legion of Colonel Ephraim Williams.
+
+
+
+
+XLI
+
+CONCERNING TEACHERS' SALARIES
+
+OCTOBER 29, 1919
+
+
+_A Letter to the Mayor of Boston_
+
+
+MY DEAR MR. MAYOR:
+
+It will be with a good deal of satisfaction that I coöperate with you
+and any other cities of Massachusetts for the purpose of increasing the
+pay of those engaged in the teaching of the youth of our Commonwealth.
+It has become notorious that the pay for this most important function is
+much less than that which prevails in commercial life and business
+activities.
+
+Roger Ascham, the teacher to Queen Elizabeth, about 1565, in discussing
+this question, wrote: "And it is pity that commonly more care is had,
+yea and that among very wise men, to find out rather a cunning man for
+their horse than a cunning man for their children. They say nay in word,
+but they do so in deed. For to the one they will gladly give a stipend
+of two hundred crowns by the year and are loath to offer to the other
+two hundred shillings. God that sitteth in Heaven laugheth their choice
+to scorn and rewardeth their liberality as it should. For he suffereth
+them to have tame and well-ordered horses, but wild and unfortunate
+children, and therefore in the end they find more pleasure in their
+horse than comfort in their children."
+
+In an address which I made at a Harvard College Commencement I undertook
+to direct attention to the inadequate compensation paid to our teachers,
+whether in the universities, public schools, or the pulpits of the land.
+It is perfectly clear that more money must be provided for these
+purposes, which surpass in their importance all our other public
+activities, both by government appropriation and by private charity.
+
+It is significant that the number of teachers who are in training in our
+normal schools has decreased in the past twelve or fifteen years from
+three thousand to two thousand, while the number of students in colleges
+and technical schools has increased. The people of the Commonwealth
+cannot support the Government unless the Government supports them.
+
+The condition which was described by the teacher of Queen Elizabeth,
+that greater compensation is paid for the unimportant things than is
+paid for training the intellectual abilities of our youth, might exist
+in the sixteenth century, but it ought not to exist in the twentieth
+century.
+
+Fortunately for us, the sterling character of teachers of all kinds has
+kept them at their task even though we have failed to show them due
+appreciation, and up to the present time the public has suffered little.
+
+But unless a change is made and a new policy adopted, the cause of
+education will break down. It will either become a trade for those
+little fitted for it or be abandoned altogether, instead of remaining
+the noblest profession, which it has been and ought to be.
+
+There are some things that are fundamental. In the sixteenth century the
+voice of the people was little heard. If the sovereign had wisdom, that
+might suffice. But in the twentieth century the people are sovereign.
+What they think determines every question of civilization. Unless they
+are well trained, well informed, and well instructed, unless a proper
+value is put on knowledge and wisdom, the value of all material things
+will be lost.
+
+There is now no pains too great, no cost too high, to prevent or
+diminish the duty enjoined by the Constitution of the Commonwealth that
+wisdom and knowledge, as well as virtue, be generally diffused among the
+body of the people.
+
+This important subject ought to be considered and a remedy provided at
+the special session of the General Court.
+
+
+
+
+XLII
+
+STATEMENT TO THE PRESS
+
+ELECTION DAY, NOVEMBER 4, 1919
+
+
+My thanks are due to the millions of my fellow citizens of
+Massachusetts. I offer them freely, without undertaking to specify, to
+all who have supported the great cause of the supremacy of the law. The
+heart of the people has proven again sound and true. No
+misrepresentation has blinded them, no sophistry has turned them. They
+have listened to the truth and followed it. They have again disappointed
+those who distrusted them. They have turned away from those who sought
+to play upon their selfishness. They have justified those who trusted
+them. They have justified America. The attempt to appeal to class
+prejudice has failed. The men of Massachusetts are not labor men, or
+policemen, or union men, or poor men, or rich men, or any other class
+of men first; they are Americans first. The wage-earners have
+vindicated themselves. They have shown by their votes that they resent
+trying to use them for private interests, or to employ them to resist
+the operation of the Government. They are for the Government. They are
+against those who are against the Government. American institutions are
+safe in their hands. Some of those who have posed as their leaders and
+argued that the wage-earners were patriotic because those leaders told
+them to be may well now inquire whether the case did not stand the other
+way about. It begins to look as if those who attempt to lead the
+wage-earners must first show that they themselves are patriotic if they
+are to have any following. The patriotism of some alleged leaders was
+not the cause but the effect of the patriotism of the wage-earners.
+
+Three words tell the result. Massachusetts is American. The election
+will be a welcome demonstration to the Nation and to people everywhere
+who believe that liberty can only be secured by obedience to law.
+
+
+
+
+XLIII
+
+SPEECH AT TREMONT TEMPLE
+
+SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 1, 1919, 8 P.M.
+
+
+Revelation has not ceased. The strength of a righteous cause has not
+grown less. The people of Massachusetts are patriotic before they are
+partisan, they are not for men but for measures, not for selfishness but
+for duty, and they will support their Government. Revelation has not
+ceased and faith in men has not failed. They cannot be intimidated, they
+cannot be coerced, they cannot be deceived, and their sovereignty is not
+for sale.
+
+When this campaign is over it will be a rash man who will again attempt
+to further his selfish interests by dragging a great party name in the
+mire and seeking to gain the honor of office by trafficking with
+disorder. The conduct of public affairs is not a game. Responsible
+office does not go to the crafty. Governments are not founded upon an
+association for public plunder but on the coöperation of men wherein
+each is seeking to do his duty.
+
+The past five years have been like an earthquake. They have shaken the
+institutions of men to their very foundations. It has been a time of
+searchings and questionings. It has been a time of great awakenings.
+There has been an overpowering resolution among men to make things
+better. Despotisms have been falling. Republics have been rising. There
+has been rebellion everywhere against usurped authority. With all that
+America has been entirely sympathetic. There has been bred in the blood
+through generations a great sympathy for all peoples struggling to be
+free. We have a deep conviction that "resistance to tyranny is obedience
+to law." And on that conviction we have stood for three centuries. Time
+and experience have but strengthened our belief that it is sound.
+
+But like all rules of action it only applies to the conditions it
+describes. All authority is not usurped authority. Any government is not
+tyranny. These are the counterfeits. There are no counterfeits of the
+unreal. It is only of the real and true that men seek to pass spurious
+imitations.
+
+There are among us a great mass of people who have been reared for
+generations under a government of tyranny and oppression. It is
+ingrained in their blood that there is no other form of government. They
+are disposed and inclined to think our institutions partake of the same
+nature as these they have left behind. We know they are wrong. They must
+be shown they are wrong.
+
+There is a just government. There are righteous laws. We know the
+formula by which they are produced. The principle is best stated in the
+immortal Declaration of Independence to be "the consent of the
+governed." It is from that source our Government derives its just
+powers and promulgates its righteous laws. They are the will of the
+people, the settled conviction derived from orderly deliberation, that
+take on the sanctity ascribed to the people's voice. Along with the
+binding obligation to resist tyranny goes the other admonition, that
+"obedience to law is liberty,"--such law and so derived.
+
+These principles, which I have but lightly sketched, are the foundation
+of American institutions, the source of American freedom and the faith
+of any party entitled to call itself American. It constitutes truly the
+rule of the people. It justifies and sanctifies the authority of our
+laws and the obligation to support our Government. It is democracy
+administered through representation.
+
+There are only two other choices, anarchy or despotism--Russia, present
+and past. For the most part human existence has been under the one or
+the other of these. Both have failed to minister to the highest welfare
+of the people. Unless American institutions can provide for that welfare
+the cause of humanity is hopeless. Unless the blessings of prosperity,
+the rewards of industry, justice and liberty, the satisfaction of duty
+well done, can come under a rule of the people, they cannot come at all.
+We may as well abandon hope and, yielding to the demands of selfishness,
+each take what he can.
+
+We had hoped these questions were settled. But nothing is settled that
+evil and selfish men can find advantage for themselves in overthrowing.
+We must eternally smite the rock of public conscience if the waters of
+patriotism are to pour forth. We must ever be ready to point out the
+success of our country as justification of our determination to support
+it.
+
+No one can deny that we are in the midst of an abounding prosperity. No
+one can deny that this prosperity is well distributed; especially is
+this true of the wage-earner. Industrially, commercially, financially,
+America has been a success. The wealth of Massachusetts is increasing
+rapidly. There are large deposits going into her savings institutions,
+during banking hours with each tick of the clock more than $12.50, with
+each minute more than $750, with each day over $270,000. Wages and hours
+of labor were never so favorable. We have attained a standard of living
+among our people the like of which never before existed on earth.
+
+Intellectually our progress compares with our prosperity. The
+opportunity for education is not only large, but it is well used. The
+school is everywhere. Ignorance is a disgrace. The turrets of college
+and university dot the land. Their student bodies were never so large.
+Science and invention, literature and art flourish.
+
+There is higher standard of justice in all the affairs of life than in
+the past. Our commercial transactions are on a higher plane. There is a
+moral standard that runs through all the avenues of our life that has
+lifted it into a new position and gives to men a keener sense of honor
+in all things. There has come to be a new realization of the brotherhood
+of man, a new significance to religion. The war aroused a new
+patriotism, and revealed the strength of our moral power.
+
+The issue in Massachusetts is whether these conditions can endure. Will
+men realize their blessing and exhibit the resolution to support and
+defend the foundation on which they rest? Having saved Europe are we
+ready to surrender America? Having beaten the foe from without are we to
+fall a victim to the foe from within?
+
+All of this is put in question by the issue of this campaign. That one
+fundamental issue is the support of the Government in its determination
+to maintain order. On that all of these opportunities depend.
+
+There can be no material prosperity without order. Stores and banks
+could not open. Factories could not run, railways could not operate.
+What was the value of plate glass and goods, the value of real estate in
+Boston at three o'clock, A.M., September 10? Unless the people vote to
+sustain order that value is gone entirely. Business is ended.
+
+On order depends all intellectual progress. Without it all schools
+close, libraries are empty, education stops. Disorder was the forerunner
+of the Dark Ages.
+
+Without order the moral progress of the people would be lost. With the
+schools would go the churches. There could be no assemblages for
+worship, no services even for the departed, piety would be swallowed up
+in viciousness.
+
+I have understated the result of disorder. Man has not the imagination,
+the ability to overstate it. There are those who aim to bring about
+exactly this result. I propose at all times to resist them with all the
+power at the command of the Chief Executive of Massachusetts.
+
+Naturally the question arises, what shall we do to defend our
+birthright? In the first place everybody must take a more active part in
+public affairs. It will not do for men to send, they must go. It is not
+enough to draw a check. Good government cannot be bought, it has to be
+given. Office has great opportunities for doing wrong, but equal chance
+for doing right. Unless good citizens hold office bad citizens will.
+People see the office-holder rather than the Government. Let the worth
+of the office-holder speak the worth of the government. The voice of the
+people speaks by the voice of the individual. Duty is not collective, it
+is personal. Let every inhabitant make known his determination to
+support law and order. That duty is supreme.
+
+That the supremacy of the law, the preservation of the Government itself
+by the maintenance of order, should be the issue of this campaign was
+entirely due to circumstances beyond my control. That any one should
+dare to put in jeopardy the stability of our Government for the purpose
+of securing office was to me inconceivable. That any one should attempt
+to substitute the will of any outside organization for the authority
+conferred by law upon the representatives of the people had never
+occurred to me. But the issue arose by action of some of the police of
+Boston and it was my duty to meet it. I shall continue to administer the
+law of all the people.
+
+I should have been pleased to make this campaign on the record of the
+past year. I should have been pleased to show what the march of progress
+had been under the people's government, what action had been taken for
+the relief of those who toil with their hands as well as their
+heads,--and the record was never more alluring,--what has been done to
+advance the business and commercial interests of this great industrial
+Commonwealth, what has promoted public health, what has assisted in
+agricultural development, the progress made in providing transportation,
+the increased opportunity given our youth for education. In particular I
+should have desired to point out the great pride Massachusetts has in
+her war record and the abundant way she has shown her gratitude for her
+service men and women, surpassing every other State. All this is a
+record not of promises, but of achievement. It is one in which the
+voters of the Commonwealth may well take a deep satisfaction. It is
+there, it stands, it cannot be argued away. No deception can pervert it.
+It endures.
+
+All these are the result of ordered liberty--the result of living under
+the law. It is the great desire of Massachusetts to continue such
+legislation of progress and humanity. Those who are attempting to wrench
+the scepter of authority from the representatives of the people, to
+subvert the jurisdiction of her laws, are the enemies not only of
+progress, but of all present achievement, not only of what we hope for,
+but of what we have.
+
+This is the cause of all the people, especially of the weak and
+defenseless. Their only refuge is the protection of the law. The people
+have come to understand this. They are taking the deciding of this
+election into their own hands regardless of party. If the people win who
+can lose? They are awake to the words of Daniel Webster, "nothing will
+ruin the country if the people themselves will undertake its safety; and
+nothing can save it if they leave that safety in any hands but their
+own."
+
+My fellow citizens of Massachusetts, to you I commend this cause. To you
+who have added the glory of the hills and plains of France to the glory
+of Concord and Bunker Hill, to you who have led when others faltered,
+to you again is given the leadership. Grasp it. Secure it. Make it
+decisive. Make the discharge of the great trust you now hold an example
+of hope for righteousness everywhere, a new guaranty that the Government
+of America shall endure.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Have faith in Massachusetts; 2d ed.
+by Calvin Coolidge
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+      The Project Gutenberg eBook of Have Faith in Massachusetts, by Calvin Coolidge.
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+<pre>
+
+Project Gutenberg's Have faith in Massachusetts; 2d ed., by Calvin Coolidge
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Have faith in Massachusetts; 2d ed.
+       A Collection of Speeches and Messages
+
+Author: Calvin Coolidge
+
+Release Date: October 14, 2004 [EBook #13748]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HAVE FAITH IN MASSACHUSETTS; ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Audrey Longhurst and the PG Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<h1><a name='Page_1'></a>HAVE FAITH</h1>
+
+<h2>IN</h2>
+
+<h2>MASSACHUSETTS</h2>
+
+<center>
+<img src='images/frontp.jpg' width='300' height='495' alt='Portrait of Calvin Coolidge Copyright, Notman' title='Portrait of Calvin Coolidge'>
+</center>
+<a name='Page_2'></a>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<h2>HAVE FAITH</h2><a name='Page_3'></a>
+
+<h2>IN</h2>
+
+<h2>MASSACHUSETTS</h2>
+
+<center><i>A Collection of Speeches and Messages</i></center>
+
+<h3>BY</h3>
+
+<h2>CALVIN COOLIDGE</h2>
+
+<center><i>Governor of Massachusetts</i></center>
+<br />
+
+<center>SECOND EDITION ENLARGED</center>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='BOSTON_AND_NEW_YORK'></a><center>BOSTON AND NEW YORK</center>
+
+<center>HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY</center>
+
+<center><i>The Riverside Press Cambridge</i></center>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='INTRODUCTORY_NOTE'></a><h2><a name='Page_5'></a>INTRODUCTORY NOTE</h2>
+<br />
+
+<p>There are certain fundamental principles of sound community life which
+cannot be stated too emphatically or too often. Few public men of to-day
+have shown a finer combination of right feeling and clear thinking about
+these principles, with a gift for the pithy expression of them, than has
+Governor Calvin Coolidge. It was an accurate phrase that President
+Meiklejohn used when, in conferring the degree of Doctor of Laws on him
+at Amherst College last June, he complimented him on teaching the lesson
+of &quot;adequate brevity.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>His speeches and messages abound in evidences of this gift, but in the
+main the speeches are not easily accessible. It has seemed to some of
+Governor Coolidge's admirers, as it has to the publishers of this little
+volume, that a real public service <a name='Page_6'></a>might be rendered by making a
+careful selection from the best of the speeches and issuing them in an
+attractive and convenient form. With his permission this has been done,
+and it is hoped that many readers will welcome the book in this time of
+special need of inspiring and steadying influences.</p>
+
+<p>It is a time when all men should realize that, in the words of Governor
+Coolidge himself, &quot;Laws must rest on the eternal foundations of
+righteousness&quot;; that &quot;Industry, thrift, character are not conferred by
+act or resolve. Government cannot relieve from toil.&quot; It is a time when
+we must &quot;have faith in Massachusetts. We need a broader, firmer, deeper
+faith in the people,&mdash;a faith that men desire to do right, that the
+Commonwealth is founded upon a righteousness which will endure.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>THE EDITORS</p>
+
+<p><i>Boston, September</i>, 1919</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='NOTE_TO_SECOND_EDITION'></a><h2><a name='Page_7'></a>NOTE TO SECOND EDITION</h2>
+<br />
+
+<p>In the issue of a second edition of this collection of Governor
+Coolidge's speeches and messages, the opportunity has been taken to add
+a proclamation and three recently delivered addresses, which bring the
+volume practically up to the date of publication.</p>
+
+<p><i>Boston, October, 1919</i></p>
+
+
+
+<a name='Page_8'></a><a name='Page_9'></a>
+<span style='margin-left: 1em;'>The Commonwealth of Massachusetts.</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style='margin-left: 1em;'><i>By His Excellency</i></span><br />
+<br />
+<span style='margin-left: 1em;'>CALVIN COOLIDGE</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style='margin-left: 1em;'>GOVERNOR</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style='margin-left: 1em;'>A PROCLAMATION</span><br />
+<br />
+
+<p>Massachusetts has many glories. The last one she would wish to surrender
+is the glory of the men who have served her in war. While such devotion
+lives the Commonwealth is secure. Whatever dangers may threaten from
+within or without she can view them calmly. Turning to her veterans she
+can say &quot;These are our defenders. They are invincible. In them is our
+safety.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>War is the rule of force. Peace is the reign of law. When Massachusetts
+was settled the Pilgrims first dedicated themselves to a reign of law.
+When they set foot on Plymouth Rock they brought the Mayflower Compact,
+in which, calling on the Creator to witness, they agreed with each other
+to make just laws and render due submission and obedience. The date of
+that American document was written November 11, 1620.</p>
+
+<p>After more than five years of the bitterest war in human experience, the
+last great stronghold of force, surrendering to the demands of America
+and her allies, agreed to cast aside the sword and live under the law.
+The date of that world document was written November 11, 1918.</p>
+
+<p>Now, therefore, in grateful commemoration of the unsurpassed deeds of
+heroism performed by the service men of Massachusetts, of the sacrifice
+of her people, sometimes greater than life itself, of the service
+rendered by every war charity and organization, to honor those who bore
+arms, to recognize those who supported the government, in accordance
+with the law of the current year</p>
+
+<p>TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 1919</p>
+
+<p>is set apart as a holiday for general observance and celebration of the
+home coming of Massachusetts soldiers, sailors and marines. In that
+welcome may we dedicate ourselves to a continued support of the cause
+for which they freely offered life, that there may be wiped away
+everywhere the burden of, injustice and every attempt to rule by force,
+and that there may be ushered in a reign of law, that will ease the weak
+of their great burdens, and leave the strong, unhampered by the
+opposition of evil men, the opportunity to exert their whole energy for
+the welfare of their fellow men. Let war and all force end, and peace
+and all law reign.</p>
+
+<p>GIVEN at the Executive Chamber, in Boston, this twenty-eighth day of
+October, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and nineteen,
+and of the Independence of the United States of America the one hundred
+and forty-fourth.</p>
+
+<center>
+<img src='images/seal.jpg' width='145' height='190' alt='Seal of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts' title='Seal of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts'>
+</center>
+
+<p>By His Excellency the Governor.</p>
+
+<center>
+<img src='images/signs.jpg' width='413' height='100' alt='Signatures of Calvin Coolidge and Albert P. Langley' title='Signatures of Calvin Coolidge and Albert P. Langley'>
+</center>
+
+<p><i>Secretary of the Commonwealth.</i></p>
+
+<p>God Save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.</p>
+
+
+<a name='Page_11'></a><a name='Page_10'></a>
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='CONTENTS'></a><h2>CONTENTS</h2>
+<div class="list">
+<ol class="rom">
+<li><a href='#I'>To the State Senate on Being Elected its President, January 7, 1914</a></li>
+<li><a href='#II'>Amherst College Alumni Association, Boston, February 4, 1916</a></li>
+<li><a href='#III'>Brockton Chamber of Commerce, April 11, 1916</a></li>
+<li><a href='#IV'>At the Home of Daniel Webster, Marshfield, July 4, 1916</a></li>
+<li><a href='#V'>Riverside, August 28, 1916</a></li>
+<li><a href='#VI'>At the Home of Augustus P. Gardner, Hamilton, September, 1916</a></li>
+<li><a href='#VII'>Lafayette Banquet, Fall River, September 4, 1913</a></li>
+<li><a href='#VIII'>Norfolk Republican Club, Boston, October 9, 1916</a></li>
+<li><a href='#IX'>Public Meeting on the High Cost of Living, Faneuil Hall, December 9, 1916</a></li>
+<li><a href='#X'>One Hundredth Anniversary Dinner of the Provident Institution for Savings, December 13, 1916</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XI'>Associated Industries Dinner, Boston, December 15, 1916</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XII'>On the Nature of Politics</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XIII'>Tremont Temple, November 3, 1917</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XIV'>Dedication of Town-House, Weston, November 27, 1917</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XV'>Amherst Alumni Dinner, Springfield, March 15, 1918</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XVI'>Message for the Boston <i>Post</i>, April 22, 1918</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XVII'>Roxbury Historical Society, Bunker Hill Day, June 17, 1918</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XVIII'>Fairhaven, July 4, 1918</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XIX'>Somerville Republican City Committee, August 7, 1918</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XX'>Written for the Sunday <i>Advertiser</i> and <i>American</i>, September 1, 1918</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXI'>Essex County Club, Lynnfield, September 14, 1918</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXII'>Tremont Temple, November 2, 1918</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXIII'>Faneuil Hall, November 4, 1918</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXIV'>From Inaugural Address as Governor, January 2, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXV'>Statement on the Death of Theodore Roosevelt</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXVI'>Lincoln Day Proclamation, January 30, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXVII'>Introducing Henry Cabot Lodge and A. Lawrence Lowell at the Debate on the League of Nations, Symphony Hall, March 19, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXVIII'>Veto of Salary Increase</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXIX'>Flag Day Proclamation, May 26, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXX'>Amherst College Commencement, June 18, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXXI'>Harvard University Commencement, June 19, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXXII'>Plymouth, Labor Day, September 1, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXXIII'>Westfield, September 3, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXXIV'>A Proclamation, September 11, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXXV'>An Order to the Police Commissioner of Boston, September 11, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXXVI'>A Telegram to Samuel Gompers, September 14, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXXVII'>A Proclamation, September 24, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXXVIII'>Holy Cross College, June 25, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XXXIX'>Republican State Convention, Tremont Temple, October 4, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XL'>Williams College, October 17, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XLI'>Concerning Teachers' Salaries, October 29, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XLII'>Statement to the Press, Election Day, November 4, 1919</a></li>
+<li><a href='#XLIII'>Speech at Tremont Temple, Saturday, November 1, 1919, 8 P.M.</a></li>
+</ol></div>
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<h2>HAVE FAITH</h2>
+
+<h3>IN</h3>
+
+<h3>MASSACHUSETTS</h3>
+<a name='Page_17'></a><a name='Page_16'></a>
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='I'></a><h2>I</h2>
+
+<center>TO THE STATE SENATE ON BEING ELECTED ITS PRESIDENT</center>
+
+<center>JANUARY 7, 1914</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>Honorable Senators:&mdash;I thank you&mdash;with gratitude for the high honor
+given, with appreciation for the solemn obligations assumed&mdash;I thank
+you.</p>
+
+<p>This Commonwealth is one. We are all members of one body. The welfare of
+the weakest and the welfare of the most powerful are inseparably bound
+together. Industry c<a name='Page_18'></a>annot flourish if labor languish. Transportation
+cannot prosper if manufactures decline. The general welfare cannot be
+provided for in any one act, but it is well to remember that the benefit
+of one is the benefit of all, and the neglect of one is the neglect of
+all. The suspension of one man's dividends is the suspension of another
+man's pay envelope.</p>
+
+<p>Men do not make laws. They do but discover them. Laws must be justified
+by something more than the will of the majority. They must rest on the
+eternal foundation of righteousness. That state is most fortunate in its
+form of government which has the aptest instruments for the discovery of
+laws. The latest, most modern, and nearest perfect system that
+statesmanship has devised is representative government. Its weakness is
+the weakness of us imperfect human beings who administer it. Its
+strength is that even such administration secures to the people more
+blessings than any other system ever produced. No nat<a name='Page_19'></a>ion has discarded
+it and retained liberty. Representative government must be preserved.</p>
+
+<p>Courts are established, not to determine the popularity of a cause, but
+to adjudicate and enforce rights. No litigant should be required to
+submit his case to the hazard and expense of a political campaign. No
+judge should be required to seek or receive political rewards. The
+courts of Massachusetts are known and honored wherever men love justice.
+Let their glory suffer no diminution at our hands. The electorate and
+judiciary cannot combine. A hearing means a hearing. When the trial of
+causes goes outside the court-room, Anglo-Saxon constitutional
+government ends.</p>
+
+<p>The people cannot look to legislation generally for success. Industry,
+thrift, character, are not conferred by act or resolve. Government
+cannot relieve from toil. It can provide no substitute for the rewards
+of service. It can, of course, care f<a name='Page_20'></a>or the defective and recognize
+distinguished merit. The normal must care for themselves.
+Self-government means self-support.</p>
+
+<p>Man is born into the universe with a personality that is his own. He
+has a right that is founded upon the constitution of the universe to
+have property that is his own. Ultimately, property rights and personal
+rights are the same thing. The one cannot be preserved if the other be
+violated. Each man is entitled to his rights and the rewards of his
+service be they never so large or never so small.</p>
+
+<p>History reveals no civilized people among whom there were not a highly
+educated class, and large aggregations of wealth, represented usually by
+the clergy and the nobility. Inspiration has always come from above.
+Diffusion of learning has come down from the university to the common
+school&mdash;the kindergarten is last. No one would now expect to aid the
+common school by abolishi<a name='Page_21'></a>ng higher education.</p>
+
+<p>It may be that the diffusion of wealth works in an analogous way. As the
+little red schoolhouse is builded in the college, it may be that the
+fostering and protection of large aggregations of wealth are the only
+foundation on which to build the prosperity of the whole people. Large
+profits mean large pay rolls. But profits must be the result of service
+performed. In no land are there so many and such large aggregations of
+wealth as here; in no land do they perform larger service; in no land
+will the work of a day bring so large a reward in material and spiritual
+welfare.</p>
+
+<p>Have faith in Massachusetts. In some unimportant detail some other
+States may surpass her, but in the general results, there is no place on
+earth where the people secure, in a larger measure, the blessings of
+organized government, and nowhere can those functions more properly be
+termed self-government.</p><a name='Page_22'></a>
+
+<p>Do the day's work. If it be to protect the rights of the weak, whoever
+objects, do it. If it be to help a powerful corporation better to serve
+the people, whatever the opposition, do that. Expect to be called a
+stand-patter, but don't be a stand-patter. Expect to be called a
+demagogue, but don't be a demagogue. Don't hesitate to be as
+revolutionary as science. Don't hesitate to be as reactionary as the
+multiplication table. Don't expect to build up the weak by pulling down
+the strong. Don't hurry to legislate. Give administration a chance to
+catch up with legislation.</p>
+
+<p>We need a broader, firmer, deeper faith in the people&mdash;a faith that men
+desire to do right, that the Commonwealth is founded upon a
+righteousness which will endure, a reconstructed faith that the final
+approval of the people is given not to demagogues, slavishly pandering
+to their selfishness, merchandising with the clamor of the hour, but to
+statesmen, ministering to their welfare, repres<a name='Page_23'></a>enting their deep,
+silent, abiding convictions.</p>
+
+<p>Statutes must appeal to more than material welfare. Wages won't satisfy,
+be they never so large. Nor houses; nor lands; nor coupons, though they
+fall thick as the leaves of autumn. Man has a spiritual nature. Touch
+it, and it must respond as the magnet responds to the pole. To that, not
+to selfishness, let the laws of the Commonwealth appeal. Recognize the
+immortal worth and dignity of man. Let the laws of Massachusetts
+proclaim to her humblest citizen, performing the most menial task, the
+recognition of his manhood, the recognition that all men are peers, the
+humblest with the most exalted, the recognition that all work is
+glorified. Such is the path to equality before the law. Such is the
+foundation of liberty under the law. Such is the sublime revelation of
+man's relation to man&mdash;Democracy.</p>
+<a name='Page_24'></a>
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='II'></a><h2>II</h2>
+
+<center>AMHERST COLLEGE ALUMNI ASSOCIATION, BOSTON</center>
+
+<center>FEBRUARY 4, 1916</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>We live in an age which questions everything. The past generation was
+one of religious criticism. This is one of commercial criticism.</p>
+
+<p>We have seen the development of great industries. It has been
+represented that some of these have not been free from blame. In this
+development some men have seemed to prosper beyond the measure of their
+service, while others have appeared to be bound to toil beyond their
+strength for less than a decent livelihood.</p><a name='Page_25'></a>
+
+<p>As a result of criticising these conditions there has grown up a too
+well-developed public opinion along two lines; one, that the men engaged
+in great affairs are selfish and greedy and not to be trusted, that
+business activity is not moral and the whole system is to be condemned;
+and the other, that employment, that work, is a curse to man, and that
+working hours ought to be as short as possible or in some way abolished.
+After criticism, our religious faith emerged clearer and stronger and
+freed from doubt. So will our business relations emerge, purified but
+justified.</p>
+
+<p>The evidence of evolution and the facts of history tell us of the
+progress and development of man through various steps and ages, known by
+various names. We learn of the stone age, the bronze, and the iron age.
+We can see the different steps in the growth of the forms of government;
+how anarchy was put down by the strong arm of the despot, of the growth
+of aristocracy, of limited monarchies and of parli<a name='Page_26'></a>aments, and finally
+democracy.</p>
+
+<p>But in all these changes man took but one step at a time. Where we can
+trace history, no race ever stepped directly from the stone age to the
+iron age and no nation ever passed directly from depotism to democracy.
+Each advance has been made only when a previous stage was approaching
+perfection, even to conditions which are now sometimes lost arts.</p>
+
+<p>We have reached the age of invention, of commerce, of great industrial
+enterprise. It is often referred to as selfish and materialistic.</p>
+
+<p>Our economic system has been attacked from above and from below. But the
+short answer lies in the teachings of history. The hope of a Watt or an
+Edison lay in the men who chipped flint to perfection. The seed of
+democracy lay in a perfected despotism. The ho<a name='Page_27'></a>pe of to-morrow lies in
+the development of the instruments of to-day. The prospect of advance
+lies in maintaining those conditions which have stimulated invention and
+industry and commerce. The only road to a more progressive age lies in
+perfecting the instrumentalities of this age. The only hope for peace
+lies in the perfection of the arts of war.</p>
+
+<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'>
+<span>&quot;We build the ladder by which we rise ...<br /></span>
+<span>* * * * *<br /></span>
+<span>And we mount to the summit round by round.&quot;<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>All growth depends upon activity. Life is manifest only by action. There
+is no development physically or intellectually without effort, and
+effort means work. Work is not a curse, it is the prerogative of
+intelligence, the only means to manhood, and the measure of
+civilization. Savages do not work. The growth of a sentiment that
+despises w<a name='Page_28'></a>ork is an appeal from civilization to barbarism.</p>
+
+<p>I would not be understood as making a sweeping criticism of current
+legislation along these lines. I, too, rejoice that an awakened
+conscience has outlawed commercial standards that were false or low and
+that an awakened humanity has decreed that the working and living
+condition of our citizens must be worthy of true manhood and true
+womanhood.</p>
+
+<p>I agree that the measure of success is not merchandise but character.
+But I do criticise those sentiments, held in all too respectable
+quarters, that our economic system is fundamentally wrong, that commerce
+is only selfishness, and that our citizens, holding the hope of all that
+America means, are living in industrial slavery. I appeal to Amherst men
+to reiterate and sustain the Amherst doctrine, that the man who builds a
+<a name='Page_29'></a>factory builds a temple, that the man who works there worships there,
+and to each is due, not scorn and blame, but reverence and praise.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='III'></a><h2>III</h2>
+
+<center>BROCKTON CHAMBER OF COMMERCE</center>
+
+<center>APRIL 11, 1916</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>Man's nature drives him ever onward. He is forever seeking development.
+At one time it may be by the chase, at another by warfare, and again by
+the quiet arts of peace and commerce, but something within is ever
+calling him on to &quot;replenish the earth and subdue it.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>It may be of little importance to determine at any time just where we
+are, but it is of the utmost importance to determine whither<a name='Page_30'></a> we are
+going. Set the course aright and time must bring mankind to the ultimate
+goal.</p>
+
+<p>We are living in a commercial age. It is often designated as selfish and
+materialistic. We are told that everything has been commercialized. They
+say it has not been enough that this spirit should dominate the marts
+of trade, it has spread to every avenue of human endeavor, to our arts,
+our sciences and professions, our politics, our educational institutions
+and even into the pulpit; and because of this there are those who have
+gone so far in their criticism of commercialism as to advocate the
+destruction of all enterprise and the abolition of all property.</p>
+
+<p>Destructive criticism is always easy because, despite some campaign
+oratory, some of us are not yet perfect. But constructive criticism is
+not so easy. The faults of commercialism, like <a name='Page_31'></a>many other faults, lie in
+the use we make of it. Before we decide upon a wholesale condemnation of
+the most noteworthy spirit of modern times it would be well to examine
+carefully what that spirit has done to advance the welfare of mankind.</p>
+
+<p>Wherever we can read human history, the answer is always the same. Where
+commerce has flourished there civilization has increased. It has not
+sufficed that men should tend their flocks, and maintain themselves in
+comfort on their industry alone, however great. It is only when the
+exchange of products begins that development follows. This was the case
+in ancient Babylon, whose records of trade and banking we are just
+beginning to read. Their merchandise went by canal and caravan to the
+ends of the earth. It was not the war galleys, but the merchant vessel
+of Phoenicia, of Tyre, and Carthage that brought t<a name='Page_32'></a>hem civilization and
+power. To-day it is not the battle fleet, but the mercantile marine
+which in the end will determine the destiny of nations. The advance of
+our own land has been due to our trade, and the comfort and happiness of
+our people are dependent on our general business conditions. It is only
+a figure of poetry that &quot;wealth accumulates and men decay.&quot; Where wealth
+has accumulated, there the arts and sciences have flourished, there
+education has been diffused, and of contemplation liberty has been born.
+The progress of man has been measured by his commercial prosperity. I
+believe that these considerations are sufficient to justify our business
+enterprise and activity, but there are still deeper reasons. I have
+intended to indicate not only that commerce is an instrument of great
+power, but that commercial development is necessary to all human
+progress. What, then, of the prevalent criticism? Men have mistaken the
+means f<a name='Page_33'></a>or the end. It is not enough for the individual or the nation to
+acquire riches. Money will not purchase character or good government. We
+are under the injunction to &quot;replenish the earth and subdue it,&quot; not so
+much because of the help a new earth will be to us, as because by that
+process man is to find himself and thereby realize his highest destiny.
+Men must work for more than wages, factories must turn out more than
+merchandise, or there is naught but black despair ahead.</p>
+
+<p>If material rewards be the only measure of success, there is no hope of
+a peaceful solution of our social questions, for they will never be
+large enough to satisfy. But such is not the case. Men struggle for
+material success because that is the path, the process, to the
+development of character. We ought to demand economic justice, but most
+of all because it is justice. We must forever realize that material
+rewards are limited and in a sense they are only incidental, but the
+development of character is unlimited and is the only es<a name='Page_34'></a>sential. The
+measure of success is not the quantity of merchandise, but the quality
+of manhood which is produced.</p>
+
+<p>These, then, are the justifying conceptions of the spirit of our age;
+that commerce is the foundation of human progress and prosperity and the
+great artisan of human character. Let us dismiss the general indictment
+that has all too long hung over business enterprise. While we continue
+to condemn, unsparingly, selfishness and greed and all trafficking in
+the natural rights of man, let us not forget to respect thrift and
+industry and enterprise. Let us look to the service rather than to the
+reward. Then shall we see in our industrial army, from the most exalted
+captain to the humblest soldier in the ranks, a purpose worthy to
+<a name='Page_35'></a>minister to the highest needs of man and to fulfil the hope of a fairer
+day.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='IV'></a><h2>IV</h2>
+
+<center>AT THE HOME OF DANIEL WEBSTER, MARSHFIELD</center>
+
+<center>JULY 4, 1916</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>History is revelation. It is the manifestation in human affairs of a
+&quot;power not ourselves that makes for righteousness.&quot; Savages have no
+history. It is the mark of civilization. This New England of ours
+slumbered from the dawn of creation until the beginning of the
+seventeenth century, not un<a name='Page_36'></a>peopled, but with no record of human events
+worthy of a name. Different races came, and lived, and vanished, but the
+story of their existence has little more of interest for us than the
+story the naturalist tells of the animal kingdom, or the geologist
+relates of the formation of the crust of the earth. It takes men of
+larger vision and higher inspiration, with a power to impart a larger
+vision and a higher inspiration to the people, to make history. It is
+not a negative, but a positive achievement. It is unconcerned with
+idolatry or despotism or treason or rebellion or betrayal, but bows in
+reverence before Moses or Hampden or Washington or Lincoln or the Light
+that shone on Calvary.</p>
+
+<p>July 4, 1776, was a day of history in its high and true significance.
+Not because the underlying principles set out in the Declaration of
+Independence were new; they are older than the Christian religion, or
+Greek ph<a name='Page_37'></a>ilosophy, nor was it because history is made by proclamation or
+declaration; history is made only by action. But it was an historic day
+because the representatives of three millions of people there vocalized
+Concord and Lexington and Bunker Hill, which gave notice to the world
+that they were acting, and proposed to act, and to found an independent
+nation, on the theory that &quot;all men are created equal; that they are
+endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among
+these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.&quot; The wonder and
+glory of the American people is not the ringing declaration of that day,
+but the action, then already begun, and in the process of being carried
+out in spite of every obstacle that war could interpose, making the
+theory of freedom and equality a reality. We revere that day because it
+marks the beginnings of independence, the beginnings of a constitution
+that was finally to give universal freedom and equality to all American
+citizens, the beginnings of a government that was to recognize beyond
+all oth<a name='Page_38'></a>ers the power and worth and dignity of man. There began the first
+of governments to acknowledge that it was founded on the sovereignty of
+the people. There the world first beheld the revelation of modern
+democracy.</p>
+
+<p>Democracy is not a tearing-down; it is a building-up. It is not a denial
+of the divine right of kings; it supplements that claim with the
+assertion of the divine right of all men. It does not destroy; it
+fulfils. It is the consummation of all theories of government, to the
+spirit of which all the nations of the earth must yield. It is the great
+constructive force of the ages. It is the alpha and omega of man's
+relation to man, the beginning and the end. There is and can be no more
+doubt of the triumph of democracy in human affairs, than there is of the
+triumph of gravitation in the physical world; the only question is how
+and when. Its foundation lays hold upon eter<a name='Page_39'></a>nity.</p>
+
+<p>These are some of the ideals that the founders of our institutions
+expressed, in part unconsciously, on that momentous day now passed by
+one hundred and forty years. They knew that ideals do not maintain
+themselves. They knew that they there declared a purpose which would be
+resisted by the forces, on land and sea, of the mightiest empire of the
+earth. Without the resolution of the people of the Colonies to resort to
+arms, and without the guiding military genius of Washington, the
+Declaration of Independence would be naught in history but the vision of
+doctrinaires, a mockery of sounding brass and tinkling cymbal. Let us
+never forget that it was that resolution and that genius which made it
+the vitalizing force of a great nation. It takes service and sacrifice
+to maintain ideals.</p>
+
+<p>But it is far more than the Declaration of I<a name='Page_40'></a>ndependence that brings us
+here to-day. That was, indeed, a great document. It was drawn up by
+Thomas Jefferson when he was at his best. It was the product of men who
+seemed inspired. No greater company ever assembled to interpret the
+voice of the people or direct the destinies of a nation. The events of
+history may have added to it, but subtracted nothing. Wisdom and
+experience have increased the admiration of it. Time and criticism have
+not shaken it. It stands with ordinance and law, charter and
+constitution, prophecy and revelation, whether we read them in the
+history of Babylon, the results of Runnymede, the Ten Commandments, or
+the Sermon on the Mount. But, however worthy of our reverence and
+admiration, however pre&euml;minent, it was only one incident of a great
+forward movement of the human race, of which the American Revolution was
+itself only a larger incident. It was not so much a struggle of the
+Colonies again<a name='Page_41'></a>st the tyranny of bad government, as against wrong
+principles of government, and for self-government. It was man realizing
+himself. It was sovereignty from within which responded to the alarm of
+Paul Revere on that April night, and which went marching, gun in hand,
+against sovereignty from without, wherever it was found on earth. It
+only paused at Concord, or Yorktown, then marched on to Paris, to
+London, to Moscow, to Pekin. Against it the powers of privilege and the
+forces of despotism could not prevail. Superstition and sham cannot
+stand before intelligence and reality. The light that first broke over
+the thirteen Colonies lying along the Atlantic Coast was destined to
+illuminate the world. It has been a struggle against the forces of
+darkness; victory has been and is still delayed in some quarters, but
+the result is not in doubt. All the forces of the universe are ranged on
+the side of democracy. It must prevail.</p>
+
+<p><a name='Page_42'></a>In the train of this idea there has come to man a long line of
+collateral blessings. Freedom has many sides and angles. Human slavery
+has been swept away. With security of personal rights has come security
+of property rights. The freedom of the human mind is recognized in the
+right of free speech and free press. The public schools have made
+education possible for all, and ignorance a disgrace. A most significant
+development of respect for man has come to be respect for his
+occupation. It is not alone for the learned professions that great
+treasures are now poured out. Technical, trade, and vocational schools
+for teaching skill in occupations are fostered and nourished, with the
+same care as colleges and universities for the teaching of sciences and
+the classics. Democracy not only ennobled man; it has ennobled industry.
+In political affairs the vote of the humblest has long counted for as
+much as the vote of the most exalted. We are working towards the day
+when, in our industrial life, equal honor shall fall to equal endeavor,
+whet<a name='Page_43'></a>her it be exhibited in the office or in the shop.</p>
+
+<p>These are some of the results of that great world movement, which, first
+exhibiting itself in the Continental Congress of America, carried her
+arms to victory, through the sacrifice of a seven years' revolutionary
+war, and wrote into the Treaty of Paris the recognition of the right of
+the people to rule: since which days existence on this planet has had a
+new meaning; a result which, changing the old order of things, putting
+the race under the control and guidance of new forces, rescued man from
+every thraldom, but laid on him every duty.</p>
+
+<p>We know that only ignorance and superstition seek to explain events by
+fate and destiny, yet there is a fascination in such speculations born,
+perhaps, of human frailty. How happens it that James Otis laid out in
+1762 the the<a name='Page_44'></a>n almost treasonable proposition that &quot;Kings were made for
+the good of the people, and not the people for them,&quot; in a pamphlet
+which was circulated among the Colonists? What school had taught Patrick
+Henry that national outlook which he expressed in the opening debates of
+the first Continental Congress when he said, &quot;I am not a Virginian, but
+an American,&quot; and which hurried him on to the later cry of &quot;Liberty or
+death?&quot; How was it that the filling of a vacancy sent Thomas Jefferson
+to the second Continental Congress, there to pen the immortal
+Declaration we this day celebrate? No other living man could have
+excelled him in preparation for, or in the execution of, that great
+task. What circumstance put the young George Washington under the
+military instruction of a former army officer, and then gave him years
+of training to lead the Continental forces? What settled Ethan Allen in
+the wilderness of the Green Mountains ready to strike Ticonderoga?<a name='Page_45'></a>
+Whence came that power to draft state papers, in a new and unlettered
+land, which compelled the admiration of the cultured Earl of Chatham?
+What lengthened out the days of Benjamin Franklin that he might
+negotiate the Treaty of Paris? What influence sent the miraculous voice
+of Daniel Webster from the outlying settlements of New Hampshire to
+rouse the land with his appeal for Liberty and Union? And finally who
+raised up Lincoln, to lead, to inspire, and to die, that the opening
+assertion of the Declaration might stand at last fulfilled?</p>
+
+<p>These thoughts are overpowering. But let us beware of fate and destiny.
+Barbarians have decreased, but barbarism still exists. Rome boasted the
+name of the Eternal City. It was but eight hundred years from the sack
+of the city by one tribe of barbarians to the sack of the city by
+another tribe of barbarians. Between lay something akin to a democratic
+commonwealth. Then games,<a name='Page_46'></a> and bribes for the populace, with dictators
+and C&aelig;sars, while later the Pr&aelig;torian Guard sold the royal purple to the
+highest bidder. After which came Alaric, the Goth, and night. Since when
+democracy lay dormant for some fifteen centuries. We may claim with
+reason that our Nation has had the guidance of Providence; we may know
+that our form of government must ultimately prevail upon earth; but what
+guaranty have we that it shall be maintained here? What proof that some
+unlineal hand, some barbarism, without or within, shall not wrench the
+sceptre of democracy from our grasp? The rule of princes, the privilege
+of birth, has come down through the ages; the rule of the people has not
+yet marked a century and a half. There is no absolute proof, no positive
+guaranty, but there is hope and high expectation, and the path is not
+uncharted.</p>
+
+<p>It may be some help to know that, however much of glory, there is no
+magic in American democracy. Let us examine some more of this
+Declaration of ours, and examine it in the light of the events of those
+solemn days in w<a name='Page_47'></a>hich it was adopted.</p>
+
+<p>Men of every clime have lavished much admiration upon the first part of
+the Declaration of Independence, and rightly so, for it marked the entry
+of new forces and new ideals into human affairs. Its admirers have
+sometimes failed in their attempts to live by it, but none have
+successfully disputed its truth. It is the realization of the true
+glory and worth of man, which, when once admitted, wrought vast changes
+that have marked all history since its day. All this relates to natural
+rights, fascinating to dwell upon, but not sufficient to live by. The
+signers knew that well; more important still, the people whom they
+represented knew it. So they did not stop there. After asserting that
+man was to stand out in the universe with a new and supreme importance,
+and that governments were instituted to insure life, liberty, and the
+<a name='Page_48'></a>pursuit of happiness, they did not shrink from the logical conclusion of
+this doctrine. They knew that the duty between the citizen and the State
+was reciprocal. They knew that the State called on its citizens for
+their property and their lives; they laid down the proposition that
+government was to protect the citizen in his life, liberty, and pursuit
+of happiness. At some expense? Yes. Those prudent and thrifty men had no
+false notions about incurring expense. They knew the value of
+increasing their material resources, but they knew that prosperity was a
+means, not an end. At cost of life? Yes. These sons of the Puritans, of
+the Huguenots, of the men of Londonderry, braved exile to secure peace,
+but they were not afraid to die in defence of their convictions. They
+put no limit on what the State must do for the citizen in his hour of
+need. While they required all, they gave all. Let us read their
+conclusion in their own words, and mark its simplicity and majesty: &quot;And
+for the support of this Declaration, <a name='Page_49'></a>with a firm reliance on the
+protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our
+lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.&quot; There is no cringing
+reservation here, no alternative, and no delay. Here is the voice of the
+plain men of Middlesex, promising Yorktown, promising Appomattox.</p>
+
+<p>The doctrine of the Declaration of Independence, predicated upon the
+glory of man, and the corresponding duty of society, is that the rights
+of citizens are to be protected with every power and resource of the
+State, and a government that does any less is false to the teachings of
+that great document, of the name American. Beyond this, the principle
+that it is the obligation of the people to rise and overthrow government
+which fails in these respects. But above all, the call to duty, the
+pledge of fortune and of life, nobility of character through nobility of
+action: this is Americanism.</p>
+<a name='Page_50'></a>
+<div class='blkquot'><p>&quot;Woe for us if we forget, we that hold by these.&quot; </p></div>
+
+<p>Herein are the teachings of this day&mdash;touching the heights of man's
+glory and the depths of man's duty. Here lies the path to national
+preservation, and there is no other. Education, the progress of science,
+commercial prosperity, yes, and peace, all these and their accompanying
+blessings are worthy and commendable objects of attainment. But these
+are not the end, whether these come or no; the end lies in
+action&mdash;action in accord with the eternal principles of the Declaration
+of Independence; the words of the Continental Congress, but the deeds of
+the Army of the Revolution.</p>
+
+<p>This is the meaning of America. And it is all our own. Doctrinaires and
+visionaries may shudder at it. The privilege of birth may jeer at it.
+The practical politician may scoff at it. But the people of the Nation
+<a name='Page_51'></a>respond to it, and march away to Mexico to the rescue of a colored
+trooper as they marched of old to the rescue of an emperor. The
+assertion of human rights is naught but a call to human sacrifice. This
+is yet the spirit of the American people. Only so long as this flame
+burns shall we endure and the light of liberty be shed over the nations
+of the earth. May the increase of the years increase for America only
+the devotion to this spirit, only the intensity of this flame, and the
+eternal truth of Lowell's lines:</p>
+
+<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'>
+<span><a name='Page_52'></a>&quot;What were our lives without thee?<br /></span>
+<span>What all our lives to save thee?<br /></span>
+<span>We reck not what we gave thee;<br /></span>
+<span>We will not dare to doubt thee,<br /></span>
+<span>But ask whatever else and we will dare.&quot;<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='V'></a><h2>V</h2>
+
+<center>RIVERSIDE</center>
+
+<center>AUGUST 28, 1916</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>It may be that there would be votes for the Republican Party in t<a name='Page_53'></a>he
+promise of low taxes and vanishing expenditures. I can see an
+opportunity for its candidates to pose as the apostles of retrenchment
+and reform. I am not one of those who believe votes are to be won by
+misrepresentations, skilful presentations of half truths, and plausible
+deductions from false premises. Good government cannot be found on the
+bargain-counter. We have seen samples of bargain-counter government in
+the past when low tax rates were secured by increasing the bonded debt
+for current expenses or refusing to keep our institutions up to the
+standard in repairs, extensions, equipment, and accommodations. I
+refuse, and the Republican Party refuses, to endorse that method of
+sham and shoddy economy. New projects can wait, but the commitments of
+the Commonwealth must be maintained. We cannot curtail the usual
+appropriations or the care of mothers with dependent children or the
+support of the poor, the insane, and the infirm. The Democratic
+programme of cutting the State tax, by <a name='Page_54'></a>vetoing appropriations of the
+utmost urgency for improvements and maintenance costs of institutions
+and asylums of the unfortunates of the State, cannot be the example for
+a Republican administration. The result has been that our institutions
+are deficient in resources&mdash;even in sleeping accommodations&mdash;and it will
+take years to restore them to the old-time Republican efficiency. Our
+party will have no part in a scheme of economy which adds to the misery
+of the wards of the Commonwealth&mdash;the sick, the insane, and the
+unfortunate; those who are too weak even to protest.</p>
+
+<p>Because I know these conditions I know a Republican administration
+would face an increasing State tax rather than not see them remedied.</p>
+
+<p>The Republican Party lit the fire of progress in Massachusetts. It has
+tended it faithfully. It will not flicker now. It has provided here
+conditions of employment, and safeguards for health, that are surpassed
+nowhere on earth. There will b<a name='Page_55'></a>e no backward step. The reuniting of the
+Republican Party means no reaction in the protection of women and
+children in our industrial life. These laws are settled. These
+principles are established. Minor modifications are possible, but the
+foundations are not to be disturbed. The advance may have been too rapid
+in some cases, but there can be no retreat. That is the position of the
+great majority of those who constitute our party.</p>
+
+<p>We recognize there is need of relief&mdash;need to our industries, need to
+our population in manufacturing centres; but it must come from
+construction, not from destruction. Put an administration on Beacon
+Hill that can conserve our resources, that can protect us from further
+injuries, until a national Republican policy can restore those
+conditions of confidence and prosperity under which our advance began
+<a name='Page_56'></a>and under which it can be resumed.</p>
+
+<p>This makes the coming State election take on a most important
+aspect&mdash;not that it can furnish all the needed relief, but that it will
+increase the probability of a complete relief in the near future if it
+be crowned with Republican victory.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='VI'></a><h2>VI</h2>
+
+<center>AT THE HOME OF AUGUSTUS P. GARDNER, HAMILTON</center>
+
+<center>SEPTEMBER, 1916</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>Standing here in the presence of our host, our thoughts naturally turn
+to a discussion of &quot;Preparedness.&quot; I do not propose to overlook that
+issue; but I sh<a name='Page_57'></a>all offer suggestions of another kind of &quot;preparedness.&quot;
+Not that I shrink from full and free consideration of the military needs
+of our country. Nor do I agree that it is now necessary to remain silent
+regarding the domestic or foreign relations of this Nation.</p>
+
+<p>I agree that partisanship should stop at the boundary line, but I assert
+that patriotism should begin there. Others, however, have covered this
+field, and I leave it to them and to you.</p>
+
+<p>I do, however, propose to discuss the &quot;preparedness&quot; of the State to
+care for its unfortunates. And I propose to do this without any party
+bias and without blame upon any particular individual, but in just
+criticism of a system.</p>
+
+<p>In Massachusetts, we are citizens before we are partisans. The good name
+of the Commonwealth is of more moment to us than party success. But
+unfortunately, because of existing conditions, that good name, in one
+particular at least, is now in jeopar<a name='Page_58'></a>dy.</p>
+
+<p>Massachusetts, for twenty years, has been able honestly to boast of the
+care it has bestowed upon her sick, poor, and insane. Her institutions
+have been regarded as models throughout the world. We are falling from
+that proud estate; crowded housing conditions, corridors used for
+sleeping purposes, are not only not unusual, but are coming to be the
+accepted standard. The heads of asylums complain that maintenance and
+the allowance for food supply and supervision are being skimped.</p>
+
+<p>On August 1 of this year, the institutions throughout the State housed
+more than 700 patients above what they were designed to accommodate, and
+I am told the crowding is steadily increasing. That is one reason I have
+been at pains to set forth that I do not see the way clear to make a
+radical reduction in the annual State budget. I now repeat that
+<a name='Page_59'></a>declaration, in spite of contradiction, because I know the citizens of
+this State have no desire for economies gained at such a sacrifice. The
+people have no stomach for retrenchment of that sort.</p>
+
+<p>A charge of overcrowding, which must mean a lack of care, is not to be
+carelessly made. You are entitled to facts, as well as phrases. I gave
+the whole number now confined in our institutions above the stated
+capacity as over 700. About August 1, Danvers had 1530 in an institution
+of 1350 capacity. Northampton, my home town, had 913, in a hospital
+built for 819. In Boston State Hospital, there were 1572, where the
+capacity was 1406. Westboro had 1260 inmates, with capacity for 1161,
+and Medfield had 1615, where the capacity was 1542. These capacities are
+given from official recorded accommodations.</p>
+
+<p>This was not the practice of the past, and there can be no question as
+to where the responsibility rests. The General Court <a name='Page_60'></a>has done its best,
+but there has been a halt elsewhere. A substantial appropriation was
+made for a new State Hospital for the Metropolitan District, and an
+additional appropriation for a new institution for the feeble-minded in
+the western part of the State. In its desire to hasten matters, the
+legislature went even further and granted money for plans for a new
+hospital in the Metropolitan District, to relieve part of the outside
+congestion, but the needed relief is still in the future.</p>
+
+<p>I feel the time has come when the people must assert themselves and show
+that they will tolerate no delay and no parsimony in the care of our
+unfortunates. Restore the fame of our State in the handling of these
+problems to its former lustre.</p>
+
+<p>I repeat that this is not partisan. I am not criticising individuals. I
+am denouncing a system. When you substitute patronage for patriotism,
+administration breaks down. We need more of the Office Desk and less of
+the Show Window in politics. Let men in office substitute the midnight
+oil for the limelight. Let Massachusetts return to the sound business
+methods which were exemplified in the past by such Democrats in the East
+as Governor Gaston and Governor Douglas, and by such Republicans in the
+<a name='Page_61'></a>West as Governor Robinson and Governor Crane.</p>
+
+<p>Above all, let us not, in our haste to prepare for war, forget to
+prepare for peace. The issue is with you. You can, by your votes, show
+what system you stamp with the approval of enlightened Massachusetts
+Public Opinion.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='VII'></a><h2>VII</h2>
+
+<center>LAFAYETTE BANQUET, FALL RIVER</center>
+
+<center>SEPTEMBER 4, 1916</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>Seemingly trifling events oft carry in their train great conseque<a name='Page_62'></a>nces.
+The firing of a gun in the backwoods of Pennsylvania, Macaulay tells us,
+started the Seven Years' War which set the world in conflagration,
+causing men to fight each other on every shore of the seven seas and
+giving new masters to the most ancient of empires. We see to-day fifteen
+nations engaged in the most terrific war in the history of the human
+race and trace its origin to the bullet of a madman fired in the
+Balkans. It is true that the flintlock gun at Lexington was not the
+first, nor yet the last, to fire a &quot;shot heard round the world.&quot; It was
+not the distance it travelled, but the message it carried which has
+marked it out above all other human events. It was the character of
+that message which, claimed the attention of him we this day honor, in
+the far-off fortress of the now famous Metz; it was because it roused in
+the listener a sympathetic response that it was destined to link forever
+the events of Concord and Lexington and Bunker Hill and Dorchester
+Heights, in our Commonwealth, w<a name='Page_63'></a>ith the name of Lafayette.</p>
+
+<p>For there was a new tone in those Massachusetts guns. It was not the old
+lust of conquest, not the sullen roar of hatred and revenge, but a
+higher, clearer note of a people asserting their inalienable
+sovereignty. It is a happy circumstance that one of our native-born,
+Benjamin Franklin, was instrumental in bringing Lafayette to America;
+but beyond that it is fitting at this time to give a thought to our
+Commonwealth because his ideals, his character, his life, were all in
+sympathy with that great Revolution which was begun within her borders
+and carried to a successful conclusion by the sacrifice of her treasure
+and her blood. It was not the able legal argument of James Otis against
+the British Writs of Assistance, nor the petitions and remonstrances of
+the Colonists to the British throne, admirable though they were, that
+aroused the approbation and brought his support to our cause. It was not
+al<a name='Page_64'></a>one that he agreed with the convictions of the Continental Congress.
+He saw in the example of Massachusetts a people who would shrink from no
+sacrifice to defend rights which were beyond price. It was not the
+Tories, fleeing to Canada, that attracted him. It was the patriots,
+bearing arms, and he brought them not a pen but a sword.</p>
+
+<p>&quot;Resistance to tyranny is obedience to law,&quot; and &quot;obedience to law is
+liberty.&quot; Those are the foundations of the Commonwealth. It was these
+principles in action which appealed to that young captain of dragoons
+and brought the sword and resources of the aristocrat to battle for
+democracy. I love to think of his connection with our history. I love
+to think of him at the dedication of the Bunker Hill Monument receiving
+the approbation of the Nation from the lips of Daniel Webster. I love to
+<a name='Page_65'></a>think of the long line of American citizens of French blood in our
+Commonwealth to-day, ready to defend the principles he fought for,
+&quot;Liberty under the Law,&quot; citizens who, like him, look not with apology,
+but with respect and approval and admiration on that sentiment inscribed
+on the white flag of Massachusetts, &quot;<i>Ense petit placidam sub libertate
+quietem</i>&quot; (With a sword she seeks secure peace under liberty).</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='VIII'></a><h2>VIII</h2>
+
+<center>NORFOLK REPUBLICAN CLUB, BOSTON</center>
+
+<center>OCTOBER 9, 1916</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>Last night at Somerville I spoke on some of the fundamental differences
+between the Republican and Democratic pol<a name='Page_66'></a>icies, and showed how we were
+dependent on Republican principles as a foundation on which to erect any
+advance in our social and economic welfare.</p>
+
+<p>This year the Republican Party has adopted a very advanced platform.
+That was natural, for we have always been the party of progress, and
+have given our attention to that, when we were not engaged in a
+life-and-death struggle to overcome the fallacies put forth by our
+opponents, with which we are all so familiar. The result has been that
+here in Massachusetts, where our party has ever been strong, and where
+we have framed legislation for more than fifty years, more progress has
+been made along the lines of humanitarian legislation than in any other
+State. We have felt free to call on our industries to make large outlays
+along these lines because we have furnished them with the advantages of
+a protective tariff and an honest and efficient state government. The
+consequences have been that in <a name='Page_67'></a>this State the hours and conditions of
+labor have been better than anywhere else on earth. Those provisions for
+safety, sanitation, compensations for accidents, and for good living
+conditions have now been almost entirely worked out. There remains,
+however, the condition of sickness, age, misfortune, lack of employment,
+or some other cause, that temporarily renders people unable to care for
+themselves. Our platform has taken up this condition.</p>
+
+<p>We have long been familiar with insurance to cover losses. You will
+readily recall the different kinds. Formerly it was only used in
+commerce, by the well-to-do. Recently it has been adapted to the use of
+all our people by the great industrial companies which have been very
+successful. Our State has adopted a system of savings-bank insurance,
+thus reducing the expense. Now, social insurance will not be, under a
+Republican interpretation, any new form of outdoor relief, some new
+scheme of living on the town. It will be an extension of the old
+familiar principle to the needs at hand, and so popularized as to meet
+<a name='Page_68'></a>the requirements of our times.</p>
+
+<p>It ought to be understood, however, that there can be no remedy for lack
+of industry and thrift, secured by law. It ought to be understood that
+no scheme of insurance and no scheme of government aid is likely to make
+us all prosperous. And above all, these remedies must go forward on the
+firm foundation of an independent, self-supporting, self-governing
+people. But we do honestly put forward a proposition for the relief of
+misfortune.</p>
+
+<p>The Republican Party is proposing humanitarian legislation to build up
+character, to establish independence, not pauperism; it will in the
+future, as in the past, ever stand opposed to the establishment of one
+<a name='Page_69'></a>class who shall live on the Government, and another class who shall pay
+the taxes. To those who fear we are turning Socialists, and to those who
+think we are withholding just and desirable public aid and support, I
+say that government under the Republican Party will continue in the
+future to be so administered as to breed not mendicants, but men.
+Humanitarian legislation is going to be the handmaid of character.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='IX'></a><h2>IX</h2>
+
+<center>PUBLIC MEETING ON THE HIGH COST OF LIVING, FANEUIL HALL</center>
+
+<center>DECEMBER 9, 1916</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>The great aim of American institutions is the protection of the
+individual. That is<a name='Page_70'></a> the principle which lies at the foundation of
+Anglo-Saxon liberty. It matters not with what power the individual is
+assailed, nor whether that power is represented by wealth or place or
+numbers; against it the humblest American citizen has the right to the
+protection of his Government by every force that Government can command.</p>
+
+<p>This right would be but half expressed if it ran only to a remedy after
+a wrong is inflicted; it should and does run to the prevention of a
+wrong which is threatened. We find our citizens, to-day, not so much
+suffering from the high cost of living, though that is grievous enough,
+as threatened with an increasing cost which will bring suffering and
+misery to a large body of our inhabitants. So we come here not only to
+discuss providing a remedy for what is now existing, but some protection
+to ward off what is threatening to be a worse calamity. We shall utterly
+fail of our purpose to provide relief unless we look at things as they
+are. It<a name='Page_71'></a> is useless to indulge in indiscriminate abuse. We must not
+confuse the innocent with the guilty; it must be our object to allay
+suspicion, not to create it. The great body of our tradespeople are
+honest and conscientious, anxious to serve their customers for a fair
+return for their service. We want their co&ouml;peration in our pursuit of
+facts; we want to co&ouml;perate with them in proposing and securing a
+remedy. We do not deny the existence of economic laws, nor the right to
+profit by a change of conditions.</p>
+
+<p>But we do claim the right and duty of the Government to investigate and
+punish any artificial creation of high prices by means of illegal
+monopolies or restraints of trade. And above all, we claim the right of
+publicity. That is a remedy with an arm longer and stronger than that of
+the law. Let us know what is going on and the remedy will provide
+itself. In working along this line we shall have g<a name='Page_72'></a>reat help from the
+newspapers. The American people are prepared to meet any reasonable
+burden; they are not asking for charity or favor; fair prices and fair
+profits they will gladly pay; but they demand information that they are
+fair, and an immediate reduction if they are not.</p>
+
+<p>The Commonwealth has just provided money for an investigation by a
+competent commission. Its Police Department, its Law Department, are
+<a name='Page_73'></a>also at the service of our citizens. Let us refrain from suspicion; let
+us refrain from all indiscriminate blame; but let us present at once to
+the proper authorities all facts and all evidence of unfair practices.
+Let all our merchants, of whatever degree, assist in this work for the
+public good and let the individual see and feel that all his rights are
+protected by his Government.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='X'></a><h2>X</h2>
+
+<center>ONE HUNDREDTH ANNIVERSARY DINNER OF THE PROVIDENT INSTITUTION FOR
+SAVINGS</center>
+
+<center>DECEMBER 13, 1916</center>
+<br /><a name='Page_74'></a>
+
+<p>The history of the institution we here celebrate reaches back more than
+one third of the way to the landing of the Mayflower&mdash;back to the day of
+the men who signed the Declaration of Independence, who saw Prescott,
+Pomeroy, Stark, and Warren at Bunker Hill, who followed Washington and
+his generals from Dochester Heights to Yorktown, and saw the old Bay
+Colony become the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. They had seen a nation
+in the making. They founded their government on the rights of the
+individual. They had no hesitation in defending those rights against the
+invasion of a British King and Parliament, by a Revolutionary War, nor
+in criticising their own Government at Washington when they thought an
+invasion of those rights was again threatened by the preliminaries and
+the prosecution of the War of 1812. They had made the Commonwealth. They
+understood its Government. They knew it was a part<a name='Page_75'></a> of themselves, their
+own organization. They had not acquired the state of mind that enabled
+them to stand aloof and regard government as something apart and
+separate from the people. It would never have occurred to them that they
+could not transact for themselves any other business just as well as
+they could transact for themselves the business of government. They were
+the men who had fought a war to limit the power of government and
+enlarge the privileges of the individual.</p>
+
+<p>It was the same spirit that made Massachusetts that made the Provident
+Institution for Savings. What the men of that day wanted they made for
+themselves. They would never have thought of asking Congress to keep
+their money in the post-office. They did not want their commercial
+privileges interfered with by having the Government buy and sell for
+them. They had the self-reliance and the independence t<a name='Page_76'></a>o prefer to do
+those things for themselves. This is the spirit that founded
+Massachusetts, the spirit that has seen your bank grow until it could
+now probably purchase all there was of property in the Commonwealth when
+it began its existence. I want to see that spirit still pre&euml;minent here.
+I want to see a deeper realization on the part of the people that this
+is their Commonwealth, their Government; that they control it, that they
+pay its expenses, that it is, after all, only a part of themselves; that
+<a name='Page_77'></a>any attempt to shift upon it their duties, their responsibilities, or
+their support will in the end only delude, degrade, impoverish, and
+enslave. Your institution points the only way, through self-control,
+self-denial, and self-support, to self-government, to independence, to a
+more generous liberty, and to a firmer establishment of individual
+rights.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XI'></a><h2>XI</h2>
+
+<center>ASSOCIATED INDUSTRIES DINNER, BOSTON</center>
+
+<center>DECEMBER 15, 1916</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>During the past few years we have questioned the soundness of many
+principles that had for a lon<a name='Page_78'></a>g time been taken for granted. We have
+examined the foundations of our institutions of government. We have
+debated again the theories of the men who wrote the Declaration of
+Independence, the Constitution of the Nation, and laid down the
+fundamental law of our own Commonwealth. Along with this examination of
+our form of government has gone an examination of our social,
+industrial, and economic system. What is to come out of it all?</p>
+
+<p>In the last fifty years we have had a material prosperity in this
+country the like of which was never beheld before. A prosperity which
+not only built up great industries, great transportation systems, great
+banks and a great commerce, but a prosperity under whose influence arts
+and sciences, education and charity flourished most abundantly. It was
+little wonder that men came to think that prosperity was the chief end
+of man and grew arrogant in the use of its power. It was little wonder
+that such a misunderstanding arose th<a name='Page_79'></a>at one part of the community
+thought the owners and managers of our great industries were robbers, or
+that they thought some of the people meant to confiscate all property.
+It has been a costly investigation, but if we can arrive at a better
+understanding of our economic and social laws it will be worth all it
+cost.</p>
+
+<p>As a part of this discussion we have had many attempts at regulation of
+industrial activity by law. Some of it has proceeded on the theory that
+if those who enjoyed material prosperity used it for wrong purposes,
+such prosperity should be limited or abolished. That is as sound as it
+would be to abolish writing to prevent forgery. We need to keep forever
+in mind that guilt is personal; if there is to be punishment let it fall
+on the evil-doer, let us not condemn the instrument. We need power. Is
+the steam engine too strong? Is electricity too swift? Can any
+prosperity be t<a name='Page_80'></a>oo great? Can any instrument of commerce or industry ever
+be too powerful to serve the public needs? What then of the anti-trust
+laws? They are sound in theory. Their assemblances of wealth are broken
+up because they were assembled for an unlawful purpose. It is the
+purpose that is condemned. You men who represent our industries can see
+that there is the same right to disperse unlawful assembling of wealth
+or power that there is to disperse a mob that has met to lynch or riot.
+But that principle does not denounce town-meetings or prayer-meetings.</p>
+
+<p>We have established here a democracy on the principle that all men are
+created equal. It is our endeavor to extend equal blessings to all. It
+can be done approximately if we establish the correct standards. We are
+coming to see that we are dependent upon commercial and industrial
+prosperity, not only for the creation of wealth, but for the solving of
+the great problem of the distribution of wealth. There is jus<a name='Page_81'></a>t one
+condition on which men can secure employment and a living, nourishing,
+profitable wages for whatever they contribute to the enterprise, be it
+labor or capital, and that condition is that some one make a profit by
+it. That is the sound basis for the distribution of wealth and the only
+one. It cannot be done by law, it cannot be done by public ownership, it
+cannot be done by socialism. When you deny the right to a profit you
+deny the right of a reward to thrift and industry.</p>
+
+<p>The scientists tell us that the same force that rounds the teardrop
+moulds the earth. Physical laws have their analogy in social and
+industrial life. The law that builds up the people is the law that
+builds up industry. What price could the millions, who have found the
+inestimable blessings of American citizenship around our great
+industrial centres, after coming here from lands of oppression, afford
+to pay to those who organized those industries? Sh<a name='Page_82'></a>all we not recognize
+the great service they have done the cause of humanity? Have we not seen
+what happens to industry, to transportation, to all commercial activity
+which we call business when profit fails? Have we not seen the suffering
+and misery which it entails upon the people?</p>
+
+<p>Let us recognize the source of these fundamental principles and not
+hesitate to assert them. Let us frown upon greed and selfishness, but
+<a name='Page_83'></a>let us also condemn envy and uncharitableness. Let us have done with
+misunderstandings, let us strive to realize the dream of democracy by a
+prosperity of industry that shall mean the prosperity of the people, by
+a strengthening of our material resources that shall mean a
+strengthening of our character, by a merchandising that has for its end
+manhood, and womanhood, the ideal of American Citizenship.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XII'></a><h2>XII</h2>
+
+<center>ON THE NATURE OF POLITICS</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>Politics is not an end, but a means. It is not a product, but a process.
+It is the art of government. Like other values it has its counterfeits.
+So much emphasis has been put upon the <a name='Page_84'></a>false that the significance of
+the true has been obscured and politics has come to convey the meaning
+of crafty and cunning selfishness, instead of candid and sincere
+service. The Greek derivation shows the nobler purpose. Politikos means
+city-rearing, state-craft. And when we remember that city also meant
+civilization, the spurious presentment, mean and sordid, drops away and
+the real figure of the politician, dignified and honorable, a minister
+to civilization, author and finisher of government, is revealed in its
+true and dignified proportions.</p>
+
+<p>There is always something about genius that is indefinable, mysterious,
+perhaps to its possessor most of all. It has been the product of rude
+surroundings no less than of the most cultured environment, want and
+neglect have sometimes nourished it, abundance and care have failed to
+produce it. Why so<a name='Page_85'></a>me succeed in public life and others fail would be as
+difficult to tell as why some succeed or fail in other activities. Very
+few men in America have started out with any fixed idea of entering
+public life, fewer still would admit having such an idea. It was said of
+Chief Justice Waite, of the United States Supreme Court, being asked
+when a youth what he proposed to do when a man, he replied, he had not
+yet decided whether to be President or Chief Justice. This may be in
+part due to a general profession of holding to the principle of Benjamin
+Franklin that office should neither be sought nor refused and in part to
+the American idea that the people choose their own officers so that
+public service is not optional. In other countries this is not so. For
+centuries some seats in the British Parliament were controlled and
+probably sold as were commissions in the army, but that has never been
+the case here. A certain Congressman, however, on arrivi<a name='Page_86'></a>ng at Washington
+was asked by an old friend how he happened to be elected. He replied
+that he was not elected, but appointed. It is worth while noting that
+the boss who was then supposed to hold the power of appointment in that
+district has since been driven from power, but the Congressman, though
+he was defeated when his party was lately divided, has been reflected.
+All of which suggests that the boss did not appoint in the first
+instance, but was merely well enough informed to see what the people
+wanted before they had formulated their own opinions and desires. It was
+said of McKinley that he could tell what Congress would do on a certain
+measure before the men in Congress themselves knew what their decision
+was to be. Cannon has said of McKinley that his ear was so close to the
+ground that it was full of grasshoppers. But the fact remains that
+office brokerage is here held in reprehensive scorn and professional
+office-seeking in contempt. Every native-born American, however, is
+potentially a President, and it must always be remembered that the
+obligation to serv<a name='Page_87'></a>e the State is forever binding upon all, although
+office is the gift of the people.</p>
+
+<p>Of course these considerations relate not to appointive places like the
+Judiciary, Commissionerships, clerical positions and like places, but to
+the more important elective offices. Another reason why political life
+of this nature is not chosen as a career is that it does not pay. Nearly
+all offices of this class are held at a financial sacrifice, not merely
+that the holder could earn more at some other occupation, but that the
+salary of the office does not maintain the holder of the office. It is
+but recently that Parliament has paid a salary to its members. In years
+gone by the United States Senate has been rather marked for its number
+of rich men. Few prominent members of Congress are dependent on their
+salary, which is but another way of saying that in Washington Senators
+and Representatives need more than their official salaries to become
+most effective. It is a consol<a name='Page_88'></a>ation to be able to state that this is not
+the condition of members of the Massachusetts General Court. There,
+ability and character come very near to being the sole requirements for
+success. Although some men have seen service in our legislature of
+nearly twenty years, to the great benefit of the Commonwealth, no one
+would choose that for a career and these men doubtless look on it only
+as an avocation.</p>
+
+<p>For these reasons we have no profession of politics or of public life in
+the sense that we have a profession of law and medicine and other
+learned callings. We have men who have spent many years in office, but
+it would be difficult to find one outside the limitations noted who
+would refer to that as his business, occupation, or profession.</p>
+
+<p>The inexperienced are prone to hold an erroneous idea of public life and
+its methods. Not<a name='Page_89'></a> long ago I listened to a joint debate in a prominent
+preparatory school. Each side took it for granted that public men were
+influenced only by improper motives and that officials of the government
+were seeking only their own gain and advantage without regard to the
+welfare of the people. Such a presumption has no foundation in fact.
+There are dishonest men in public office. There are quacks, shysters,
+and charlatans among doctors, lawyers, and clergy, but they are not
+representative of their professions nor indicative of their methods. Our
+public men, as a class, are inspired by honorable and patriotic motives,
+desirous only of a faithful execution of their trust from the executive
+and legislative branches of the States and Nation down to the
+executives of our towns, who bear the dignified and significant title of
+selectmen. Public men must expect criticism and be prepared to endure
+false charges from their opponents. It is a matter of no great concern
+to them. But public confidence in government is a ma<a name='Page_90'></a>tter of great
+concern. It cannot be maintained in the face of such opinions as I have
+mentioned. It is necessary to differentiate between partisan assertions
+and actual conditions. It is necessary to recognize worth as well as to
+condemn graft. No system of government can stand that lacks public
+confidence and no progress can be made on the assumption of a false
+premise. Public administration is honest and sound and public business
+is transacted on a higher plane than private business.</p>
+
+<p>There is no difficulty for men in college to understand elections and
+government. They have all had experience in it. The same motives that
+operate in the choice of class officers operate in choosing officers for
+the Commonwealth. Here men are soon estimated at their true worth. Here
+places of trust are conferred and administered as they will be in later
+years. The scale is smaller, the opportunities are less, conditions are
+more artificial, but the principl<a name='Page_91'></a>es are the same. Of course the present
+estimate is not the ultimate. There are men here who appear important
+that will not appear so in years to come. There are men who seem
+insignificant now who will develop at a later day. But the motive which
+leads to elections here leads to elections in the State.</p>
+
+<p>Is there any especial obligation on the part of college-bred men to be
+candidates for public office? I do not think so. It is said that
+although college graduates constitute but one per cent of the
+population, they hold about fifty per cent of the public offices, so
+that this question seems to take care of itself. But I do not feel that
+there is any more obligation to run for office than there is to become a
+banker, a merchant, a teacher, or enter any other special occupation. As
+indicated some men have a particular aptitude in this direction and some
+have none. Of course experience counts here as in any other human
+activity, and all experien<a name='Page_92'></a>ce worth the name is the result of
+application, of time and thought and study and practice. If the
+individual finds he has liking and capacity for this work, he will
+involuntarily find himself engaged in it. There is no catalogue of such
+capacity. One man gets results in one way, another in another. But in
+general only the man of broad sympathy and deep understanding of his
+fellow men can meet with much success.</p>
+
+<p>What I have said relates to the somewhat narrow field of office-holding.
+This is really a small part of the American system or of any system.
+James Bryce tells us that we have a government of public opinion. That
+is growing to be more and more true of the governments of the entire
+world. The first care of despotism seems to be to control the school and
+the press. Where the mind is free it turns not to force but to reason
+for the source of authority. Men submit to a government of force as we
+are doing now when they believe it is nec<a name='Page_93'></a>essary for their security,
+necessary to protect them from the imposition of force from without.
+This is probably the main motive of the German people. They have been
+taught that their only protection lay in the support of a military
+despotism. Rightly or wrongly they have believed this and believing have
+submitted to what they suppose their only means of security. They have
+been governed accordingly. Germany is still feudal.</p>
+
+<p>This leads to the larger and all important field of politics. Here we
+soon see that office-holding is the incidental, but the standard of
+citizenship is the essential. Government does rest upon the opinions of
+men. Its results rest on their actions. This makes every man a
+politician whether he will or no. This lays the burden on us all. Men
+who have had the advantages of liberal culture ought to be the leaders
+in maintaining the standards of citizenship. Unless they can and do
+accomplish this result education is a failure. Greatly have they been
+taug<a name='Page_94'></a>ht, greatly must they teach. The power to think is the most
+practical thing in the world. It is not and cannot be cloistered from
+politics.</p>
+
+<p>We live under a republican form of government. We need forever to
+remember that representative government does represent. A careless,
+indifferent representative is the result of a careless, indifferent
+electorate. The people who start to elect a man to get what he can for
+his district will probably find they have elected a man who will get
+what he can for himself. A body will keep on its course for a time after
+the moving impulse ceases by reason of its momentum. The men who
+founded our government had fought and thought mightily on the
+relationship of man to his government. Our institutions would go for a
+time under the momentum they gave. But we should be deluded if we
+supposed they can be maintained without more of the same stern sacr<a name='Page_95'></a>ifice
+offered in perpetuity. Government is not an edifice that the founders
+turn over to posterity all completed. It is an institution, like a
+university which fails unless the process of education continues.</p>
+
+<p>The State is not founded on selfishness. It cannot maintain itself by
+the offer of material rewards. It is the opportunity for service. There
+has of late been held out the hope that government could by legislation
+remove from the individual the need of effort. The managers of
+industries have seemed to think that their difficulties could be removed
+and prosperity ensured by changing the laws. The employee has been led
+to believe that his condition could be made easy by the same method.
+When industries can be carried on without any struggle, their results
+will be worthless, and when wages can be secured without any effort they
+will have no purchasing value. In the end the value of the product will
+be measured by the amount of effort necessary to secure it. Our late Dr.
+Garman recognized th<a name='Page_96'></a>is limitation in one of his lectures where he
+says:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>&quot;Critics have noticed three stages in the development of human
+civilization. First: the let-alone policy; every man to look out for
+number one. This is the age of selfishness. Second: the opposite pole of
+thinking; every man to do somebody's else work for him. This is the dry
+rot of sentimentality that feeds tramps and enacts poor laws such as
+excite the indignation of Herbert Spencer. But the third stage is
+represented by our formula: every man must render and receive the best
+possible service, except in the case of inequality, and there the
+strong must help the weak to help themselves; only on this condition is
+help given. This is the true interpretation of the life of Christ. On
+the first basis He would have remained in heaven and let the earth take
+care of itself. On the second basis He would have come to earth with his
+hands full of gold and silver treasures sati<a name='Page_97'></a>sfying every want that
+unfortunate humanity could have devised. But on the third basis He comes
+to earth in the form of a servant who is at the same time a master
+commanding his disciples to take up their cross and follow Him; it is
+sovereignty through service as opposed to slavery through service. He
+refuses to make the world wealthy, but He offers to help them make
+themselves wealthy with true riches which shall be a hundred-fold more,
+even in this life, than that which was offered them by any former
+system.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>This applies to political life no less than to industrial life. We live
+under the fairest government on earth. But it is not self-sustaining.
+Nor is that all. There are selfishness and injustice and evil in the
+world. More than that, these forces are never at rest. Some desire to
+use the processes<a name='Page_98'></a> of government for their own ends. Some desire to
+destroy the authority of government altogether. Our institutions are
+predicated on the rights and the corresponding duties, on the worth, of
+the individual. It is to him that we must look for safety. We may need
+new charters, new constitutions and new laws at times. We must always
+have an alert and interested citizenship. We have no dependence but the
+individual. New charters cannot save us. They may appear to help but the
+chances are that the beneficial results obtained result from an
+increased interest aroused by discussing changes. Laws do not make
+reforms, reforms make laws. We cannot look to government. We must look
+to ourselves. We must stand not in the expectation of a reward but with
+<a name='Page_99'></a>a desire to serve. There will come out of government exactly what is put
+into it. Society gets about what it deserves. It is the part of educated
+men to know and recognize these principles and influences and knowing
+them to inform and warn their fellow countrymen. Politics is the process
+of action in public affairs. It is personal, it is individual, and
+nothing more. Destiny is in you.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XIII'></a><h2>XIII</h2>
+
+<center>TREMONT TEMPLE</center>
+
+<center>NOVEMBER 3, 1917</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>There is a time and place for everything. There are times when some
+things are out of place. Domestic science is an important subject. So is
+the proper heating and ventil<a name='Page_100'></a>ating of our habitations. But when the
+house is on fire reasonable men do not stop to argue of culinary cuts
+nor listen to a disquisition on plumbing; they call out the fire
+department and join it in an attempt to save their dwelling. They think
+only in terms of the conflagration.</p>
+
+<p>So it is in this hour that has come to us so grim with destiny. We
+cannot stop now to discuss domestic party politics. Our men are on the
+firing-line of France. There will be no party designations in the
+casualty lists. We cannot stop to glance at that alluring field of
+history that tells us of the past patriotic devotion of the men of our
+party to the cause of the Nation&mdash;devotion without reserve. We must
+think now only in terms of winning the war.</p>
+
+<p>An election at this time is not of our choosing. We are having one
+because it is necessary under the terms of our Constitution of
+Massachusetts. We have not conducted the ordinary party canvass. We have
+not flaunted part<a name='Page_101'></a>y banners, we have not burned red fire, we have not
+rent the air with martial music, we have not held the usual party
+rallies. We have addressed meetings, but such addresses have been to
+urge subscriptions to the Liberty Loan, to urge gifts to the great
+humanitarian work of the Red Cross, and for the efforts of charity,
+benevolence, and mercy that are represented by the Y.M.C.A. and by the
+Knights of Columbus, for the conservation of food, and for the other
+patriotic purposes.</p>
+
+<p>But we are not to infer that this is not an important election. It is
+too important to think of candidates, too important to think of party,
+too important to think of anything but our country at war. No more
+important election has been held since the days of War Governor Andrew.
+On Tuesday next the voters of Massachusetts will decide whether they
+will support the Government i<a name='Page_102'></a>n its defence of America, and its defence
+of all that America means. There is no room for domestic party issues
+here. The only question for consideration is whether the Government of
+this Commonwealth, legislative and executive, has rendered and will
+render prompt and efficient support for the national defence. Perhaps it
+would be enough to point out that Massachusetts troops were first at the
+Mexican border and first in France. But that is only part of the story.</p>
+
+<p>Wars are waged now with far more than merely the troops in the field.
+Every resource of the people goes into the battle. It is a matter of
+organizing the entire fabric of society. No one has yet pointed out, no
+one can point out, any failure on the part of our State Government to
+take efficient measures for this purpose. More than that, Massachusetts
+did not have to be asked; while Washington was yet dumb Massachusetts
+spoke.</p>
+<a name='Page_103'></a>
+<p>Months before war was declared a Public Safety Committee was appointed
+and went to work; weeks before war a conference of New England Governors
+was called and a million dollars was given the Governor and Council to
+equip Massachusetts troops for which the National Treasury had no money.
+By reason of this foresight our men went forth better supplied than any
+others, with ten dollars additional pay from their home State, and the
+assurance that their dependents could draw forty dollars monthly where
+needed for their support. The production and distribution of food and
+fuel have been advanced. The maintenance of industrial peace has been
+promoted. The Gloucester fishermen, fifteen thousand shoemakers in
+Lynn, the Boston &amp; Maine railroad employees, have had their differences
+adjusted. A second million dollars for emergency expenses has been given
+the Governor and Council. An efficient State Guard of over ten thousand
+men has been organized. Our brave soldiers, their dependents, <a name='Page_104'></a>the great
+patriotic public have been protected by the present Government with
+every means that ingenuity could devise. We have won the right to
+reelection by duty well performed.</p>
+
+<p>Remember this: we are not responsible for the war, we are responsible
+for the preparation that enables us to defend our soldiers and ourselves
+from savages. Massachusetts is not going to repudiate these patriotic
+services. To do so now would mean more than repudiating the Government.
+It would mean repudiating the devotion of our brave men in arms,
+repudiating the sacrifice of the fathers, mothers, wives, and dear ones
+behind, and repudiating the loyalty of the millions who subscribed to
+the Liberty Loan,&mdash;it would mean repudiating America.</p>
+
+<p>Massachusetts has decided that the path of the Mayflower shall not be
+closed. She has decided to sail the seas. She has decided to sail not
+<a name='Page_105'></a>under the edict of Potsdam, crimped in narrow lanes seeking safety in
+unarmed merchantmen painted in fantastic hues, as the badge of an
+infamous servitude, but she has decided to sail under the ancient
+Declaration of Independence, choosing what course she will, maintaining
+security by the guns of ships of the line, flying at the mast the Stars
+and Stripes, forever the emblem of a militant liberty.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XIV'></a><h2>XIV</h2>
+
+<center>DEDICATION OF TOWN-HOUSE, WESTON</center>
+
+<center>NOVEMBER 27, 1917</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>I was interested to come out here and take part in the de<a name='Page_106'></a>dication of
+this beautiful building in part because my ancestors had lived in this
+locality in times gone past, but more especially because I am interested
+in the town governments of Massachusetts. You have heard the
+town-meeting referred to this evening. It seemed to me that the towns in
+this Commonwealth correspond in part to what we might call the
+water-tight compartments of the ship of state, and while sometimes our
+State Government has wavered, sometimes it has been suspended, and it
+has been thought that the people could not care for themselves under
+those conditions. Whenever that has arisen the towns of the Commonwealth
+have come to the rescue and been able to furnish the foundation and the
+strength on which might not only be carried on, but on which might again
+be erected the failing government of the Commonwealth or the failing
+government of the Nation. So that I know nothing to which we New
+Englanders owe more, and especially the people of Massachusetts, of our
+civil liber<a name='Page_107'></a>ties than we do to our form of town government.</p>
+
+<p>The history of Weston has been long and interesting, beginning, as your
+town seal designates, back in 1630, when Watertown was recognized as one
+of the three or four towns in the Commonwealth; set off by boundaries
+into the Farmers' Precinct in 1698, and becoming incorporated as a town
+in 1713. There begins a long and honorable history. Of course, the first
+part of it gathered to a large degree around the church. The first
+church was started here, I think, in 1695, and I believe that the land
+on which it was to be erected was purchased of a man who bore my name.
+Your first clergyman seems to have been settled about 1702; and the
+long and even tenor of your ways here and your devotion to things which
+were established is perhaps shown and exemplified in the fact that
+during the next one hundred and seventy-four years, coming clear down to
+1876, you had but six clergymen presiding over that church. You have an
+example here now, along the same line<a name='Page_108'></a>, in the long tenure of office that
+has come to your present town clerk, he having been first elected, I
+believe, in 1864 and having held office from that time to this, probably
+serving as long, if not longer, than any of the town clerks of
+Massachusetts, certainly, I believe, the longest of any present living
+town clerk.</p>
+
+<p>There are many interesting things connected with the history of this
+town. It bore its part in the Indian Wars. Here was organized an Indian
+fighting expedition that went to the North, and, though some of the men
+in that expedition were lost and the expedition was not altogether
+successful, it showed, the spirit, the resolution, the bravery, and the
+courage which animated the men of those days.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Young has referred to that day in Massachusetts history that we are
+all so proud of, the Ni<a name='Page_109'></a>neteenth of April, 1775. But you had an
+interesting event here in this town leading up to that great day.
+General Gage was in command of the British forces at Boston. There had
+been gathered supplies for carrying on a war out here through Middlesex
+County and out to the west in Worcester. History tells us that he sent
+out here Sergeant Howe and other spies, in order that he might find out
+what the conditions were and whether it would be easy for the British
+troops to come out here and seize those supplies and break what they
+thought was the idea on the part of the colonists of starting a
+rebellion. Sergeant Howe came out here, went to the hotel, where, of
+course, the landlord received him hospitably, but informed him that
+probably it wouldn't be a healthy place for him to stay for a very long
+time, and sent him away in the dead of the night. He went back to Boston
+and made a report to the General in which he said that the people of
+this vicinity were generally resolved to be free or to die. That was the
+<a name='Page_110'></a>spirit of those times; and he advised the Britishers that if they wanted
+to go out to Worcester they would probably need an expedition of ten
+thousand men and a sufficient train of artillery, and he doubted
+whether, if such an expedition as that were sent out, any part of it
+would return alive. On account of the report that he brought back it was
+determined by the British authorities that it was more prudent to go up
+to Concord than it was to come out here on the way to Worcester. That
+was the reason that the expedition on that Nineteenth of April was
+started for Concord rather than through here for Worcester.</p>
+
+<p>Of course, there are many other interesting events in the history of
+this town. You had here many men who have seen military service. You
+furnished a large number for the Revolutionary War and a large amount of
+money. You furnished as your <a name='Page_111'></a>quota one hundred and twenty-six soldiers
+that went into the army from 1861 to 1865. But you were doing here what
+they were doing all over the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. I doubt if
+the leading and prominent and decisive part that Massachusetts played in
+the great Revolutionary War is generally understood. It is interesting
+to recall that when General Washington came here he seems to have come
+with somewhat of a prejudice against New England men. I think there are
+extant letters which he wrote at that time rather reflecting upon what
+the New England men were doing and the character of Massachusetts men of
+those days. But that was not his idea at the end of the war. Then,
+although he had been brought up far to the south, he had a different
+idea. Then he said, and said very generously, that he thought well of
+New England men and had it not been for their support, had it not been
+for the men, the materials and munitions that they supplied to the
+Revolutionary forces, the war would not have been a success. His name is
+interesti<a name='Page_112'></a>ngly connected with your town of Weston.</p>
+
+<p>You have had here not only an interesting population but an interesting
+location. It was through this town that the great arteries of travel ran
+to the west and south and to the north. When Burgoyne surrendered, some
+of his troops were brought through this town on their way to the
+sea-coast. When Washington came up to visit New England after he had
+been President, he came through the town of Weston, and I do not know
+whether this is any reflection on the cooking of those days in the towns
+to the west, but it says in the history of the town of Weston that at
+one time when Washington stopped at the hotel in Wayland, although the
+hostess had provided what she thought was a very fine banquet, he left
+his staff to eat that and went out into the kitchen to help himself to a
+bowl of bread and milk. I suppose he would not be thought to have done
+that because he was a candidate for office and wanted to appear as o<a name='Page_113'></a>ne
+of the plain people, because that was after he had served in the office
+of President. But he stopped here in the town of Weston and was
+entertained here at the hotel. And many other great men passed through
+here and were entertained here from the time when we were colonies clear
+up to the time when the railroads were established along in the middle
+of the last century.</p>
+
+<p>So this town has had a long and interesting history, and has done its
+part in building up Massachusetts and giving her strength to take her
+part in the history of this great Nation. And it is pleasant to see how
+the work that the fathers have done before us is bearing fruit in these
+times of ours. It is interesting to see this beautiful building. It is
+interesting to know that you have a town planning committee who are
+placing this building in a situation where it will contribute to t<a name='Page_114'></a>he
+physical beauty of this historic town. We have not given the time and
+the attention and the thought that we should have given to things of
+that kind in Massachusetts. We have been too utilitarian. We have
+thought that if a building was located in some place where we could have
+access to it, where it could be used, where it could transact the
+business of the town, that was enough. We are coming to see in these
+modern days that that is not enough; that we need not only utilitarian
+motives, but that we need to give some time, some thought and attention
+to the artistic in life; that we need to concern ourselves not only with
+the material but give some thought to the spiritual; that we need to
+pay some attention to the beautiful as well as to that which is merely
+useful.</p>
+
+<p>These things are appreciated. Weston is doing something along these
+lines and building her public buildings and laying out her public square
+or her common (as it was known in the old days) so they will be things
+of beauty as well as things of use. Let us dedicate this building to
+<a name='Page_115'></a>these new purposes. Let us dedicate it to the glorious history of the
+past. Let us dedicate it to the sacrifice that is required in these
+present days. Let us dedicate it to the hope of the future. Let us
+dedicate it to New England ideals&mdash;those ideals that have made
+Massachusetts one of the strong States of the Nation; strong enough so
+that in Revolutionary days we contributed far in excess of our portion
+of men and money to that great struggle; strong enough so that the whole
+Nation has looked to Massachusetts in days of stress for comfort and
+support.</p>
+
+<p>We are very proud of our democracy. We are very proud of our form of
+government. We believe that there is no other nation on earth that gives
+to the individual the privileges and the rights that he has in America.
+The time has come now when we are going to defend those rights. The time
+has come when the world is looking to America, as the Nation has looked
+to Massachusetts in the past, to stand up and defend the rights of the
+individual. Sovereignty, it is our belief, is vested in the individual;
+and we are going to protect the rights of the individual. It is an
+<a name='Page_116'></a>auspicious moment to dedicate here in New England one of our town halls,
+an auspicious moment in which to dedicate it to the supremacy of those
+ideals for which the whole world is fighting at the present time; that
+the rights of the individual as they were established here in the past
+may be maintained by us now and carried to a yet greater development in
+the future.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XV'></a><h2>XV</h2>
+
+<center>AMHERST ALUMNI DINNER, SPRINGFIELD</center>
+
+<center>MARCH 15, 1918</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>The individual may not require the higher institutions of learning, but
+society does. Without them civilization as we know it would <a name='Page_117'></a>fall from
+mankind in a night. They minister not alone to their own students, they
+minister to all humanity.</p>
+
+<p>It is this same ancient spirit which, coming to the defence of the
+Nation, has in this new day of peril made nearly every college campus a
+training field for military service, and again sent graduate and
+undergraduate into the fighting forces of our country. They are
+demonstrating again that they are the strongholds of ordered liberty and
+individual freedom. This has ever been the distinguishing characteristic
+of the American institution of learning. They have believed in
+democracy because they believed in the nobility of man; they have served
+society because they have looked upon the possession of learning not as
+conferring a privilege but as laying on a duty. They have taught and
+practised the precept that the greater man's power the greater his
+obligation. The supreme choice is righteousness. It is that &quot;moral
+power&quot; to which Professor <a name='Page_118'></a>Tyler referred as the great contribution of
+college men to the cause of the Union.</p>
+
+<p>The Nation is taking a military census, it is thinking now in terms of
+armament. The officers of government are discussing manpower,
+transportation by land and sea and through the air, the production of
+rifles, artillery, and explosives, the raising of money by loans and
+taxation. The Nation ought to be most mightily engaged in this work. It
+must put every ounce of its resources into the production and
+organization of its material power. But these are to a degree but the
+outward manifestations of something yet more important. The ultimate
+result of all wars and of this war has been and will be determined by
+the moral power of the nations engaged. On that will depend whether
+armies &quot;ray out darkness&quot; or are the source of light and life and
+liberty. Without the support of the moral power of the Nation armies
+will prove useless, without a m<a name='Page_119'></a>oral victory, whatever the fortunes of
+the battlefield, there can be no abiding peace.</p>
+
+<p>Whatever the difficulties of an exact definition may be the
+manifestations of moral power are not difficult to recognize. The life
+of America is rich with such examples. It has been predominant here. It
+established thirteen colonies which were to a large degree
+self-sustaining and self-governing. They fought and won a revolutionary
+war. What manner of men they were, what was the character of their
+leadership, was attested only in part by Saratoga and Yorktown.
+Washington had displayed great power on many fields of battle, the
+colonists had suffered long and endured to the end, but the glory of
+military power fades away beside the picture of the victorious general,
+returning his commission to the representatives of a people who would
+have made him king, and retiring after two terms from the Presidency
+which he could have held for life, and the picture of a war<a name='Page_120'></a>-worn people
+turning from debt, disorder, almost anarchy, not to division, not to
+despotism, but to national unity under the ordered liberty of the
+Federal Constitution.</p>
+
+<p>It was manifested again in the adoption and defence by the young nation
+of that principle which is known as the Monroe Doctrine that European
+despotism should make no further progress in the Western Hemisphere. It
+is in the great argument of Webster replying to Hayne and the stout
+declaration of Jackson that he would treat nullification as treason. It
+was the compelling force of the Civil War, expounded by Lincoln in his
+unyielding purpose to save the Union but &quot;with malice toward none, with
+charity for all,&quot; which General Grant, his greatest soldier, put into
+practice at Appomattox when he sent General Lee back with his sword, and
+his soldiers home to the plantations, with their war<a name='Page_121'></a> horses for the
+spring plowing. And at the conclusion of the Spanish War it is to the
+ever-enduring credit of our country that it exacted not penalties, but
+justice, and actually compensated a defeated foe for public property
+that had come to our hands in the Philippines as the result of the
+fortunes of battle. But what of the present crisis? Is the heart of the
+Nation still sound, does it still respond to the appeal to the high
+ideals of the past? If those two and one half years, before the American
+<a name='Page_122'></a>declaration of war, shall appear, when unprejudiced history is written,
+to have been characterized by patience, forbearance, and self-restraint,
+they will add to the credit of former days. If they were characterized
+by selfishness, by politics, by a balancing of expediency against
+justice they will be counted as a time of ignominy for which a
+victorious war would furnish scant compensation.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XVI'></a><h2>XVI</h2>
+
+<center>MESSAGE FOR THE BOSTON POST</center>
+
+<center>APRIL 22, 1918</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>The nation with the greatest moral power will win. Of that are born
+armies and navies and the resolution to endure. Have faith in the moral
+<a name='Page_123'></a>power of America. It gave independence under Washington and freedom
+under Lincoln. Here, right never lost. Here, wrong never won. However
+powerful the forces of evil may appear, somewhere there are more
+powerful forces of righteousness. Courage and confidence are our
+heritage. Justice is our might. The outcome is in your hand, my fellow
+American; if you deserve to win, the Nation cannot lose.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XVII'></a><h2>XVII</h2>
+
+<center>ROXBURY HISTORICAL SOCIETY, BUNKER HILL DAY</center>
+
+<center>JUNE 17, 1918</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>Reverence is the measure not of others but of ourselves. This assemblage
+on the one hundred and forty-third anniversary of the Battle of Bunker
+Hill tells not only of the spirit of that day but of the spirit of
+<a name='Page_124'></a>to-day. What men worship that will they become. The heroes and holidays
+of a people which fascinate their soul reveal what they hold are the
+realities of life and mark out a line beyond which they will not
+retreat, but at which they will stand to overcome or die. They who
+reverence Bunker Hill will fight there. Your true patriot sees home and
+hearthstone in the welfare of his country.</p>
+
+<p>Rightly viewed, then, this day is set apart for an examination of
+ourselves by recounting the deeds of the men of long ago.</p>
+
+<p>What was there in the events of the seventeenth day of June, 1775,
+which holds the veneration of Americans and the increasing admiration of
+the world? There are the physical facts not too unimportant to be
+unworthy of reiteration even in the<a name='Page_125'></a> learned presence of an Historical
+Society. A detachment of men clad for the most part in the dress of
+their daily occupations, standing with bared heads and muskets grounded
+muzzle down in the twilight glow on Cambridge Common, heard Samuel
+Langdon, President of Harvard College, seek divine blessing on their
+cause and marched away in the darkness to a little eminence at
+Charlestown, where, ere the setting of another sun, much history was to
+be made and much glory lost and won. When a new dawn had lifted the
+mists of the Bay, the British, under General Howe, saw an intrenchment
+on Breed's Hill, which must be taken or Boston abandoned. The works were
+exposed in the rear to attack from land and sea. This was disdained by
+the king's soldiers in their contempt for the supposed fighting ability
+of the Americans. Leisurely, as on dress parade, they assembled for an
+assault that they thought was to be a demonstration of the uselessness
+of any armed resistance on <a name='Page_126'></a>the part of the Colonies. In splendid array
+they advanced late in the day. A few straggling shots and all was still
+behind the parapet. It was easier than they had expected. But when they
+reached a point where 'tis said the men behind the intrenchments could
+see the whites of their eyes, they were met by a withering fire that
+tore their ranks asunder and sent them back in disorder, utterly routed
+by their despised foes. In time they form and advance again but the
+result is the same. The demonstration of superiority was not a success.
+For a third time they form, not now for dress parade, but for a
+hazardous assault. This time the result was different. The patriots had
+lost nothing of courage or determination but there was left scarcely
+one round of powder. They had no bayonets. Pouring in their last volley
+and still resisting with clubbed muskets, they retired slowly and in
+order from the field. So great was the British loss that there was no
+pursuit. The intensity of the battle is told by the loss of the
+Amer<a name='Page_127'></a>icans, out of about fifteen hundred engaged, of nearly twenty per
+cent, and of the British, out of some thirty-five hundred engaged, of
+nearly thirty-three per cent, all in one and one half hours.</p>
+
+<p>It was the story of brave men bravely led but insufficiently equipped.
+Their leader, Colonel Prescott, had walked the breastworks to show his
+men that the cannonade was not particularly dangerous. John Stark,
+bringing his company, in which were his Irish compatriots, across
+Charlestown Neck under the guns of the battleships, refused to quicken
+his step. His Major, Andrew McCleary, fell at the rail fence which he
+had held during the day. Dr. Joseph Warren, your own son of Roxbury,
+fell in the retreat, but the Americans, though picking off his officers,
+spared General Howe. They had fought the French under his brother.</p>
+
+<p>Such were some of the outstanding deeds of the day. But these were the
+deeds of men and the deeds of men alway<a name='Page_128'></a>s have an inward significance. In
+distant Philadelphia, on this very day, the Continental Congress had
+chosen as the Commander of their Army, General George Washington, a man
+whose clear vision looked into the realities of things and did not
+falter. On his way to the front four days later, dispatches reached him
+of the battle. He revealed the meaning of the day with, one question,
+&quot;Did the militia fight?&quot; Learning how those heroic men fought, he said,
+&quot;Then the liberties of the Country are safe.&quot; No greater commentary has
+ever been made on the significance of Bunker Hill.</p>
+
+<p>We read events by what goes before and after. We think of Bunker Hill
+as the first real battle for independence, the prelude to the
+Revolution. Yet these were both after-thoughts. Independence Day was
+still more than a year away and then eight years from accomplishment.
+The Revolution cannot be said to have become established until the
+adoption of the Federal Constitution. No<a name='Page_129'></a>, on this June day, these were
+not the conscious objects sought. They were contending for the liberties
+of the country, they were not yet bent on establishing a new nation nor
+on recognizing that relationship between men which the modern world
+calls democracy. They were maintaining well their traditions, these sons
+of Londonderry, lovers of freedom and anxious for the fray, and these
+sons of the Puritans, whom Macaulay tells us humbly abased themselves in
+the dust before the Lord, but hesitated not to set their foot upon the
+neck of their king.</p>
+
+<p>It is the moral quality of the day that abides. It was the purpose of
+those plain garbed men behind the parapet that told whether they were
+savages bent on plunder, living under the law of the jungle, or sons of
+the morning bearing the light of civilization. The glorious revolution
+of 1688 was fading from me<a name='Page_130'></a>mory. The English Government of that day
+rested upon privilege and corruption at the base, surmounted by a king
+bent on despotism, but fortunately too weak to accomplish any design
+either of good or ill. An empire still outwardly sound was rotting at
+the core. The privilege which had found Great Britain so complacent
+sought to establish itself over the Colonies. The purpose of the
+patriots was resistance to tyranny. Pitt and Burke and Lord Camden in
+England recognized this, and, loving liberty, approved the course of the
+Colonies. The Tories here, loving privilege, approved the course of the
+Royal Government. Bunker Hill meant that the Colonies would save
+themselves and saving themselves save the mother country for liberty.
+The war was not inevitable. Perhaps wars are never inevitable. But the
+conflict between freedom and privilege was inevitable. That it broke out
+in America rather than in England was accidental. Liberty, the rights of
+man against tyranny, the rights of kings, was in the air. <a name='Page_131'></a>One side must
+give way. There might have been a peaceful settlement by timely
+concessions such as the Reform Bill of England some fifty years later,
+or the Japanese reforms of our own times, but wanting that a collision
+was inevitable. Lacking a Bunker Hill there had been another Dunbar.</p>
+
+<p>The eighteenth century was the era of the development of political
+rights. It was the culmination of the ideas of the Renaissance. It was
+the putting into practice in government of the answer to the long
+pondered and much discussed question, &quot;What is right?&quot; Custom was giving
+way at last to reason. Class and caste and place, all the distinctions
+based on appearance and accident were giving way before reality. Men
+turned from distinctions which were temporal to those which were
+eternal. The sovereignty of kings and the nobility of peers was
+swallowed up in the sovereignty and nobility of all men. The inequal in
+quantity became equal in quality.</p>
+
+<p>The successful solution o<a name='Page_132'></a>f this problem was the crowning glory of a
+century and a half of America. It established for all time how men ought
+to act toward each other in the governmental relation. The rule of the
+people had begun.</p>
+
+<p>Bunker Hill had a deeper significance. It was an example of the great
+law of human progress and civilization. There has been much talk in
+recent years of the survival of the fittest and of efficiency. We are
+beginning to hear of the development of the super-man and the claim that
+he has of right dominion over the rest of his inferiors on earth. This
+philosophy denies the doctrine of equality and holds that government is
+not based on consent but on compulsion. It holds that the weak must
+serve the strong, which is the law of slavery, it applies the law of the
+animal world to mankind and puts science above morals. This sounds the
+call to the jungle. It is not an advance to the morning but a retreat to
+night. It is not the light of human reason but <a name='Page_133'></a>the darkness of the
+wisdom of the serpent.</p>
+
+<p>The law of progress and civilization is not the law of the jungle. It is
+not an earthly law, it is a divine law. It does not mean the survival of
+the fittest, it means the sacrifice of the fittest. Any mother will give
+her life for her child. Men put the women and children in the lifeboats
+before they themselves will leave the sinking ship. John Hampden and
+Nathan Hale did not survive, nor did Lincoln, but Benedict Arnold did.
+The example above all others takes us back to Jerusalem some nineteen
+hundred years ago. The men of Bunker Hill were true disciples of
+civilization, because they were willing to sacrifice themselves to
+resist the evils and redeem the liberties of the British Empire. The
+proud shaft which rises over their battlefield and the bronze form of
+Joseph Warren in your square are not monuments to expediency or success,
+they are monuments to righteousness.</p>
+
+<p>This is the age-old story. Men are reading it again <a name='Page_134'></a>to-day&mdash;written in
+blood. The Prussian military despotism has abandoned the law of
+civilization for the law of barbarism. We could approve and join in the
+scramble to the jungle, or we could resist and sacrifice ourselves to
+save an erring nation. Not being beasts, but men, we choose the
+sacrifice.</p>
+
+<p>This brings us to the part that America is taking at the end of its
+second hundred and fifty years of existence. Is it not a part of that
+increasing purpose which the poet, the seer, tells us runs through the
+ages? Has not our Nation been raised up and strengthened, trained and
+prepared, to meet the great sacrifice that must be made now to save the
+world from despotism? We have heard much of our lack of preparation. We
+have been altogether lacking in preparation in a strict military sense.
+We had no vast forces of artillery or infantry, no large stores of
+munition<a name='Page_135'></a>s, few trained men. But let us not forget to pay proper respect
+to the preparation we did have, which was the result of long training
+and careful teaching. We had a mental, a moral, a spiritual training
+that fitted us equally with any other people to engage in this great
+contest which after all is a contest of ideas as well as of arms. We
+must never neglect the military preparation again, but we may as well
+recognize that we have had a preparation without which arms in our hands
+would very much resemble in purpose those now arrayed against us.</p>
+
+<p>Are we not realizing a noble destiny? The great Admiral who discovered
+America bore the significant name of Christopher. It has been pointed
+out that this name means Christ-bearer. Were not the men who stood at
+Bunker Hill bearing light to the world by their sacrifices? Are not the
+men of to-day, the entire Nation of to-day, living in accordance with
+the significance of that name, and by their service and sacrifice
+<a name='Page_136'></a>redeeming mankind from the forces that make for everlasting destruction?
+We seek no territory and no rewards. We give but do not take. We seek
+for a victory of our ideas. Our arms are but the means. America follows
+no such delusion as a place in the sun for the strong by the destruction
+of the weak. America seeks rather, by giving of her strength for the
+service of the weak, a place in eternity.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XVIII'></a><h2>XVIII</h2>
+
+<center>FAIRHAVEN</center>
+
+<center>JULY 4, 1918</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>We have met on this anniversary of Amer<a name='Page_137'></a>ican independence to assess the
+dimensions of a kind deed. Nearly four score years ago the master of a
+whaling vessel sailing from this port rescued from a barren rock in the
+China Sea some Japanese fishermen. Among them was a young boy whom he
+brought home with him to Fairhaven, where he was given the advantages of
+New England life and sent to school with the boys and girls of the
+neighborhood, where he excelled in his studies. But as he grew up he was
+filled with a longing to see Japan and his aged mother. He knew that the
+duty of filial piety lay upon him according to the teachings of his
+race, and he was determined to meet that obligation. I think that is one
+of the lessons of this day. Here was a youth who determined to pursue
+the course which he had been taught was right. He braved the dangers of
+the voyage and the greater dangers that awaited an absentee from his
+country under the then existing laws, to perform his duty to his mother
+and to his native land. In making that return I think we are entitled to
+say that he was the first Ambassador of Am<a name='Page_138'></a>erica to the Court of Japan,
+for his extraordinary experience soon brought him into the association
+of the highest officials of his country, and his presence there prepared
+the way for the friendly reception which was given to Commodore Perry
+when he was sent to Japan to open relations between that Government and
+the Government of America.</p>
+
+<p>And so we see how out of the kind deed of Captain Whitefield, friendly
+relations which have existed for many years between the people of Japan
+and the people of America were encouraged and made possible. And it is
+in recognition of that event that we have here to-day this great
+concourse of people, this martial array, and the representative of the
+Japanese people&mdash;a people who have never failed to respond to an act of
+kindness.</p>
+
+<p>It was with special pleasure that I came here representing the
+<a name='Page_139'></a>Commonwealth of Massachusetts, to extend an official welcome to His
+Excellency Viscount Ishii, who comes here to present to the town of
+Fairhaven a Sumari sword on behalf of the son of that boy who was
+rescued long ago. This sword was once the emblem of place and caste and
+arbitrary rank. It has taken on a new significance because Captain
+Whitefield was true to the call of humanity, because a Japanese boy was
+true to his call of duty. This emblem will hereafter be a token not only
+<a name='Page_140'></a>of the friendship that exists between two nations but a token of
+liberty, of freedom, and of the recognition by the Government of both
+these nations of the rights of the people. Let it remain here as a
+mutual pledge by the giver and the receiver of their determination that
+the motive which inspired the representatives of each race to do right
+is to be a motive which is to govern the people of the earth.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XIX'></a><h2>XIX</h2>
+
+<center>SOMERVILLE REPUBLICAN CITY COMMITTEE</center>
+
+<center>AUGUST 7, 1918</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>Coming<a name='Page_141'></a> into your presence in ordinary times, gentlemen of the committee,
+I should be inclined to direct your attention to the long and patriotic
+services of our party, to the great benefits its policies have conferred
+upon this Nation, to the illustrious names of our leaders, to our
+present activities, and to our future party policy. But these are not
+ordinary times. Our country is at war. There is no way to save our party
+if our country be lost. And in the present crisis there is only one way
+to save our country. We must support the State and National Governments
+in whatever they request for the conduct of the war. The Constitution
+makes the President Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy. What he
+needs should be freely given. This has been and will be the policy of
+the Republican administration of Massachusetts and of her Senators and
+Representatives in Congress. We seek no party advantage from the
+distress of our country. Among Republicans there will be no political
+profiteering.</p>
+<a name='Page_142'></a>
+<p>It is a year and four months now since we declared the German Government
+was making war on America. We are beginning to see what our requirements
+are. We had a small but efficient standing army, and a larger but less
+efficient National Guard. These have been increased by enlistments. We
+have a new national force,&mdash;never to be designated as Conscripts, but as
+the accepted soldiers of a whole Nation that has volunteered, of almost
+unlimited numbers. By taxation and by three Liberty Loans, each
+over-subscribed by more than fifty per cent, we have demonstrated that
+there will be no lack of money. The problem of the production and
+conservation of food is being met, though not yet without some
+inconvenience, yet so far with very little suffering. The remaining
+factor is the production of the necessary materials for carrying on the
+war. We lack ships and military supplies. Whether these are secured in
+time in sufficient quantity will depend in a large measure upon the
+attitu<a name='Page_143'></a>de of the people managing and employed in these industries. The
+attitude of the leaders of organized labor has been patriotic. They
+realize that this is a war to preserve the rights that have been won for
+the people, and they have at all times advised their fellow workmen to
+remain at work. There must be forbearance on all sides. Where wages are
+too low they should be increased voluntarily. Where there is
+disagreement the Government has provided means for investigation and
+adjustment. Our industrial front must keep pace with our military front.</p>
+
+<p>We are demonstrating the ability of America. Within the last few days
+the report has come to us that our soldiers have defeated the Prussian
+Guard. The sneer of Germany at America is vanishing. It is true that the
+German high command still couple American and African soldiers together
+in intended derision. What they say in scorn, let us say in praise. We
+have fought before for the rights of all men irrespective of<a name='Page_144'></a> color. We
+are proud to fight now with colored men for the rights of white men. It
+would be fitting recognition of their worth to send our American negro,
+when that time comes, to inform the Prussian military despotism on what
+terms their defeated armies are to be granted peace.</p>
+
+<p>While the victories that have recently come to our arms are most
+encouraging, they should only stimulate us to redoubled efforts. The
+only hope of a short war is to prepare for a long one. In this work the
+States play a most important part. Massachusetts must be kept so
+organized and governed as to continue that able, effective, and prompt
+co&ouml;peration with the National Government that has marked the past
+progress of the war. In this we have a great part to do here. It was for
+such a task that the Republican Party came into being sixty-four years
+ago. One of the resolutions adopted at its birth peculiarly dedicates it
+to the requirements of the present hour.</p>
+
+<p>&quot;Resolved, that in view of the necessity of battling for the first
+principles of <a name='Page_145'></a>republican government and against the schemes of an
+aristocracy, the most revolting and oppressive with which the earth was
+ever cursed, or man debased, we will co&ouml;perate and be known as
+'Republicans' until the contest be terminated.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>This great work lies before our party in Massachusetts. We shall go on
+battling for the first principles of Republican government until it has
+been secured to all the people of the earth.</p>
+
+<p>Our American forces on sea and land are proving sufficient to turn the
+tide in favor of the Allied cause. They could not succeed alone, we
+could not succeed alone. We are furnishing a reserve power that is
+bringing victory.</p>
+
+<p>But America must furnish more than armies and navies for the future. If
+armies and navies were to be supreme, Germany would be right. There are
+other and greater forces in the world than march to the roll of the
+drum. As we are turning the scale with our sword now, so hereafter we
+must turn the scale with the moral power of America. It must be our
+<a name='Page_146'></a>disinterested plans that are to restore Europe to a place through
+justice when we have secured victory through the sword. And into a new
+world we are to take not only the people of oppressed Europe but the
+people of America. Out of our sacrifice and suffering, out of our blood
+and tears, America shall have a new awakening, a rededication to the
+cause of Washington and Lincoln, a firmer conviction for the right.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XX'></a><h2>XX</h2>
+
+<center>WRITTEN FOR THE SUNDAY ADVERTISER AND AMERICAN</center>
+
+<center>SEPTEMBER 1, 1918</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>The man who seeks to stimulate and increase the production of materials
+necessary for the conduct of <a name='Page_147'></a>the war by raising the price he pays is a
+patriot. The man who refuses to sell at a fine price whatever he may
+have that is necessary for the conduct of the war is a profiteer. One
+man seeks to help his country at his own expense, the other seeks to
+help himself at his country's expense. One is willing to suffer himself
+that his country may prosper, the other is willing his country should
+suffer that he may prosper.</p>
+
+<p>In ordinary times these difficulties are taken care of by the operation
+of the law of supply and demand. If the price is too high the buyer has
+time to go elsewhere. In war the element of time is one of the chief
+considerations. When what is wanted is once found it must be made
+available at once. The principle of trusteeship also comes into more
+immediate operation. It is recognized in time of peace that the public
+may take what it may need of private property for the general welfare,
+paying a fair compensation, and that the righ<a name='Page_148'></a>t to own property carries
+with it the duty of using it for the welfare of our fellow man. The time
+has gone by when one may do what he will with his own. He must use his
+property for the general good or the very right to hold private property
+is lost.</p>
+
+<p>These are some of the rules to be observed in the relationship between
+man and man. To see that these rules are properly enforced, governments
+are formed. When they are not observed&mdash;when the strong refuse voluntary
+justice to the weak&mdash;then it is time for the strong arm of the law
+through the public officers to intervene and see that the weak are
+protected. This can usually be done by the enactment of a law which all
+will try to obey, but when this course has failed there is no remedy
+save by the process of law to take from the wrong-doer his power in the
+future to do harm.</p>
+
+<p>America is built on f<a name='Page_149'></a>aith in the individual, faith in his will and power
+to do right of his own accord, but equally is the determination that the
+individual shall be protected against whatsoever force may be brought
+against him. We believe in him not because of what he has, but what he
+is. But this is a practical faith. It does not rest on any silly
+assumption that virtue is the reward of anything but effort or that
+liberty can be secured at the price of anything but eternal vigilance.</p>
+
+<p>It is in recognition of these principles and conditions that the General
+Court of last year gave the Governor power to make rules for the use by
+individuals of their property during the war for the general defence of
+the Commonwealth, and on failure on their part so to use their property,
+to take possession of it for such term as may be necessary. Up to the
+present time it has not been necessary to take property. Our faith in
+the<a name='Page_150'></a> patriotism of our citizens has been amply demonstrated. Of our four
+millions of people few have failed voluntarily to use their every
+resource for the defence of the Nation. But of late there have been some
+complaints of too high charges for rent in war-material centres. In some
+cases patriotic workmen engaged in labor most vital to our country's
+salvation have been threatened with eviction by profiteering landlords
+unless they paid exorbitant rents. No one is undertaking to say that
+rents must on no account be raised. But the Executive Department of
+Massachusetts is undertaking to say that in any case where rents are
+unreasonably raised to the detriment of people who are just as essential
+to our victory as the soldier in the field, if any one is to be evicted
+from such premises it will be the persons who are raising rents and not
+the persons who are asked to pay them. This action is taken to protect
+the Nation. It is taken in our desire and determination here to
+co&ouml;perate with the Federal Government in every activity that is
+necessary<a name='Page_151'></a> to the prosecution of the war. It is taken also for the
+protection of the individual. We do not care how humble he may be, we do
+not care how exalted the landlord may be, justice shall be done.</p>
+
+<p>This is not to be taken as an offer on the part of the Commonwealth to
+have unloaded on it a large amount of property at a high price.
+Possession may be taken, but the ownership will not change. Unless
+reasonable rents are charged, the tenant will stay in possession, but
+the rent which the Commonwealth shall pay for occupation will be
+determined by a jury. This means justice, nothing more, nothing
+less&mdash;justice to the tenant, justice to the landlord. It is not to be
+inferred that our real estate owners have lacked anything as a class in
+patriotism. They are our most loyal, most self-sacrificing, most
+<a name='Page_152'></a>commendable citizens. Massachusetts by its Homestead Commission is
+encouraging its citizens to own real estate because such ownership is a
+sheet anchor to self-government. But it is a proclamation of warning to
+profiteers, of approbation and approval to patriots, and of assurance
+and assistance to the working people and rent payers of our
+Commonwealth.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXI'></a><h2>XXI</h2>
+
+<center>ESSEX COUNTY CLUB, LYNNFIELD</center>
+
+<center>SEPTEMBER 14, 1918</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>We meet here to-day as the inheritors of those principles<a name='Page_153'></a> which
+preserved our Nation and extended its constitutional guaranties to all
+its citizens. We come not as partisans but as patriots. We come to
+pledge anew our faith in all that America means and to declare our firm
+determination to defend her within and without from every foe. Above
+that we come to pay our tribute of wonder and admiration at the great
+achievements of our Nation and at the glory which they are shedding
+around her. The past four years has shown the world the existence of a
+conspiracy against mankind of a vastness and a wickedness that could
+only be believed when seen in operation and confessed by its
+participants. This conspiracy was promoted by the German military
+despotism. It probably was encouraged by the results of three wars&mdash;one
+against Denmark which robbed her of territory, one against Austria which
+robbed her of territory, and one against France which robbed her of
+territory and a cash indemnity of a billion dollars. These seemingly
+easy successes encouraged their perpetrators to plan for the pillage and
+enslavement of t<a name='Page_154'></a>he earth.</p>
+
+<p>To accomplish this, the German despotism began at home. By a systematic
+training the whole German people were perverted. A false idea of their
+own greatness was added to their contempt and hate of other nations,
+who, they were taught, were bent on their destruction. The military
+class were exalted and all else degraded. Thus was laid the foundation
+for the atrocities which have marked their conduct of the war.</p>
+
+<p>The vastness of the conquest planned has recently been revealed by
+August Thyssen, one of the greatest steel men of the empire. He tells
+of a calling together, in the years before the war, of the industrial
+and banking interests of the Nation, when a plan of war was laid before
+them, and their support secured by the promise of spoils. France, India,
+Canada, Australia were to be given over to German satraps. His share was
+30,000 acres in Australia, with $750,000 provided by the Government for
+its development. This was the promise made by the Kaiser. Here was the
+<a name='Page_155'></a>motive of the war.</p>
+
+<p>How it was provoked is told by Prince Lichnowski, the Ambassador of
+Germany to London. He shows how he had reached agreements for a treaty
+which would show the good will of Great Britain. Berlin refused to sign
+it unless it should be kept secret. He shows how Germany used Austria to
+attack Serbia; how mediations were refused; when Austria was about to
+withdraw, Germany sent an ultimatum to Russia one day and the next day
+declared war.</p>
+
+<p>This diplomat sums up the whole case when he says: &quot;I had to support in
+London a policy the heresy of which I recognized. That brought down
+vengeance on me because it was a sin against the Holy Ghost.&quot; What an
+indictment of Germany from her own confession! A plan to use the
+revelations of science for t<a name='Page_156'></a>he sack and slavery of the earth; the
+degradation, perversion, corruption of a whole people, and by those who
+should have been the wardens of their righteousness, done for the
+temporal glory of a military caste, and all in the name of divine right.</p>
+
+<p>Much of this was not known in America when we declared war. It is with
+great difficulty we realize it now. We had seen Germany going from
+infamy to infamy. We did know of the violated treaty of Belgium, of the
+piracy, the murder of women and children, the destruction of the
+property and lives of our neutral citizens, and finally the plain
+declaration of the German Imperial Government that it would wantonly
+and purposely destroy the property and lives of any American citizen who
+exercised his undoubted legal right to sail certain portions of the sea.
+This attempt to declare law for America by an edict from Potsdam we
+resisted by the sword. We see at last not only the hideous wickedness
+which perpetrated the war, we see that it is a world war, that Germany
+struck not only at Belgium, she struck at us, she struck at our whole
+system of civilization. A wicked purpose, which a vain attempt to
+<a name='Page_157'></a>realize has involved its authors in more and more wickedness. We hear
+that even among the civil population of Germany crime is rampant.</p>
+
+<p>Looking now at this condition of Germany and her Allies, it is time to
+inquire what America and her Allies have to offer as a remedy, and what
+effect the application of such remedy has had upon ourselves. We have
+drawn the sword, but is it only to</p>
+
+<div class='blkquot'><p>&quot;Be blood for blood, for treason treachery?&quot; </p></div>
+
+<p>Are we seeking merely to match infamy with infamy, merely to pillage
+and destroy those who threatened to pillage and destroy us? No; we have
+taken more than the sword, lest we perish by the sword; we h<a name='Page_158'></a>ave summoned
+the moral power of the Nation. We have recognized that evil is only to
+be overcome by good. We have marshalled the righteousness of America to
+overwhelm the wickedness of Germany. A new spirit has come over the
+nation the like of which was never seen before. We can see it not only
+in the new purity of camp life, in the heroism of our soldiers as they
+fight in the faith and for the faith of the fathers, but we see it in
+the healing influences which a righteous purpose has had upon the evils
+which beset us.</p>
+
+<p>We entered the war a people of many nationalities. We are united now;
+every one is first an American. We were beset with jealousies, and envy,
+and class prejudice. Service in the camp has taught each soldier to
+respect the other, whatever his source, and a mutual sympathy at home
+has brought all into a common citizenship. The service flag is a great
+leveller.</p>
+
+<p>Our industrial life has been purified of prejudice. No one is
+complaining now that any concern is too large, too strong. All see that
+the great organizations of capital in industry are our salvation. Labor
+<a name='Page_159'></a>has taken on a new dignity and nobility. When the idle see the necessity
+of work, when we begin to recognize industry as essential, the working
+man begins to have paid him the honor which is his due.</p>
+
+<p>Invention, chemistry, medicine, surgery, have been stimulated and
+improved. Even our agriculture has taken on more economical methods and
+increased production.</p>
+
+<p>The call for man power has given a new idea of the importance of the
+individual, so that there has been brought to the humblest the knowledge
+that he was not only important but his importance was realized.</p>
+
+<p>And with this has come the discovery of new powers, not only in the
+slouch whom military drill has transformed into a man, but to labor that
+has found a new joy, satisfaction and efficiency in its work. The entire
+activities of the Nation are tuned up.</p>
+
+<p>The spirit of charity has been aroused. Hundreds of millions have been
+provided by voluntary gifts fo<a name='Page_160'></a>r the Red Cross, Knights of Columbus,
+Hebrew Charities, and Christian Associations. The people are turning to
+their places of worship with a new religious fervor. Everywhere
+selfishness is giving way to service, idleness to industry, wastefulness
+to thrift.</p>
+
+<p>The war is being won. It is being overwhelmingly won. A righteous
+purpose has not only strengthened our arms abroad but exalted the Nation
+at home.</p>
+
+<p>The great work before us is to keep this new spirit in the right path.
+The opportunity for a military training, the beneficial results of its
+discipline, must be continued for the youth of our country. The
+sacrifice necessary for national defence must hereafter never be
+neglected. The virtues of war must be carried into peace. But this must
+not be done at the expense of the freedom of the individual. It m<a name='Page_161'></a>ust be
+the expression of self-government and not the despotism of a German
+military caste or a Russian Bolshevik state. We are in this war to
+preserve the institutions that have made us great. The war has revealed
+to us their true greatness. All argument about the efficiency of
+despotism and the incompetence of republics was answered at the Marne
+and will be hereafter answered at the Rhine. We are not going to
+overcome the Kaiser by becoming like him, nor aid Russia by becoming
+like her.</p>
+
+<p>We see now that Prussian despotism was the natural ally of the Russian
+Bolshevik and the I.W.W. here. Both exist to pervert and enslave the
+people; both seek to break down the national spirit of the world for
+their own wicked ends. Both are doomed to failure. By taking our place
+in the world, America is to become more American, as by doing his duty
+the individual develops his own manhood. We see now that when the
+individual fails, whether it be from a despotism or the dead level of a
+socialistic state, all has failed.</p>
+
+<p><a name='Page_162'></a>A new vision has come to the Nation, a vision that must never be
+obscured. It is for us to heed it, to follow it. It is a revelation, but
+a revelation not of our weakness but of our strength, not of new
+principles, but of the power that lies in the application of old
+doctrines. May that vision never fade, may America inspired by a great
+purpose ever be able to say,</p>
+
+<div class='blkquot'><p>&quot;Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord.&quot; </p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXII'></a><h2>XXII</h2>
+
+<center>TREMONT TEMPLE</center>
+
+<center>NOVEMBER 2, 1918</center>
+<br /><a name='Page_163'></a>
+
+<p>To the greatest task man ever undertook our Commonwealth has applied
+itself, will continue to apply itself with no laggard hand. One hundred
+and ninety thousand of her sons already in the field, hundreds of
+millions of her treasure contributed to the cause, her entire
+citizenship moved with a single purpose, all these show a determination
+unalterable, to prosecute the war to a victory so conclusive, to a
+destruction of all enemy forces so decisive, that those impious
+pretentions which have threatened the earth for many years will never be
+renewed. There can be no discussion about it, there can be no
+negotiation about it. The country is united in the conviction that the
+only terms are unconditional surrender.</p>
+
+<p>This determination has a<a name='Page_164'></a>risen from no sudden impulse or selfish motive.
+It was forced upon us by the plan and policy of Germany and her methods
+of waging war upon others. The main features of it all have long been
+revealed while each day brings to light more of the details. We have
+seen the studied effort to make perverts of sixty millions of German
+people. We know of the corrupting of the business interests of the
+Empire to secure their support. We know that war had been decreed before
+the pretext on which it was declared had happened. We know Austria was
+and is the creature of Germany. We have beheld the violation of innocent
+Belgium, the hideous outrages on soldier and civilian, the piracy, the
+murder of our own neutral citizens, and finally there came the notice,
+which as an insult to America has been exceeded only by the recent
+suggestion that we negotiate a peace with its authors,&mdash;the notice
+claiming dominion over our citizens and authority to exclude our ships
+from the sea. The great pretender to the throne of the earth thought
+the time had come to assert that we were his subjects. Two millions of
+our men already in France, and<a name='Page_165'></a> each day ten thousand more are hastening
+to pay their respects to him at his court in Berlin in person. He has
+our answer.</p>
+
+<p>It would be a mistake to suppose we have already won the war. It is not
+won yet, but we have reached the place where we know how to win it, and
+if we continue our exertions we shall win it fully, completely, grandly,
+as becomes a great people contending for the cause of righteousness.</p>
+
+<p>We entered the war late and without previous military preparation. The
+more clearly we discern the beginning and the progress of the struggle,
+the more we must admire the great spirit of those nations by whose side
+we fight. The more we know of the terrible price they paid, the
+matchless sacrifices they magnificently endured&mdash;the French, the
+Italians, the British, the Belgians, the Serbians, the Poles, and the
+misgoverne<a name='Page_166'></a>d, misguided people of Russia&mdash;the bravery of their soldiers
+in the field, the unflinching devotion of their people at home, and
+remember that in no small sense they were doing this for us, that we
+have been the direct beneficiaries of peoples who have given their all,
+the less disposition we have to think too much of our own importance.
+But all this should not cause us to withhold the praise that is due our
+own Army and Navy, or to overlook the fact that our people have met
+every call that patriotism has made. The soldiers and sailors who fight
+under the Stars and Stripes are the most magnificent body of men that
+ever took up arms for defence of a great cause. Man for man they surpass
+any other troops on earth.</p>
+
+<p>We must not forget these things. We must not neglect to record them for
+the information of generations to come. The names and records of boards
+and commissions, relief societies, of all who have engaged<a name='Page_167'></a> in financing
+the cause of government and charity, and other patriotic work, should be
+preserved in the Library of the Commonwealth, and with these, our
+military achievements. These will show how American soldiers met and
+defeated the Prussian Guard. They will show also that in all the war no
+single accomplishment, on a like scale, excelled the battle of St.
+Mihiel, carried out by American troops, with our own Massachusetts boys
+among them, and that the first regiment to be decorated as a regiment
+for conspicuous service and gallantry in our Army in France was the
+104th, formerly of the old Massachusetts National Guard. Such is our
+record and it cannot be forgotten.</p>
+
+<p>In reaching the great decision to enter the war, in preparing the answer
+which speaks with so much authority, in the only language that despotism
+can understand, America has arisen to a new life. We have taken a new
+place among the nations. The Revolution made us a nation; the Spanish
+War made us a world powe<a name='Page_168'></a>r, the present war has given us recognition as a
+world power. We shall not again be considered provincial. Whether we
+desired it or not this position has come to us with its duties and its
+responsibilities.</p>
+
+<p>This new position should not be misunderstood. It does not mean any
+diminution of our national spirit. It rather means that it should be
+intensified. The most outstanding feature of the war has been the
+assertion of the national spirit. Each nationality is contending for the
+right to have its own government, and in that is meeting with the
+sanction of the free peoples of the earth. We are discussing a league of
+nations. Such a league, if formed, is not for the purpose, must not be
+for the purpose, of diminishing the spirit or influence of our Nation,
+but to make that spirit and influence more real and more effective.
+Believing in our Nation thoroughly and unreservedly, confident that the
+evidence of the past and present justifies that belief, it is our one
+desire to make America more American. There is no greater service that
+<a name='Page_169'></a>we can render the oppressed of the earth than to maintain inviolate the
+freedom of our own citizens.</p>
+
+<p>Under our National Government the States are the sheet-anchors of our
+institutions. On them falls the task of administering local affairs and
+of supporting the National Government in peace and war. The success with
+which Massachusetts has met her local problems, the efficiency with
+which she has placed her resources of men and materials at the disposal
+of the Nation, has been unsurpassed. The efficient organization of the
+Commonwealth, which has proved itself in time of stress, must be
+maintained undiminished. On the States will largely fall the task of
+putting into effect the lessons of the war that are to make America more
+truly American.</p>
+
+<p>One of our first duties is military training. The opportunity hereafter
+for the youth of the Nation to receive instruction in the science of
+<a name='Page_170'></a>national defence should be universal. The great problem which our
+present experience has brought is the development of man power. This
+includes many questions, but especially public health and mental
+equipment. Sanitation and education will require more attention in the
+future.</p>
+
+<p>America has been performing a great service for humanity. In that
+service we have arisen to a new glory. The people of the nation without
+distinction have been performing a great service for America. In it they
+have realized a new citizenship. Prussianism fails. Americanism
+succeeds. Education is to teach men not what to think but how to think.
+Government will take on new activities, but it is not more to control
+the people, the people are more to control the Government.</p>
+
+<p>We have come to the realization of a new brotherhood among natio<a name='Page_171'></a>ns and
+among men. It came through the performance of a common duty. A
+brotherhood that existed unseen has been recognized at last by those
+called to the camp and trenches and those working for their victory at
+home. This spirit must not be misunderstood. It is not a gospel of ease
+but of work, not of dependence but of independence, not of an easy
+tolerance of wrong but a stern insistence on right, not the privilege of
+receiving but the duty of giving.</p>
+
+<p>&quot;<a name='Page_172'></a>Man proposes but God disposes.&quot; When Germany lit up her long toasted
+day with the lurid glare of war, she thought the end of freedom for the
+peoples of the earth had come. She thought that the power of her sword
+was hereafter to reign supreme over a world in slavery, and that the
+divine right of a king was to be established forever. We have seen the
+drama drawing to its close. It has shown the victory of justice and of
+freedom and established the divine rights of the people. Through it is
+shining a new revelation of the true brotherhood of man. As we see the
+purpose Germany sought and the result she will secure, the words of Holy
+Writ come back to us&mdash;&quot;The wrath of man shall praise Him.&quot;</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXIII'></a><h2>XXIII</h2>
+
+<center>FANEUIL HALL</center>
+
+<center>NOVEMBER 4, 1918</center>
+<br />
+<a name='Page_173'></a>
+<p>We need a word of caution and of warning. I am responsible for what I
+have said and what I have done. I am not responsible for what my
+opponents say I have said or say I have done either on the stump or in
+untrue political advertisements and untrue posters. I shall not deal
+with these. I do not care to touch them, but I do not want any of my
+fellow citizens to misunderstand my ignoring them as expressing any
+attitude other than considering such attempts unworthy of notice when
+men are fighting for the preservation of our country.</p>
+
+<p>Our work is drawing to a close&mdash;our patriotic efforts. We have had in
+view but one object&mdash;the saving of America.</p>
+
+<p>We shall accomplish that object first by winning the war. That means a
+great deal. It means getting the world forever rid of the German idea.
+We can see no way to do this but by a complete surrender by Germany to
+the Allies.</p>
+
+<p>We stand by the State and National Governments in the prosecution of
+this object. I have reiterated that we support the Commander-in-Chief in
+<a name='Page_174'></a>war work. He says that is so.</p>
+
+<p>We want no delay in prosecuting the war. The quickest way is the way to
+save most lives and treasure. We want to care for the soldiers and their
+dependents. That has been the recognized duty of the Government for
+generations.</p>
+
+<p><a name='Page_175'></a>To save America means to save American institutions, it means to save
+the manhood and womanhood of our country. To that we are pledged.</p>
+
+<p>There will be great questions of reconstruction, social, industrial,
+economic and governmental questions, that must be met and solved. They
+must be met with a recognition of a new spirit.</p>
+
+<p>It is a time to keep our faith in our State, our Nation, our
+institutions, and in each other. Doing that, the war will be won in the
+field and won in civil life at home.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXIV'></a><h2>XXIV</h2>
+
+<center>FROM INAUGURAL ADDRESS AS GOVERNOR</center>
+<a name='Page_176'></a>
+<center>JANUARY 2, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>You are coming to a new legislative session under the inspiration of the
+greatest achievements in all history. You are beholding the fulfilment
+of the age-old promise, man coming into his own. You are to have the
+opportunity and responsibility of reflecting this new spirit in the laws
+of the most enlightened of Commonwealths. We must steadily advance. Each
+individual must have the rewards and opportunities worthy of the
+character of our citizenship, a broader recognition of his worth and a
+larger liberty, protected by order&mdash;and always under the law. In the
+promotion of human welfare Massachusetts happily may not need much
+reconstruction, but, like all living organizations, forever needs
+continuing construction. What are the lessons of the past? How shall
+they be applied to these days of readjustment? How shall we emerge from
+the autocratic methods of war<a name='Page_177'></a> to the democratic methods of peace,
+raising ourselves again to the source of all our strength and all our
+glory&mdash;sound self-government?</p>
+
+<p>It is your duty not only to reflect public opinion, but to lead it.
+Whether we are to enter a new era in Massachusetts depends upon you. The
+lessons of the war are plain. Can we carry them on into peace? Can we
+still act on the principle that there is no sacrifice too great to
+maintain the right? Shall we continue to advocate and practise thrift
+and industry? Shall we require unswerving loyalty to our country? These
+are the foundations of all greatness.</p>
+
+<p>Let there be a purpose in all your legislation to recognize the right of
+man to be well born, well nurtured, well educated, well employed, and
+well paid. This is no gospel of ease and selfishness, or class
+distinction, but a gospel of effort and service, of universal
+<a name='Page_178'></a>application.</p>
+
+<p>Such results cannot be secured at once, but they should be ever before
+us. The world has assumed burdens that will bear heavily on all peoples.
+We shall not escape our share. But whatever may be our trials, however
+difficult our tasks, they are only the problems of peace, and a
+victorious peace. The war is over. Whatever the call of duty now we
+should remember with gratitude that it is nothing compared with the
+heavy sacrifice so lately made. The genius and fortitude which conquered
+then cannot now fail.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXV'></a><h2>XXV</h2>
+
+<center>STATEMENT ON THE DEATH OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT</center>
+<br /><a name='Page_179'></a>
+
+<p>The people of our Commonwealth have learned with profound sorrow of the
+death of Theodore Roosevelt. No other citizen of the Nation would have
+brought in so large a degree the feeling of a common loss. During the
+almost eight years he was President, the people came to see in him a
+reflection of their ideals of the true Americanism.</p>
+<a name='Page_180'></a>
+<p>He was the advocate of every good cause. He awakened the moral purpose
+of the Nation and raised the standard of public service. He appealed to
+the imagination of youth and satisfied the judgment of maturity. In him
+Massachusetts saw an exponent of her own ideals.</p>
+
+<p>In token of the love and reverence which all the people bore him, I urge
+that the national and state flags be flown at half-mast throughout the
+Commonwealth until after his funeral, and that, when next the people
+gather for public worship, his loss be marked with proper ceremony.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXVI'></a><h2>XXVI</h2>
+
+<center>LINCOLN DAY PROCLAMATION</center>
+
+<center>JANUARY 30, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p><i>The Commonwealth of Massachusetts By His Excellency Calvin Coolidge,
+Governo<a name='Page_181'></a>r</i></p>
+
+<p>A PROCLAMATION</p>
+<br />
+
+<p>Fivescore and ten years ago that Divine Providence which infinite
+repetition has made only the more a miracle sent into the world a new
+life, destined to save a nation. No star, no sign, foretold his coming.
+About his cradle all was poor and mean save only the source of all great
+men, the love of a wonderful woman. When she faded way in his tender
+years, from her deathbed in humble poverty she dowered her son with
+greatness. There can be no proper observance of a birthday which forgets
+the mother. Into his origin as into his life men long have looked and
+wondered. In wisdom great, but in humility greater, in justice strong,
+but in compassion stronger, he became a leader of men by being a
+follower of the truth. He overcame evil with good. His presence filled
+the Nation. He broke the might of oppression. He restored a race to its
+birthright. His mortal frame has vanished, but his spirit increases with
+the increasing years, the richest legacy of the greatest century.</p>
+<a name='Page_182'></a>
+<p>Men show by what they worship what they are. It is no accident that
+before the great example of American manhood our people stand with
+respect and reverence. And in accordance with this sentiment our laws
+have provided for a formal recognition of the birthday of Abraham
+Lincoln, for in him is revealed our ideal, the hope of our country
+fulfilled.</p>
+
+<p>Now, therefore, by the authority of Massachusetts, the 12th day of
+February is set apart as</p>
+
+<p>LINCOLN DAY</p>
+
+<p>and its observance recommended as befits the beneficiaries of his life
+and the admirers of his character, in places of education and worship
+wherever our people meet one with another.</p>
+
+<div class='blkquot'><p>Given at the Executive Chamber, in Boston, this 30th day of
+     January, in the year of Our Lord one thousand nine hundred and
+     nineteen, and of the independence of the United States of America
+<a name='Page_183'></a>     the one hundred and forty-third. </p></div>
+
+<span style='margin-left: 10em;'>CALVIN COOLIDGE</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style='margin-left: 1em;'>By his Excellency the Governor,</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style='margin-left: 1em;'>ALBERT P. LANGTRY,</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style='margin-left: 1em;'><i>Secretary of the Commonwealth</i>.</span><br />
+<br />
+<span style='margin-left: 1em;'>God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.</span><br />
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXVII'></a><h2>XXVII</h2><a name='Page_184'></a>
+
+<center>INTRODUCING HENRY CABOT LODGE AND A. LAWRENCE LOWELL AT THE DEBATE ON
+THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS SYMPHONY HALL</center>
+
+<center>MARCH 19, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>We meet here as representatives of a great people to listen to the
+discussion of a great question by great men. All America has but one
+desire, the security of the peace by facts and by parchment which her
+brave sons have wrought by the sword. It is a duty we owe alike to the
+living and the dead.</p>
+
+<p>Fortunate is Massachusetts that she has among her sons two men so
+eminently trained for the task of our enlightenment, a senior Senator of
+the Commonwealth and the President of a university established in her
+<a name='Page_185'></a>Constitution. Wherever statesmen gather, wherever men love letters, this
+day's discussion will be read and pondered. Of these great men in
+learning, and experience, wise in the science and practice of
+government, the first to address you is a Senator distinguished at home
+and famous everywhere&mdash;Henry Cabot Lodge.</p>
+
+<p>[After Senator Lodge spoke he introduced President Lowell:]</p>
+
+<p>The next to address you is the President of Harvard University&mdash;an
+educator renowned throughout the world, a learned student of
+statesmanship, endowed with a wisdom which has made him a leader of men,
+truly a Master of Arts, eminently a Doctor of Laws, a fitting
+representative of the Massachusetts domain of letters&mdash;Abbott Lawrence
+Lowell.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXVIII'></a><h2>XXVIII</h2>
+
+<center>VETO OF SALARY INCREASE</center>
+<br /><br />
+
+<p><a name='Page_186'></a>TO THE HONORABLE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:</p>
+
+<p>In accordance with the duty imposed by the Constitution, a bill
+entitled, &quot;An act to establish the compensation of the members of the
+General Court,&quot; being House No. 1629, is herewith returned without
+approval.</p>
+
+<p>This bill raises the salaries of members from $1000 to $1500, an
+increase of fifty per cent, and is retroactive. It is necessary to
+decide whether the Commonwealth can well afford this additional tax and
+whether any public benefit would accrue from it.</p>
+
+<p>These are times that require careful scrutiny of public expenditure. The
+burden o<a name='Page_187'></a>f taxes resulting from war is heavy. The addition of $142,000 to
+the expense of the Commonwealth in perpetuity is not to be undertaken
+but upon proven necessity.</p>
+
+<p>Service in the General Court is not obligatory but optional. It is not
+to be undertaken as a profession or a means of livelihood. It is a
+voluntary public service. In accord with the principles of our
+democratic institutions a compensation has been given in order that
+talent for service rather than the possession of property might be the
+standard of membership. There is no man of sufficient talent in the
+Commonwealth so poor that he cannot serve for a session, which averages
+about five months, and five days each week, at a salary of $1000&mdash;and
+travel allowance of $2.50 for each mile between his home and the State
+House. This is too clear for argument. There is no need to consider
+those who are too rich to serve for this sum. It would be futile to
+disc<a name='Page_188'></a>uss whether their services are worth more or less than this, as that
+is not here the question. Membership in the General Court is not a job.
+There are services rendered to the Commonwealth by senators and
+representatives that are priceless. For the searching out of great
+principles on which legislation is based there is no adequate
+compensation. If value for services were the criterion, there would be
+280 different salaries. When membership is sought as a means of
+livelihood, legislation will pass from a public function to a private
+enterprise. Men do not serve here for pay. They seek work and places of
+responsibility and find in that seeking, not in their pay, their honor.</p>
+
+<p>The realities of life are not measured by dollars and cents. The skill
+of the physician, the divine eloquence of the clergyman, the courage of
+the soldier, that which we call character in all men, are not matters of
+hire and salary. No person was ever honored for what he received. Honor
+has been<a name='Page_189'></a> the reward for what he gave. Public acclaim and the ceremonious
+recognition paid to returning heroes are not on account of their
+government pay but of the service and sacrifice they gave their country.
+The place each member of the General Court will hold in the estimation
+of his constituents will never depend on his salary, but on the ability
+and integrity with which he does his duty; not on what he receives, but
+on what he gives; and only out of the bountifulness of his own giving
+will his constituents raise him to power. Not by indulging himself, but
+by denying himself, will he reach success.</p>
+
+<p>It is because the General Court has recognized these principles in its
+past history that it has secured its high place as a legislative body.
+This act disregards all this and will ever appear to be an undertaking
+by members to raise their own salaries. The fact that many were thinking
+of the needs of others will remain unknown. Appearances cannot be
+disregarded. Those in whom is placed the so<a name='Page_190'></a>lemn duty of caring for
+others ought to think of themselves last or their decisions will lack
+authority. There is apparent a disposition to deny the
+disinterestedness and impartiality of government. Such charges are the
+result of ignorance and an evil desire to destroy our institutions for
+personal profit. It is of infinite importance to demonstrate that
+legislation is used not for the benefit of the legislator, but of the
+public.</p>
+
+<p>The General Court of Massachusetts is a legislative body noted for its
+<a name='Page_191'></a>fairness and ability. It has no superior. Its critics have for the most
+part come from the outside and have most frequently been those who have
+approached it with the purpose of securing selfish desires of their
+clients or themselves. A long familiarity with it increases respect for
+it. It is charged with expressing the abiding convictions and conscience
+of the people of the Commonwealth. The most solemn obligation placed by
+the Constitution on the Executive is the power to veto its actions. In
+all matters affecting it the General Court is entitled to his best
+judgment and carefully considered opinion. Anything less would be a
+mark of disrespect and disloyalty to its members. That judgment and
+opinion, arrived at after a wide counsel with members and others, is
+here expressed, in the light of an obligation which is not personal,
+&quot;faithfully and impartially to discharge and perform&quot; the duties of a
+public office.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' /><a name='Page_192'></a>
+<a name='XXIX'></a><h2>XXIX</h2>
+
+<center>FLAG DAY PROCLAMATION</center>
+
+<center>MAY 26, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>Works which endure come from the soul of the people. The mighty in their
+pride walk alone to destruction. The humble walk hand in hand with
+Providence to immortality. Their works survive. When the people of the
+Colonies were defending their liberties against the might of kings, they
+chose their banner from the design set in the firmament through all
+eternity. The flags of the great empires of that day are gone, but the
+Stars and Stripes remain. It pictures the vision of a people whose eyes
+were turned to the rising dawn. It represents the hope of a father for
+his posterity. It was never flaunted for the glory of royalty, but to be
+born under it is to be a child of a king, a<a name='Page_193'></a>nd to establish a home under
+it is to be the founder of a royal house. Alone of all flags it
+expresses the sovereignty of the people which endures when all else
+passes away. Speaking with their voice it has the sanctity of
+revelation. He who lives under it and is loyal to it is loyal to truth
+and justice everywhere. He who lives under it and is disloyal to it is a
+traitor to the human race everywhere. What could be saved if the flag of
+<a name='Page_194'></a>the American Nation were to perish?</p>
+
+<p>In recognition of these truths and out of a desire born of a purpose to
+defend and perpetuate them, the Commonwealth of Massachusetts has by
+ordinance decreed that for one day of each year their importance should
+be dwelt upon and remembered. Therefore, in accordance with that
+authority, the anniversary of the adoption of the national flag, the
+14th day of June next, is set apart as</p>
+
+<p>FLAG DAY</p>
+
+<p>and it is earnestly recommended that it be observed by the people of
+the Commonwealth by the display of the flag of our country and in all
+ways that may testify to their loyalty and perpetuate its glory.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXX'></a><h2>XXX</h2><a name='Page_195'></a>
+
+<center>AMHERST COLLEGE COMMENCEMENT</center>
+
+<center>JUNE 18, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>To the son of any college, although he does not make his connection with
+his college a profession, a return of Commencement Day recalls many
+memories. It is likely also, after nearly a quarter of a century, to
+cause some reflections. It is, I suppose, to give tongue to such
+memories and reflections that after-dinner speaking is provided. After
+all due allowance for change of perspective, going to college was a
+greater event twenty-five years ago than it is to-day. My own memories
+are not yet ancient enough to warrant their recalling. The greater
+events<a name='Page_196'></a> of that day are too recent to need to be related.</p>
+
+<p>But I should fail in my duty and neglect my deep conviction if I did not
+declare that in my day there was no better place to educate a young
+man. Most of them came with a realization that their coming meant a
+sacrifice at home. They may have lacked a proficiency in the arts of the
+drawing room which sometimes brought a smile; but no competitor met the
+Amherst men of that day on the athletic field or in the postgraduate
+school with a smile that did not soon come off. They had their pranks
+and sprees, but they had the ideals of a true manhood. They were moved
+with a serious purpose. He who had less lacked place among them. They
+are come and gone from the campus, those men of the early nineties, and
+with them went the power to command.</p>
+
+<p>Those were days that represented especially the spirit of President
+Seelye. Under his brilliant and polished successor the Faculty changes
+were few. There was Professor Wood, the most accomplished intellectual
+hazer of freshmen. Ther<a name='Page_197'></a>e was Professor Gibbons, who was strong enough in
+Greek derivation so that every second-year man soon had a clear
+conception of the meaning of sophomore. After demonstrating clearly that
+on the negative side the derivation of &quot;contiguity&quot; was not &quot;con&quot; and
+&quot;tiguity,&quot; he advised those who could not with equal clearness
+demonstrate its derivation on the positive side to look it up. There
+were Morse and Frink, Richardson, Hitchcock, Estey, Crowell, Tyler, and
+Garman. All these and more are gone. The living, no less eminent, I need
+not recall. As a teaching force, as an inspirer of youth, for training
+men how to think, that faculty has had and will have nowhere any
+superior.</p>
+
+<div class='blkquot'><p>&quot;So passed that pageant.&quot; </p></div>
+
+<p>The col<a name='Page_198'></a>lege of to-day has taken on a new life, a new activity. Military
+training then was a spectacle for the Massachusetts Agricultural
+College. To-day Amherst welcomes its returning soldiers, and but a
+little time since divested itself of the character of a military camp to
+resume the wonted garb of peace. Yet it is and has been the same
+institution,&mdash;a college of the liberal arts. In this so-called practical
+age Amherst has chosen for her province the most practical of all,&mdash;the
+culture and the classics of all time.</p>
+
+<p>Civilization depends not only upon the knowledge of the people, but upon
+the use they make of it. If knowledge be wrongfully used, civilization
+commits suicide. Broadly speaking, the college is not to educate the
+individual, but to educate society. The individual may be ignorant and
+vicious. If society have learning and virtue, that will sustain him. If
+society lacks learning and virtue, it perishes<a name='Page_199'></a>. Education must give not
+only power but direction. It must minister to the whole man or it fails.</p>
+
+<p>Such an education considered from the position of society does not come
+from science. That provides power alone, but not direction. Give a
+savage tribe firearms and a distillery, and their members will
+exterminate each other. They have science all right, but misuse it.
+They lack ideals. These young men that we welcome back with so much
+pride did not go forth to demonstrate their faith in science. They did
+not offer their lives because of their belief in any rule of mathematics
+or any principle of physics or chemistry. The laws of the natural world
+would be unaffected by their defeat or victory. No; they were defending
+their ideals, and those ideals came from the classics.</p>
+
+<p>This is pre&euml;minently true of the culture of Greece and Rome. Patriotism
+with them was predominant. Their heroes were those who sacrificed
+themselves for their country, from the three hundred at Thermopyl&aelig; to
+Horatius at the bridge. Their poets sang of the glory of dying for one's
+native lan<a name='Page_200'></a>d. The orations of Demosthenes and Cicero are pitched in the
+same high strain. The philosophy of Plato and Aristotle and the Greek
+and Latin classics were the foundation of the Renaissance. The revival
+of learning was the revival of Athens and Sparta and of the Imperial
+City. Modern science is their product. To be included with the classics
+are modern history and literature, the philosophers, the orators, the
+statesmen, and poets,&mdash;Milton and Shakespeare, Lowell and Whittier,&mdash;the
+Farewell Address, the Reply to Hayne, the Speech at Gettysburg,&mdash;it is
+all these and more that I mean by the classics. They give not only power
+to the intellect, but direct its course of action.</p>
+
+<p>The classic of all classics is the Bible.</p>
+
+<p>I do not underestimate schools of science and technical arts. They have
+a high and noble calling in ministering to mankind. They are important
+and necessary. I am poi<a name='Page_201'></a>nting out that in my opinion they do not provide
+a civilization that can stand without the support of the ideals that
+come from the classics.</p>
+
+<p>The conclusion to be derived from this position is that a vocational or
+technical education is not enough. We must have every American citizen
+well grounded in the classical ideals. Such an education will not unfit
+him for the work of the world. Did those men in the trenches fight any
+less valiantly, did they shrink any more from the hardships of war, when
+a liberal culture had given a broader vision of what the great conflict
+meant? The discontent in modern industry is the result of a too narrow
+outlook. A more liberal culture will reveal the importance and nobility
+of the work of the world, whether in war or peace. It is far from enough
+to teach our citizens a vocation. Our industrial system will break down
+unless it is humanized. There is greater need for a liberal culture that
+will develop the whole man in the whole body of our citizenship. The day
+<a name='Page_202'></a>when a college education will be the portion of all may not be so far
+distant as it seems.</p>
+
+<p>We live in a republic. Our Government is exercised through
+representatives. Their course of action is a very accurate reflection
+of public opinion. Where shall that be formed and directed unless from
+the influences, direct and indirect, that come from our institutions of
+learning. The laws of a republic represent its ideals. They are founded
+upon public opinion, and public opinion in America up to the present
+time has drawn its inspiration from the classics. They tell us that
+Waterloo was won on the football fields of Rugby and Eton. The German
+war was won by the influence of classical ideals. As a teacher of the
+classics, as a maker of public opinion, as a source of wise laws, as the
+herald of a righteous victory,&mdash;Amherst College stands on a foundation
+which has remained unchanged through the ages. May there be in all her
+sons a conviction that with her abides Him who changes not.</p>
+
+
+<a name='Page_203'></a>
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXXI'></a><h2>XXXI</h2>
+
+<center>HARVARD UNIVERSITY COMMENCEMENT</center>
+
+<center>JUNE 19, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>No college man who has ever glanced at the Constitution of Massachusetts
+is likely to miss or forget the generous references there made to
+Harvard University. It may need a closer study of that instrument, which
+is older than the American Constitution, to realize the full
+significance of those most enduring of guaranties that could then be
+imposed in behalf of Massachusetts institutions.</p>
+<a name='Page_204'></a>
+<p>The convention which framed our Constitution has as its president James
+Bowdoin, a son of Harvard. He was a man of great strength of character
+and cast an influence for good upon the deliberations of his day worthy
+of a place in history more conspicuous than is generally accorded to
+him. He had as his colleague on the floor no less a person than John
+Adams. It is not necessary in this presence to designate his alma mater.
+There were others of importance, but these represented the type of
+thought that prevailed.</p>
+
+<p>In that noble Declaration of Rights the principles of freedom and
+equality were first declared. Following this is set forth the right of
+religious liberty and the duty of citizens to support places of
+religious worship and instruction; and in the Frame of Government, after
+establishing the University, there is given to legislators and
+magistrates a mandate forever to cherish and support the cause of
+education and institutions of learning. These were the declaration of
+broad and libera<a name='Page_205'></a>l policies. They are capable of being combined, for in
+fact they declare that teaching, whether it be by clergy or laity, is of
+an importance that requires it to be surrounded with the same safeguards
+and guaranties as freedom and equality. In fact the Constitution
+declares that &quot;wisdom and knowledge, as well as virtue, diffused
+generally among the body of the people, are necessary for the
+preservation of their rights and liberties.&quot; John Adams and James
+Bowdoin knew that freedom was the fruit of knowledge. Their conclusions
+were drawn from the directions of Holy Writ&mdash;&quot;Come, know the truth, and
+it shall make you free.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>These principles there laid down with so much solemnity have now the
+same binding force as in those revolutionary days when they were
+recognized and proclaimed. I am not unaware that they are old. Whatever
+is, is old. It is but our own poor apprehension of it that is new. It
+would<a name='Page_206'></a> be well if they were re-apprehended. It is not well if the great
+diversity of modern learning has made the truth so little of a novelty
+that it lacks all reverence.</p>
+
+<p>The days of the Revolution were days of reverence and of applied
+reverence. Teaching was to a considerable extent in the hands of the
+clergy. Institutions of learning were presided over by clergymen. The
+teacher spoke with the voice of authority. He was treated with
+deference. He held a place in the community that was not only secure but
+high. The rewards of his services were comparatively large. He was a
+leader of the people. From him came the inspiration of liberty. It was
+in the meeting-houses that the Revolution was framed.</p>
+
+<p>This dual character little exists now, but the principle is the same.
+Teaching is the same high calling, but how lacking now in comparative
+appreciation. The compensation of many teachers and clergymen is far
+<a name='Page_207'></a>less than the pay of unskilled labor. The salaries of college professors
+are much less than like training and ability would command in the
+commercial world. We pay a good price to bank men to guard our money. We
+compensate liberally the manufacturer and the merchant; but we fail to
+appreciate those who guard the minds of our youth or those who preside
+over our congregations. We have lost our reverence for the profession of
+teaching and bestowed it upon the profession of acquiring.</p>
+
+<p>This will have such a reaction as might be expected. Some of the clergy,
+seeing their own rewards are disproportionate, will draw the conclusion
+that all rewards are disproportionate, that the whole distribution of
+wealth is unsound; and turn to a belief in and an advocacy of some kind
+of a socialistic state. Some of our teachers, out of a like discontent,
+will listen too willingly to revolutionary doctrines which<a name='Page_208'></a> have not
+originated in meeting-houses but are the importations of those who lack
+nothing but the power to destroy all that our civilization holds dear.
+Unless these conditions are changed, these professions will not attract
+to their services young men of the same comparative quality of ability
+and character that in the past they commanded.</p>
+
+<p>In our pursuit of prosperity we have forgotten and neglected its
+foundations. It is true that many of our institutions of learning are
+well endowed and have spacious buildings, but the plant is not enough.
+Many modern schoolhouses put to shame any public buildings that were
+erected in the Colonies. I am directing attention to the comparative
+position of the great mass of teachers and clergymen. They are not
+properly appreciated or properly paid. They have provided the
+foundations of our liberties. The importance of their position cannot be
+overestimated<a name='Page_209'></a>. They have been faithful though neglected; but a state
+which neglects or refuses to support any class will soon find that such
+class neglects and refuses to support it. The remedy lies in part with
+private charity, in part with government action; but it lies wholly with
+public opinion. Private charity must worthily support its clergymen and
+the faculty and instructors of our higher institutions of learning; and
+the Government must adequately reward the teachers in its schools. In
+the great bound forward which has been taken in a material way, these
+two noble professions, the pillars of liberty and equality, have been
+neglected and left behind. They must be reestablished. They must be
+restored to the place of reverence they formerly held.</p>
+
+<p>The profession of teaching has come down to us with a sanction of
+antiquity greater than all else. So far back as we can peer into human
+history there has stood a priesthood that has led its people
+intellectually and morally. Teaching is leading. Th<a name='Page_210'></a>e fundamental needs
+of humanity do not change. They are constant. These influences so potent
+in the development of Massachusetts cannot be exchanged for a leadership
+that is bred of the market-place, to her advantage. We must turn our
+eyes from what is to what ought to be. The men of the day of John Adams
+and James Bowdoin had a vision that looked into the heart of things.
+They led a revolution that swept on to a successful conclusion. They
+established a nation that has endured until its flag is the ancient
+<a name='Page_211'></a>among the banners of the earth. Their counsel will not be mocked. The
+men of that day almost alone in history brought a Revolution to its
+objective. Not only that, they reached it in such a condition that it
+there remained. The counterattack of disorder failed entirely to
+dislodge it. Their success lay entirely in the convictions they had. No
+nation can reject these convictions and remain a republic. Anarchy or
+despotism will overwhelm it.</p>
+
+<p>Massachusetts established Harvard College to be a defender of righteous
+convictions, of reverence for truth and for the heralds of truth. The
+purpose set forth in the Constitution is clear and plain. It recognizes
+with the clear conviction of men not thinking of themselves that the
+cause of America is the cause of education, but of education with a
+soul, a trained intellect but guided ever by an enlightened conscience.
+We of our day need to recognize with the same vision that when these
+fail, America has failed.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXXII'></a><h2><a name='Page_212'></a>XXXII</h2>
+
+<center>PLYMOUTH, LABOR DAY</center>
+
+<center>SEPTEMBER 1, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>The laws of our country have designated the first Monday of each
+September as Labor Day. It is truly an American day, for it was here
+that for the first time in history a government was founded on a
+recognition of the sovereignty of the citizen which has irresistibly led
+to a realization of the dignity of his occupation. It is with added
+propriety that this day is observed this year. For the first time in
+five years it comes at a time when the issue of world events makes it no
+longer doubtful whether the American conception of work as the crowning
+glory of men free and equal is to prevail over the age-old European
+conception that <a name='Page_213'></a>work is the badge of the menial and the inferior. The
+American ideal has prevailed on European battle-fields through the
+loyalty, devotion, and sacrifice of American labor.</p>
+
+<p>The duty of citizenship in this hour is to strive to maintain and
+extend that ideal at home.</p>
+
+<p>The past five years have been a time of rapid change and great progress
+for the American people. Not only have the hours and conditions of labor
+been greatly improved, but wages have increased about one hundred per
+cent. There has been a great economic change for the better among all
+wage-earners.</p>
+
+<p>We have known that political power was with the people, because they
+have the votes. We have generally supposed that economic power was not
+with the people, because they did not own the property. This
+supposition, probably never true, is growing more and more to be
+contrary to the facts. The great outstanding fact in the economic life
+of America is that the wealth of the Nation is owned by the people of
+the Nation. The stockholders of the great corporations run into the
+hundreds of thousands, the small tradesmen, the thrifty householders,
+the tillers of the soil, the depositors in savings banks, and the now
+owners of government bonds, make a number that includes nearly our
+entire people. This would be illustrated by a few Massachusetts examples
+from figures which were reported in 1918:</p>
+
+
+<pre>
+<i>Number of Stockholders</i><br />
+Railroads                        40,485
+Street railways                  17,527
+Telephone                        49,688
+Western Union Telegraph           9,360
+                                 ------
+                                117,060<a name='Page_214'></a>
+<br />
+<i>Number of Employees</i><br />
+Railroads                        20,604
+Street railways                  25,000
+Telephone                        11,471
+Western Union Telegraph           2,065
+                                 ------
+                                 59,140
+<br />
+Savings bank depositors       2,491,646
+Railroad, street railway, and
+telephone bonds held by
+savings banks and savings
+departments of trust companies<br /><a name='Page_215'></a>
+                           $267,795,636<br />
+
+Savings bank deposits    $1,022,342,583
+</pre>
+
+<p>Money is pouring into savings banks at the rate of $275,000 each
+working day.</p>
+
+<p>Comment on these figures is unnecessary. There is, of course, some
+reduplication, but in these four public service enterprises there are in
+Massachusetts almost twice as many direct owners as there are employees.
+Two persons out of three have money in the savings bank&mdash;men, women, and
+children. There is this additional fact: more than one quarter of the
+stupendous sum of over a billion dollars of the savings of nearly two
+and a half <a name='Page_216'></a>million savings depositors is invested in railroad, street
+railway, and telephone securities.</p>
+
+<p>With these examples in mind it would appear that our problem of economic
+justice in Massachusetts, where we live and for which alone we can
+legislate, is not quite so simple as assuming that we can take from one
+class and give to another class. We are reaching and maintaining the
+position in this Commonwealth where the property class and the employed
+class are not separate, but identical. There is a relationship of
+interdependence which makes their interests the same in the long run.
+Most of us earn our livelihood through some form of employment. More and
+more of our people are in possession of some part of the wages of
+yesterday, and so are investors. This is the ideal economic condition.</p>
+
+<p>The great aim of our Government is to protect the weak&mdash;to aid them to
+become strong. Massachusetts is an industrial State. If her people
+prosper, it must be by that means in some of i<a name='Page_217'></a>ts broad avenues. How can
+our people be made strong? Only as they draw their strength from our
+industries. How can they do that? Only by building up our industries and
+making them strong. This is fundamental. It is the place to begin. These
+are the instruments of all our achievement. When they fail, all fails.
+When they prosper, all prosper. Workmen's compensation, hours and
+conditions of labor are cold, consolations, if there be no employment.
+And employment can be had only if some one finds it profitable. The
+greater the profit, the greater the wages.</p>
+
+<p>This is one of the economic lessons of the war. It should be remembered
+now when taxes are to be laid, and in the period of readjustment. Taxes
+must be measured by the ability to meet them out of surplus income.
+Industry must expand or fail. It must show a surplus after all payments
+of wages, taxes, and returns to investors. Conscription can call once,
+then all is over. Just requirements can be met again and again with
+ever-increasing ability.</p>
+<a name='Page_218'></a>
+<p>Justice and the general welfare go hand in hand. Government had to take
+over our transportation interests in order to do such justice to them
+that they could pay their employees and carry our merchandise. They have
+been so restricted lest they do harm that they became unable to do good.
+Their surplus was gone, and we New Englanders had to go without coal.
+Seeing now more clearly than before the true interests of wage-earner,
+investor, and the public, which is the consumer, we shall hereafter be
+willing to pay the price and secure the benefits of justice to all these
+co&ouml;rdinate interests.</p>
+
+<p>We have met the economic problem of the returning service men. They have
+been assimilated into our industrial life with little delay and with no
+disturbance of existing conditions. The day of adversity has passed. The
+American people met and overcame it. The day of prosperity has come. The
+great question now is whether the American people can endure their
+<a name='Page_219'></a>prosperity. I believe they can. The power to preserve America is in the
+same hands to-day that it was when the German army was almost at the
+gates of Paris. That power is with the people themselves; not one class,
+but all classes; not one occupation, but all occupations; not one
+citizen, but all citizens.</p>
+
+<p>During the past five years we have heard many false prophets. Some were
+honest, but unwise; some plain slackers; a very few were simply public
+enemies. Had their counsels prevailed, America would have been
+destroyed. In general they appealed to the lower impulses of the people,
+for in their ignorance they believed the most powerful motive of this
+Nation was a sodden selfishness. They said the war would never affect
+us; we should confine ourselves to making money. They argued for peace
+at any price. They opposed selective service. They sought to prevent
+sending soldiers to Europe. They advocated peace by negotiation. They
+were answere<a name='Page_220'></a>d from beginning to end by the loyalty of the American
+workingmen and the wisdom of their leaders. That loyalty and that wisdom
+will not desert us now. The voices that would have lured us to
+destruction were unheeded. All counsels of selfishness were unheeded,
+and America responded with a spirit which united our people as never
+before to the call of duty.</p>
+
+<p>Having accomplished this great task, having emerged from the war the
+strongest, the least burdened nation on earth, are we now to fail before
+our lesser task? Are we to turn aside from the path that has led us to
+success? Who now will set selfishness above duty? The counsel that
+Samuel Gompers gave is still sound, when he said in effect, &quot;America may
+not be perfect. It has the imperfections of all things human. But it is
+the best country on earth, and the man who will not work for it, who
+will not fight for it, and if need be die for it, is unworthy to live in
+<a name='Page_221'></a>it.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>Happily, the day when the call to fight or die is now past. But the day
+when it is the duty of all Americans to work will remain forever. Our
+great need now is for more of everything for everybody. It is not money
+that the nation or the world needs to-day, but the products of labor.
+These products are to be secured only by the united efforts of an entire
+people. The trained business man and the humblest workman must each
+contribute. All of us must work, and in that work there should be no
+interruption. There must be more food, more clothing, more shelter. The
+directors of industry must direct it more efficiently, the workers in
+industry must work in it more efficiently. Such a course saved us in
+war; only such a course can preserve us in peace. The power to preserve
+America, with all that it now means to the world, all the great hope
+that it holds for humanity, lies in the hands of the people. Talents and
+opportunity exist. Application only is uncertain. May Labor Day of 1919
+declare with an increased emphasis the resolution of all Americans to
+work for America.</p><a name='Page_222'></a>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXXIII'></a><h2>XXXIII</h2>
+
+<center>WESTFIELD</center>
+
+<center>SEPTEMBER 3, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>We come here on this occasion to honor the past, and in that honor
+render more secure the present. It was by such men as settled Westfield,
+and two hundred and fifty years ago established by law a chartered and
+ordered government, that the foundations of Massachusetts were laid. And
+it was on the foundations of Massachusetts that there began that
+training of the <a name='Page_223'></a>people for the great days that were to come, when they
+were prepared to endorse and support the principles set out in the
+Declaration of Independence, the Constitution of the United States of
+America, and the Emancipation Proclamation of Abraham Lincoln. Here were
+planted the same seeds of righteousness victorious which later
+flourished with such abundance at Saratoga, at Gettysburg, and at the
+second battle of the Marne. Stupendous results, the product of a people
+working with an everlasting purpose.</p>
+
+<p>While celebrating the history of Westfield, this day has been set apart
+to the memory of one of her most illustrious sons, General William
+Shepard. To others are assigned the history of your town and the
+biography of your soldier. Into those particulars I shall not enter. But
+the principles of government and of citizenship which they so well
+represent, and nobly illustrate, will never be untimely or unworthy of
+reiteration.</p>
+
+<p>The political history of Westfield has seen the success of a great
+<a name='Page_224'></a>forward movement, to which it contributed its part, in establishing the
+principle, that the individual in his rights is supreme, and that
+&quot;governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed.&quot;
+It is the establishment of liberty, under an ordered form of government,
+in this ancient town, by the people themselves, that to-day draws us
+here in admiration of her achievements. When we turn to the life of her
+patriot son we see that he no less grandly illustrated the principle,
+that to such government, so established, the people owe an allegiance
+which has the binding power of the most solemn obligation.</p>
+
+<p>There is such a disposition in these days to deny that our Government
+was formed by, or is now in control of, the people, that a glance at the
+history of the days of General Shepard is peculiarly pertinent and
+instructive.</p><a name='Page_225'></a>
+
+<p>The Constitution of Massachusetts, with its noble Declaration of Rights,
+was adopted in 1780. Under it we still live with scarce any changes that
+affect the rights of the people. The end of the Revolutionary War was
+1783. Shays's Rebellion was in 1787. The American Constitution was
+ratified and adopted in 1788. These dates tell us what the form of
+government was in this period.</p>
+
+<p>If there are any who doubt that our institutions, formed in those days,
+did not establish a peoples' government, let them study the action of
+the Massachusetts Convention which ratified the Federal Constitution in
+1788. Presiding over it was the popular patriot Governor John Hancock.
+On the floor sat Samuel Adams, who had been the father of the
+Revolution, pre&euml;minent champion of the liberty of the people. Such an
+influence had he, that his assertion of satisfaction, was enough <a name='Page_226'></a>to
+carry the delegates. Like a majority of the members he came opposed to
+ratification. Having totally thrown off the authority of foreign power,
+they came suspicious of all outside authority. Besides there were
+eighteen members who had taken part in Shays's Rebellion, so hostile
+were they to the execution of all law. Mr. Adams was finally convinced
+by a gathering of the workingmen among his constituents, who exercised
+their constitutional right of instructing their representatives. Their
+opinion was presented to him by Paul Revere. &quot;How many mechanics were at
+the Green Dragon when these resolutions were passed?&quot; asked Mr. Adams.
+&quot;More, sir, than the Green Dragon could hold.&quot; &quot;And where were the
+rest?&quot; &quot;In the streets, sir.&quot; &quot;And how many were in the streets?&quot; &quot;More
+than there are stars in the sky.&quot; This is supposed to have convinced the
+great Massachusetts tribune that it was his duty to support
+ratification.</p>
+
+<p><a name='Page_227'></a>There were those, however, who distrusted the Constitution and
+distrusted its proponents. They viewed lawyers and men of means with
+great jealousy. Amos Singletary expressed their sentiments in the form
+of an argument that has not ceased to be repeated in the discussion of
+all public affairs. &quot;These lawyers,&quot; said he, &quot;and men of learning and
+moneyed men that talk so finely and gloss over matters so smoothly, to
+make us poor illiterates swallow the pill, expect to get into Congress
+themselves. They mean to be managers of the Constitution. They mean to
+get all the money into their hands and then they will swallow up us
+little folk, like the great Leviathan, Mr. President: yes, just like the
+whale swallowed up Jonah.&quot; In the convention sat Jonathan Smith, a
+farmer from Lanesboro. He had seen Shays's Rebellion in Berkshire. There
+had been no better example of a man of the people desiring the common
+good.</p><a name='Page_228'></a>
+
+<p>&quot;I am a plain man,&quot; said Mr. Smith, &quot;and am not used to speak in public,
+but I am going to show the effects of anarchy, that you may see why I
+wish for good government. Last winter people took up arms, and then, if
+you went to speak to them, you had the musket of death presented to your
+breast. They would rob you of your property, threaten to burn your
+houses, oblige you to be on your guard night and day. Alarms spread from
+town to town, families were broken up; the tender mother would cry,
+'Oh, my son is among them! What shall I do for my child?' Some were
+taken captive; children taken out of their schools and carried away....
+How dreadful was this! Our distress was so great that we should have
+been glad to snatch at anything that looked like a government.... Now,
+Mr. President, when I saw this Constitution, I found that it was a cure
+for these disorders.<a name='Page_229'></a> I got a copy of it, and read it over and over.... I
+did not go to any lawyer, to ask his opinion; we have no lawyer in our
+town, and we do well enough without. My honourable old daddy there
+(pointing to Mr. Singletary) won't think that I expect to be a
+Congressman, and swallow up the liberties of the people. I never had any
+post, nor do I want one. But I don't think the worse of the Constitution
+because lawyers, and men of learning, and moneyed men are fond of it. I
+am not of such a jealous make. They that are honest men themselves are
+not apt to suspect other people.... Brother farmers, let us suppose a
+case, now. Suppose you had a farm of 50 acres, and your title was
+disputed, and there was a farm of 5000 acres joined to you that belonged
+to a man of learning, and his title was involved in the same difficulty;
+would you not be glad to have him for your friend, rather than to stand
+alone in the dispute? Well, the case is the same. These lawyers, these
+moneyed men, these men of learning, are all embarked in the same cause
+with us, and we must all sink or swim together. Shall we throw the
+Constitution overboard becau<a name='Page_230'></a>se it does not please us all alike? Suppose
+two or three of you had been at the pains to break up a piece of rough
+land and sow it with wheat: would you let it lie waste because you could
+not agree what sort of a fence to make? Would it not be better to put up
+a fence that did not please every one's fancy, rather than keep
+disputing about it until the wild beasts came in and devoured the crop?
+Some gentlemen say, Don't be in a hurry; take time to consider. I say,
+There is a time to sow and a time to reap. We sowed our seed when we
+sent men to the Federal Convention, now is the time to reap the fruit of
+our labour; and if we do not do it now, I am afraid we shall never have
+another opportunity.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>There spoke the common sense of the common man of the Commonwealth. The
+counsel of the farmer from the country, joined with the resolutions of
+the workingmen from the city, carried the convention and the
+Constitution was ratified. In the light of succeeding history, who shall
+<a name='Page_231'></a>say, that it was not the voice of the people, speaking with the voice of
+Infinite Authority?</p>
+
+<p>The attitude of Samuel Adams, William Shepard, Jonathan Smith and the
+workingmen of Boston toward government, is worthy of our constant
+emulation. They had not hesitated to take up arms against tyranny in the
+Revolution, but having established a government of the people they were
+equally determined to defend and support it. They hated the usurper
+whether king, or Parliament, or mob, but they bowed before the duly
+constituted authority of the people.</p>
+
+<p>When the question of pardoning the convicted leaders of the rebellion
+came up, Adams opposed it. &quot;In monarchies,&quot; he said, &quot;the crime of
+treason and rebellion may admit of being pardoned or lightly punished;
+but the man who dares to rebe<a name='Page_232'></a>l against the laws of a republic ought to
+suffer death.&quot; We are all glad mercy prevailed and pardon was granted.
+But the calm judgment of Samuel Adams, the lover of liberty, &quot;the man of
+the town meeting&quot; whose clear vision, taught by bitter experience, saw
+that all usurpation is tyranny, must not go unheeded now. The authority
+of a just government derived from the consent of the governed, has back
+of it a Power that does not fail.</p>
+<a name='Page_233'></a>
+<p>All wars bring in their trail great hardships. They existed in the day
+of General Shepard. They exist now. Having set up a sound government in
+Massachusetts, having secured their independence, as the result of a
+victorious war, the people expected a season of easy prosperity. In that
+they were temporarily disappointed. Some rebelling, were overthrown. The
+adoption of the Federal Constitution brought relief and prosperity.</p>
+
+<p>Success has attended the establishment here of a government of the
+people. We of this day have just finished a victorious war that has
+added new glory to American arms. We are facing some hardships, but they
+are not serious. Private obligations are not so large as to be
+burdensome. Taxes can be paid. Prosperity abounds. But the great promise
+of the future lies in the loyalty and devotion of the people to their
+own Government. They are firm in the conviction of the fathers, that
+liberty is increased only by increasing the determination to support a
+government of the people, as established in this ancient town, and
+defended by its patriotic sons.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXXIV'></a><h2>XXXIV</h2><a name='Page_234'></a>
+
+<center><i>The Commonwealth of Massachusetts</i></center>
+
+<p><i>By His Excellency Calvin Coolidge, Governor</i></p>
+
+<p>A PROCLAMATION</p>
+<br />
+
+<p>The entire State Guard of Massachusetts has been called out. Under the
+Constitution the Governor is the Commander-in-Chief thereof by an
+authority of which he could not if he chose divest himself. That command
+I must and will exercise. Under the law I hereby call on all the police
+of Boston who have loyally and in a never-to-be-forgotten way remained
+on duty to aid me in the performance of my duty of the restoration and
+maintenance of order in the city of Boston, and each of such officers is
+required to act in obedience to such orders as I may hereafter issue or
+<a name='Page_235'></a>cause to be issued.</p>
+
+<p>I call on every citizen to aid me in the maintenance of law and order.</p>
+
+<div class='blkquot'><p>Given at the Executive Chamber, in Boston, this eleventh day of
+     September, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and
+     nineteen, and of the Independence of the United States of America
+     the one hundred and forty-fourth.</p>
+
+<span style='margin-left: 25em;'>CALVIN COOLIDGE</span>
+
+<p>     By His Excellency the Governor,</p>
+
+<p>     ALBERT P. LANGTRY</p>
+
+<p>     <i>Secretary of the Commonwealth</i> </p></div>
+
+<p>     God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXXV'></a><h2>XXXV</h2>
+<a name='Page_236'></a>
+<center>AN ORDER</center>
+<br /><br />
+<span style='margin-left: 25em;'>BOSTON, <i>September</i> 11, 1919</span><br />
+
+<p>To EDWIN U. CURTIS,</p>
+
+<p>As you are Police Commissioner of the City of Boston,</p>
+
+<p><i>Executive Order No. 1</i></p>
+
+<p>You are hereby directed, for the purpose of assisting me in the
+performance of my duty, pursuant to the proclamation issued by me this
+day, to proceed in the performance of your duties as Police Commissioner
+of the city of Boston under my command and in obedience to such orders
+as I shall issue from time to time, and obey only such orders as I may
+so issue or transmit.</p>
+<a name='Page_237'></a>
+<span style='margin-left: 25em;'>CALVIN COOLIDGE</span><br />
+<span style='margin-left: 23em;'><i>Governor of Massachusetts</i></span><br />
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXXVI'></a><h2>XXXVI</h2>
+
+<center>A TELEGRAM</center>
+<br /><br />
+<span style='margin-left: 25em;'>BOSTON, MASS., <i>Sept</i>. 14, 1919</span><a name='Page_238'></a><br />
+
+<p>MR. SAMUEL GOMPERS</p>
+
+<p><i>President American Federation of Labor, New York City, N.Y.</i></p>
+
+<p>Replying to your telegram, I have already refused to remove the Police
+Commissioner of Boston. I did not appoint him. He can assume no position
+which the courts would uphold except what the people have by the
+<a name='Page_239'></a>authority of their law vested in him. He speaks only with their voice.
+The right of the police of Boston to affiliate has always been
+questioned, never granted, is now prohibited. The suggestion of
+President Wilson to Washington does not apply to Boston. There the
+police have remained on duty. Here the Policemen's Union left their
+duty, an action which President Wilson characterized as a crime against
+civilization. Your assertion that the Commissioner was wrong cannot
+justify the wrong of leaving the city unguarded. That furnished the
+opportunity, the criminal element furnished the action. There is no
+right to strike against the public safety by anybody, anywhere, any
+time. You ask that the public safety again be placed in the hands of
+these same policemen while they continue in disobedience to the laws of
+Massachusetts and in their refusal to obey the orders of the Police
+Department. Nineteen men have been tried and removed. Others having
+abandoned their duty, their places have, under the law, been declared
+vacant on the opinion of the Attorney-General. I can suggest no
+authority outside the courts to take further action. I wish to join and
+assist in taking a broad view of every situation. A grave responsibility
+rests on all of us. You can depend on me to support you in every legal
+action and sound policy. I am equally determined to defend the
+<a name='Page_240'></a>sovereignty of Massachusetts and to maintain the authority and
+jurisdiction over her public officers where it has been placed by the
+Constitution and law of her people.</p>
+
+<span style='margin-left: 25em;'>CALVIN COOLIDGE</span><br />
+<span style='margin-left: 23em;'><i>Governor of Massachusetts</i></span><br />
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXXVII'></a><h2>XXXVII</h2>
+
+<center><i>The Commonwealth of Massachusetts</i></center>
+<a name='Page_241'></a>
+
+<p><i>By His Excellency Calvin Coolidge, Governor</i></p>
+
+<p>A PROCLAMATION</p>
+<br />
+
+<p>There appears to be a misapprehension as to the position of the police
+of Boston. In the deliberate intention to intimidate and coerce the
+Government of this Commonwealth a large body of policemen, urging all
+others to join them, deserted their posts of duty, letting in the enemy.
+This act of theirs was voluntary, against the advice of their well
+wishers, long discussed and premeditated, and with the purpose of
+obstructing the power of the Government to protect its citizens or even
+to maintain its own existence. Its success meant anarchy. By this act
+through the operation of the law they dispossessed themselves. They went
+out of office. They stand as though they had never been appointed.</p>
+
+<p>Other police remained on duty. They are the real heroes of this crisis.
+The State Guard responded most efficiently. Thousands have volunteered
+for the Guard and the Militia. Money has been contributed from every
+walk of life by the hundreds of thousands for the encouragement and
+relief of these loyal men. These acts have been spontaneous,
+significant, and decisive. I propose to support all those who are
+supporting their own Government with every power which the people have
+entrusted to me.</p>
+
+<p>There is an obligation, inescapable, no less solemn, to resist all those
+<a name='Page_242'></a>who do not support the Government. The authority of the Commonwealth
+cannot be intimidated or coerced. It cannot be compromised. To place the
+maintenance of the public security in the hands of a body of men who
+have attempted to destroy it would be to flout the sovereignty of the
+laws the people have made. It is my duty to resist any such proposal.
+Those who would counsel it join hands with those whose acts have
+threatened to destroy the Government. There is no middle ground. Every
+attempt to prevent the formation of a new police force is a blow at the
+Government. That way treason lies. No man has a right to place his own
+ease or convenience or the opportunity of making money above his duty to
+the State. This is the cause of all the people. I call on every citizen
+to stand by me in executing the oath of my office by supporting the
+authority of the Government and resisting all assaults upon it.</p>
+
+<div class='blkquot'><p>Given at the Executive Chamber, in Boston, this twenty-fourth day
+     of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and
+     nineteen, and of the Independence of the United States of America
+     the one hundred and forty-fourth. </p></div>
+<a name='Page_243'></a>
+<span style='margin-left: 25em;'>CALVIN COOLIDGE</span><br />
+
+<p>    By His Excellency the Governor,</p>
+
+<p>    HERBERT H. BOYNTON</p>
+
+<p>    <i>Deputy, Acting Secretary of the Commonwealth</i></p>
+
+<p>    God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXXVIII'></a><h2>XXXVIII</h2><a name='Page_244'></a>
+
+<center>HOLY CROSS COLLEGE</center>
+
+<center>JUNE 25, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>To come from the press of public affairs, where the practical side of
+life is at its flood, into these calm and classic surroundings, where
+ideals are cherished for their own sake, is an intense relief and
+satisfaction. Even in the full flow of Commencement exercises it is
+apparent that here abide the truth and the servants of the truth. Here
+appears the fulfillment of the past in the grand company of alumni,
+recalling a history already so thick with laurels. Here is the hope of
+the future, brighter yet in the young men to-day sent forth.</p>
+
+<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'><a name='Page_245'></a>
+<span>&quot;The unarmed youth of heaven. But o'er their heads<br /></span>
+<span>Celestial armory, shield, helm and spear,<br /></span>
+<span>Hung bright, with diamond flaming and with gold.&quot;<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>In them the dead past lives. They represent the college. They are the
+college. It is not in the campus with its imposing halls and temples,
+nor in the silent lore of the vast library or the scientific instruments
+of well-equipped laboratories, but in the men who are the incarnation of
+all these, that your college lives. It is not enough that there be
+knowledge, history and poetry, eloquence and art, science and
+mathematics, philosophy and ethics, ideas and ideals. They must be
+vitalized. They must be fashioned into life. To send forth men who live
+all these is to be a college. This temple of learning must be translated
+into human form if it is to exercise any influence over the affairs of
+mankind,<a name='Page_246'></a> or if its alumni are to wield the power of education.</p>
+
+<p>A great thinker and master of the expression of thought has told us:</p>
+
+<p>&quot;It was before Deity, embodied in a human form, walking among men,
+partaking of their infirmities, leaning on their bosoms, weeping over
+their graves, slumbering in the manger, bleeding on the cross, that the
+prejudices of the Synagogue, and the doubts of the Academy, and the
+pride of the Portico, and the fasces of the Lictor, and the swords of
+thirty Legions, were humbled in the dust.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>If college-bred men are to exercise the influence over the progress of
+the world which ought to be their portion, they must exhibit in their
+lives a knowledge and a learning which is marked with candor, hum<a name='Page_247'></a>ility,
+and the honest mind.</p>
+
+<p>The present is ever influenced mightily by the past. Patrick Henry spoke
+with great wisdom when he declared to the Continental Congress, &quot;I have
+but one lamp by which my feet are guided and that is the lamp of
+experience.&quot; Mankind is finite. It has the limits of all things finite.
+The processes of government are subject to the same limitations, and,
+lacking imperfections, would be something more than human. It is always
+easy to discover flaws, and, pointing them out, to criticize. It is not
+so easy to suggest substantial remedies or propose constructive
+policies. It is characteristic of the unlearned that they are forever
+proposing something which is old, and, because it has recently come to
+their own attention, supposing it to be new. Into this error men of
+liberal education ought not to fall. The forms and processes of
+government are not new. They have been known, discus<a name='Page_248'></a>sed, and tried in
+all their varieties through the past ages. That which America
+exemplifies in her Constitution and system of representative government
+is the most modern, and of any yet devised gives promise of being the
+most substantial and enduring.</p>
+
+<p>It is not unusual to hear arguments against our institutions and our
+Government, addressed particularly to recent arrivals and the sons of
+recent arrivals to our shores. They sometimes take the form of a claim
+that our institutions were founded long ago; that changed conditions
+require that they now be changed. Especially is it claimed by those
+seeking such changes that these new arrivals and men of their race and
+ideas had no hand in the making of our country, and that it was formed
+by those who were hostile to them and therefore they owe it no support.
+Whatever may be the condition in relation to others, and whatever
+ignorance and <a name='Page_249'></a>bigotry may imagine, such arguments do not apply to those
+of the race and blood so prominent in this assemblage. To establish this
+it were but necessary to cite eleven of the fifty-five signers of the
+Declaration of Independence and recall that on the roll of Washington's
+generals were Sullivan, Knox, Wayne, and the gallant son of Trinity
+College, Dublin, who fell at Quebec at the head of his troops,&mdash;Richard
+Montgomery. But scholarship has answered ignorance. The learned and
+patriotic research of men of the education of Dr. James J. Walsh and
+Michael J. O'Brien, the historian of the Irish American Society, has
+demonstrated that a generous portion of the rank and file of the men who
+fought in the Revolution and supported those who framed our institutions
+was not alien to those who are represented here. It is no wonder that
+from among such that which is American has drawn some of its most
+steadfast defenders.</p>
+<a name='Page_250'></a>
+<p>In these days of violent agitation scholarly men should reflect that the
+progress of the past has been accomplished not by the total overthrow of
+institutions so much as by discarding that which was bad and preserving
+that which was good; not by revolution but by evolution has man worked
+out his destiny. We shall miss the central feature of all progress
+unless we hold to that process now. It is not a question of whether our
+institutions are perfect. The most beneficent of our institutions had
+their beginnings in forms which would be particularly odious to us now.
+Civilization began with war and slavery; government began in absolute
+despotism; and religion itself grew out of superstition which was
+oftentimes marked with human sacrifices. So out of our present
+imperfections we shall develop that which is more perfect. But the
+candid mind of the scholar will admit and seek to remedy all wrongs with
+the same zeal with which it defends all rights.</p>
+
+<p>From the knowledge and the lear<a name='Page_251'></a>ning of the scholar there ought to be
+developed an abiding faith. What is the teaching of all history? That
+which is necessary for the welfare and progress of the human race has
+never been destroyed. The discoverers of truth, the teachers of science,
+the makers of inventions, have passed to their last rewards, but their
+works have survived. The Phoenician galleys and the civilization which
+was born of their commerce have perished, but the alphabet which that
+people perfected remains. The shepherd kings of Israel, the temple and
+empire of Solomon, have gone the way of all the earth, but the Old
+Testament has been preserved for the inspiration of mankind. The ark of
+the covenant and the seven-pronged candlestick have passed from human
+view; the inhabitants of Judea have been dispersed to the ends of the
+<a name='Page_252'></a>earth, but the New Testament has survived and increased in its influence
+among men. The glory of Athens and Sparta, the grandeur of the Imperial
+City, are a long-lost memory, but the poetry of Homer and Virgil, the
+oratory of Demosthenes and Cicero, the philosophy of Plato and
+Aristotle, abide with us forevermore. Whatever America holds that may be
+of value to posterity will not pass away.</p>
+
+<p>The long and toilsome processes which have marked the progress of the
+past cannot be shunned by the present generation to our advantage. We
+have no right to expect as our portion something substantially different
+from human experience in the past. The constitution of the universe
+does not change. Human nature remains constant. That service and
+sacrifice which have been the price of past progress are the price of
+progress now.</p>
+
+<p>This is not a gospel of despair, but of hope and high expectation. Out
+of many tribulations mankind has pressed steadily onward. The
+opportunity for a rational existence was never before so great.
+Bl<a name='Page_253'></a>essings were never so bountiful. But the evidence was never so
+overwhelming as now that men and nations must live rationally or perish.</p>
+
+<p>The defenses of our Commonwealth are not material but mental and
+spiritual. Her fortifications, her castles, are her institutions of
+learning. Those who are admitted to the college campus tread the
+ramparts of the State. The classic halls are the armories from which are
+furnished forth the knights in armor to defend and support our liberty.
+For such high purpose has Holy Cross been called into being. A firm
+foundation of the Commonwealth. A defender of righteousness. A teacher
+of holy men. Let her turrets continue to rise, showing forth &quot;the way,
+the truth and the light&quot;&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'>
+<span>&quot;In thoughts sublime that pierce the night like stars,<br /></span><a name='Page_254'></a>
+<span>And with their mild persistence urge man's arch<br /></span>
+<span>To vaster issues.&quot;<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XXXIX'></a><h2>XXXIX</h2>
+
+<center>REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION, TREMONT TEMPLE, BOSTON</center>
+
+<center>OCTOBER 4, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>Ancient custom crystallized to law has drawn us here. We come to renew
+our pledge pu<a name='Page_255'></a>blicly at the altar of our country. We come in the light of
+history and of reason. We come to take counsel both from experience and
+from imagination. Over us shines a glorious past, before us lies a
+promising future. Around us is a renewed determination deep and solemn
+that this Commonwealth of ours shall endure.</p>
+
+<p>The period since our last election has been one of momentous events.
+Within its first week the victorious advance of America and her allies
+terminated in the armistice of November eleventh. The power of organized
+despotisms had been proven to be inferior to the power of organized
+republics. Reason had again triumphed over absolutism. The &quot;still small
+voice&quot; of the moral law was seen to be greater than the might of kings.
+The world appeal to duty triumphed over the world appeal to selfishness.
+It always will. There will be far-reaching results from all this w<a name='Page_256'></a>hich
+no one can now foresee. But some things are apparent. The power of the
+people has been revealed. The worth of the individual man shines forth
+with an increased glory. But most significant of all, for it lies at the
+foundation of all civilization and all progress, was the demonstration
+that the citizens of the great republics of the earth possess the power
+which they dare to use, of maintaining among all men the orderly
+processes of revealed law.</p>
+
+<p>These are no new doctrines in Massachusetts. For nearly three hundred
+years she has laid her course according to these principles, extending
+the blessings which arise from them to her citizens, ever ready to
+defend them with her treasure and her blood. In this the past year has
+been no exception.</p>
+
+<p>In recognition of the long-established policy of making this
+Com<a name='Page_257'></a>monwealth first in humanitarian legislation, the General Court
+enacted a law providing for reducing a fifty-four hour week for women
+and minors to a forty-eight hour week. It passed the weavers'
+specification bill. The allowance under the workmen's compensation law
+was increased. Local option was provided on the question of a
+twelve-hour day for firemen. Authority was granted corporations to give
+their employees a voice in their management. Representatives of the
+employees have been appointed to the Board of Trustees of great public
+service corporations. Profiteering has been made a crime. A special
+commission of which the chairman is Brigadier-General John H. Sherburne
+was established to deal with the problem of the high cost of
+living&mdash;with power which has been effective in reducing the prices of
+the necessaries of life. No other State has taken any effective measure.
+The compensation of public employees has been increased. The entire
+public service of the Commonwealth has been reorganized in accor<a name='Page_258'></a>dance
+with the constitutional amendment into twenty departments. In caring for
+her service men Massachusetts led all the States of the Nation in relief
+and in assistance, besides voting the stupendous sum of twenty million
+dollars, not as compensation, but as recognition of the gratitude due
+those who had represented us in the great war. The educational
+opportunities of the youth of the State have been improved. All of these
+acts of great importance, which are of course only representative of the
+character of current legislation, had the executive approval. There has
+been not only a sympathetic but a very practical attitude toward the
+ideal expressed in my inaugural address, that there is a right to be
+well born, well reared, well educated, well employed, and well paid. We
+shall not be shaken in the mature determination to promote these
+policies. The ancient faith of Massachusetts in the worth of her
+citizens, the cause of great solicitude for the welfare of each
+individual, will remain undiminished.</p><a name='Page_259'></a>
+
+<p>The many uncertainties in transportation which are State, Nation, and
+world wide, sent our street railway problems to an expert commission
+which will report to a special session of the General Court. It is
+recognized that the rate of fare necessary to pay for the service
+rendered has in some instances become prohibitive. Some roads and
+portions of roads have been closed down. There must be relief. But such
+relief must be in accord with sound economic principles. What the public
+has the public must pay for. From this there is no escape. Under
+private, or public, ownership or operation this rule will be the same.
+We must face the facts and restore this necessary service to the people
+in such a form that they can meet its costs. In meeting this issue, not
+hysterically, not with demagogy, but calmly, with candor, applying an
+adequate remedy to ascertained facts, Massachusetts, as usual, will lead
+all the other States of the Nation.</p><a name='Page_260'></a>
+
+<p>That agitation and unrest which has been characteristic of the whole
+world since the close of the war has had some manifestations here. There
+is a natural desire in every human mind to seek better conditions. Such
+a desire is altogether praiseworthy. There must, however, be
+discrimination in the methods employed. Wholesale criticism of everybody
+and everything does not necessarily exhibit statesmanlike qualities, and
+may not be true. Not all those who are working to better the condition
+of the people are Bolsheviki or enemies of society. Not all those who
+are attempting to conduct a successful business are profiteers. But
+unreasonable criticism and agitation for unreasonable remedies will
+avail nothing. We, in common with the whole world, are suffering from a
+shortage of materials. There is but one remedy for this, increased
+production. We need to use sparingly what we have and make more. No
+progress will be made by shouting Bolsheviki and profiteers. What we
+need is thrift and industry. Let everybody keep at work. Profitable
+<a name='Page_261'></a>employment is the death blow to Bolshevism and abundant production is
+disaster to the profiteer. Our salvation lies in putting forth greater
+effort, in manfully assuming our own burdens, rather than in
+entertaining the pleasing delusion that they can be shifted to some
+other shoulders. Those who attempt to lead people on in this expectation
+only add to their burdens and their dangers.</p>
+
+<p>The people of Boston have recently seen the result of agitation and
+unrest in its police force. The policy of that department, established
+by an order of former Commissioner O'Meara and adopted by a rule which
+has the force of law by the present Commissioner Curtis, prohibited a
+police union from affiliating with an outside union. In spite of this
+such a union was formed and persisted in with acknowledged and open
+defiance of the rules and of the counsel and almost entreaties of the
+officers of the department. Such disobedience conti<a name='Page_262'></a>nuing, the leaders
+were cited for trial on charges and heard with their counsel before the
+Commissioner. After thorough consideration, and opportunity again to
+obey the rules, they were found guilty. In order to give a chance to
+recant sentence was suspended. Shortly after, three fourths of the
+police force abandoned their posts and refused further to perform their
+duties. During the next few hours, there was destruction of property in
+the city but happily no loss of life.</p>
+
+<p>Meantime there had been various efforts to save the situation. Some
+urged me to remove the Commissioner, some to request him to alter his
+course. To all these I had to reply that I had no authority whatever
+over his actions and could not lawfully interfere with him. It was my
+duty to support him in the execution of the law and that I should do. I
+was glad to confer with any one and give my help where it was sought.
+The Commissioner was appointed b<a name='Page_263'></a>y my predecessor in office for a term of
+years. I could with almost equal propriety interfere in the decisions of
+the Supreme Court.</p>
+
+<p>To restore order, I at once and by pre-arrangement with him and the
+Commissioner, offered to the Mayor to call out the State Guard. At his
+request I did so, immediately beginning restoring obedience to the law.
+On account of the public danger, I called on the Commissioner to aid me
+in the execution of my duties of keeping order, and issued a
+proclamation to that effect.</p>
+
+<p>To various suggestions that the police be permitted to return I replied
+that the Attorney-General had ruled that by law that could not be done
+and while I had no power to appoint, discharge, or reinstate, I was
+opposed to placing the public security again in the keeping of this body
+of men. There is an obligation to forgive but it does not extend to the
+unrepentant. To give them aid and comfo<a name='Page_264'></a>rt is to support their evil doing
+and to become what is known in law as an accessory after the fact. A
+government which does that is a reproach to civilization and will soon
+have on its hands the blood of its citizens.</p>
+
+<p>The response to the appeal to support the Government of Massachusetts in
+sustaining law and order was instantaneous. It came from the State
+Guard, from volunteers for police, and the militia, from contributions
+gathered among all classes now reaching hundreds of thousands of
+dollars, from the loyal police of Boston, from all quarters of the
+Commonwealth and beyond. These forces may all be dissipated, they may be
+defeated, but while I am entrusted with the office of their
+Commander-in-Chief they will not be surrendered. Over them and over
+every other law-abiding citizen has gone up the white flag of
+Massachusetts. Who is there that by compromising the authority of her
+laws dares to haul down that flag? I have resisted and propose to
+<a name='Page_265'></a>continue in resistance to such action.</p>
+
+<p>This issue is perfectly plain. The Government of Massachusetts is not
+seeking to resist the lawful action or sound policy of organized labor.
+It has time and again passed laws for the protection and encouragement
+of trade unions. It has done so under my administration upon my
+recommendation to a greater extent than in any previous year. In that
+policy it will continue. It is seeking to prevent a condition which
+would at once destroy all labor unions and all else that is the
+foundation of civilization by maintaining the authority and sanctity of
+the law. When that goes all goes. It costs something but it is the
+cheapest thing that can be bought; it causes some inconvenience but it
+is the foundation of all convenience, the orderly execution of the laws.</p>
+
+<p>The people understand this thoroughly. They know that the laws are their
+laws and speak their voice. They know that this Government is their
+Government founded on their will, administered by their representatives.
+Disobedience to i<a name='Page_266'></a>t is disobedience to the people. They know that the
+property of the Commonwealth is their property. Destruction of it
+destroys their substance. The public security is their security. When
+that is gone they are in deadly peril. And knowing this the people have
+a determination to support the Government with a resolution that is
+unchanging.</p>
+
+<p>It is my purpose to maintain the Government of Massachusetts as it was
+founded by her people, the protector of the rights of all but
+subservient to none. It is my purpose to maintain unimpaired the
+authority of her laws, her jurisdiction, her peace, her security. This
+ancient faith of Massachusetts which became the great faith of America,
+she reestablished in her Constitution before the army of Washington had
+gained our independence, declaring for &quot;a government of laws and not of
+men.&quot; In that faith she still abides. Let him challenge it who dares.
+All who love Massachusetts, who believe in America, are bound <a name='Page_267'></a>to defend
+it. The choice lies between living under coercion and intimidation, the
+forces of evil, or under the laws of the people, orderly, speaking with
+their settled convictions, the revelation of a divine authority.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XL'></a><h2>XL</h2>
+
+<center>WILLIAMS COLLEGE</center>
+
+<center>OCTOBER 17, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>There speaks here with the voice of immortality one who loved
+Massachusetts. On every side arise monuments to that enduring affection
+bred not of benefits received but of services rendered, of sacrifices
+made, that the province of Massachusetts Bay might live enlightened and
+secure. A bit of parchment has filled libraries. A few hundred dollars
+<a name='Page_268'></a>has enriched generations. The spirit of a single liberty-loving soldier
+has raised up a host that has shaken the earth with its martial tread,
+laying low the hills but exalting the valleys. Here Colonel Ephraim
+Williams still executes his will, still disposes of his patrimony, still
+leads the soldiers of the free to an enduring victory, and with a power
+greater than the sword stands guard on the frontier marches of the
+Commonwealth.</p>
+
+<p>Honor compels that honor be recognized. In compliance with that
+requirement this day has been set apart by this institution of letters
+in testimony of the merit of her sons. Nearly one half of her living
+alumni were under the direct service of the Nation in the great war.
+Into all branches of the service, civil and military, they went from the
+alumni, from the class rooms, from the faculty, up to President Garfield
+himself, who served as Director of the Fuel Administration. From America
+and her allies has come the high<a name='Page_269'></a>est of recognition, conferred by
+citation, awards, and decorations. Their individual deeds of valor I
+shall not relate. They are known to all. Advisedly I say that they have
+not been surpassed among men. Their heroism was no less heroic because
+it was unconscious there or because of befitting modesty it is
+unostentatious here. There was yet a courage unequaled by the most
+momentous dangers which were met by those now marked with fame and a
+capacity in the others which would have matched equal events with equal
+fortitude. In the most grateful recognition of all this, to the living
+and the dead, by their Alma Mater the Commonwealth of Massachusetts
+reverently joins.</p>
+
+<p>But this day, if it is truly to represent the spirit of this college,
+means more than a glorification of the past. It was by a stern
+determination to discharge the duties of the present that Ephraim
+<a name='Page_270'></a>Williams provided for a future filled with a glory that must not yet be
+termed complete. His thoughts were not on himself nor on material
+things. Had he chosen to inscribe his name upon a monument of granite or
+of bronze it would have gone the way of all the earth. Enlightening the
+soul of his fellow man he made his mark which all eternity cannot erase.
+A soldier, he did not</p>
+
+<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'>
+<span class='i5'>&quot;put his trust<br /></span>
+<span>In reeking tube and iron shard&quot;<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>to save his countrymen, but like Solomon chose first knowledge and
+wisdom and to his choice has likewise been added a splendor of material
+prosperity.</p>
+
+<p>Earth's great lesson is written here. In it all men may read the
+interpretation of the founder of this college, of the meaning of
+America, of the motive high and true which has inspired her soldiers.
+Not unmindful of a desire for economic justice but scorning sordid gain,
+not seeking the spoils of war but a victory of righteousness, they came,
+subordinating the finite to the infinite, placing their trust in that
+which does not pass away. This precept heretofore observed must not be
+aban<a name='Page_271'></a>doned now. A desire for the earth and the fullness thereof must not
+lure our people from their truer selves. Those who seek for a sign
+merely in a greatly increased material prosperity, however worthy that
+may be, disappointed through all the ages, will be disappointed now. Men
+find their true satisfaction in something higher, finer, nobler than
+all that. We sought no spoils from war; let us seek no spoil from peace.
+Let us remember Babylon and Carthage and that city which her people,
+flushed with purple pride, dared call Eternal.</p>
+
+<p>This college and her sons have turned their eyes resolutely toward the
+morning. Above the roar of reeking strife they hear the voice of the
+founder. Their actions have matched their vision. They have seen. They
+have heard. They have done. I thank you for receiving me into their
+company, so romantic, so glorious, and for enrolling me as a soldier in
+the legion of Colonel Ephraim Williams.</p>
+
+<a name='Page_272'></a>
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XLI'></a><h2>XLI</h2>
+
+<center>CONCERNING TEACHERS' SALARIES</center>
+
+<center>OCTOBER 29, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p><i>A Letter to the Mayor of Boston</i></p>
+<br />
+
+<p>MY DEAR MR. MAYOR:</p>
+
+<p>It will be with a good deal of satisfaction that I co&ouml;perate with you
+and any other cities of Massachusetts for the purpose of increasing the
+pay of those engaged in the teaching <a name='Page_273'></a>of the youth of our Commonwealth.
+It has become notorious that the pay for this most important function is
+much less than that which prevails in commercial life and business
+activities.</p>
+
+<p>Roger Ascham, the teacher to Queen Elizabeth, about 1565, in discussing
+this question, wrote: &quot;And it is pity that commonly more care is had,
+yea and that among very wise men, to find out rather a cunning man for
+their horse than a cunning man for their children. They say nay in word,
+but they do so in deed. For to the one they will gladly give a stipend
+of two hundred crowns by the year and are loath to offer to the other
+two hundred shillings. God that sitteth in Heaven laugheth their choice
+to scorn and rewardeth their liberality as it should. For he suffereth
+them to have tame and well-ordered horses, but wild and unfortunate
+children, and therefore in the end they find more pleasure in their
+horse than comfort in their children.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>In an address which I made at a Harvard College Commencement I undertook
+to direct attention to the inadequate compensation paid to our teachers,
+whether in the universities, public schools, or the pulpits of the land.
+It is perfectly clear that more money must be provided for these
+purposes, which surpass in their importance all our other public
+<a name='Page_274'></a>activities, both by government appropriation and by private charity.</p>
+
+<p>It is significant that the number of teachers who are in training in our
+normal schools has decreased in the past twelve or fifteen years from
+three thousand to two thousand, while the number of students in colleges
+and technical schools has increased. The people of the Commonwealth
+cannot support the Government unless the Government supports them.</p>
+
+<p>The condition which was described by the teacher of Queen Elizabeth,
+that greater compensation is paid for the unimportant things than is
+paid for training the intellectual abilities of our youth, might exist
+in the sixteenth century, but it ought not to exist in the twentieth
+century.</p>
+
+<p>Fortunately for us, the sterling character of teachers of all kinds has
+kept them at their task even though we have failed to show them due
+appreciation, and up to the present time the public has suffered little.</p>
+
+<p><a name='Page_275'></a>But unless a change is made and a new policy adopted, the cause of
+education will break down. It will either become a trade for those
+little fitted for it or be abandoned altogether, instead of remaining
+the noblest profession, which it has been and ought to be.</p>
+
+<p>There are some things that are fundamental. In the sixteenth century the
+voice of the people was little heard. If the sovereign had wisdom, that
+might suffice. But in the twentieth century the people are sovereign.
+What they think determines every question of civilization. Unless they
+are well trained, well informed, and well instructed, unless a proper
+value is put on knowledge and wisdom, the value of all material things
+will be lost.</p>
+
+<p>There is now no pains too great, no cost too high, to prevent or
+diminish t<a name='Page_276'></a>he duty enjoined by the Constitution of the Commonwealth that
+wisdom and knowledge, as well as virtue, be generally diffused among the
+body of the people.</p>
+
+<p>This important subject ought to be considered and a remedy provided at
+the special session of the General Court.</p>
+<a name='Page_277'></a>
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XLII'></a><h2>XLII</h2>
+
+<center>STATEMENT TO THE PRESS</center>
+
+<center>ELECTION DAY, NOVEMBER 4, 1919</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>My thanks are due to the millions of my fellow citizens of
+Massachusetts. I offer them freely, without undertaking to specify, to
+all who have supported the great cause of the supremacy of the law. The
+heart of the people has proven again sound and true. No
+misrepresentation has blinded them, no sophistry has turned them. They
+have listened to the truth and followed it. They have again disappointed
+those who distrusted them. They have turned away from those who sought
+to play upon their selfishness. They have justified those who trusted
+them. They have justif<a name='Page_278'></a>ied America. The attempt to appeal to class
+prejudice has failed. The men of Massachusetts are not labor men, or
+policemen, or union men, or poor men, or rich men, or any other class
+of men first; they are Americans first. The wage-earners have
+vindicated themselves. They have shown by their votes that they resent
+trying to use them for private interests, or to employ them to resist
+the operation of the Government. They are for the Government. They are
+against those who are against the Government. American institutions are
+safe in their hands. Some of those who have posed as their leaders and
+argued that the wage-earners were patriotic because those leaders told
+them to be may well now inquire whether the case did not stand the other
+way about. It begins to look as if those who attempt to lead the
+wage-earners must first show that they themselves are patriotic if they
+are to have any following. The patriotism of some alleged leaders was
+not the cause but the effect of the patriotism of the wage-earners.</p>
+
+<p><a name='Page_279'></a>Three words tell the result. Massachusetts is American. The election
+will be a welcome demonstration to the Nation and to people everywhere
+who believe that liberty can only be secured by obedience to law.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style='width: 65%;' />
+<a name='XLIII'></a><h2>XLIII</h2>
+
+<center>SPEECH AT TREMONT TEMPLE</center>
+
+<center>SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 1, 1919, 8 P.M.</center>
+<br />
+
+<p>Revelation has not ceased. The strength of a righteous cause has not
+grown less. The people of Massachusetts are patriotic before they are
+partisan, they are not for men but for me<a name='Page_280'></a>asures, not for selfishness but
+for duty, and they will support their Government. Revelation has not
+ceased and faith in men has not failed. They cannot be intimidated, they
+cannot be coerced, they cannot be deceived, and their sovereignty is not
+for sale.</p>
+
+<p>When this campaign is over it will be a rash man who will again attempt
+to further his selfish interests by dragging a great party name in the
+mire and seeking to gain the honor of office by trafficking with
+disorder. The conduct of public affairs is not a game. Responsible
+office does not go to the crafty. Governments are not founded upon an
+association for public plunder but on the co&ouml;peration of men wherein
+each is seeking to do his duty.</p>
+
+<p>The past five years have been like an earthquake. They have shaken the
+institutions of men to their very foundations. It has been a time of
+searchings an<a name='Page_281'></a>d questionings. It has been a time of great awakenings.
+There has been an overpowering resolution among men to make things
+better. Despotisms have been falling. Republics have been rising. There
+has been rebellion everywhere against usurped authority. With all that
+America has been entirely sympathetic. There has been bred in the blood
+through generations a great sympathy for all peoples struggling to be
+free. We have a deep conviction that &quot;resistance to tyranny is obedience
+to law.&quot; And on that conviction we have stood for three centuries. Time
+and experience have but strengthened our belief that it is sound.</p>
+
+<p>But like all rules of action it only applies to the conditions it
+describes. All authority is not usurped authority. Any government is not
+tyranny. These are the counterfeits. There are no counterfeits of the
+unreal. It is only of the real and true that men seek to pass spurious
+imitations.</p>
+
+<p>There are among us a great mass of people who<a name='Page_282'></a> have been reared for
+generations under a government of tyranny and oppression. It is
+ingrained in their blood that there is no other form of government. They
+are disposed and inclined to think our institutions partake of the same
+nature as these they have left behind. We know they are wrong. They must
+be shown they are wrong.</p>
+
+<p>There is a just government. There are righteous laws. We know the
+formula by which they are produced. The principle is best stated in the
+immortal Declaration of Independence to be &quot;the consent of the
+governed.&quot; It is from that source our Government derives its just
+powers and promulgates its righteous laws. They are the will of the
+people, the settled conviction derived from orderly deliberation, that
+take on the sanctity ascribed to the people's voice. Along with the
+binding obligation to resist tyranny goes the other admonition, that
+&quot;obedience to law is liberty,&quot;&mdash;such law and so derived.</p>
+<a name='Page_283'></a>
+<p>These principles, which I have but lightly sketched, are the foundation
+of American institutions, the source of American freedom and the faith
+of any party entitled to call itself American. It constitutes truly the
+rule of the people. It justifies and sanctifies the authority of our
+laws and the obligation to support our Government. It is democracy
+administered through representation.</p>
+
+<p>There are only two other choices, anarchy or despotism&mdash;Russia, present
+and past. For the most part human existence has been under the one or
+the other of these. Both have failed to minister to the highest welfare
+of the people. Unless American institutions can provide for that welfare
+the cause of humanity is hopeless. Unless the blessings of prosperity,
+the rewards of industry, justice and liberty, the satisfaction of duty
+well done, can come under a rule of the people, they cannot come at all.
+We may as well abandon hope and, yielding to the demands of selfishness,
+each take what he can.</p>
+<a name='Page_284'></a>
+<p>We had hoped these questions were settled. But nothing is settled that
+evil and selfish men can find advantage for themselves in overthrowing.
+We must eternally smite the rock of public conscience if the waters of
+patriotism are to pour forth. We must ever be ready to point out the
+success of our country as justification of our determination to support
+it.</p>
+
+<p>No one can deny that we are in the midst of an abounding prosperity. No
+one can deny that this prosperity is well distributed; especially is
+this true of the wage-earner. Industrially, commercially, financially,
+America has been a success. The wealth of Massachusetts is increasing
+rapidly. There are large deposits going into her savings institutions,
+during banking hours with each tick of the clock more than $12.50, with
+each minute more than $750, with each day over $270,000. Wages and hours
+of labor were never so favorable. We have attained a standard of living
+among our people the like of which never before existed on earth.</p>
+<a name='Page_285'></a>
+<p>Intellectually our progress compares with our prosperity. The
+opportunity for education is not only large, but it is well used. The
+school is everywhere. Ignorance is a disgrace. The turrets of college
+and university dot the land. Their student bodies were never so large.
+Science and invention, literature and art flourish.</p>
+
+<p>There is higher standard of justice in all the affairs of life than in
+the past. Our commercial transactions are on a higher plane. There is a
+moral standard that runs through all the avenues of our life that has
+lifted it into a new position and gives to men a keener sense of honor
+in all things. There has come to be a new realization of the brotherhood
+of man, a new significance to religion. The war aroused a new
+patriotism, and revealed the strength of our moral power.</p>
+
+<p>The issue in Massachusetts is whether these conditions can endure. Will
+men rea<a name='Page_286'></a>lize their blessing and exhibit the resolution to support and
+defend the foundation on which they rest? Having saved Europe are we
+ready to surrender America? Having beaten the foe from without are we to
+fall a victim to the foe from within?</p>
+
+<p>All of this is put in question by the issue of this campaign. That one
+fundamental issue is the support of the Government in its determination
+to maintain order. On that all of these opportunities depend.</p>
+
+<p>There can be no material prosperity without order. Stores and banks
+could not open. Factories could not run, railways could not operate.
+What was the value of plate glass and goods, the value of real estate in
+Boston at three o'clock, A.M., September 10? Unless the people vote to
+sustain order that value is gone entirely. Business is ended.</p>
+
+<p>On order depends all intelle<a name='Page_287'></a>ctual progress. Without it all schools
+close, libraries are empty, education stops. Disorder was the forerunner
+of the Dark Ages.</p>
+
+<p>Without order the moral progress of the people would be lost. With the
+schools would go the churches. There could be no assemblages for
+worship, no services even for the departed, piety would be swallowed up
+in viciousness.</p>
+
+<p>I have understated the result of disorder. Man has not the imagination,
+the ability to overstate it. There are those who aim to bring about
+exactly this result. I propose at all times to resist them with all the
+power at the command of the Chief Executive of Massachusetts.</p>
+
+<p>Naturally the question arises, what shall we do to defend our
+birthright? In the first place eve<a name='Page_288'></a>rybody must take a more active part in
+public affairs. It will not do for men to send, they must go. It is not
+enough to draw a check. Good government cannot be bought, it has to be
+given. Office has great opportunities for doing wrong, but equal chance
+for doing right. Unless good citizens hold office bad citizens will.
+People see the office-holder rather than the Government. Let the worth
+of the office-holder speak the worth of the government. The voice of the
+people speaks by the voice of the individual. Duty is not collective, it
+is personal. Let every inhabitant make known his determination to
+support law and order. That duty is supreme.</p>
+
+<p>That the supremacy of the law, the preservation of the Government itself
+by the maintenance of order, should be the issue of this campaign was
+entirely due to circumstances beyond my control. That any one should
+dare to put in jeopardy the stability of our Government for the purpose
+of securing office was to me inconceivable. That any one should attempt
+to substitute the will of any outside organization fo<a name='Page_289'></a>r the authority
+conferred by law upon the representatives of the people had never
+occurred to me. But the issue arose by action of some of the police of
+Boston and it was my duty to meet it. I shall continue to administer the
+law of all the people.</p>
+
+<p>I should have been pleased to make this campaign on the record of the
+past year. I should have been pleased to show what the march of progress
+had been under the people's government, what action had been taken for
+the relief of those who toil with their hands as well as their
+heads,&mdash;and the record was never more alluring,&mdash;what has been done to
+advance the business and commercial interests of this great industrial
+Commonwealth, what has promoted public health, what has assisted in
+agricultural development, the progress made in providing transportation,
+the increased opportunity given our youth for education. In particular I
+should have desired to point out the great pride Massachusetts has in
+her war record and the abundant way she has shown her gratitude for her
+service men and women, surpassing every other State. All this is a
+record not of promises, but of achievement. It is one in which the
+voters of the Commonwealth may well take a deep satisfaction. It is
+there, it stands, it cannot be argued away. No deception can pervert it.
+It endures.</p>
+
+<p>All these are the result of ordered liberty&mdash;the result of living under
+the law. It is the great desire of Massachusetts to continue such
+legislation of progress and humanity. Those who are attempting to wrench
+the scepter of authority from the representatives of the people, to
+subvert the jurisdiction of her laws, are the enemies not only of
+progress, but of all present achievement, not only of what we hope for,
+but of what we have.</p>
+
+<p>This is the cause of all the people, especially of the weak and
+defenseless. Their only refuge is the protection of the law. The people
+have come to understand this. They are taking the deciding of this
+election into their own hands regardless of party. If the people win who
+can lose? They are awake to the words of Daniel Webster, &quot;nothing will
+ruin the country if the people themselves will undertake its safety; and
+nothing can save it if they leave that safety in any hands but their
+own.&quot;</p>
+
+<p>My fellow citizens of Massachusetts, to you I commend this cause. To you
+who have added the glory of the hills and plains of France to the glory
+of Concord and Bunker Hill, to you who have led when others faltered,
+to you again is given the leadership. Grasp it. Secure it. Make it
+decisive. Make the discharge of the great trust you now hold an example
+of hope for righteousness everywhere, a new guaranty that the Government
+of America shall endure.</p>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Have faith in Massachusetts; 2d ed.
+by Calvin Coolidge
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+Project Gutenberg's Have faith in Massachusetts; 2d ed., by Calvin Coolidge
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Have faith in Massachusetts; 2d ed.
+       A Collection of Speeches and Messages
+
+Author: Calvin Coolidge
+
+Release Date: October 14, 2004 [EBook #13748]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HAVE FAITH IN MASSACHUSETTS; ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Audrey Longhurst and the PG Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+HAVE FAITH
+
+IN
+
+MASSACHUSETTS
+
+[Illustration: Portrait of Calvin Coolidge _Copyright, Notman_]
+
+
+
+
+HAVE FAITH
+
+IN
+
+MASSACHUSETTS
+
+_A Collection of Speeches and Messages_
+
+BY
+
+CALVIN COOLIDGE
+
+_Governor of Massachusetts_
+
+
+SECOND EDITION ENLARGED
+
+
+
+
+BOSTON AND NEW YORK
+
+HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY
+
+_The Riverside Press Cambridge_
+
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTORY NOTE
+
+
+There are certain fundamental principles of sound community life which
+cannot be stated too emphatically or too often. Few public men of to-day
+have shown a finer combination of right feeling and clear thinking about
+these principles, with a gift for the pithy expression of them, than has
+Governor Calvin Coolidge. It was an accurate phrase that President
+Meiklejohn used when, in conferring the degree of Doctor of Laws on him
+at Amherst College last June, he complimented him on teaching the lesson
+of "adequate brevity."
+
+His speeches and messages abound in evidences of this gift, but in the
+main the speeches are not easily accessible. It has seemed to some of
+Governor Coolidge's admirers, as it has to the publishers of this little
+volume, that a real public service might be rendered by making a
+careful selection from the best of the speeches and issuing them in an
+attractive and convenient form. With his permission this has been done,
+and it is hoped that many readers will welcome the book in this time of
+special need of inspiring and steadying influences.
+
+It is a time when all men should realize that, in the words of Governor
+Coolidge himself, "Laws must rest on the eternal foundations of
+righteousness"; that "Industry, thrift, character are not conferred by
+act or resolve. Government cannot relieve from toil." It is a time when
+we must "have faith in Massachusetts. We need a broader, firmer, deeper
+faith in the people,--a faith that men desire to do right, that the
+Commonwealth is founded upon a righteousness which will endure."
+
+THE EDITORS
+
+_Boston, September_, 1919
+
+
+
+
+NOTE TO SECOND EDITION
+
+
+In the issue of a second edition of this collection of Governor
+Coolidge's speeches and messages, the opportunity has been taken to add
+a proclamation and three recently delivered addresses, which bring the
+volume practically up to the date of publication.
+
+_Boston, October, 1919_
+
+
+
+
+  The Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
+
+  _By His Excellency_
+
+  CALVIN COOLIDGE
+
+  GOVERNOR
+
+  A PROCLAMATION
+
+
+Massachusetts has many glories. The last one she would wish to surrender
+is the glory of the men who have served her in war. While such devotion
+lives the Commonwealth is secure. Whatever dangers may threaten from
+within or without she can view them calmly. Turning to her veterans she
+can say "These are our defenders. They are invincible. In them is our
+safety."
+
+War is the rule of force. Peace is the reign of law. When Massachusetts
+was settled the Pilgrims first dedicated themselves to a reign of law.
+When they set foot on Plymouth Rock they brought the Mayflower Compact,
+in which, calling on the Creator to witness, they agreed with each other
+to make just laws and render due submission and obedience. The date of
+that American document was written November 11, 1620.
+
+After more than five years of the bitterest war in human experience, the
+last great stronghold of force, surrendering to the demands of America
+and her allies, agreed to cast aside the sword and live under the law.
+The date of that world document was written November 11, 1918.
+
+Now, therefore, in grateful commemoration of the unsurpassed deeds of
+heroism performed by the service men of Massachusetts, of the sacrifice
+of her people, sometimes greater than life itself, of the service
+rendered by every war charity and organization, to honor those who bore
+arms, to recognize those who supported the government, in accordance
+with the law of the current year
+
+TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 1919
+
+is set apart as a holiday for general observance and celebration of the
+home coming of Massachusetts soldiers, sailors and marines. In that
+welcome may we dedicate ourselves to a continued support of the cause
+for which they freely offered life, that there may be wiped away
+everywhere the burden of, injustice and every attempt to rule by force,
+and that there may be ushered in a reign of law, that will ease the weak
+of their great burdens, and leave the strong, unhampered by the
+opposition of evil men, the opportunity to exert their whole energy for
+the welfare of their fellow men. Let war and all force end, and peace
+and all law reign.
+
+GIVEN at the Executive Chamber, in Boston, this twenty-eighth day of
+October, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and nineteen,
+and of the Independence of the United States of America the one hundred
+and forty-fourth.
+
+[Illustration: Seal of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts]
+
+By His Excellency the Governor.
+
+[Illustration: signatures of Calvin Coolidge and Albert P. Langley]
+
+_Secretary of the Commonwealth._
+
+God Save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+        I. To the State Senate on Being Elected its President,
+           January 7, 1914
+       II. Amherst College Alumni Association, Boston, February 4, 1916
+      III. Brockton Chamber of Commerce, April 11, 1916
+       IV. At the Home of Daniel Webster, Marshfield, July 4, 1916
+        V. Riverside, August 28, 1916
+       VI. At the Home of Augustus P. Gardner, Hamilton, September, 1916
+      VII. Lafayette Banquet, Fall River, September 4, 1913
+     VIII. Norfolk Republican Club, Boston, October 9, 1916
+       IX. Public Meeting on the High Cost of Living, Faneuil Hall,
+           December 9, 1916
+        X. One Hundredth Anniversary Dinner of the Provident Institution
+           for Savings, December 13, 1916
+       XI. Associated Industries Dinner, Boston, December 15, 1916
+      XII. On the Nature of Politics
+     XIII. Tremont Temple, November 3, 1917
+      XIV. Dedication of Town-House, Weston, November 27, 1917
+       XV. Amherst Alumni Dinner, Springfield, March 15, 1918
+      XVI. Message for the Boston _Post_, April 22, 1918
+     XVII. Roxbury Historical Society, Bunker Hill Day, June 17, 1918
+    XVIII. Fairhaven, July 4, 1918
+      XIX. Somerville Republican City Committee, August 7, 1918
+       XX. Written for the Sunday _Advertiser_ and _American_,
+           September 1, 1918
+      XXI. Essex County Club, Lynnfield, September 14, 1918
+     XXII. Tremont Temple, November 2, 1918
+    XXIII. Faneuil Hall, November 4, 1918
+     XXIV. From Inaugural Address as Governor, January 2, 1919
+      XXV. Statement on the Death of Theodore Roosevelt
+     XXVI. Lincoln Day Proclamation, January 30, 1919
+    XXVII. Introducing Henry Cabot Lodge and A. Lawrence Lowell at the
+           Debate on the League of Nations, Symphony Hall, March 19, 1919
+   XXVIII. Veto of Salary Increase
+     XXIX. Flag Day Proclamation, May 26, 1919
+      XXX. Amherst College Commencement, June 18, 1919
+     XXXI. Harvard University Commencement, June 19, 1919
+    XXXII. Plymouth, Labor Day, September 1, 1919
+   XXXIII. Westfield, September 3, 1919
+    XXXIV. A Proclamation, September 11, 1919
+     XXXV. An Order to the Police Commissioner of Boston,
+           September 11, 1919
+    XXXVI. A Telegram to Samuel Gompers, September 14, 1919
+   XXXVII. A Proclamation, September 24, 1919
+  XXXVIII. Holy Cross College, June 25, 1919
+    XXXIX. Republican State Convention, Tremont Temple, October 4, 1919
+       XL. Williams College, October 17, 1919
+      XLI. Concerning Teachers' Salaries, October 29, 1919
+     XLII. Statement to the Press, Election Day, November 4, 1919
+    XLIII. Speech at Tremont Temple, Saturday, November 1, 1919, 8 P.M.
+
+
+
+
+HAVE FAITH
+
+IN
+
+MASSACHUSETTS
+
+
+
+
+I
+
+TO THE STATE SENATE ON BEING ELECTED ITS PRESIDENT
+
+JANUARY 7, 1914
+
+
+Honorable Senators:--I thank you--with gratitude for the high honor
+given, with appreciation for the solemn obligations assumed--I thank
+you.
+
+This Commonwealth is one. We are all members of one body. The welfare of
+the weakest and the welfare of the most powerful are inseparably bound
+together. Industry cannot flourish if labor languish. Transportation
+cannot prosper if manufactures decline. The general welfare cannot be
+provided for in any one act, but it is well to remember that the benefit
+of one is the benefit of all, and the neglect of one is the neglect of
+all. The suspension of one man's dividends is the suspension of another
+man's pay envelope.
+
+Men do not make laws. They do but discover them. Laws must be justified
+by something more than the will of the majority. They must rest on the
+eternal foundation of righteousness. That state is most fortunate in its
+form of government which has the aptest instruments for the discovery of
+laws. The latest, most modern, and nearest perfect system that
+statesmanship has devised is representative government. Its weakness is
+the weakness of us imperfect human beings who administer it. Its
+strength is that even such administration secures to the people more
+blessings than any other system ever produced. No nation has discarded
+it and retained liberty. Representative government must be preserved.
+
+Courts are established, not to determine the popularity of a cause, but
+to adjudicate and enforce rights. No litigant should be required to
+submit his case to the hazard and expense of a political campaign. No
+judge should be required to seek or receive political rewards. The
+courts of Massachusetts are known and honored wherever men love justice.
+Let their glory suffer no diminution at our hands. The electorate and
+judiciary cannot combine. A hearing means a hearing. When the trial of
+causes goes outside the court-room, Anglo-Saxon constitutional
+government ends.
+
+The people cannot look to legislation generally for success. Industry,
+thrift, character, are not conferred by act or resolve. Government
+cannot relieve from toil. It can provide no substitute for the rewards
+of service. It can, of course, care for the defective and recognize
+distinguished merit. The normal must care for themselves.
+Self-government means self-support.
+
+Man is born into the universe with a personality that is his own. He
+has a right that is founded upon the constitution of the universe to
+have property that is his own. Ultimately, property rights and personal
+rights are the same thing. The one cannot be preserved if the other be
+violated. Each man is entitled to his rights and the rewards of his
+service be they never so large or never so small.
+
+History reveals no civilized people among whom there were not a highly
+educated class, and large aggregations of wealth, represented usually by
+the clergy and the nobility. Inspiration has always come from above.
+Diffusion of learning has come down from the university to the common
+school--the kindergarten is last. No one would now expect to aid the
+common school by abolishing higher education.
+
+It may be that the diffusion of wealth works in an analogous way. As the
+little red schoolhouse is builded in the college, it may be that the
+fostering and protection of large aggregations of wealth are the only
+foundation on which to build the prosperity of the whole people. Large
+profits mean large pay rolls. But profits must be the result of service
+performed. In no land are there so many and such large aggregations of
+wealth as here; in no land do they perform larger service; in no land
+will the work of a day bring so large a reward in material and spiritual
+welfare.
+
+Have faith in Massachusetts. In some unimportant detail some other
+States may surpass her, but in the general results, there is no place on
+earth where the people secure, in a larger measure, the blessings of
+organized government, and nowhere can those functions more properly be
+termed self-government.
+
+Do the day's work. If it be to protect the rights of the weak, whoever
+objects, do it. If it be to help a powerful corporation better to serve
+the people, whatever the opposition, do that. Expect to be called a
+stand-patter, but don't be a stand-patter. Expect to be called a
+demagogue, but don't be a demagogue. Don't hesitate to be as
+revolutionary as science. Don't hesitate to be as reactionary as the
+multiplication table. Don't expect to build up the weak by pulling down
+the strong. Don't hurry to legislate. Give administration a chance to
+catch up with legislation.
+
+We need a broader, firmer, deeper faith in the people--a faith that men
+desire to do right, that the Commonwealth is founded upon a
+righteousness which will endure, a reconstructed faith that the final
+approval of the people is given not to demagogues, slavishly pandering
+to their selfishness, merchandising with the clamor of the hour, but to
+statesmen, ministering to their welfare, representing their deep,
+silent, abiding convictions.
+
+Statutes must appeal to more than material welfare. Wages won't satisfy,
+be they never so large. Nor houses; nor lands; nor coupons, though they
+fall thick as the leaves of autumn. Man has a spiritual nature. Touch
+it, and it must respond as the magnet responds to the pole. To that, not
+to selfishness, let the laws of the Commonwealth appeal. Recognize the
+immortal worth and dignity of man. Let the laws of Massachusetts
+proclaim to her humblest citizen, performing the most menial task, the
+recognition of his manhood, the recognition that all men are peers, the
+humblest with the most exalted, the recognition that all work is
+glorified. Such is the path to equality before the law. Such is the
+foundation of liberty under the law. Such is the sublime revelation of
+man's relation to man--Democracy.
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+AMHERST COLLEGE ALUMNI ASSOCIATION, BOSTON
+
+FEBRUARY 4, 1916
+
+
+We live in an age which questions everything. The past generation was
+one of religious criticism. This is one of commercial criticism.
+
+We have seen the development of great industries. It has been
+represented that some of these have not been free from blame. In this
+development some men have seemed to prosper beyond the measure of their
+service, while others have appeared to be bound to toil beyond their
+strength for less than a decent livelihood.
+
+As a result of criticising these conditions there has grown up a too
+well-developed public opinion along two lines; one, that the men engaged
+in great affairs are selfish and greedy and not to be trusted, that
+business activity is not moral and the whole system is to be condemned;
+and the other, that employment, that work, is a curse to man, and that
+working hours ought to be as short as possible or in some way abolished.
+After criticism, our religious faith emerged clearer and stronger and
+freed from doubt. So will our business relations emerge, purified but
+justified.
+
+The evidence of evolution and the facts of history tell us of the
+progress and development of man through various steps and ages, known by
+various names. We learn of the stone age, the bronze, and the iron age.
+We can see the different steps in the growth of the forms of government;
+how anarchy was put down by the strong arm of the despot, of the growth
+of aristocracy, of limited monarchies and of parliaments, and finally
+democracy.
+
+But in all these changes man took but one step at a time. Where we can
+trace history, no race ever stepped directly from the stone age to the
+iron age and no nation ever passed directly from depotism to democracy.
+Each advance has been made only when a previous stage was approaching
+perfection, even to conditions which are now sometimes lost arts.
+
+We have reached the age of invention, of commerce, of great industrial
+enterprise. It is often referred to as selfish and materialistic.
+
+Our economic system has been attacked from above and from below. But the
+short answer lies in the teachings of history. The hope of a Watt or an
+Edison lay in the men who chipped flint to perfection. The seed of
+democracy lay in a perfected despotism. The hope of to-morrow lies in
+the development of the instruments of to-day. The prospect of advance
+lies in maintaining those conditions which have stimulated invention and
+industry and commerce. The only road to a more progressive age lies in
+perfecting the instrumentalities of this age. The only hope for peace
+lies in the perfection of the arts of war.
+
+    "We build the ladder by which we rise ...
+           *       *       *       *       *
+    And we mount to the summit round by round."
+
+All growth depends upon activity. Life is manifest only by action. There
+is no development physically or intellectually without effort, and
+effort means work. Work is not a curse, it is the prerogative of
+intelligence, the only means to manhood, and the measure of
+civilization. Savages do not work. The growth of a sentiment that
+despises work is an appeal from civilization to barbarism.
+
+I would not be understood as making a sweeping criticism of current
+legislation along these lines. I, too, rejoice that an awakened
+conscience has outlawed commercial standards that were false or low and
+that an awakened humanity has decreed that the working and living
+condition of our citizens must be worthy of true manhood and true
+womanhood.
+
+I agree that the measure of success is not merchandise but character.
+But I do criticise those sentiments, held in all too respectable
+quarters, that our economic system is fundamentally wrong, that commerce
+is only selfishness, and that our citizens, holding the hope of all that
+America means, are living in industrial slavery. I appeal to Amherst men
+to reiterate and sustain the Amherst doctrine, that the man who builds a
+factory builds a temple, that the man who works there worships there,
+and to each is due, not scorn and blame, but reverence and praise.
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+BROCKTON CHAMBER OF COMMERCE
+
+APRIL 11, 1916
+
+
+Man's nature drives him ever onward. He is forever seeking development.
+At one time it may be by the chase, at another by warfare, and again by
+the quiet arts of peace and commerce, but something within is ever
+calling him on to "replenish the earth and subdue it."
+
+It may be of little importance to determine at any time just where we
+are, but it is of the utmost importance to determine whither we are
+going. Set the course aright and time must bring mankind to the ultimate
+goal.
+
+We are living in a commercial age. It is often designated as selfish and
+materialistic. We are told that everything has been commercialized. They
+say it has not been enough that this spirit should dominate the marts
+of trade, it has spread to every avenue of human endeavor, to our arts,
+our sciences and professions, our politics, our educational institutions
+and even into the pulpit; and because of this there are those who have
+gone so far in their criticism of commercialism as to advocate the
+destruction of all enterprise and the abolition of all property.
+
+Destructive criticism is always easy because, despite some campaign
+oratory, some of us are not yet perfect. But constructive criticism is
+not so easy. The faults of commercialism, like many other faults, lie in
+the use we make of it. Before we decide upon a wholesale condemnation of
+the most noteworthy spirit of modern times it would be well to examine
+carefully what that spirit has done to advance the welfare of mankind.
+
+Wherever we can read human history, the answer is always the same. Where
+commerce has flourished there civilization has increased. It has not
+sufficed that men should tend their flocks, and maintain themselves in
+comfort on their industry alone, however great. It is only when the
+exchange of products begins that development follows. This was the case
+in ancient Babylon, whose records of trade and banking we are just
+beginning to read. Their merchandise went by canal and caravan to the
+ends of the earth. It was not the war galleys, but the merchant vessel
+of Phoenicia, of Tyre, and Carthage that brought them civilization and
+power. To-day it is not the battle fleet, but the mercantile marine
+which in the end will determine the destiny of nations. The advance of
+our own land has been due to our trade, and the comfort and happiness of
+our people are dependent on our general business conditions. It is only
+a figure of poetry that "wealth accumulates and men decay." Where wealth
+has accumulated, there the arts and sciences have flourished, there
+education has been diffused, and of contemplation liberty has been born.
+The progress of man has been measured by his commercial prosperity. I
+believe that these considerations are sufficient to justify our business
+enterprise and activity, but there are still deeper reasons. I have
+intended to indicate not only that commerce is an instrument of great
+power, but that commercial development is necessary to all human
+progress. What, then, of the prevalent criticism? Men have mistaken the
+means for the end. It is not enough for the individual or the nation to
+acquire riches. Money will not purchase character or good government. We
+are under the injunction to "replenish the earth and subdue it," not so
+much because of the help a new earth will be to us, as because by that
+process man is to find himself and thereby realize his highest destiny.
+Men must work for more than wages, factories must turn out more than
+merchandise, or there is naught but black despair ahead.
+
+If material rewards be the only measure of success, there is no hope of
+a peaceful solution of our social questions, for they will never be
+large enough to satisfy. But such is not the case. Men struggle for
+material success because that is the path, the process, to the
+development of character. We ought to demand economic justice, but most
+of all because it is justice. We must forever realize that material
+rewards are limited and in a sense they are only incidental, but the
+development of character is unlimited and is the only essential. The
+measure of success is not the quantity of merchandise, but the quality
+of manhood which is produced.
+
+These, then, are the justifying conceptions of the spirit of our age;
+that commerce is the foundation of human progress and prosperity and the
+great artisan of human character. Let us dismiss the general indictment
+that has all too long hung over business enterprise. While we continue
+to condemn, unsparingly, selfishness and greed and all trafficking in
+the natural rights of man, let us not forget to respect thrift and
+industry and enterprise. Let us look to the service rather than to the
+reward. Then shall we see in our industrial army, from the most exalted
+captain to the humblest soldier in the ranks, a purpose worthy to
+minister to the highest needs of man and to fulfil the hope of a fairer
+day.
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+AT THE HOME OF DANIEL WEBSTER, MARSHFIELD
+
+JULY 4, 1916
+
+
+History is revelation. It is the manifestation in human affairs of a
+"power not ourselves that makes for righteousness." Savages have no
+history. It is the mark of civilization. This New England of ours
+slumbered from the dawn of creation until the beginning of the
+seventeenth century, not unpeopled, but with no record of human events
+worthy of a name. Different races came, and lived, and vanished, but the
+story of their existence has little more of interest for us than the
+story the naturalist tells of the animal kingdom, or the geologist
+relates of the formation of the crust of the earth. It takes men of
+larger vision and higher inspiration, with a power to impart a larger
+vision and a higher inspiration to the people, to make history. It is
+not a negative, but a positive achievement. It is unconcerned with
+idolatry or despotism or treason or rebellion or betrayal, but bows in
+reverence before Moses or Hampden or Washington or Lincoln or the Light
+that shone on Calvary.
+
+July 4, 1776, was a day of history in its high and true significance.
+Not because the underlying principles set out in the Declaration of
+Independence were new; they are older than the Christian religion, or
+Greek philosophy, nor was it because history is made by proclamation or
+declaration; history is made only by action. But it was an historic day
+because the representatives of three millions of people there vocalized
+Concord and Lexington and Bunker Hill, which gave notice to the world
+that they were acting, and proposed to act, and to found an independent
+nation, on the theory that "all men are created equal; that they are
+endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among
+these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." The wonder and
+glory of the American people is not the ringing declaration of that day,
+but the action, then already begun, and in the process of being carried
+out in spite of every obstacle that war could interpose, making the
+theory of freedom and equality a reality. We revere that day because it
+marks the beginnings of independence, the beginnings of a constitution
+that was finally to give universal freedom and equality to all American
+citizens, the beginnings of a government that was to recognize beyond
+all others the power and worth and dignity of man. There began the first
+of governments to acknowledge that it was founded on the sovereignty of
+the people. There the world first beheld the revelation of modern
+democracy.
+
+Democracy is not a tearing-down; it is a building-up. It is not a denial
+of the divine right of kings; it supplements that claim with the
+assertion of the divine right of all men. It does not destroy; it
+fulfils. It is the consummation of all theories of government, to the
+spirit of which all the nations of the earth must yield. It is the great
+constructive force of the ages. It is the alpha and omega of man's
+relation to man, the beginning and the end. There is and can be no more
+doubt of the triumph of democracy in human affairs, than there is of the
+triumph of gravitation in the physical world; the only question is how
+and when. Its foundation lays hold upon eternity.
+
+These are some of the ideals that the founders of our institutions
+expressed, in part unconsciously, on that momentous day now passed by
+one hundred and forty years. They knew that ideals do not maintain
+themselves. They knew that they there declared a purpose which would be
+resisted by the forces, on land and sea, of the mightiest empire of the
+earth. Without the resolution of the people of the Colonies to resort to
+arms, and without the guiding military genius of Washington, the
+Declaration of Independence would be naught in history but the vision of
+doctrinaires, a mockery of sounding brass and tinkling cymbal. Let us
+never forget that it was that resolution and that genius which made it
+the vitalizing force of a great nation. It takes service and sacrifice
+to maintain ideals.
+
+But it is far more than the Declaration of Independence that brings us
+here to-day. That was, indeed, a great document. It was drawn up by
+Thomas Jefferson when he was at his best. It was the product of men who
+seemed inspired. No greater company ever assembled to interpret the
+voice of the people or direct the destinies of a nation. The events of
+history may have added to it, but subtracted nothing. Wisdom and
+experience have increased the admiration of it. Time and criticism have
+not shaken it. It stands with ordinance and law, charter and
+constitution, prophecy and revelation, whether we read them in the
+history of Babylon, the results of Runnymede, the Ten Commandments, or
+the Sermon on the Mount. But, however worthy of our reverence and
+admiration, however preeminent, it was only one incident of a great
+forward movement of the human race, of which the American Revolution was
+itself only a larger incident. It was not so much a struggle of the
+Colonies against the tyranny of bad government, as against wrong
+principles of government, and for self-government. It was man realizing
+himself. It was sovereignty from within which responded to the alarm of
+Paul Revere on that April night, and which went marching, gun in hand,
+against sovereignty from without, wherever it was found on earth. It
+only paused at Concord, or Yorktown, then marched on to Paris, to
+London, to Moscow, to Pekin. Against it the powers of privilege and the
+forces of despotism could not prevail. Superstition and sham cannot
+stand before intelligence and reality. The light that first broke over
+the thirteen Colonies lying along the Atlantic Coast was destined to
+illuminate the world. It has been a struggle against the forces of
+darkness; victory has been and is still delayed in some quarters, but
+the result is not in doubt. All the forces of the universe are ranged on
+the side of democracy. It must prevail.
+
+In the train of this idea there has come to man a long line of
+collateral blessings. Freedom has many sides and angles. Human slavery
+has been swept away. With security of personal rights has come security
+of property rights. The freedom of the human mind is recognized in the
+right of free speech and free press. The public schools have made
+education possible for all, and ignorance a disgrace. A most significant
+development of respect for man has come to be respect for his
+occupation. It is not alone for the learned professions that great
+treasures are now poured out. Technical, trade, and vocational schools
+for teaching skill in occupations are fostered and nourished, with the
+same care as colleges and universities for the teaching of sciences and
+the classics. Democracy not only ennobled man; it has ennobled industry.
+In political affairs the vote of the humblest has long counted for as
+much as the vote of the most exalted. We are working towards the day
+when, in our industrial life, equal honor shall fall to equal endeavor,
+whether it be exhibited in the office or in the shop.
+
+These are some of the results of that great world movement, which, first
+exhibiting itself in the Continental Congress of America, carried her
+arms to victory, through the sacrifice of a seven years' revolutionary
+war, and wrote into the Treaty of Paris the recognition of the right of
+the people to rule: since which days existence on this planet has had a
+new meaning; a result which, changing the old order of things, putting
+the race under the control and guidance of new forces, rescued man from
+every thraldom, but laid on him every duty.
+
+We know that only ignorance and superstition seek to explain events by
+fate and destiny, yet there is a fascination in such speculations born,
+perhaps, of human frailty. How happens it that James Otis laid out in
+1762 the then almost treasonable proposition that "Kings were made for
+the good of the people, and not the people for them," in a pamphlet
+which was circulated among the Colonists? What school had taught Patrick
+Henry that national outlook which he expressed in the opening debates of
+the first Continental Congress when he said, "I am not a Virginian, but
+an American," and which hurried him on to the later cry of "Liberty or
+death?" How was it that the filling of a vacancy sent Thomas Jefferson
+to the second Continental Congress, there to pen the immortal
+Declaration we this day celebrate? No other living man could have
+excelled him in preparation for, or in the execution of, that great
+task. What circumstance put the young George Washington under the
+military instruction of a former army officer, and then gave him years
+of training to lead the Continental forces? What settled Ethan Allen in
+the wilderness of the Green Mountains ready to strike Ticonderoga?
+Whence came that power to draft state papers, in a new and unlettered
+land, which compelled the admiration of the cultured Earl of Chatham?
+What lengthened out the days of Benjamin Franklin that he might
+negotiate the Treaty of Paris? What influence sent the miraculous voice
+of Daniel Webster from the outlying settlements of New Hampshire to
+rouse the land with his appeal for Liberty and Union? And finally who
+raised up Lincoln, to lead, to inspire, and to die, that the opening
+assertion of the Declaration might stand at last fulfilled?
+
+These thoughts are overpowering. But let us beware of fate and destiny.
+Barbarians have decreased, but barbarism still exists. Rome boasted the
+name of the Eternal City. It was but eight hundred years from the sack
+of the city by one tribe of barbarians to the sack of the city by
+another tribe of barbarians. Between lay something akin to a democratic
+commonwealth. Then games, and bribes for the populace, with dictators
+and Caesars, while later the Praetorian Guard sold the royal purple to the
+highest bidder. After which came Alaric, the Goth, and night. Since when
+democracy lay dormant for some fifteen centuries. We may claim with
+reason that our Nation has had the guidance of Providence; we may know
+that our form of government must ultimately prevail upon earth; but what
+guaranty have we that it shall be maintained here? What proof that some
+unlineal hand, some barbarism, without or within, shall not wrench the
+sceptre of democracy from our grasp? The rule of princes, the privilege
+of birth, has come down through the ages; the rule of the people has not
+yet marked a century and a half. There is no absolute proof, no positive
+guaranty, but there is hope and high expectation, and the path is not
+uncharted.
+
+It may be some help to know that, however much of glory, there is no
+magic in American democracy. Let us examine some more of this
+Declaration of ours, and examine it in the light of the events of those
+solemn days in which it was adopted.
+
+Men of every clime have lavished much admiration upon the first part of
+the Declaration of Independence, and rightly so, for it marked the entry
+of new forces and new ideals into human affairs. Its admirers have
+sometimes failed in their attempts to live by it, but none have
+successfully disputed its truth. It is the realization of the true
+glory and worth of man, which, when once admitted, wrought vast changes
+that have marked all history since its day. All this relates to natural
+rights, fascinating to dwell upon, but not sufficient to live by. The
+signers knew that well; more important still, the people whom they
+represented knew it. So they did not stop there. After asserting that
+man was to stand out in the universe with a new and supreme importance,
+and that governments were instituted to insure life, liberty, and the
+pursuit of happiness, they did not shrink from the logical conclusion of
+this doctrine. They knew that the duty between the citizen and the State
+was reciprocal. They knew that the State called on its citizens for
+their property and their lives; they laid down the proposition that
+government was to protect the citizen in his life, liberty, and pursuit
+of happiness. At some expense? Yes. Those prudent and thrifty men had no
+false notions about incurring expense. They knew the value of
+increasing their material resources, but they knew that prosperity was a
+means, not an end. At cost of life? Yes. These sons of the Puritans, of
+the Huguenots, of the men of Londonderry, braved exile to secure peace,
+but they were not afraid to die in defence of their convictions. They
+put no limit on what the State must do for the citizen in his hour of
+need. While they required all, they gave all. Let us read their
+conclusion in their own words, and mark its simplicity and majesty: "And
+for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the
+protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our
+lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor." There is no cringing
+reservation here, no alternative, and no delay. Here is the voice of the
+plain men of Middlesex, promising Yorktown, promising Appomattox.
+
+The doctrine of the Declaration of Independence, predicated upon the
+glory of man, and the corresponding duty of society, is that the rights
+of citizens are to be protected with every power and resource of the
+State, and a government that does any less is false to the teachings of
+that great document, of the name American. Beyond this, the principle
+that it is the obligation of the people to rise and overthrow government
+which fails in these respects. But above all, the call to duty, the
+pledge of fortune and of life, nobility of character through nobility of
+action: this is Americanism.
+
+     "Woe for us if we forget, we that hold by these."
+
+Herein are the teachings of this day--touching the heights of man's
+glory and the depths of man's duty. Here lies the path to national
+preservation, and there is no other. Education, the progress of science,
+commercial prosperity, yes, and peace, all these and their accompanying
+blessings are worthy and commendable objects of attainment. But these
+are not the end, whether these come or no; the end lies in
+action--action in accord with the eternal principles of the Declaration
+of Independence; the words of the Continental Congress, but the deeds of
+the Army of the Revolution.
+
+This is the meaning of America. And it is all our own. Doctrinaires and
+visionaries may shudder at it. The privilege of birth may jeer at it.
+The practical politician may scoff at it. But the people of the Nation
+respond to it, and march away to Mexico to the rescue of a colored
+trooper as they marched of old to the rescue of an emperor. The
+assertion of human rights is naught but a call to human sacrifice. This
+is yet the spirit of the American people. Only so long as this flame
+burns shall we endure and the light of liberty be shed over the nations
+of the earth. May the increase of the years increase for America only
+the devotion to this spirit, only the intensity of this flame, and the
+eternal truth of Lowell's lines:
+
+    "What were our lives without thee?
+    What all our lives to save thee?
+    We reck not what we gave thee;
+    We will not dare to doubt thee,
+    But ask whatever else and we will dare."
+
+
+
+
+V
+
+RIVERSIDE
+
+AUGUST 28, 1916
+
+
+It may be that there would be votes for the Republican Party in the
+promise of low taxes and vanishing expenditures. I can see an
+opportunity for its candidates to pose as the apostles of retrenchment
+and reform. I am not one of those who believe votes are to be won by
+misrepresentations, skilful presentations of half truths, and plausible
+deductions from false premises. Good government cannot be found on the
+bargain-counter. We have seen samples of bargain-counter government in
+the past when low tax rates were secured by increasing the bonded debt
+for current expenses or refusing to keep our institutions up to the
+standard in repairs, extensions, equipment, and accommodations. I
+refuse, and the Republican Party refuses, to endorse that method of
+sham and shoddy economy. New projects can wait, but the commitments of
+the Commonwealth must be maintained. We cannot curtail the usual
+appropriations or the care of mothers with dependent children or the
+support of the poor, the insane, and the infirm. The Democratic
+programme of cutting the State tax, by vetoing appropriations of the
+utmost urgency for improvements and maintenance costs of institutions
+and asylums of the unfortunates of the State, cannot be the example for
+a Republican administration. The result has been that our institutions
+are deficient in resources--even in sleeping accommodations--and it will
+take years to restore them to the old-time Republican efficiency. Our
+party will have no part in a scheme of economy which adds to the misery
+of the wards of the Commonwealth--the sick, the insane, and the
+unfortunate; those who are too weak even to protest.
+
+Because I know these conditions I know a Republican administration
+would face an increasing State tax rather than not see them remedied.
+
+The Republican Party lit the fire of progress in Massachusetts. It has
+tended it faithfully. It will not flicker now. It has provided here
+conditions of employment, and safeguards for health, that are surpassed
+nowhere on earth. There will be no backward step. The reuniting of the
+Republican Party means no reaction in the protection of women and
+children in our industrial life. These laws are settled. These
+principles are established. Minor modifications are possible, but the
+foundations are not to be disturbed. The advance may have been too rapid
+in some cases, but there can be no retreat. That is the position of the
+great majority of those who constitute our party.
+
+We recognize there is need of relief--need to our industries, need to
+our population in manufacturing centres; but it must come from
+construction, not from destruction. Put an administration on Beacon
+Hill that can conserve our resources, that can protect us from further
+injuries, until a national Republican policy can restore those
+conditions of confidence and prosperity under which our advance began
+and under which it can be resumed.
+
+This makes the coming State election take on a most important
+aspect--not that it can furnish all the needed relief, but that it will
+increase the probability of a complete relief in the near future if it
+be crowned with Republican victory.
+
+
+
+
+VI
+
+AT THE HOME OF AUGUSTUS P. GARDNER, HAMILTON
+
+SEPTEMBER, 1916
+
+
+Standing here in the presence of our host, our thoughts naturally turn
+to a discussion of "Preparedness." I do not propose to overlook that
+issue; but I shall offer suggestions of another kind of "preparedness."
+Not that I shrink from full and free consideration of the military needs
+of our country. Nor do I agree that it is now necessary to remain silent
+regarding the domestic or foreign relations of this Nation.
+
+I agree that partisanship should stop at the boundary line, but I assert
+that patriotism should begin there. Others, however, have covered this
+field, and I leave it to them and to you.
+
+I do, however, propose to discuss the "preparedness" of the State to
+care for its unfortunates. And I propose to do this without any party
+bias and without blame upon any particular individual, but in just
+criticism of a system.
+
+In Massachusetts, we are citizens before we are partisans. The good name
+of the Commonwealth is of more moment to us than party success. But
+unfortunately, because of existing conditions, that good name, in one
+particular at least, is now in jeopardy.
+
+Massachusetts, for twenty years, has been able honestly to boast of the
+care it has bestowed upon her sick, poor, and insane. Her institutions
+have been regarded as models throughout the world. We are falling from
+that proud estate; crowded housing conditions, corridors used for
+sleeping purposes, are not only not unusual, but are coming to be the
+accepted standard. The heads of asylums complain that maintenance and
+the allowance for food supply and supervision are being skimped.
+
+On August 1 of this year, the institutions throughout the State housed
+more than 700 patients above what they were designed to accommodate, and
+I am told the crowding is steadily increasing. That is one reason I have
+been at pains to set forth that I do not see the way clear to make a
+radical reduction in the annual State budget. I now repeat that
+declaration, in spite of contradiction, because I know the citizens of
+this State have no desire for economies gained at such a sacrifice. The
+people have no stomach for retrenchment of that sort.
+
+A charge of overcrowding, which must mean a lack of care, is not to be
+carelessly made. You are entitled to facts, as well as phrases. I gave
+the whole number now confined in our institutions above the stated
+capacity as over 700. About August 1, Danvers had 1530 in an institution
+of 1350 capacity. Northampton, my home town, had 913, in a hospital
+built for 819. In Boston State Hospital, there were 1572, where the
+capacity was 1406. Westboro had 1260 inmates, with capacity for 1161,
+and Medfield had 1615, where the capacity was 1542. These capacities are
+given from official recorded accommodations.
+
+This was not the practice of the past, and there can be no question as
+to where the responsibility rests. The General Court has done its best,
+but there has been a halt elsewhere. A substantial appropriation was
+made for a new State Hospital for the Metropolitan District, and an
+additional appropriation for a new institution for the feeble-minded in
+the western part of the State. In its desire to hasten matters, the
+legislature went even further and granted money for plans for a new
+hospital in the Metropolitan District, to relieve part of the outside
+congestion, but the needed relief is still in the future.
+
+I feel the time has come when the people must assert themselves and show
+that they will tolerate no delay and no parsimony in the care of our
+unfortunates. Restore the fame of our State in the handling of these
+problems to its former lustre.
+
+I repeat that this is not partisan. I am not criticising individuals. I
+am denouncing a system. When you substitute patronage for patriotism,
+administration breaks down. We need more of the Office Desk and less of
+the Show Window in politics. Let men in office substitute the midnight
+oil for the limelight. Let Massachusetts return to the sound business
+methods which were exemplified in the past by such Democrats in the East
+as Governor Gaston and Governor Douglas, and by such Republicans in the
+West as Governor Robinson and Governor Crane.
+
+Above all, let us not, in our haste to prepare for war, forget to
+prepare for peace. The issue is with you. You can, by your votes, show
+what system you stamp with the approval of enlightened Massachusetts
+Public Opinion.
+
+
+
+
+VII
+
+LAFAYETTE BANQUET, FALL RIVER
+
+SEPTEMBER 4, 1916
+
+
+Seemingly trifling events oft carry in their train great consequences.
+The firing of a gun in the backwoods of Pennsylvania, Macaulay tells us,
+started the Seven Years' War which set the world in conflagration,
+causing men to fight each other on every shore of the seven seas and
+giving new masters to the most ancient of empires. We see to-day fifteen
+nations engaged in the most terrific war in the history of the human
+race and trace its origin to the bullet of a madman fired in the
+Balkans. It is true that the flintlock gun at Lexington was not the
+first, nor yet the last, to fire a "shot heard round the world." It was
+not the distance it travelled, but the message it carried which has
+marked it out above all other human events. It was the character of
+that message which, claimed the attention of him we this day honor, in
+the far-off fortress of the now famous Metz; it was because it roused in
+the listener a sympathetic response that it was destined to link forever
+the events of Concord and Lexington and Bunker Hill and Dorchester
+Heights, in our Commonwealth, with the name of Lafayette.
+
+For there was a new tone in those Massachusetts guns. It was not the old
+lust of conquest, not the sullen roar of hatred and revenge, but a
+higher, clearer note of a people asserting their inalienable
+sovereignty. It is a happy circumstance that one of our native-born,
+Benjamin Franklin, was instrumental in bringing Lafayette to America;
+but beyond that it is fitting at this time to give a thought to our
+Commonwealth because his ideals, his character, his life, were all in
+sympathy with that great Revolution which was begun within her borders
+and carried to a successful conclusion by the sacrifice of her treasure
+and her blood. It was not the able legal argument of James Otis against
+the British Writs of Assistance, nor the petitions and remonstrances of
+the Colonists to the British throne, admirable though they were, that
+aroused the approbation and brought his support to our cause. It was not
+alone that he agreed with the convictions of the Continental Congress.
+He saw in the example of Massachusetts a people who would shrink from no
+sacrifice to defend rights which were beyond price. It was not the
+Tories, fleeing to Canada, that attracted him. It was the patriots,
+bearing arms, and he brought them not a pen but a sword.
+
+"Resistance to tyranny is obedience to law," and "obedience to law is
+liberty." Those are the foundations of the Commonwealth. It was these
+principles in action which appealed to that young captain of dragoons
+and brought the sword and resources of the aristocrat to battle for
+democracy. I love to think of his connection with our history. I love
+to think of him at the dedication of the Bunker Hill Monument receiving
+the approbation of the Nation from the lips of Daniel Webster. I love to
+think of the long line of American citizens of French blood in our
+Commonwealth to-day, ready to defend the principles he fought for,
+"Liberty under the Law," citizens who, like him, look not with apology,
+but with respect and approval and admiration on that sentiment inscribed
+on the white flag of Massachusetts, "_Ense petit placidam sub libertate
+quietem_" (With a sword she seeks secure peace under liberty).
+
+
+
+
+VIII
+
+NORFOLK REPUBLICAN CLUB, BOSTON
+
+OCTOBER 9, 1916
+
+
+Last night at Somerville I spoke on some of the fundamental differences
+between the Republican and Democratic policies, and showed how we were
+dependent on Republican principles as a foundation on which to erect any
+advance in our social and economic welfare.
+
+This year the Republican Party has adopted a very advanced platform.
+That was natural, for we have always been the party of progress, and
+have given our attention to that, when we were not engaged in a
+life-and-death struggle to overcome the fallacies put forth by our
+opponents, with which we are all so familiar. The result has been that
+here in Massachusetts, where our party has ever been strong, and where
+we have framed legislation for more than fifty years, more progress has
+been made along the lines of humanitarian legislation than in any other
+State. We have felt free to call on our industries to make large outlays
+along these lines because we have furnished them with the advantages of
+a protective tariff and an honest and efficient state government. The
+consequences have been that in this State the hours and conditions of
+labor have been better than anywhere else on earth. Those provisions for
+safety, sanitation, compensations for accidents, and for good living
+conditions have now been almost entirely worked out. There remains,
+however, the condition of sickness, age, misfortune, lack of employment,
+or some other cause, that temporarily renders people unable to care for
+themselves. Our platform has taken up this condition.
+
+We have long been familiar with insurance to cover losses. You will
+readily recall the different kinds. Formerly it was only used in
+commerce, by the well-to-do. Recently it has been adapted to the use of
+all our people by the great industrial companies which have been very
+successful. Our State has adopted a system of savings-bank insurance,
+thus reducing the expense. Now, social insurance will not be, under a
+Republican interpretation, any new form of outdoor relief, some new
+scheme of living on the town. It will be an extension of the old
+familiar principle to the needs at hand, and so popularized as to meet
+the requirements of our times.
+
+It ought to be understood, however, that there can be no remedy for lack
+of industry and thrift, secured by law. It ought to be understood that
+no scheme of insurance and no scheme of government aid is likely to make
+us all prosperous. And above all, these remedies must go forward on the
+firm foundation of an independent, self-supporting, self-governing
+people. But we do honestly put forward a proposition for the relief of
+misfortune.
+
+The Republican Party is proposing humanitarian legislation to build up
+character, to establish independence, not pauperism; it will in the
+future, as in the past, ever stand opposed to the establishment of one
+class who shall live on the Government, and another class who shall pay
+the taxes. To those who fear we are turning Socialists, and to those who
+think we are withholding just and desirable public aid and support, I
+say that government under the Republican Party will continue in the
+future to be so administered as to breed not mendicants, but men.
+Humanitarian legislation is going to be the handmaid of character.
+
+
+
+
+IX
+
+PUBLIC MEETING ON THE HIGH COST OF LIVING, FANEUIL HALL
+
+DECEMBER 9, 1916
+
+
+The great aim of American institutions is the protection of the
+individual. That is the principle which lies at the foundation of
+Anglo-Saxon liberty. It matters not with what power the individual is
+assailed, nor whether that power is represented by wealth or place or
+numbers; against it the humblest American citizen has the right to the
+protection of his Government by every force that Government can command.
+
+This right would be but half expressed if it ran only to a remedy after
+a wrong is inflicted; it should and does run to the prevention of a
+wrong which is threatened. We find our citizens, to-day, not so much
+suffering from the high cost of living, though that is grievous enough,
+as threatened with an increasing cost which will bring suffering and
+misery to a large body of our inhabitants. So we come here not only to
+discuss providing a remedy for what is now existing, but some protection
+to ward off what is threatening to be a worse calamity. We shall utterly
+fail of our purpose to provide relief unless we look at things as they
+are. It is useless to indulge in indiscriminate abuse. We must not
+confuse the innocent with the guilty; it must be our object to allay
+suspicion, not to create it. The great body of our tradespeople are
+honest and conscientious, anxious to serve their customers for a fair
+return for their service. We want their cooeperation in our pursuit of
+facts; we want to cooeperate with them in proposing and securing a
+remedy. We do not deny the existence of economic laws, nor the right to
+profit by a change of conditions.
+
+But we do claim the right and duty of the Government to investigate and
+punish any artificial creation of high prices by means of illegal
+monopolies or restraints of trade. And above all, we claim the right of
+publicity. That is a remedy with an arm longer and stronger than that of
+the law. Let us know what is going on and the remedy will provide
+itself. In working along this line we shall have great help from the
+newspapers. The American people are prepared to meet any reasonable
+burden; they are not asking for charity or favor; fair prices and fair
+profits they will gladly pay; but they demand information that they are
+fair, and an immediate reduction if they are not.
+
+The Commonwealth has just provided money for an investigation by a
+competent commission. Its Police Department, its Law Department, are
+also at the service of our citizens. Let us refrain from suspicion; let
+us refrain from all indiscriminate blame; but let us present at once to
+the proper authorities all facts and all evidence of unfair practices.
+Let all our merchants, of whatever degree, assist in this work for the
+public good and let the individual see and feel that all his rights are
+protected by his Government.
+
+
+
+
+X
+
+ONE HUNDREDTH ANNIVERSARY DINNER OF THE PROVIDENT INSTITUTION FOR
+SAVINGS
+
+DECEMBER 13, 1916
+
+
+The history of the institution we here celebrate reaches back more than
+one third of the way to the landing of the Mayflower--back to the day of
+the men who signed the Declaration of Independence, who saw Prescott,
+Pomeroy, Stark, and Warren at Bunker Hill, who followed Washington and
+his generals from Dochester Heights to Yorktown, and saw the old Bay
+Colony become the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. They had seen a nation
+in the making. They founded their government on the rights of the
+individual. They had no hesitation in defending those rights against the
+invasion of a British King and Parliament, by a Revolutionary War, nor
+in criticising their own Government at Washington when they thought an
+invasion of those rights was again threatened by the preliminaries and
+the prosecution of the War of 1812. They had made the Commonwealth. They
+understood its Government. They knew it was a part of themselves, their
+own organization. They had not acquired the state of mind that enabled
+them to stand aloof and regard government as something apart and
+separate from the people. It would never have occurred to them that they
+could not transact for themselves any other business just as well as
+they could transact for themselves the business of government. They were
+the men who had fought a war to limit the power of government and
+enlarge the privileges of the individual.
+
+It was the same spirit that made Massachusetts that made the Provident
+Institution for Savings. What the men of that day wanted they made for
+themselves. They would never have thought of asking Congress to keep
+their money in the post-office. They did not want their commercial
+privileges interfered with by having the Government buy and sell for
+them. They had the self-reliance and the independence to prefer to do
+those things for themselves. This is the spirit that founded
+Massachusetts, the spirit that has seen your bank grow until it could
+now probably purchase all there was of property in the Commonwealth when
+it began its existence. I want to see that spirit still preeminent here.
+I want to see a deeper realization on the part of the people that this
+is their Commonwealth, their Government; that they control it, that they
+pay its expenses, that it is, after all, only a part of themselves; that
+any attempt to shift upon it their duties, their responsibilities, or
+their support will in the end only delude, degrade, impoverish, and
+enslave. Your institution points the only way, through self-control,
+self-denial, and self-support, to self-government, to independence, to a
+more generous liberty, and to a firmer establishment of individual
+rights.
+
+
+
+
+XI
+
+ASSOCIATED INDUSTRIES DINNER, BOSTON
+
+DECEMBER 15, 1916
+
+
+During the past few years we have questioned the soundness of many
+principles that had for a long time been taken for granted. We have
+examined the foundations of our institutions of government. We have
+debated again the theories of the men who wrote the Declaration of
+Independence, the Constitution of the Nation, and laid down the
+fundamental law of our own Commonwealth. Along with this examination of
+our form of government has gone an examination of our social,
+industrial, and economic system. What is to come out of it all?
+
+In the last fifty years we have had a material prosperity in this
+country the like of which was never beheld before. A prosperity which
+not only built up great industries, great transportation systems, great
+banks and a great commerce, but a prosperity under whose influence arts
+and sciences, education and charity flourished most abundantly. It was
+little wonder that men came to think that prosperity was the chief end
+of man and grew arrogant in the use of its power. It was little wonder
+that such a misunderstanding arose that one part of the community
+thought the owners and managers of our great industries were robbers, or
+that they thought some of the people meant to confiscate all property.
+It has been a costly investigation, but if we can arrive at a better
+understanding of our economic and social laws it will be worth all it
+cost.
+
+As a part of this discussion we have had many attempts at regulation of
+industrial activity by law. Some of it has proceeded on the theory that
+if those who enjoyed material prosperity used it for wrong purposes,
+such prosperity should be limited or abolished. That is as sound as it
+would be to abolish writing to prevent forgery. We need to keep forever
+in mind that guilt is personal; if there is to be punishment let it fall
+on the evil-doer, let us not condemn the instrument. We need power. Is
+the steam engine too strong? Is electricity too swift? Can any
+prosperity be too great? Can any instrument of commerce or industry ever
+be too powerful to serve the public needs? What then of the anti-trust
+laws? They are sound in theory. Their assemblances of wealth are broken
+up because they were assembled for an unlawful purpose. It is the
+purpose that is condemned. You men who represent our industries can see
+that there is the same right to disperse unlawful assembling of wealth
+or power that there is to disperse a mob that has met to lynch or riot.
+But that principle does not denounce town-meetings or prayer-meetings.
+
+We have established here a democracy on the principle that all men are
+created equal. It is our endeavor to extend equal blessings to all. It
+can be done approximately if we establish the correct standards. We are
+coming to see that we are dependent upon commercial and industrial
+prosperity, not only for the creation of wealth, but for the solving of
+the great problem of the distribution of wealth. There is just one
+condition on which men can secure employment and a living, nourishing,
+profitable wages for whatever they contribute to the enterprise, be it
+labor or capital, and that condition is that some one make a profit by
+it. That is the sound basis for the distribution of wealth and the only
+one. It cannot be done by law, it cannot be done by public ownership, it
+cannot be done by socialism. When you deny the right to a profit you
+deny the right of a reward to thrift and industry.
+
+The scientists tell us that the same force that rounds the teardrop
+moulds the earth. Physical laws have their analogy in social and
+industrial life. The law that builds up the people is the law that
+builds up industry. What price could the millions, who have found the
+inestimable blessings of American citizenship around our great
+industrial centres, after coming here from lands of oppression, afford
+to pay to those who organized those industries? Shall we not recognize
+the great service they have done the cause of humanity? Have we not seen
+what happens to industry, to transportation, to all commercial activity
+which we call business when profit fails? Have we not seen the suffering
+and misery which it entails upon the people?
+
+Let us recognize the source of these fundamental principles and not
+hesitate to assert them. Let us frown upon greed and selfishness, but
+let us also condemn envy and uncharitableness. Let us have done with
+misunderstandings, let us strive to realize the dream of democracy by a
+prosperity of industry that shall mean the prosperity of the people, by
+a strengthening of our material resources that shall mean a
+strengthening of our character, by a merchandising that has for its end
+manhood, and womanhood, the ideal of American Citizenship.
+
+
+
+
+XII
+
+ON THE NATURE OF POLITICS
+
+
+Politics is not an end, but a means. It is not a product, but a process.
+It is the art of government. Like other values it has its counterfeits.
+So much emphasis has been put upon the false that the significance of
+the true has been obscured and politics has come to convey the meaning
+of crafty and cunning selfishness, instead of candid and sincere
+service. The Greek derivation shows the nobler purpose. Politikos means
+city-rearing, state-craft. And when we remember that city also meant
+civilization, the spurious presentment, mean and sordid, drops away and
+the real figure of the politician, dignified and honorable, a minister
+to civilization, author and finisher of government, is revealed in its
+true and dignified proportions.
+
+There is always something about genius that is indefinable, mysterious,
+perhaps to its possessor most of all. It has been the product of rude
+surroundings no less than of the most cultured environment, want and
+neglect have sometimes nourished it, abundance and care have failed to
+produce it. Why some succeed in public life and others fail would be as
+difficult to tell as why some succeed or fail in other activities. Very
+few men in America have started out with any fixed idea of entering
+public life, fewer still would admit having such an idea. It was said of
+Chief Justice Waite, of the United States Supreme Court, being asked
+when a youth what he proposed to do when a man, he replied, he had not
+yet decided whether to be President or Chief Justice. This may be in
+part due to a general profession of holding to the principle of Benjamin
+Franklin that office should neither be sought nor refused and in part to
+the American idea that the people choose their own officers so that
+public service is not optional. In other countries this is not so. For
+centuries some seats in the British Parliament were controlled and
+probably sold as were commissions in the army, but that has never been
+the case here. A certain Congressman, however, on arriving at Washington
+was asked by an old friend how he happened to be elected. He replied
+that he was not elected, but appointed. It is worth while noting that
+the boss who was then supposed to hold the power of appointment in that
+district has since been driven from power, but the Congressman, though
+he was defeated when his party was lately divided, has been reflected.
+All of which suggests that the boss did not appoint in the first
+instance, but was merely well enough informed to see what the people
+wanted before they had formulated their own opinions and desires. It was
+said of McKinley that he could tell what Congress would do on a certain
+measure before the men in Congress themselves knew what their decision
+was to be. Cannon has said of McKinley that his ear was so close to the
+ground that it was full of grasshoppers. But the fact remains that
+office brokerage is here held in reprehensive scorn and professional
+office-seeking in contempt. Every native-born American, however, is
+potentially a President, and it must always be remembered that the
+obligation to serve the State is forever binding upon all, although
+office is the gift of the people.
+
+Of course these considerations relate not to appointive places like the
+Judiciary, Commissionerships, clerical positions and like places, but to
+the more important elective offices. Another reason why political life
+of this nature is not chosen as a career is that it does not pay. Nearly
+all offices of this class are held at a financial sacrifice, not merely
+that the holder could earn more at some other occupation, but that the
+salary of the office does not maintain the holder of the office. It is
+but recently that Parliament has paid a salary to its members. In years
+gone by the United States Senate has been rather marked for its number
+of rich men. Few prominent members of Congress are dependent on their
+salary, which is but another way of saying that in Washington Senators
+and Representatives need more than their official salaries to become
+most effective. It is a consolation to be able to state that this is not
+the condition of members of the Massachusetts General Court. There,
+ability and character come very near to being the sole requirements for
+success. Although some men have seen service in our legislature of
+nearly twenty years, to the great benefit of the Commonwealth, no one
+would choose that for a career and these men doubtless look on it only
+as an avocation.
+
+For these reasons we have no profession of politics or of public life in
+the sense that we have a profession of law and medicine and other
+learned callings. We have men who have spent many years in office, but
+it would be difficult to find one outside the limitations noted who
+would refer to that as his business, occupation, or profession.
+
+The inexperienced are prone to hold an erroneous idea of public life and
+its methods. Not long ago I listened to a joint debate in a prominent
+preparatory school. Each side took it for granted that public men were
+influenced only by improper motives and that officials of the government
+were seeking only their own gain and advantage without regard to the
+welfare of the people. Such a presumption has no foundation in fact.
+There are dishonest men in public office. There are quacks, shysters,
+and charlatans among doctors, lawyers, and clergy, but they are not
+representative of their professions nor indicative of their methods. Our
+public men, as a class, are inspired by honorable and patriotic motives,
+desirous only of a faithful execution of their trust from the executive
+and legislative branches of the States and Nation down to the
+executives of our towns, who bear the dignified and significant title of
+selectmen. Public men must expect criticism and be prepared to endure
+false charges from their opponents. It is a matter of no great concern
+to them. But public confidence in government is a matter of great
+concern. It cannot be maintained in the face of such opinions as I have
+mentioned. It is necessary to differentiate between partisan assertions
+and actual conditions. It is necessary to recognize worth as well as to
+condemn graft. No system of government can stand that lacks public
+confidence and no progress can be made on the assumption of a false
+premise. Public administration is honest and sound and public business
+is transacted on a higher plane than private business.
+
+There is no difficulty for men in college to understand elections and
+government. They have all had experience in it. The same motives that
+operate in the choice of class officers operate in choosing officers for
+the Commonwealth. Here men are soon estimated at their true worth. Here
+places of trust are conferred and administered as they will be in later
+years. The scale is smaller, the opportunities are less, conditions are
+more artificial, but the principles are the same. Of course the present
+estimate is not the ultimate. There are men here who appear important
+that will not appear so in years to come. There are men who seem
+insignificant now who will develop at a later day. But the motive which
+leads to elections here leads to elections in the State.
+
+Is there any especial obligation on the part of college-bred men to be
+candidates for public office? I do not think so. It is said that
+although college graduates constitute but one per cent of the
+population, they hold about fifty per cent of the public offices, so
+that this question seems to take care of itself. But I do not feel that
+there is any more obligation to run for office than there is to become a
+banker, a merchant, a teacher, or enter any other special occupation. As
+indicated some men have a particular aptitude in this direction and some
+have none. Of course experience counts here as in any other human
+activity, and all experience worth the name is the result of
+application, of time and thought and study and practice. If the
+individual finds he has liking and capacity for this work, he will
+involuntarily find himself engaged in it. There is no catalogue of such
+capacity. One man gets results in one way, another in another. But in
+general only the man of broad sympathy and deep understanding of his
+fellow men can meet with much success.
+
+What I have said relates to the somewhat narrow field of office-holding.
+This is really a small part of the American system or of any system.
+James Bryce tells us that we have a government of public opinion. That
+is growing to be more and more true of the governments of the entire
+world. The first care of despotism seems to be to control the school and
+the press. Where the mind is free it turns not to force but to reason
+for the source of authority. Men submit to a government of force as we
+are doing now when they believe it is necessary for their security,
+necessary to protect them from the imposition of force from without.
+This is probably the main motive of the German people. They have been
+taught that their only protection lay in the support of a military
+despotism. Rightly or wrongly they have believed this and believing have
+submitted to what they suppose their only means of security. They have
+been governed accordingly. Germany is still feudal.
+
+This leads to the larger and all important field of politics. Here we
+soon see that office-holding is the incidental, but the standard of
+citizenship is the essential. Government does rest upon the opinions of
+men. Its results rest on their actions. This makes every man a
+politician whether he will or no. This lays the burden on us all. Men
+who have had the advantages of liberal culture ought to be the leaders
+in maintaining the standards of citizenship. Unless they can and do
+accomplish this result education is a failure. Greatly have they been
+taught, greatly must they teach. The power to think is the most
+practical thing in the world. It is not and cannot be cloistered from
+politics.
+
+We live under a republican form of government. We need forever to
+remember that representative government does represent. A careless,
+indifferent representative is the result of a careless, indifferent
+electorate. The people who start to elect a man to get what he can for
+his district will probably find they have elected a man who will get
+what he can for himself. A body will keep on its course for a time after
+the moving impulse ceases by reason of its momentum. The men who
+founded our government had fought and thought mightily on the
+relationship of man to his government. Our institutions would go for a
+time under the momentum they gave. But we should be deluded if we
+supposed they can be maintained without more of the same stern sacrifice
+offered in perpetuity. Government is not an edifice that the founders
+turn over to posterity all completed. It is an institution, like a
+university which fails unless the process of education continues.
+
+The State is not founded on selfishness. It cannot maintain itself by
+the offer of material rewards. It is the opportunity for service. There
+has of late been held out the hope that government could by legislation
+remove from the individual the need of effort. The managers of
+industries have seemed to think that their difficulties could be removed
+and prosperity ensured by changing the laws. The employee has been led
+to believe that his condition could be made easy by the same method.
+When industries can be carried on without any struggle, their results
+will be worthless, and when wages can be secured without any effort they
+will have no purchasing value. In the end the value of the product will
+be measured by the amount of effort necessary to secure it. Our late Dr.
+Garman recognized this limitation in one of his lectures where he
+says:--
+
+"Critics have noticed three stages in the development of human
+civilization. First: the let-alone policy; every man to look out for
+number one. This is the age of selfishness. Second: the opposite pole of
+thinking; every man to do somebody's else work for him. This is the dry
+rot of sentimentality that feeds tramps and enacts poor laws such as
+excite the indignation of Herbert Spencer. But the third stage is
+represented by our formula: every man must render and receive the best
+possible service, except in the case of inequality, and there the
+strong must help the weak to help themselves; only on this condition is
+help given. This is the true interpretation of the life of Christ. On
+the first basis He would have remained in heaven and let the earth take
+care of itself. On the second basis He would have come to earth with his
+hands full of gold and silver treasures satisfying every want that
+unfortunate humanity could have devised. But on the third basis He comes
+to earth in the form of a servant who is at the same time a master
+commanding his disciples to take up their cross and follow Him; it is
+sovereignty through service as opposed to slavery through service. He
+refuses to make the world wealthy, but He offers to help them make
+themselves wealthy with true riches which shall be a hundred-fold more,
+even in this life, than that which was offered them by any former
+system."
+
+This applies to political life no less than to industrial life. We live
+under the fairest government on earth. But it is not self-sustaining.
+Nor is that all. There are selfishness and injustice and evil in the
+world. More than that, these forces are never at rest. Some desire to
+use the processes of government for their own ends. Some desire to
+destroy the authority of government altogether. Our institutions are
+predicated on the rights and the corresponding duties, on the worth, of
+the individual. It is to him that we must look for safety. We may need
+new charters, new constitutions and new laws at times. We must always
+have an alert and interested citizenship. We have no dependence but the
+individual. New charters cannot save us. They may appear to help but the
+chances are that the beneficial results obtained result from an
+increased interest aroused by discussing changes. Laws do not make
+reforms, reforms make laws. We cannot look to government. We must look
+to ourselves. We must stand not in the expectation of a reward but with
+a desire to serve. There will come out of government exactly what is put
+into it. Society gets about what it deserves. It is the part of educated
+men to know and recognize these principles and influences and knowing
+them to inform and warn their fellow countrymen. Politics is the process
+of action in public affairs. It is personal, it is individual, and
+nothing more. Destiny is in you.
+
+
+
+
+XIII
+
+TREMONT TEMPLE
+
+NOVEMBER 3, 1917
+
+
+There is a time and place for everything. There are times when some
+things are out of place. Domestic science is an important subject. So is
+the proper heating and ventilating of our habitations. But when the
+house is on fire reasonable men do not stop to argue of culinary cuts
+nor listen to a disquisition on plumbing; they call out the fire
+department and join it in an attempt to save their dwelling. They think
+only in terms of the conflagration.
+
+So it is in this hour that has come to us so grim with destiny. We
+cannot stop now to discuss domestic party politics. Our men are on the
+firing-line of France. There will be no party designations in the
+casualty lists. We cannot stop to glance at that alluring field of
+history that tells us of the past patriotic devotion of the men of our
+party to the cause of the Nation--devotion without reserve. We must
+think now only in terms of winning the war.
+
+An election at this time is not of our choosing. We are having one
+because it is necessary under the terms of our Constitution of
+Massachusetts. We have not conducted the ordinary party canvass. We have
+not flaunted party banners, we have not burned red fire, we have not
+rent the air with martial music, we have not held the usual party
+rallies. We have addressed meetings, but such addresses have been to
+urge subscriptions to the Liberty Loan, to urge gifts to the great
+humanitarian work of the Red Cross, and for the efforts of charity,
+benevolence, and mercy that are represented by the Y.M.C.A. and by the
+Knights of Columbus, for the conservation of food, and for the other
+patriotic purposes.
+
+But we are not to infer that this is not an important election. It is
+too important to think of candidates, too important to think of party,
+too important to think of anything but our country at war. No more
+important election has been held since the days of War Governor Andrew.
+On Tuesday next the voters of Massachusetts will decide whether they
+will support the Government in its defence of America, and its defence
+of all that America means. There is no room for domestic party issues
+here. The only question for consideration is whether the Government of
+this Commonwealth, legislative and executive, has rendered and will
+render prompt and efficient support for the national defence. Perhaps it
+would be enough to point out that Massachusetts troops were first at the
+Mexican border and first in France. But that is only part of the story.
+
+Wars are waged now with far more than merely the troops in the field.
+Every resource of the people goes into the battle. It is a matter of
+organizing the entire fabric of society. No one has yet pointed out, no
+one can point out, any failure on the part of our State Government to
+take efficient measures for this purpose. More than that, Massachusetts
+did not have to be asked; while Washington was yet dumb Massachusetts
+spoke.
+
+Months before war was declared a Public Safety Committee was appointed
+and went to work; weeks before war a conference of New England Governors
+was called and a million dollars was given the Governor and Council to
+equip Massachusetts troops for which the National Treasury had no money.
+By reason of this foresight our men went forth better supplied than any
+others, with ten dollars additional pay from their home State, and the
+assurance that their dependents could draw forty dollars monthly where
+needed for their support. The production and distribution of food and
+fuel have been advanced. The maintenance of industrial peace has been
+promoted. The Gloucester fishermen, fifteen thousand shoemakers in
+Lynn, the Boston & Maine railroad employees, have had their differences
+adjusted. A second million dollars for emergency expenses has been given
+the Governor and Council. An efficient State Guard of over ten thousand
+men has been organized. Our brave soldiers, their dependents, the great
+patriotic public have been protected by the present Government with
+every means that ingenuity could devise. We have won the right to
+reelection by duty well performed.
+
+Remember this: we are not responsible for the war, we are responsible
+for the preparation that enables us to defend our soldiers and ourselves
+from savages. Massachusetts is not going to repudiate these patriotic
+services. To do so now would mean more than repudiating the Government.
+It would mean repudiating the devotion of our brave men in arms,
+repudiating the sacrifice of the fathers, mothers, wives, and dear ones
+behind, and repudiating the loyalty of the millions who subscribed to
+the Liberty Loan,--it would mean repudiating America.
+
+Massachusetts has decided that the path of the Mayflower shall not be
+closed. She has decided to sail the seas. She has decided to sail not
+under the edict of Potsdam, crimped in narrow lanes seeking safety in
+unarmed merchantmen painted in fantastic hues, as the badge of an
+infamous servitude, but she has decided to sail under the ancient
+Declaration of Independence, choosing what course she will, maintaining
+security by the guns of ships of the line, flying at the mast the Stars
+and Stripes, forever the emblem of a militant liberty.
+
+
+
+
+XIV
+
+DEDICATION OF TOWN-HOUSE, WESTON
+
+NOVEMBER 27, 1917
+
+
+I was interested to come out here and take part in the dedication of
+this beautiful building in part because my ancestors had lived in this
+locality in times gone past, but more especially because I am interested
+in the town governments of Massachusetts. You have heard the
+town-meeting referred to this evening. It seemed to me that the towns in
+this Commonwealth correspond in part to what we might call the
+water-tight compartments of the ship of state, and while sometimes our
+State Government has wavered, sometimes it has been suspended, and it
+has been thought that the people could not care for themselves under
+those conditions. Whenever that has arisen the towns of the Commonwealth
+have come to the rescue and been able to furnish the foundation and the
+strength on which might not only be carried on, but on which might again
+be erected the failing government of the Commonwealth or the failing
+government of the Nation. So that I know nothing to which we New
+Englanders owe more, and especially the people of Massachusetts, of our
+civil liberties than we do to our form of town government.
+
+The history of Weston has been long and interesting, beginning, as your
+town seal designates, back in 1630, when Watertown was recognized as one
+of the three or four towns in the Commonwealth; set off by boundaries
+into the Farmers' Precinct in 1698, and becoming incorporated as a town
+in 1713. There begins a long and honorable history. Of course, the first
+part of it gathered to a large degree around the church. The first
+church was started here, I think, in 1695, and I believe that the land
+on which it was to be erected was purchased of a man who bore my name.
+Your first clergyman seems to have been settled about 1702; and the
+long and even tenor of your ways here and your devotion to things which
+were established is perhaps shown and exemplified in the fact that
+during the next one hundred and seventy-four years, coming clear down to
+1876, you had but six clergymen presiding over that church. You have an
+example here now, along the same line, in the long tenure of office that
+has come to your present town clerk, he having been first elected, I
+believe, in 1864 and having held office from that time to this, probably
+serving as long, if not longer, than any of the town clerks of
+Massachusetts, certainly, I believe, the longest of any present living
+town clerk.
+
+There are many interesting things connected with the history of this
+town. It bore its part in the Indian Wars. Here was organized an Indian
+fighting expedition that went to the North, and, though some of the men
+in that expedition were lost and the expedition was not altogether
+successful, it showed, the spirit, the resolution, the bravery, and the
+courage which animated the men of those days.
+
+Mr. Young has referred to that day in Massachusetts history that we are
+all so proud of, the Nineteenth of April, 1775. But you had an
+interesting event here in this town leading up to that great day.
+General Gage was in command of the British forces at Boston. There had
+been gathered supplies for carrying on a war out here through Middlesex
+County and out to the west in Worcester. History tells us that he sent
+out here Sergeant Howe and other spies, in order that he might find out
+what the conditions were and whether it would be easy for the British
+troops to come out here and seize those supplies and break what they
+thought was the idea on the part of the colonists of starting a
+rebellion. Sergeant Howe came out here, went to the hotel, where, of
+course, the landlord received him hospitably, but informed him that
+probably it wouldn't be a healthy place for him to stay for a very long
+time, and sent him away in the dead of the night. He went back to Boston
+and made a report to the General in which he said that the people of
+this vicinity were generally resolved to be free or to die. That was the
+spirit of those times; and he advised the Britishers that if they wanted
+to go out to Worcester they would probably need an expedition of ten
+thousand men and a sufficient train of artillery, and he doubted
+whether, if such an expedition as that were sent out, any part of it
+would return alive. On account of the report that he brought back it was
+determined by the British authorities that it was more prudent to go up
+to Concord than it was to come out here on the way to Worcester. That
+was the reason that the expedition on that Nineteenth of April was
+started for Concord rather than through here for Worcester.
+
+Of course, there are many other interesting events in the history of
+this town. You had here many men who have seen military service. You
+furnished a large number for the Revolutionary War and a large amount of
+money. You furnished as your quota one hundred and twenty-six soldiers
+that went into the army from 1861 to 1865. But you were doing here what
+they were doing all over the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. I doubt if
+the leading and prominent and decisive part that Massachusetts played in
+the great Revolutionary War is generally understood. It is interesting
+to recall that when General Washington came here he seems to have come
+with somewhat of a prejudice against New England men. I think there are
+extant letters which he wrote at that time rather reflecting upon what
+the New England men were doing and the character of Massachusetts men of
+those days. But that was not his idea at the end of the war. Then,
+although he had been brought up far to the south, he had a different
+idea. Then he said, and said very generously, that he thought well of
+New England men and had it not been for their support, had it not been
+for the men, the materials and munitions that they supplied to the
+Revolutionary forces, the war would not have been a success. His name is
+interestingly connected with your town of Weston.
+
+You have had here not only an interesting population but an interesting
+location. It was through this town that the great arteries of travel ran
+to the west and south and to the north. When Burgoyne surrendered, some
+of his troops were brought through this town on their way to the
+sea-coast. When Washington came up to visit New England after he had
+been President, he came through the town of Weston, and I do not know
+whether this is any reflection on the cooking of those days in the towns
+to the west, but it says in the history of the town of Weston that at
+one time when Washington stopped at the hotel in Wayland, although the
+hostess had provided what she thought was a very fine banquet, he left
+his staff to eat that and went out into the kitchen to help himself to a
+bowl of bread and milk. I suppose he would not be thought to have done
+that because he was a candidate for office and wanted to appear as one
+of the plain people, because that was after he had served in the office
+of President. But he stopped here in the town of Weston and was
+entertained here at the hotel. And many other great men passed through
+here and were entertained here from the time when we were colonies clear
+up to the time when the railroads were established along in the middle
+of the last century.
+
+So this town has had a long and interesting history, and has done its
+part in building up Massachusetts and giving her strength to take her
+part in the history of this great Nation. And it is pleasant to see how
+the work that the fathers have done before us is bearing fruit in these
+times of ours. It is interesting to see this beautiful building. It is
+interesting to know that you have a town planning committee who are
+placing this building in a situation where it will contribute to the
+physical beauty of this historic town. We have not given the time and
+the attention and the thought that we should have given to things of
+that kind in Massachusetts. We have been too utilitarian. We have
+thought that if a building was located in some place where we could have
+access to it, where it could be used, where it could transact the
+business of the town, that was enough. We are coming to see in these
+modern days that that is not enough; that we need not only utilitarian
+motives, but that we need to give some time, some thought and attention
+to the artistic in life; that we need to concern ourselves not only with
+the material but give some thought to the spiritual; that we need to
+pay some attention to the beautiful as well as to that which is merely
+useful.
+
+These things are appreciated. Weston is doing something along these
+lines and building her public buildings and laying out her public square
+or her common (as it was known in the old days) so they will be things
+of beauty as well as things of use. Let us dedicate this building to
+these new purposes. Let us dedicate it to the glorious history of the
+past. Let us dedicate it to the sacrifice that is required in these
+present days. Let us dedicate it to the hope of the future. Let us
+dedicate it to New England ideals--those ideals that have made
+Massachusetts one of the strong States of the Nation; strong enough so
+that in Revolutionary days we contributed far in excess of our portion
+of men and money to that great struggle; strong enough so that the whole
+Nation has looked to Massachusetts in days of stress for comfort and
+support.
+
+We are very proud of our democracy. We are very proud of our form of
+government. We believe that there is no other nation on earth that gives
+to the individual the privileges and the rights that he has in America.
+The time has come now when we are going to defend those rights. The time
+has come when the world is looking to America, as the Nation has looked
+to Massachusetts in the past, to stand up and defend the rights of the
+individual. Sovereignty, it is our belief, is vested in the individual;
+and we are going to protect the rights of the individual. It is an
+auspicious moment to dedicate here in New England one of our town halls,
+an auspicious moment in which to dedicate it to the supremacy of those
+ideals for which the whole world is fighting at the present time; that
+the rights of the individual as they were established here in the past
+may be maintained by us now and carried to a yet greater development in
+the future.
+
+
+
+
+XV
+
+AMHERST ALUMNI DINNER, SPRINGFIELD
+
+MARCH 15, 1918
+
+
+The individual may not require the higher institutions of learning, but
+society does. Without them civilization as we know it would fall from
+mankind in a night. They minister not alone to their own students, they
+minister to all humanity.
+
+It is this same ancient spirit which, coming to the defence of the
+Nation, has in this new day of peril made nearly every college campus a
+training field for military service, and again sent graduate and
+undergraduate into the fighting forces of our country. They are
+demonstrating again that they are the strongholds of ordered liberty and
+individual freedom. This has ever been the distinguishing characteristic
+of the American institution of learning. They have believed in
+democracy because they believed in the nobility of man; they have served
+society because they have looked upon the possession of learning not as
+conferring a privilege but as laying on a duty. They have taught and
+practised the precept that the greater man's power the greater his
+obligation. The supreme choice is righteousness. It is that "moral
+power" to which Professor Tyler referred as the great contribution of
+college men to the cause of the Union.
+
+The Nation is taking a military census, it is thinking now in terms of
+armament. The officers of government are discussing manpower,
+transportation by land and sea and through the air, the production of
+rifles, artillery, and explosives, the raising of money by loans and
+taxation. The Nation ought to be most mightily engaged in this work. It
+must put every ounce of its resources into the production and
+organization of its material power. But these are to a degree but the
+outward manifestations of something yet more important. The ultimate
+result of all wars and of this war has been and will be determined by
+the moral power of the nations engaged. On that will depend whether
+armies "ray out darkness" or are the source of light and life and
+liberty. Without the support of the moral power of the Nation armies
+will prove useless, without a moral victory, whatever the fortunes of
+the battlefield, there can be no abiding peace.
+
+Whatever the difficulties of an exact definition may be the
+manifestations of moral power are not difficult to recognize. The life
+of America is rich with such examples. It has been predominant here. It
+established thirteen colonies which were to a large degree
+self-sustaining and self-governing. They fought and won a revolutionary
+war. What manner of men they were, what was the character of their
+leadership, was attested only in part by Saratoga and Yorktown.
+Washington had displayed great power on many fields of battle, the
+colonists had suffered long and endured to the end, but the glory of
+military power fades away beside the picture of the victorious general,
+returning his commission to the representatives of a people who would
+have made him king, and retiring after two terms from the Presidency
+which he could have held for life, and the picture of a war-worn people
+turning from debt, disorder, almost anarchy, not to division, not to
+despotism, but to national unity under the ordered liberty of the
+Federal Constitution.
+
+It was manifested again in the adoption and defence by the young nation
+of that principle which is known as the Monroe Doctrine that European
+despotism should make no further progress in the Western Hemisphere. It
+is in the great argument of Webster replying to Hayne and the stout
+declaration of Jackson that he would treat nullification as treason. It
+was the compelling force of the Civil War, expounded by Lincoln in his
+unyielding purpose to save the Union but "with malice toward none, with
+charity for all," which General Grant, his greatest soldier, put into
+practice at Appomattox when he sent General Lee back with his sword, and
+his soldiers home to the plantations, with their war horses for the
+spring plowing. And at the conclusion of the Spanish War it is to the
+ever-enduring credit of our country that it exacted not penalties, but
+justice, and actually compensated a defeated foe for public property
+that had come to our hands in the Philippines as the result of the
+fortunes of battle. But what of the present crisis? Is the heart of the
+Nation still sound, does it still respond to the appeal to the high
+ideals of the past? If those two and one half years, before the American
+declaration of war, shall appear, when unprejudiced history is written,
+to have been characterized by patience, forbearance, and self-restraint,
+they will add to the credit of former days. If they were characterized
+by selfishness, by politics, by a balancing of expediency against
+justice they will be counted as a time of ignominy for which a
+victorious war would furnish scant compensation.
+
+
+
+
+XVI
+
+MESSAGE FOR THE BOSTON POST
+
+APRIL 22, 1918
+
+
+The nation with the greatest moral power will win. Of that are born
+armies and navies and the resolution to endure. Have faith in the moral
+power of America. It gave independence under Washington and freedom
+under Lincoln. Here, right never lost. Here, wrong never won. However
+powerful the forces of evil may appear, somewhere there are more
+powerful forces of righteousness. Courage and confidence are our
+heritage. Justice is our might. The outcome is in your hand, my fellow
+American; if you deserve to win, the Nation cannot lose.
+
+
+
+
+XVII
+
+ROXBURY HISTORICAL SOCIETY, BUNKER HILL DAY
+
+JUNE 17, 1918
+
+
+Reverence is the measure not of others but of ourselves. This assemblage
+on the one hundred and forty-third anniversary of the Battle of Bunker
+Hill tells not only of the spirit of that day but of the spirit of
+to-day. What men worship that will they become. The heroes and holidays
+of a people which fascinate their soul reveal what they hold are the
+realities of life and mark out a line beyond which they will not
+retreat, but at which they will stand to overcome or die. They who
+reverence Bunker Hill will fight there. Your true patriot sees home and
+hearthstone in the welfare of his country.
+
+Rightly viewed, then, this day is set apart for an examination of
+ourselves by recounting the deeds of the men of long ago.
+
+What was there in the events of the seventeenth day of June, 1775,
+which holds the veneration of Americans and the increasing admiration of
+the world? There are the physical facts not too unimportant to be
+unworthy of reiteration even in the learned presence of an Historical
+Society. A detachment of men clad for the most part in the dress of
+their daily occupations, standing with bared heads and muskets grounded
+muzzle down in the twilight glow on Cambridge Common, heard Samuel
+Langdon, President of Harvard College, seek divine blessing on their
+cause and marched away in the darkness to a little eminence at
+Charlestown, where, ere the setting of another sun, much history was to
+be made and much glory lost and won. When a new dawn had lifted the
+mists of the Bay, the British, under General Howe, saw an intrenchment
+on Breed's Hill, which must be taken or Boston abandoned. The works were
+exposed in the rear to attack from land and sea. This was disdained by
+the king's soldiers in their contempt for the supposed fighting ability
+of the Americans. Leisurely, as on dress parade, they assembled for an
+assault that they thought was to be a demonstration of the uselessness
+of any armed resistance on the part of the Colonies. In splendid array
+they advanced late in the day. A few straggling shots and all was still
+behind the parapet. It was easier than they had expected. But when they
+reached a point where 'tis said the men behind the intrenchments could
+see the whites of their eyes, they were met by a withering fire that
+tore their ranks asunder and sent them back in disorder, utterly routed
+by their despised foes. In time they form and advance again but the
+result is the same. The demonstration of superiority was not a success.
+For a third time they form, not now for dress parade, but for a
+hazardous assault. This time the result was different. The patriots had
+lost nothing of courage or determination but there was left scarcely
+one round of powder. They had no bayonets. Pouring in their last volley
+and still resisting with clubbed muskets, they retired slowly and in
+order from the field. So great was the British loss that there was no
+pursuit. The intensity of the battle is told by the loss of the
+Americans, out of about fifteen hundred engaged, of nearly twenty per
+cent, and of the British, out of some thirty-five hundred engaged, of
+nearly thirty-three per cent, all in one and one half hours.
+
+It was the story of brave men bravely led but insufficiently equipped.
+Their leader, Colonel Prescott, had walked the breastworks to show his
+men that the cannonade was not particularly dangerous. John Stark,
+bringing his company, in which were his Irish compatriots, across
+Charlestown Neck under the guns of the battleships, refused to quicken
+his step. His Major, Andrew McCleary, fell at the rail fence which he
+had held during the day. Dr. Joseph Warren, your own son of Roxbury,
+fell in the retreat, but the Americans, though picking off his officers,
+spared General Howe. They had fought the French under his brother.
+
+Such were some of the outstanding deeds of the day. But these were the
+deeds of men and the deeds of men always have an inward significance. In
+distant Philadelphia, on this very day, the Continental Congress had
+chosen as the Commander of their Army, General George Washington, a man
+whose clear vision looked into the realities of things and did not
+falter. On his way to the front four days later, dispatches reached him
+of the battle. He revealed the meaning of the day with, one question,
+"Did the militia fight?" Learning how those heroic men fought, he said,
+"Then the liberties of the Country are safe." No greater commentary has
+ever been made on the significance of Bunker Hill.
+
+We read events by what goes before and after. We think of Bunker Hill
+as the first real battle for independence, the prelude to the
+Revolution. Yet these were both after-thoughts. Independence Day was
+still more than a year away and then eight years from accomplishment.
+The Revolution cannot be said to have become established until the
+adoption of the Federal Constitution. No, on this June day, these were
+not the conscious objects sought. They were contending for the liberties
+of the country, they were not yet bent on establishing a new nation nor
+on recognizing that relationship between men which the modern world
+calls democracy. They were maintaining well their traditions, these sons
+of Londonderry, lovers of freedom and anxious for the fray, and these
+sons of the Puritans, whom Macaulay tells us humbly abased themselves in
+the dust before the Lord, but hesitated not to set their foot upon the
+neck of their king.
+
+It is the moral quality of the day that abides. It was the purpose of
+those plain garbed men behind the parapet that told whether they were
+savages bent on plunder, living under the law of the jungle, or sons of
+the morning bearing the light of civilization. The glorious revolution
+of 1688 was fading from memory. The English Government of that day
+rested upon privilege and corruption at the base, surmounted by a king
+bent on despotism, but fortunately too weak to accomplish any design
+either of good or ill. An empire still outwardly sound was rotting at
+the core. The privilege which had found Great Britain so complacent
+sought to establish itself over the Colonies. The purpose of the
+patriots was resistance to tyranny. Pitt and Burke and Lord Camden in
+England recognized this, and, loving liberty, approved the course of the
+Colonies. The Tories here, loving privilege, approved the course of the
+Royal Government. Bunker Hill meant that the Colonies would save
+themselves and saving themselves save the mother country for liberty.
+The war was not inevitable. Perhaps wars are never inevitable. But the
+conflict between freedom and privilege was inevitable. That it broke out
+in America rather than in England was accidental. Liberty, the rights of
+man against tyranny, the rights of kings, was in the air. One side must
+give way. There might have been a peaceful settlement by timely
+concessions such as the Reform Bill of England some fifty years later,
+or the Japanese reforms of our own times, but wanting that a collision
+was inevitable. Lacking a Bunker Hill there had been another Dunbar.
+
+The eighteenth century was the era of the development of political
+rights. It was the culmination of the ideas of the Renaissance. It was
+the putting into practice in government of the answer to the long
+pondered and much discussed question, "What is right?" Custom was giving
+way at last to reason. Class and caste and place, all the distinctions
+based on appearance and accident were giving way before reality. Men
+turned from distinctions which were temporal to those which were
+eternal. The sovereignty of kings and the nobility of peers was
+swallowed up in the sovereignty and nobility of all men. The inequal in
+quantity became equal in quality.
+
+The successful solution of this problem was the crowning glory of a
+century and a half of America. It established for all time how men ought
+to act toward each other in the governmental relation. The rule of the
+people had begun.
+
+Bunker Hill had a deeper significance. It was an example of the great
+law of human progress and civilization. There has been much talk in
+recent years of the survival of the fittest and of efficiency. We are
+beginning to hear of the development of the super-man and the claim that
+he has of right dominion over the rest of his inferiors on earth. This
+philosophy denies the doctrine of equality and holds that government is
+not based on consent but on compulsion. It holds that the weak must
+serve the strong, which is the law of slavery, it applies the law of the
+animal world to mankind and puts science above morals. This sounds the
+call to the jungle. It is not an advance to the morning but a retreat to
+night. It is not the light of human reason but the darkness of the
+wisdom of the serpent.
+
+The law of progress and civilization is not the law of the jungle. It is
+not an earthly law, it is a divine law. It does not mean the survival of
+the fittest, it means the sacrifice of the fittest. Any mother will give
+her life for her child. Men put the women and children in the lifeboats
+before they themselves will leave the sinking ship. John Hampden and
+Nathan Hale did not survive, nor did Lincoln, but Benedict Arnold did.
+The example above all others takes us back to Jerusalem some nineteen
+hundred years ago. The men of Bunker Hill were true disciples of
+civilization, because they were willing to sacrifice themselves to
+resist the evils and redeem the liberties of the British Empire. The
+proud shaft which rises over their battlefield and the bronze form of
+Joseph Warren in your square are not monuments to expediency or success,
+they are monuments to righteousness.
+
+This is the age-old story. Men are reading it again to-day--written in
+blood. The Prussian military despotism has abandoned the law of
+civilization for the law of barbarism. We could approve and join in the
+scramble to the jungle, or we could resist and sacrifice ourselves to
+save an erring nation. Not being beasts, but men, we choose the
+sacrifice.
+
+This brings us to the part that America is taking at the end of its
+second hundred and fifty years of existence. Is it not a part of that
+increasing purpose which the poet, the seer, tells us runs through the
+ages? Has not our Nation been raised up and strengthened, trained and
+prepared, to meet the great sacrifice that must be made now to save the
+world from despotism? We have heard much of our lack of preparation. We
+have been altogether lacking in preparation in a strict military sense.
+We had no vast forces of artillery or infantry, no large stores of
+munitions, few trained men. But let us not forget to pay proper respect
+to the preparation we did have, which was the result of long training
+and careful teaching. We had a mental, a moral, a spiritual training
+that fitted us equally with any other people to engage in this great
+contest which after all is a contest of ideas as well as of arms. We
+must never neglect the military preparation again, but we may as well
+recognize that we have had a preparation without which arms in our hands
+would very much resemble in purpose those now arrayed against us.
+
+Are we not realizing a noble destiny? The great Admiral who discovered
+America bore the significant name of Christopher. It has been pointed
+out that this name means Christ-bearer. Were not the men who stood at
+Bunker Hill bearing light to the world by their sacrifices? Are not the
+men of to-day, the entire Nation of to-day, living in accordance with
+the significance of that name, and by their service and sacrifice
+redeeming mankind from the forces that make for everlasting destruction?
+We seek no territory and no rewards. We give but do not take. We seek
+for a victory of our ideas. Our arms are but the means. America follows
+no such delusion as a place in the sun for the strong by the destruction
+of the weak. America seeks rather, by giving of her strength for the
+service of the weak, a place in eternity.
+
+
+
+
+XVIII
+
+FAIRHAVEN
+
+JULY 4, 1918
+
+
+We have met on this anniversary of American independence to assess the
+dimensions of a kind deed. Nearly four score years ago the master of a
+whaling vessel sailing from this port rescued from a barren rock in the
+China Sea some Japanese fishermen. Among them was a young boy whom he
+brought home with him to Fairhaven, where he was given the advantages of
+New England life and sent to school with the boys and girls of the
+neighborhood, where he excelled in his studies. But as he grew up he was
+filled with a longing to see Japan and his aged mother. He knew that the
+duty of filial piety lay upon him according to the teachings of his
+race, and he was determined to meet that obligation. I think that is one
+of the lessons of this day. Here was a youth who determined to pursue
+the course which he had been taught was right. He braved the dangers of
+the voyage and the greater dangers that awaited an absentee from his
+country under the then existing laws, to perform his duty to his mother
+and to his native land. In making that return I think we are entitled to
+say that he was the first Ambassador of America to the Court of Japan,
+for his extraordinary experience soon brought him into the association
+of the highest officials of his country, and his presence there prepared
+the way for the friendly reception which was given to Commodore Perry
+when he was sent to Japan to open relations between that Government and
+the Government of America.
+
+And so we see how out of the kind deed of Captain Whitefield, friendly
+relations which have existed for many years between the people of Japan
+and the people of America were encouraged and made possible. And it is
+in recognition of that event that we have here to-day this great
+concourse of people, this martial array, and the representative of the
+Japanese people--a people who have never failed to respond to an act of
+kindness.
+
+It was with special pleasure that I came here representing the
+Commonwealth of Massachusetts, to extend an official welcome to His
+Excellency Viscount Ishii, who comes here to present to the town of
+Fairhaven a Sumari sword on behalf of the son of that boy who was
+rescued long ago. This sword was once the emblem of place and caste and
+arbitrary rank. It has taken on a new significance because Captain
+Whitefield was true to the call of humanity, because a Japanese boy was
+true to his call of duty. This emblem will hereafter be a token not only
+of the friendship that exists between two nations but a token of
+liberty, of freedom, and of the recognition by the Government of both
+these nations of the rights of the people. Let it remain here as a
+mutual pledge by the giver and the receiver of their determination that
+the motive which inspired the representatives of each race to do right
+is to be a motive which is to govern the people of the earth.
+
+
+
+
+XIX
+
+SOMERVILLE REPUBLICAN CITY COMMITTEE
+
+AUGUST 7, 1918
+
+
+Coming into your presence in ordinary times, gentlemen of the committee,
+I should be inclined to direct your attention to the long and patriotic
+services of our party, to the great benefits its policies have conferred
+upon this Nation, to the illustrious names of our leaders, to our
+present activities, and to our future party policy. But these are not
+ordinary times. Our country is at war. There is no way to save our party
+if our country be lost. And in the present crisis there is only one way
+to save our country. We must support the State and National Governments
+in whatever they request for the conduct of the war. The Constitution
+makes the President Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy. What he
+needs should be freely given. This has been and will be the policy of
+the Republican administration of Massachusetts and of her Senators and
+Representatives in Congress. We seek no party advantage from the
+distress of our country. Among Republicans there will be no political
+profiteering.
+
+It is a year and four months now since we declared the German Government
+was making war on America. We are beginning to see what our requirements
+are. We had a small but efficient standing army, and a larger but less
+efficient National Guard. These have been increased by enlistments. We
+have a new national force,--never to be designated as Conscripts, but as
+the accepted soldiers of a whole Nation that has volunteered, of almost
+unlimited numbers. By taxation and by three Liberty Loans, each
+over-subscribed by more than fifty per cent, we have demonstrated that
+there will be no lack of money. The problem of the production and
+conservation of food is being met, though not yet without some
+inconvenience, yet so far with very little suffering. The remaining
+factor is the production of the necessary materials for carrying on the
+war. We lack ships and military supplies. Whether these are secured in
+time in sufficient quantity will depend in a large measure upon the
+attitude of the people managing and employed in these industries. The
+attitude of the leaders of organized labor has been patriotic. They
+realize that this is a war to preserve the rights that have been won for
+the people, and they have at all times advised their fellow workmen to
+remain at work. There must be forbearance on all sides. Where wages are
+too low they should be increased voluntarily. Where there is
+disagreement the Government has provided means for investigation and
+adjustment. Our industrial front must keep pace with our military front.
+
+We are demonstrating the ability of America. Within the last few days
+the report has come to us that our soldiers have defeated the Prussian
+Guard. The sneer of Germany at America is vanishing. It is true that the
+German high command still couple American and African soldiers together
+in intended derision. What they say in scorn, let us say in praise. We
+have fought before for the rights of all men irrespective of color. We
+are proud to fight now with colored men for the rights of white men. It
+would be fitting recognition of their worth to send our American negro,
+when that time comes, to inform the Prussian military despotism on what
+terms their defeated armies are to be granted peace.
+
+While the victories that have recently come to our arms are most
+encouraging, they should only stimulate us to redoubled efforts. The
+only hope of a short war is to prepare for a long one. In this work the
+States play a most important part. Massachusetts must be kept so
+organized and governed as to continue that able, effective, and prompt
+cooeperation with the National Government that has marked the past
+progress of the war. In this we have a great part to do here. It was for
+such a task that the Republican Party came into being sixty-four years
+ago. One of the resolutions adopted at its birth peculiarly dedicates it
+to the requirements of the present hour.
+
+"Resolved, that in view of the necessity of battling for the first
+principles of republican government and against the schemes of an
+aristocracy, the most revolting and oppressive with which the earth was
+ever cursed, or man debased, we will cooeperate and be known as
+'Republicans' until the contest be terminated."
+
+This great work lies before our party in Massachusetts. We shall go on
+battling for the first principles of Republican government until it has
+been secured to all the people of the earth.
+
+Our American forces on sea and land are proving sufficient to turn the
+tide in favor of the Allied cause. They could not succeed alone, we
+could not succeed alone. We are furnishing a reserve power that is
+bringing victory.
+
+But America must furnish more than armies and navies for the future. If
+armies and navies were to be supreme, Germany would be right. There are
+other and greater forces in the world than march to the roll of the
+drum. As we are turning the scale with our sword now, so hereafter we
+must turn the scale with the moral power of America. It must be our
+disinterested plans that are to restore Europe to a place through
+justice when we have secured victory through the sword. And into a new
+world we are to take not only the people of oppressed Europe but the
+people of America. Out of our sacrifice and suffering, out of our blood
+and tears, America shall have a new awakening, a rededication to the
+cause of Washington and Lincoln, a firmer conviction for the right.
+
+
+
+
+XX
+
+WRITTEN FOR THE SUNDAY ADVERTISER AND AMERICAN
+
+SEPTEMBER 1, 1918
+
+
+The man who seeks to stimulate and increase the production of materials
+necessary for the conduct of the war by raising the price he pays is a
+patriot. The man who refuses to sell at a fine price whatever he may
+have that is necessary for the conduct of the war is a profiteer. One
+man seeks to help his country at his own expense, the other seeks to
+help himself at his country's expense. One is willing to suffer himself
+that his country may prosper, the other is willing his country should
+suffer that he may prosper.
+
+In ordinary times these difficulties are taken care of by the operation
+of the law of supply and demand. If the price is too high the buyer has
+time to go elsewhere. In war the element of time is one of the chief
+considerations. When what is wanted is once found it must be made
+available at once. The principle of trusteeship also comes into more
+immediate operation. It is recognized in time of peace that the public
+may take what it may need of private property for the general welfare,
+paying a fair compensation, and that the right to own property carries
+with it the duty of using it for the welfare of our fellow man. The time
+has gone by when one may do what he will with his own. He must use his
+property for the general good or the very right to hold private property
+is lost.
+
+These are some of the rules to be observed in the relationship between
+man and man. To see that these rules are properly enforced, governments
+are formed. When they are not observed--when the strong refuse voluntary
+justice to the weak--then it is time for the strong arm of the law
+through the public officers to intervene and see that the weak are
+protected. This can usually be done by the enactment of a law which all
+will try to obey, but when this course has failed there is no remedy
+save by the process of law to take from the wrong-doer his power in the
+future to do harm.
+
+America is built on faith in the individual, faith in his will and power
+to do right of his own accord, but equally is the determination that the
+individual shall be protected against whatsoever force may be brought
+against him. We believe in him not because of what he has, but what he
+is. But this is a practical faith. It does not rest on any silly
+assumption that virtue is the reward of anything but effort or that
+liberty can be secured at the price of anything but eternal vigilance.
+
+It is in recognition of these principles and conditions that the General
+Court of last year gave the Governor power to make rules for the use by
+individuals of their property during the war for the general defence of
+the Commonwealth, and on failure on their part so to use their property,
+to take possession of it for such term as may be necessary. Up to the
+present time it has not been necessary to take property. Our faith in
+the patriotism of our citizens has been amply demonstrated. Of our four
+millions of people few have failed voluntarily to use their every
+resource for the defence of the Nation. But of late there have been some
+complaints of too high charges for rent in war-material centres. In some
+cases patriotic workmen engaged in labor most vital to our country's
+salvation have been threatened with eviction by profiteering landlords
+unless they paid exorbitant rents. No one is undertaking to say that
+rents must on no account be raised. But the Executive Department of
+Massachusetts is undertaking to say that in any case where rents are
+unreasonably raised to the detriment of people who are just as essential
+to our victory as the soldier in the field, if any one is to be evicted
+from such premises it will be the persons who are raising rents and not
+the persons who are asked to pay them. This action is taken to protect
+the Nation. It is taken in our desire and determination here to
+cooeperate with the Federal Government in every activity that is
+necessary to the prosecution of the war. It is taken also for the
+protection of the individual. We do not care how humble he may be, we do
+not care how exalted the landlord may be, justice shall be done.
+
+This is not to be taken as an offer on the part of the Commonwealth to
+have unloaded on it a large amount of property at a high price.
+Possession may be taken, but the ownership will not change. Unless
+reasonable rents are charged, the tenant will stay in possession, but
+the rent which the Commonwealth shall pay for occupation will be
+determined by a jury. This means justice, nothing more, nothing
+less--justice to the tenant, justice to the landlord. It is not to be
+inferred that our real estate owners have lacked anything as a class in
+patriotism. They are our most loyal, most self-sacrificing, most
+commendable citizens. Massachusetts by its Homestead Commission is
+encouraging its citizens to own real estate because such ownership is a
+sheet anchor to self-government. But it is a proclamation of warning to
+profiteers, of approbation and approval to patriots, and of assurance
+and assistance to the working people and rent payers of our
+Commonwealth.
+
+
+
+
+XXI
+
+ESSEX COUNTY CLUB, LYNNFIELD
+
+SEPTEMBER 14, 1918
+
+
+We meet here to-day as the inheritors of those principles which
+preserved our Nation and extended its constitutional guaranties to all
+its citizens. We come not as partisans but as patriots. We come to
+pledge anew our faith in all that America means and to declare our firm
+determination to defend her within and without from every foe. Above
+that we come to pay our tribute of wonder and admiration at the great
+achievements of our Nation and at the glory which they are shedding
+around her. The past four years has shown the world the existence of a
+conspiracy against mankind of a vastness and a wickedness that could
+only be believed when seen in operation and confessed by its
+participants. This conspiracy was promoted by the German military
+despotism. It probably was encouraged by the results of three wars--one
+against Denmark which robbed her of territory, one against Austria which
+robbed her of territory, and one against France which robbed her of
+territory and a cash indemnity of a billion dollars. These seemingly
+easy successes encouraged their perpetrators to plan for the pillage and
+enslavement of the earth.
+
+To accomplish this, the German despotism began at home. By a systematic
+training the whole German people were perverted. A false idea of their
+own greatness was added to their contempt and hate of other nations,
+who, they were taught, were bent on their destruction. The military
+class were exalted and all else degraded. Thus was laid the foundation
+for the atrocities which have marked their conduct of the war.
+
+The vastness of the conquest planned has recently been revealed by
+August Thyssen, one of the greatest steel men of the empire. He tells
+of a calling together, in the years before the war, of the industrial
+and banking interests of the Nation, when a plan of war was laid before
+them, and their support secured by the promise of spoils. France, India,
+Canada, Australia were to be given over to German satraps. His share was
+30,000 acres in Australia, with $750,000 provided by the Government for
+its development. This was the promise made by the Kaiser. Here was the
+motive of the war.
+
+How it was provoked is told by Prince Lichnowski, the Ambassador of
+Germany to London. He shows how he had reached agreements for a treaty
+which would show the good will of Great Britain. Berlin refused to sign
+it unless it should be kept secret. He shows how Germany used Austria to
+attack Serbia; how mediations were refused; when Austria was about to
+withdraw, Germany sent an ultimatum to Russia one day and the next day
+declared war.
+
+This diplomat sums up the whole case when he says: "I had to support in
+London a policy the heresy of which I recognized. That brought down
+vengeance on me because it was a sin against the Holy Ghost." What an
+indictment of Germany from her own confession! A plan to use the
+revelations of science for the sack and slavery of the earth; the
+degradation, perversion, corruption of a whole people, and by those who
+should have been the wardens of their righteousness, done for the
+temporal glory of a military caste, and all in the name of divine right.
+
+Much of this was not known in America when we declared war. It is with
+great difficulty we realize it now. We had seen Germany going from
+infamy to infamy. We did know of the violated treaty of Belgium, of the
+piracy, the murder of women and children, the destruction of the
+property and lives of our neutral citizens, and finally the plain
+declaration of the German Imperial Government that it would wantonly
+and purposely destroy the property and lives of any American citizen who
+exercised his undoubted legal right to sail certain portions of the sea.
+This attempt to declare law for America by an edict from Potsdam we
+resisted by the sword. We see at last not only the hideous wickedness
+which perpetrated the war, we see that it is a world war, that Germany
+struck not only at Belgium, she struck at us, she struck at our whole
+system of civilization. A wicked purpose, which a vain attempt to
+realize has involved its authors in more and more wickedness. We hear
+that even among the civil population of Germany crime is rampant.
+
+Looking now at this condition of Germany and her Allies, it is time to
+inquire what America and her Allies have to offer as a remedy, and what
+effect the application of such remedy has had upon ourselves. We have
+drawn the sword, but is it only to
+
+     "Be blood for blood, for treason treachery?"
+
+Are we seeking merely to match infamy with infamy, merely to pillage
+and destroy those who threatened to pillage and destroy us? No; we have
+taken more than the sword, lest we perish by the sword; we have summoned
+the moral power of the Nation. We have recognized that evil is only to
+be overcome by good. We have marshalled the righteousness of America to
+overwhelm the wickedness of Germany. A new spirit has come over the
+nation the like of which was never seen before. We can see it not only
+in the new purity of camp life, in the heroism of our soldiers as they
+fight in the faith and for the faith of the fathers, but we see it in
+the healing influences which a righteous purpose has had upon the evils
+which beset us.
+
+We entered the war a people of many nationalities. We are united now;
+every one is first an American. We were beset with jealousies, and envy,
+and class prejudice. Service in the camp has taught each soldier to
+respect the other, whatever his source, and a mutual sympathy at home
+has brought all into a common citizenship. The service flag is a great
+leveller.
+
+Our industrial life has been purified of prejudice. No one is
+complaining now that any concern is too large, too strong. All see that
+the great organizations of capital in industry are our salvation. Labor
+has taken on a new dignity and nobility. When the idle see the necessity
+of work, when we begin to recognize industry as essential, the working
+man begins to have paid him the honor which is his due.
+
+Invention, chemistry, medicine, surgery, have been stimulated and
+improved. Even our agriculture has taken on more economical methods and
+increased production.
+
+The call for man power has given a new idea of the importance of the
+individual, so that there has been brought to the humblest the knowledge
+that he was not only important but his importance was realized.
+
+And with this has come the discovery of new powers, not only in the
+slouch whom military drill has transformed into a man, but to labor that
+has found a new joy, satisfaction and efficiency in its work. The entire
+activities of the Nation are tuned up.
+
+The spirit of charity has been aroused. Hundreds of millions have been
+provided by voluntary gifts for the Red Cross, Knights of Columbus,
+Hebrew Charities, and Christian Associations. The people are turning to
+their places of worship with a new religious fervor. Everywhere
+selfishness is giving way to service, idleness to industry, wastefulness
+to thrift.
+
+The war is being won. It is being overwhelmingly won. A righteous
+purpose has not only strengthened our arms abroad but exalted the Nation
+at home.
+
+The great work before us is to keep this new spirit in the right path.
+The opportunity for a military training, the beneficial results of its
+discipline, must be continued for the youth of our country. The
+sacrifice necessary for national defence must hereafter never be
+neglected. The virtues of war must be carried into peace. But this must
+not be done at the expense of the freedom of the individual. It must be
+the expression of self-government and not the despotism of a German
+military caste or a Russian Bolshevik state. We are in this war to
+preserve the institutions that have made us great. The war has revealed
+to us their true greatness. All argument about the efficiency of
+despotism and the incompetence of republics was answered at the Marne
+and will be hereafter answered at the Rhine. We are not going to
+overcome the Kaiser by becoming like him, nor aid Russia by becoming
+like her.
+
+We see now that Prussian despotism was the natural ally of the Russian
+Bolshevik and the I.W.W. here. Both exist to pervert and enslave the
+people; both seek to break down the national spirit of the world for
+their own wicked ends. Both are doomed to failure. By taking our place
+in the world, America is to become more American, as by doing his duty
+the individual develops his own manhood. We see now that when the
+individual fails, whether it be from a despotism or the dead level of a
+socialistic state, all has failed.
+
+A new vision has come to the Nation, a vision that must never be
+obscured. It is for us to heed it, to follow it. It is a revelation, but
+a revelation not of our weakness but of our strength, not of new
+principles, but of the power that lies in the application of old
+doctrines. May that vision never fade, may America inspired by a great
+purpose ever be able to say,
+
+     "Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord."
+
+
+
+
+XXII
+
+TREMONT TEMPLE
+
+NOVEMBER 2, 1918
+
+
+To the greatest task man ever undertook our Commonwealth has applied
+itself, will continue to apply itself with no laggard hand. One hundred
+and ninety thousand of her sons already in the field, hundreds of
+millions of her treasure contributed to the cause, her entire
+citizenship moved with a single purpose, all these show a determination
+unalterable, to prosecute the war to a victory so conclusive, to a
+destruction of all enemy forces so decisive, that those impious
+pretentions which have threatened the earth for many years will never be
+renewed. There can be no discussion about it, there can be no
+negotiation about it. The country is united in the conviction that the
+only terms are unconditional surrender.
+
+This determination has arisen from no sudden impulse or selfish motive.
+It was forced upon us by the plan and policy of Germany and her methods
+of waging war upon others. The main features of it all have long been
+revealed while each day brings to light more of the details. We have
+seen the studied effort to make perverts of sixty millions of German
+people. We know of the corrupting of the business interests of the
+Empire to secure their support. We know that war had been decreed before
+the pretext on which it was declared had happened. We know Austria was
+and is the creature of Germany. We have beheld the violation of innocent
+Belgium, the hideous outrages on soldier and civilian, the piracy, the
+murder of our own neutral citizens, and finally there came the notice,
+which as an insult to America has been exceeded only by the recent
+suggestion that we negotiate a peace with its authors,--the notice
+claiming dominion over our citizens and authority to exclude our ships
+from the sea. The great pretender to the throne of the earth thought
+the time had come to assert that we were his subjects. Two millions of
+our men already in France, and each day ten thousand more are hastening
+to pay their respects to him at his court in Berlin in person. He has
+our answer.
+
+It would be a mistake to suppose we have already won the war. It is not
+won yet, but we have reached the place where we know how to win it, and
+if we continue our exertions we shall win it fully, completely, grandly,
+as becomes a great people contending for the cause of righteousness.
+
+We entered the war late and without previous military preparation. The
+more clearly we discern the beginning and the progress of the struggle,
+the more we must admire the great spirit of those nations by whose side
+we fight. The more we know of the terrible price they paid, the
+matchless sacrifices they magnificently endured--the French, the
+Italians, the British, the Belgians, the Serbians, the Poles, and the
+misgoverned, misguided people of Russia--the bravery of their soldiers
+in the field, the unflinching devotion of their people at home, and
+remember that in no small sense they were doing this for us, that we
+have been the direct beneficiaries of peoples who have given their all,
+the less disposition we have to think too much of our own importance.
+But all this should not cause us to withhold the praise that is due our
+own Army and Navy, or to overlook the fact that our people have met
+every call that patriotism has made. The soldiers and sailors who fight
+under the Stars and Stripes are the most magnificent body of men that
+ever took up arms for defence of a great cause. Man for man they surpass
+any other troops on earth.
+
+We must not forget these things. We must not neglect to record them for
+the information of generations to come. The names and records of boards
+and commissions, relief societies, of all who have engaged in financing
+the cause of government and charity, and other patriotic work, should be
+preserved in the Library of the Commonwealth, and with these, our
+military achievements. These will show how American soldiers met and
+defeated the Prussian Guard. They will show also that in all the war no
+single accomplishment, on a like scale, excelled the battle of St.
+Mihiel, carried out by American troops, with our own Massachusetts boys
+among them, and that the first regiment to be decorated as a regiment
+for conspicuous service and gallantry in our Army in France was the
+104th, formerly of the old Massachusetts National Guard. Such is our
+record and it cannot be forgotten.
+
+In reaching the great decision to enter the war, in preparing the answer
+which speaks with so much authority, in the only language that despotism
+can understand, America has arisen to a new life. We have taken a new
+place among the nations. The Revolution made us a nation; the Spanish
+War made us a world power, the present war has given us recognition as a
+world power. We shall not again be considered provincial. Whether we
+desired it or not this position has come to us with its duties and its
+responsibilities.
+
+This new position should not be misunderstood. It does not mean any
+diminution of our national spirit. It rather means that it should be
+intensified. The most outstanding feature of the war has been the
+assertion of the national spirit. Each nationality is contending for the
+right to have its own government, and in that is meeting with the
+sanction of the free peoples of the earth. We are discussing a league of
+nations. Such a league, if formed, is not for the purpose, must not be
+for the purpose, of diminishing the spirit or influence of our Nation,
+but to make that spirit and influence more real and more effective.
+Believing in our Nation thoroughly and unreservedly, confident that the
+evidence of the past and present justifies that belief, it is our one
+desire to make America more American. There is no greater service that
+we can render the oppressed of the earth than to maintain inviolate the
+freedom of our own citizens.
+
+Under our National Government the States are the sheet-anchors of our
+institutions. On them falls the task of administering local affairs and
+of supporting the National Government in peace and war. The success with
+which Massachusetts has met her local problems, the efficiency with
+which she has placed her resources of men and materials at the disposal
+of the Nation, has been unsurpassed. The efficient organization of the
+Commonwealth, which has proved itself in time of stress, must be
+maintained undiminished. On the States will largely fall the task of
+putting into effect the lessons of the war that are to make America more
+truly American.
+
+One of our first duties is military training. The opportunity hereafter
+for the youth of the Nation to receive instruction in the science of
+national defence should be universal. The great problem which our
+present experience has brought is the development of man power. This
+includes many questions, but especially public health and mental
+equipment. Sanitation and education will require more attention in the
+future.
+
+America has been performing a great service for humanity. In that
+service we have arisen to a new glory. The people of the nation without
+distinction have been performing a great service for America. In it they
+have realized a new citizenship. Prussianism fails. Americanism
+succeeds. Education is to teach men not what to think but how to think.
+Government will take on new activities, but it is not more to control
+the people, the people are more to control the Government.
+
+We have come to the realization of a new brotherhood among nations and
+among men. It came through the performance of a common duty. A
+brotherhood that existed unseen has been recognized at last by those
+called to the camp and trenches and those working for their victory at
+home. This spirit must not be misunderstood. It is not a gospel of ease
+but of work, not of dependence but of independence, not of an easy
+tolerance of wrong but a stern insistence on right, not the privilege of
+receiving but the duty of giving.
+
+"Man proposes but God disposes." When Germany lit up her long toasted
+day with the lurid glare of war, she thought the end of freedom for the
+peoples of the earth had come. She thought that the power of her sword
+was hereafter to reign supreme over a world in slavery, and that the
+divine right of a king was to be established forever. We have seen the
+drama drawing to its close. It has shown the victory of justice and of
+freedom and established the divine rights of the people. Through it is
+shining a new revelation of the true brotherhood of man. As we see the
+purpose Germany sought and the result she will secure, the words of Holy
+Writ come back to us--"The wrath of man shall praise Him."
+
+
+
+
+XXIII
+
+FANEUIL HALL
+
+NOVEMBER 4, 1918
+
+
+We need a word of caution and of warning. I am responsible for what I
+have said and what I have done. I am not responsible for what my
+opponents say I have said or say I have done either on the stump or in
+untrue political advertisements and untrue posters. I shall not deal
+with these. I do not care to touch them, but I do not want any of my
+fellow citizens to misunderstand my ignoring them as expressing any
+attitude other than considering such attempts unworthy of notice when
+men are fighting for the preservation of our country.
+
+Our work is drawing to a close--our patriotic efforts. We have had in
+view but one object--the saving of America.
+
+We shall accomplish that object first by winning the war. That means a
+great deal. It means getting the world forever rid of the German idea.
+We can see no way to do this but by a complete surrender by Germany to
+the Allies.
+
+We stand by the State and National Governments in the prosecution of
+this object. I have reiterated that we support the Commander-in-Chief in
+war work. He says that is so.
+
+We want no delay in prosecuting the war. The quickest way is the way to
+save most lives and treasure. We want to care for the soldiers and their
+dependents. That has been the recognized duty of the Government for
+generations.
+
+To save America means to save American institutions, it means to save
+the manhood and womanhood of our country. To that we are pledged.
+
+There will be great questions of reconstruction, social, industrial,
+economic and governmental questions, that must be met and solved. They
+must be met with a recognition of a new spirit.
+
+It is a time to keep our faith in our State, our Nation, our
+institutions, and in each other. Doing that, the war will be won in the
+field and won in civil life at home.
+
+
+
+
+XXIV
+
+FROM INAUGURAL ADDRESS AS GOVERNOR
+
+JANUARY 2, 1919
+
+
+You are coming to a new legislative session under the inspiration of the
+greatest achievements in all history. You are beholding the fulfilment
+of the age-old promise, man coming into his own. You are to have the
+opportunity and responsibility of reflecting this new spirit in the laws
+of the most enlightened of Commonwealths. We must steadily advance. Each
+individual must have the rewards and opportunities worthy of the
+character of our citizenship, a broader recognition of his worth and a
+larger liberty, protected by order--and always under the law. In the
+promotion of human welfare Massachusetts happily may not need much
+reconstruction, but, like all living organizations, forever needs
+continuing construction. What are the lessons of the past? How shall
+they be applied to these days of readjustment? How shall we emerge from
+the autocratic methods of war to the democratic methods of peace,
+raising ourselves again to the source of all our strength and all our
+glory--sound self-government?
+
+It is your duty not only to reflect public opinion, but to lead it.
+Whether we are to enter a new era in Massachusetts depends upon you. The
+lessons of the war are plain. Can we carry them on into peace? Can we
+still act on the principle that there is no sacrifice too great to
+maintain the right? Shall we continue to advocate and practise thrift
+and industry? Shall we require unswerving loyalty to our country? These
+are the foundations of all greatness.
+
+Let there be a purpose in all your legislation to recognize the right of
+man to be well born, well nurtured, well educated, well employed, and
+well paid. This is no gospel of ease and selfishness, or class
+distinction, but a gospel of effort and service, of universal
+application.
+
+Such results cannot be secured at once, but they should be ever before
+us. The world has assumed burdens that will bear heavily on all peoples.
+We shall not escape our share. But whatever may be our trials, however
+difficult our tasks, they are only the problems of peace, and a
+victorious peace. The war is over. Whatever the call of duty now we
+should remember with gratitude that it is nothing compared with the
+heavy sacrifice so lately made. The genius and fortitude which conquered
+then cannot now fail.
+
+
+
+
+XXV
+
+STATEMENT ON THE DEATH OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT
+
+
+The people of our Commonwealth have learned with profound sorrow of the
+death of Theodore Roosevelt. No other citizen of the Nation would have
+brought in so large a degree the feeling of a common loss. During the
+almost eight years he was President, the people came to see in him a
+reflection of their ideals of the true Americanism.
+
+He was the advocate of every good cause. He awakened the moral purpose
+of the Nation and raised the standard of public service. He appealed to
+the imagination of youth and satisfied the judgment of maturity. In him
+Massachusetts saw an exponent of her own ideals.
+
+In token of the love and reverence which all the people bore him, I urge
+that the national and state flags be flown at half-mast throughout the
+Commonwealth until after his funeral, and that, when next the people
+gather for public worship, his loss be marked with proper ceremony.
+
+
+
+
+XXVI
+
+LINCOLN DAY PROCLAMATION
+
+JANUARY 30, 1919
+
+
+_The Commonwealth of Massachusetts By His Excellency Calvin Coolidge,
+Governor_
+
+A PROCLAMATION
+
+
+Fivescore and ten years ago that Divine Providence which infinite
+repetition has made only the more a miracle sent into the world a new
+life, destined to save a nation. No star, no sign, foretold his coming.
+About his cradle all was poor and mean save only the source of all great
+men, the love of a wonderful woman. When she faded way in his tender
+years, from her deathbed in humble poverty she dowered her son with
+greatness. There can be no proper observance of a birthday which forgets
+the mother. Into his origin as into his life men long have looked and
+wondered. In wisdom great, but in humility greater, in justice strong,
+but in compassion stronger, he became a leader of men by being a
+follower of the truth. He overcame evil with good. His presence filled
+the Nation. He broke the might of oppression. He restored a race to its
+birthright. His mortal frame has vanished, but his spirit increases with
+the increasing years, the richest legacy of the greatest century.
+
+Men show by what they worship what they are. It is no accident that
+before the great example of American manhood our people stand with
+respect and reverence. And in accordance with this sentiment our laws
+have provided for a formal recognition of the birthday of Abraham
+Lincoln, for in him is revealed our ideal, the hope of our country
+fulfilled.
+
+Now, therefore, by the authority of Massachusetts, the 12th day of
+February is set apart as
+
+LINCOLN DAY
+
+and its observance recommended as befits the beneficiaries of his life
+and the admirers of his character, in places of education and worship
+wherever our people meet one with another.
+
+     Given at the Executive Chamber, in Boston, this 30th day of
+     January, in the year of Our Lord one thousand nine hundred and
+     nineteen, and of the independence of the United States of America
+     the one hundred and forty-third.
+
+  CALVIN COOLIDGE
+
+  By his Excellency the Governor,
+
+  ALBERT P. LANGTRY,
+
+  _Secretary of the Commonwealth_.
+
+  God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
+
+
+
+
+XXVII
+
+INTRODUCING HENRY CABOT LODGE AND A. LAWRENCE LOWELL AT THE DEBATE ON
+THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS SYMPHONY HALL
+
+MARCH 19, 1919
+
+
+We meet here as representatives of a great people to listen to the
+discussion of a great question by great men. All America has but one
+desire, the security of the peace by facts and by parchment which her
+brave sons have wrought by the sword. It is a duty we owe alike to the
+living and the dead.
+
+Fortunate is Massachusetts that she has among her sons two men so
+eminently trained for the task of our enlightenment, a senior Senator of
+the Commonwealth and the President of a university established in her
+Constitution. Wherever statesmen gather, wherever men love letters, this
+day's discussion will be read and pondered. Of these great men in
+learning, and experience, wise in the science and practice of
+government, the first to address you is a Senator distinguished at home
+and famous everywhere--Henry Cabot Lodge.
+
+[After Senator Lodge spoke he introduced President Lowell:]
+
+The next to address you is the President of Harvard University--an
+educator renowned throughout the world, a learned student of
+statesmanship, endowed with a wisdom which has made him a leader of men,
+truly a Master of Arts, eminently a Doctor of Laws, a fitting
+representative of the Massachusetts domain of letters--Abbott Lawrence
+Lowell.
+
+
+
+
+XXVIII
+
+VETO OF SALARY INCREASE
+
+
+TO THE HONORABLE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
+
+
+In accordance with the duty imposed by the Constitution, a bill
+entitled, "An act to establish the compensation of the members of the
+General Court," being House No. 1629, is herewith returned without
+approval.
+
+This bill raises the salaries of members from $1000 to $1500, an
+increase of fifty per cent, and is retroactive. It is necessary to
+decide whether the Commonwealth can well afford this additional tax and
+whether any public benefit would accrue from it.
+
+These are times that require careful scrutiny of public expenditure. The
+burden of taxes resulting from war is heavy. The addition of $142,000 to
+the expense of the Commonwealth in perpetuity is not to be undertaken
+but upon proven necessity.
+
+Service in the General Court is not obligatory but optional. It is not
+to be undertaken as a profession or a means of livelihood. It is a
+voluntary public service. In accord with the principles of our
+democratic institutions a compensation has been given in order that
+talent for service rather than the possession of property might be the
+standard of membership. There is no man of sufficient talent in the
+Commonwealth so poor that he cannot serve for a session, which averages
+about five months, and five days each week, at a salary of $1000--and
+travel allowance of $2.50 for each mile between his home and the State
+House. This is too clear for argument. There is no need to consider
+those who are too rich to serve for this sum. It would be futile to
+discuss whether their services are worth more or less than this, as that
+is not here the question. Membership in the General Court is not a job.
+There are services rendered to the Commonwealth by senators and
+representatives that are priceless. For the searching out of great
+principles on which legislation is based there is no adequate
+compensation. If value for services were the criterion, there would be
+280 different salaries. When membership is sought as a means of
+livelihood, legislation will pass from a public function to a private
+enterprise. Men do not serve here for pay. They seek work and places of
+responsibility and find in that seeking, not in their pay, their honor.
+
+The realities of life are not measured by dollars and cents. The skill
+of the physician, the divine eloquence of the clergyman, the courage of
+the soldier, that which we call character in all men, are not matters of
+hire and salary. No person was ever honored for what he received. Honor
+has been the reward for what he gave. Public acclaim and the ceremonious
+recognition paid to returning heroes are not on account of their
+government pay but of the service and sacrifice they gave their country.
+The place each member of the General Court will hold in the estimation
+of his constituents will never depend on his salary, but on the ability
+and integrity with which he does his duty; not on what he receives, but
+on what he gives; and only out of the bountifulness of his own giving
+will his constituents raise him to power. Not by indulging himself, but
+by denying himself, will he reach success.
+
+It is because the General Court has recognized these principles in its
+past history that it has secured its high place as a legislative body.
+This act disregards all this and will ever appear to be an undertaking
+by members to raise their own salaries. The fact that many were thinking
+of the needs of others will remain unknown. Appearances cannot be
+disregarded. Those in whom is placed the solemn duty of caring for
+others ought to think of themselves last or their decisions will lack
+authority. There is apparent a disposition to deny the
+disinterestedness and impartiality of government. Such charges are the
+result of ignorance and an evil desire to destroy our institutions for
+personal profit. It is of infinite importance to demonstrate that
+legislation is used not for the benefit of the legislator, but of the
+public.
+
+The General Court of Massachusetts is a legislative body noted for its
+fairness and ability. It has no superior. Its critics have for the most
+part come from the outside and have most frequently been those who have
+approached it with the purpose of securing selfish desires of their
+clients or themselves. A long familiarity with it increases respect for
+it. It is charged with expressing the abiding convictions and conscience
+of the people of the Commonwealth. The most solemn obligation placed by
+the Constitution on the Executive is the power to veto its actions. In
+all matters affecting it the General Court is entitled to his best
+judgment and carefully considered opinion. Anything less would be a
+mark of disrespect and disloyalty to its members. That judgment and
+opinion, arrived at after a wide counsel with members and others, is
+here expressed, in the light of an obligation which is not personal,
+"faithfully and impartially to discharge and perform" the duties of a
+public office.
+
+
+
+
+XXIX
+
+FLAG DAY PROCLAMATION
+
+MAY 26, 1919
+
+
+Works which endure come from the soul of the people. The mighty in their
+pride walk alone to destruction. The humble walk hand in hand with
+Providence to immortality. Their works survive. When the people of the
+Colonies were defending their liberties against the might of kings, they
+chose their banner from the design set in the firmament through all
+eternity. The flags of the great empires of that day are gone, but the
+Stars and Stripes remain. It pictures the vision of a people whose eyes
+were turned to the rising dawn. It represents the hope of a father for
+his posterity. It was never flaunted for the glory of royalty, but to be
+born under it is to be a child of a king, and to establish a home under
+it is to be the founder of a royal house. Alone of all flags it
+expresses the sovereignty of the people which endures when all else
+passes away. Speaking with their voice it has the sanctity of
+revelation. He who lives under it and is loyal to it is loyal to truth
+and justice everywhere. He who lives under it and is disloyal to it is a
+traitor to the human race everywhere. What could be saved if the flag of
+the American Nation were to perish?
+
+In recognition of these truths and out of a desire born of a purpose to
+defend and perpetuate them, the Commonwealth of Massachusetts has by
+ordinance decreed that for one day of each year their importance should
+be dwelt upon and remembered. Therefore, in accordance with that
+authority, the anniversary of the adoption of the national flag, the
+14th day of June next, is set apart as
+
+FLAG DAY
+
+and it is earnestly recommended that it be observed by the people of
+the Commonwealth by the display of the flag of our country and in all
+ways that may testify to their loyalty and perpetuate its glory.
+
+
+
+
+XXX
+
+AMHERST COLLEGE COMMENCEMENT
+
+JUNE 18, 1919
+
+
+To the son of any college, although he does not make his connection with
+his college a profession, a return of Commencement Day recalls many
+memories. It is likely also, after nearly a quarter of a century, to
+cause some reflections. It is, I suppose, to give tongue to such
+memories and reflections that after-dinner speaking is provided. After
+all due allowance for change of perspective, going to college was a
+greater event twenty-five years ago than it is to-day. My own memories
+are not yet ancient enough to warrant their recalling. The greater
+events of that day are too recent to need to be related.
+
+But I should fail in my duty and neglect my deep conviction if I did not
+declare that in my day there was no better place to educate a young
+man. Most of them came with a realization that their coming meant a
+sacrifice at home. They may have lacked a proficiency in the arts of the
+drawing room which sometimes brought a smile; but no competitor met the
+Amherst men of that day on the athletic field or in the postgraduate
+school with a smile that did not soon come off. They had their pranks
+and sprees, but they had the ideals of a true manhood. They were moved
+with a serious purpose. He who had less lacked place among them. They
+are come and gone from the campus, those men of the early nineties, and
+with them went the power to command.
+
+Those were days that represented especially the spirit of President
+Seelye. Under his brilliant and polished successor the Faculty changes
+were few. There was Professor Wood, the most accomplished intellectual
+hazer of freshmen. There was Professor Gibbons, who was strong enough in
+Greek derivation so that every second-year man soon had a clear
+conception of the meaning of sophomore. After demonstrating clearly that
+on the negative side the derivation of "contiguity" was not "con" and
+"tiguity," he advised those who could not with equal clearness
+demonstrate its derivation on the positive side to look it up. There
+were Morse and Frink, Richardson, Hitchcock, Estey, Crowell, Tyler, and
+Garman. All these and more are gone. The living, no less eminent, I need
+not recall. As a teaching force, as an inspirer of youth, for training
+men how to think, that faculty has had and will have nowhere any
+superior.
+
+     "So passed that pageant."
+
+The college of to-day has taken on a new life, a new activity. Military
+training then was a spectacle for the Massachusetts Agricultural
+College. To-day Amherst welcomes its returning soldiers, and but a
+little time since divested itself of the character of a military camp to
+resume the wonted garb of peace. Yet it is and has been the same
+institution,--a college of the liberal arts. In this so-called practical
+age Amherst has chosen for her province the most practical of all,--the
+culture and the classics of all time.
+
+Civilization depends not only upon the knowledge of the people, but upon
+the use they make of it. If knowledge be wrongfully used, civilization
+commits suicide. Broadly speaking, the college is not to educate the
+individual, but to educate society. The individual may be ignorant and
+vicious. If society have learning and virtue, that will sustain him. If
+society lacks learning and virtue, it perishes. Education must give not
+only power but direction. It must minister to the whole man or it fails.
+
+Such an education considered from the position of society does not come
+from science. That provides power alone, but not direction. Give a
+savage tribe firearms and a distillery, and their members will
+exterminate each other. They have science all right, but misuse it.
+They lack ideals. These young men that we welcome back with so much
+pride did not go forth to demonstrate their faith in science. They did
+not offer their lives because of their belief in any rule of mathematics
+or any principle of physics or chemistry. The laws of the natural world
+would be unaffected by their defeat or victory. No; they were defending
+their ideals, and those ideals came from the classics.
+
+This is preeminently true of the culture of Greece and Rome. Patriotism
+with them was predominant. Their heroes were those who sacrificed
+themselves for their country, from the three hundred at Thermopylae to
+Horatius at the bridge. Their poets sang of the glory of dying for one's
+native land. The orations of Demosthenes and Cicero are pitched in the
+same high strain. The philosophy of Plato and Aristotle and the Greek
+and Latin classics were the foundation of the Renaissance. The revival
+of learning was the revival of Athens and Sparta and of the Imperial
+City. Modern science is their product. To be included with the classics
+are modern history and literature, the philosophers, the orators, the
+statesmen, and poets,--Milton and Shakespeare, Lowell and Whittier,--the
+Farewell Address, the Reply to Hayne, the Speech at Gettysburg,--it is
+all these and more that I mean by the classics. They give not only power
+to the intellect, but direct its course of action.
+
+The classic of all classics is the Bible.
+
+I do not underestimate schools of science and technical arts. They have
+a high and noble calling in ministering to mankind. They are important
+and necessary. I am pointing out that in my opinion they do not provide
+a civilization that can stand without the support of the ideals that
+come from the classics.
+
+The conclusion to be derived from this position is that a vocational or
+technical education is not enough. We must have every American citizen
+well grounded in the classical ideals. Such an education will not unfit
+him for the work of the world. Did those men in the trenches fight any
+less valiantly, did they shrink any more from the hardships of war, when
+a liberal culture had given a broader vision of what the great conflict
+meant? The discontent in modern industry is the result of a too narrow
+outlook. A more liberal culture will reveal the importance and nobility
+of the work of the world, whether in war or peace. It is far from enough
+to teach our citizens a vocation. Our industrial system will break down
+unless it is humanized. There is greater need for a liberal culture that
+will develop the whole man in the whole body of our citizenship. The day
+when a college education will be the portion of all may not be so far
+distant as it seems.
+
+We live in a republic. Our Government is exercised through
+representatives. Their course of action is a very accurate reflection
+of public opinion. Where shall that be formed and directed unless from
+the influences, direct and indirect, that come from our institutions of
+learning. The laws of a republic represent its ideals. They are founded
+upon public opinion, and public opinion in America up to the present
+time has drawn its inspiration from the classics. They tell us that
+Waterloo was won on the football fields of Rugby and Eton. The German
+war was won by the influence of classical ideals. As a teacher of the
+classics, as a maker of public opinion, as a source of wise laws, as the
+herald of a righteous victory,--Amherst College stands on a foundation
+which has remained unchanged through the ages. May there be in all her
+sons a conviction that with her abides Him who changes not.
+
+
+
+
+XXXI
+
+HARVARD UNIVERSITY COMMENCEMENT
+
+JUNE 19, 1919
+
+
+No college man who has ever glanced at the Constitution of Massachusetts
+is likely to miss or forget the generous references there made to
+Harvard University. It may need a closer study of that instrument, which
+is older than the American Constitution, to realize the full
+significance of those most enduring of guaranties that could then be
+imposed in behalf of Massachusetts institutions.
+
+The convention which framed our Constitution has as its president James
+Bowdoin, a son of Harvard. He was a man of great strength of character
+and cast an influence for good upon the deliberations of his day worthy
+of a place in history more conspicuous than is generally accorded to
+him. He had as his colleague on the floor no less a person than John
+Adams. It is not necessary in this presence to designate his alma mater.
+There were others of importance, but these represented the type of
+thought that prevailed.
+
+In that noble Declaration of Rights the principles of freedom and
+equality were first declared. Following this is set forth the right of
+religious liberty and the duty of citizens to support places of
+religious worship and instruction; and in the Frame of Government, after
+establishing the University, there is given to legislators and
+magistrates a mandate forever to cherish and support the cause of
+education and institutions of learning. These were the declaration of
+broad and liberal policies. They are capable of being combined, for in
+fact they declare that teaching, whether it be by clergy or laity, is of
+an importance that requires it to be surrounded with the same safeguards
+and guaranties as freedom and equality. In fact the Constitution
+declares that "wisdom and knowledge, as well as virtue, diffused
+generally among the body of the people, are necessary for the
+preservation of their rights and liberties." John Adams and James
+Bowdoin knew that freedom was the fruit of knowledge. Their conclusions
+were drawn from the directions of Holy Writ--"Come, know the truth, and
+it shall make you free."
+
+These principles there laid down with so much solemnity have now the
+same binding force as in those revolutionary days when they were
+recognized and proclaimed. I am not unaware that they are old. Whatever
+is, is old. It is but our own poor apprehension of it that is new. It
+would be well if they were re-apprehended. It is not well if the great
+diversity of modern learning has made the truth so little of a novelty
+that it lacks all reverence.
+
+The days of the Revolution were days of reverence and of applied
+reverence. Teaching was to a considerable extent in the hands of the
+clergy. Institutions of learning were presided over by clergymen. The
+teacher spoke with the voice of authority. He was treated with
+deference. He held a place in the community that was not only secure but
+high. The rewards of his services were comparatively large. He was a
+leader of the people. From him came the inspiration of liberty. It was
+in the meeting-houses that the Revolution was framed.
+
+This dual character little exists now, but the principle is the same.
+Teaching is the same high calling, but how lacking now in comparative
+appreciation. The compensation of many teachers and clergymen is far
+less than the pay of unskilled labor. The salaries of college professors
+are much less than like training and ability would command in the
+commercial world. We pay a good price to bank men to guard our money. We
+compensate liberally the manufacturer and the merchant; but we fail to
+appreciate those who guard the minds of our youth or those who preside
+over our congregations. We have lost our reverence for the profession of
+teaching and bestowed it upon the profession of acquiring.
+
+This will have such a reaction as might be expected. Some of the clergy,
+seeing their own rewards are disproportionate, will draw the conclusion
+that all rewards are disproportionate, that the whole distribution of
+wealth is unsound; and turn to a belief in and an advocacy of some kind
+of a socialistic state. Some of our teachers, out of a like discontent,
+will listen too willingly to revolutionary doctrines which have not
+originated in meeting-houses but are the importations of those who lack
+nothing but the power to destroy all that our civilization holds dear.
+Unless these conditions are changed, these professions will not attract
+to their services young men of the same comparative quality of ability
+and character that in the past they commanded.
+
+In our pursuit of prosperity we have forgotten and neglected its
+foundations. It is true that many of our institutions of learning are
+well endowed and have spacious buildings, but the plant is not enough.
+Many modern schoolhouses put to shame any public buildings that were
+erected in the Colonies. I am directing attention to the comparative
+position of the great mass of teachers and clergymen. They are not
+properly appreciated or properly paid. They have provided the
+foundations of our liberties. The importance of their position cannot be
+overestimated. They have been faithful though neglected; but a state
+which neglects or refuses to support any class will soon find that such
+class neglects and refuses to support it. The remedy lies in part with
+private charity, in part with government action; but it lies wholly with
+public opinion. Private charity must worthily support its clergymen and
+the faculty and instructors of our higher institutions of learning; and
+the Government must adequately reward the teachers in its schools. In
+the great bound forward which has been taken in a material way, these
+two noble professions, the pillars of liberty and equality, have been
+neglected and left behind. They must be reestablished. They must be
+restored to the place of reverence they formerly held.
+
+The profession of teaching has come down to us with a sanction of
+antiquity greater than all else. So far back as we can peer into human
+history there has stood a priesthood that has led its people
+intellectually and morally. Teaching is leading. The fundamental needs
+of humanity do not change. They are constant. These influences so potent
+in the development of Massachusetts cannot be exchanged for a leadership
+that is bred of the market-place, to her advantage. We must turn our
+eyes from what is to what ought to be. The men of the day of John Adams
+and James Bowdoin had a vision that looked into the heart of things.
+They led a revolution that swept on to a successful conclusion. They
+established a nation that has endured until its flag is the ancient
+among the banners of the earth. Their counsel will not be mocked. The
+men of that day almost alone in history brought a Revolution to its
+objective. Not only that, they reached it in such a condition that it
+there remained. The counterattack of disorder failed entirely to
+dislodge it. Their success lay entirely in the convictions they had. No
+nation can reject these convictions and remain a republic. Anarchy or
+despotism will overwhelm it.
+
+Massachusetts established Harvard College to be a defender of righteous
+convictions, of reverence for truth and for the heralds of truth. The
+purpose set forth in the Constitution is clear and plain. It recognizes
+with the clear conviction of men not thinking of themselves that the
+cause of America is the cause of education, but of education with a
+soul, a trained intellect but guided ever by an enlightened conscience.
+We of our day need to recognize with the same vision that when these
+fail, America has failed.
+
+
+
+
+XXXII
+
+PLYMOUTH, LABOR DAY
+
+SEPTEMBER 1, 1919
+
+
+The laws of our country have designated the first Monday of each
+September as Labor Day. It is truly an American day, for it was here
+that for the first time in history a government was founded on a
+recognition of the sovereignty of the citizen which has irresistibly led
+to a realization of the dignity of his occupation. It is with added
+propriety that this day is observed this year. For the first time in
+five years it comes at a time when the issue of world events makes it no
+longer doubtful whether the American conception of work as the crowning
+glory of men free and equal is to prevail over the age-old European
+conception that work is the badge of the menial and the inferior. The
+American ideal has prevailed on European battle-fields through the
+loyalty, devotion, and sacrifice of American labor.
+
+The duty of citizenship in this hour is to strive to maintain and
+extend that ideal at home.
+
+The past five years have been a time of rapid change and great progress
+for the American people. Not only have the hours and conditions of labor
+been greatly improved, but wages have increased about one hundred per
+cent. There has been a great economic change for the better among all
+wage-earners.
+
+We have known that political power was with the people, because they
+have the votes. We have generally supposed that economic power was not
+with the people, because they did not own the property. This
+supposition, probably never true, is growing more and more to be
+contrary to the facts. The great outstanding fact in the economic life
+of America is that the wealth of the Nation is owned by the people of
+the Nation. The stockholders of the great corporations run into the
+hundreds of thousands, the small tradesmen, the thrifty householders,
+the tillers of the soil, the depositors in savings banks, and the now
+owners of government bonds, make a number that includes nearly our
+entire people. This would be illustrated by a few Massachusetts examples
+from figures which were reported in 1918:
+
+_Number of Stockholders_
+
+Railroads                        40,485
+Street railways                  17,527
+Telephone                        49,688
+Western Union Telegraph           9,360
+                                -------
+                                117,060
+
+_Number of Employees_
+
+Railroads                        20,604
+Street railways                  25,000
+Telephone                        11,471
+Western Union Telegraph           2,065
+                                 ------
+                                 59,140
+
+Savings bank depositors       2,491,646
+
+Railroad, street railway, and
+telephone bonds held by
+savings banks and savings
+departments of trust companies
+                           $267,795,636
+
+Savings bank deposits    $1,022,342,583
+
+Money is pouring into savings banks at the rate of $275,000 each
+working day.
+
+Comment on these figures is unnecessary. There is, of course, some
+reduplication, but in these four public service enterprises there are in
+Massachusetts almost twice as many direct owners as there are employees.
+Two persons out of three have money in the savings bank--men, women, and
+children. There is this additional fact: more than one quarter of the
+stupendous sum of over a billion dollars of the savings of nearly two
+and a half million savings depositors is invested in railroad, street
+railway, and telephone securities.
+
+With these examples in mind it would appear that our problem of economic
+justice in Massachusetts, where we live and for which alone we can
+legislate, is not quite so simple as assuming that we can take from one
+class and give to another class. We are reaching and maintaining the
+position in this Commonwealth where the property class and the employed
+class are not separate, but identical. There is a relationship of
+interdependence which makes their interests the same in the long run.
+Most of us earn our livelihood through some form of employment. More and
+more of our people are in possession of some part of the wages of
+yesterday, and so are investors. This is the ideal economic condition.
+
+The great aim of our Government is to protect the weak--to aid them to
+become strong. Massachusetts is an industrial State. If her people
+prosper, it must be by that means in some of its broad avenues. How can
+our people be made strong? Only as they draw their strength from our
+industries. How can they do that? Only by building up our industries and
+making them strong. This is fundamental. It is the place to begin. These
+are the instruments of all our achievement. When they fail, all fails.
+When they prosper, all prosper. Workmen's compensation, hours and
+conditions of labor are cold, consolations, if there be no employment.
+And employment can be had only if some one finds it profitable. The
+greater the profit, the greater the wages.
+
+This is one of the economic lessons of the war. It should be remembered
+now when taxes are to be laid, and in the period of readjustment. Taxes
+must be measured by the ability to meet them out of surplus income.
+Industry must expand or fail. It must show a surplus after all payments
+of wages, taxes, and returns to investors. Conscription can call once,
+then all is over. Just requirements can be met again and again with
+ever-increasing ability.
+
+Justice and the general welfare go hand in hand. Government had to take
+over our transportation interests in order to do such justice to them
+that they could pay their employees and carry our merchandise. They have
+been so restricted lest they do harm that they became unable to do good.
+Their surplus was gone, and we New Englanders had to go without coal.
+Seeing now more clearly than before the true interests of wage-earner,
+investor, and the public, which is the consumer, we shall hereafter be
+willing to pay the price and secure the benefits of justice to all these
+cooerdinate interests.
+
+We have met the economic problem of the returning service men. They have
+been assimilated into our industrial life with little delay and with no
+disturbance of existing conditions. The day of adversity has passed. The
+American people met and overcame it. The day of prosperity has come. The
+great question now is whether the American people can endure their
+prosperity. I believe they can. The power to preserve America is in the
+same hands to-day that it was when the German army was almost at the
+gates of Paris. That power is with the people themselves; not one class,
+but all classes; not one occupation, but all occupations; not one
+citizen, but all citizens.
+
+During the past five years we have heard many false prophets. Some were
+honest, but unwise; some plain slackers; a very few were simply public
+enemies. Had their counsels prevailed, America would have been
+destroyed. In general they appealed to the lower impulses of the people,
+for in their ignorance they believed the most powerful motive of this
+Nation was a sodden selfishness. They said the war would never affect
+us; we should confine ourselves to making money. They argued for peace
+at any price. They opposed selective service. They sought to prevent
+sending soldiers to Europe. They advocated peace by negotiation. They
+were answered from beginning to end by the loyalty of the American
+workingmen and the wisdom of their leaders. That loyalty and that wisdom
+will not desert us now. The voices that would have lured us to
+destruction were unheeded. All counsels of selfishness were unheeded,
+and America responded with a spirit which united our people as never
+before to the call of duty.
+
+Having accomplished this great task, having emerged from the war the
+strongest, the least burdened nation on earth, are we now to fail before
+our lesser task? Are we to turn aside from the path that has led us to
+success? Who now will set selfishness above duty? The counsel that
+Samuel Gompers gave is still sound, when he said in effect, "America may
+not be perfect. It has the imperfections of all things human. But it is
+the best country on earth, and the man who will not work for it, who
+will not fight for it, and if need be die for it, is unworthy to live in
+it."
+
+Happily, the day when the call to fight or die is now past. But the day
+when it is the duty of all Americans to work will remain forever. Our
+great need now is for more of everything for everybody. It is not money
+that the nation or the world needs to-day, but the products of labor.
+These products are to be secured only by the united efforts of an entire
+people. The trained business man and the humblest workman must each
+contribute. All of us must work, and in that work there should be no
+interruption. There must be more food, more clothing, more shelter. The
+directors of industry must direct it more efficiently, the workers in
+industry must work in it more efficiently. Such a course saved us in
+war; only such a course can preserve us in peace. The power to preserve
+America, with all that it now means to the world, all the great hope
+that it holds for humanity, lies in the hands of the people. Talents and
+opportunity exist. Application only is uncertain. May Labor Day of 1919
+declare with an increased emphasis the resolution of all Americans to
+work for America.
+
+
+
+
+XXXIII
+
+WESTFIELD
+
+SEPTEMBER 3, 1919
+
+
+We come here on this occasion to honor the past, and in that honor
+render more secure the present. It was by such men as settled Westfield,
+and two hundred and fifty years ago established by law a chartered and
+ordered government, that the foundations of Massachusetts were laid. And
+it was on the foundations of Massachusetts that there began that
+training of the people for the great days that were to come, when they
+were prepared to endorse and support the principles set out in the
+Declaration of Independence, the Constitution of the United States of
+America, and the Emancipation Proclamation of Abraham Lincoln. Here were
+planted the same seeds of righteousness victorious which later
+flourished with such abundance at Saratoga, at Gettysburg, and at the
+second battle of the Marne. Stupendous results, the product of a people
+working with an everlasting purpose.
+
+While celebrating the history of Westfield, this day has been set apart
+to the memory of one of her most illustrious sons, General William
+Shepard. To others are assigned the history of your town and the
+biography of your soldier. Into those particulars I shall not enter. But
+the principles of government and of citizenship which they so well
+represent, and nobly illustrate, will never be untimely or unworthy of
+reiteration.
+
+The political history of Westfield has seen the success of a great
+forward movement, to which it contributed its part, in establishing the
+principle, that the individual in his rights is supreme, and that
+"governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed."
+It is the establishment of liberty, under an ordered form of government,
+in this ancient town, by the people themselves, that to-day draws us
+here in admiration of her achievements. When we turn to the life of her
+patriot son we see that he no less grandly illustrated the principle,
+that to such government, so established, the people owe an allegiance
+which has the binding power of the most solemn obligation.
+
+There is such a disposition in these days to deny that our Government
+was formed by, or is now in control of, the people, that a glance at the
+history of the days of General Shepard is peculiarly pertinent and
+instructive.
+
+The Constitution of Massachusetts, with its noble Declaration of Rights,
+was adopted in 1780. Under it we still live with scarce any changes that
+affect the rights of the people. The end of the Revolutionary War was
+1783. Shays's Rebellion was in 1787. The American Constitution was
+ratified and adopted in 1788. These dates tell us what the form of
+government was in this period.
+
+If there are any who doubt that our institutions, formed in those days,
+did not establish a peoples' government, let them study the action of
+the Massachusetts Convention which ratified the Federal Constitution in
+1788. Presiding over it was the popular patriot Governor John Hancock.
+On the floor sat Samuel Adams, who had been the father of the
+Revolution, preeminent champion of the liberty of the people. Such an
+influence had he, that his assertion of satisfaction, was enough to
+carry the delegates. Like a majority of the members he came opposed to
+ratification. Having totally thrown off the authority of foreign power,
+they came suspicious of all outside authority. Besides there were
+eighteen members who had taken part in Shays's Rebellion, so hostile
+were they to the execution of all law. Mr. Adams was finally convinced
+by a gathering of the workingmen among his constituents, who exercised
+their constitutional right of instructing their representatives. Their
+opinion was presented to him by Paul Revere. "How many mechanics were at
+the Green Dragon when these resolutions were passed?" asked Mr. Adams.
+"More, sir, than the Green Dragon could hold." "And where were the
+rest?" "In the streets, sir." "And how many were in the streets?" "More
+than there are stars in the sky." This is supposed to have convinced the
+great Massachusetts tribune that it was his duty to support
+ratification.
+
+There were those, however, who distrusted the Constitution and
+distrusted its proponents. They viewed lawyers and men of means with
+great jealousy. Amos Singletary expressed their sentiments in the form
+of an argument that has not ceased to be repeated in the discussion of
+all public affairs. "These lawyers," said he, "and men of learning and
+moneyed men that talk so finely and gloss over matters so smoothly, to
+make us poor illiterates swallow the pill, expect to get into Congress
+themselves. They mean to be managers of the Constitution. They mean to
+get all the money into their hands and then they will swallow up us
+little folk, like the great Leviathan, Mr. President: yes, just like the
+whale swallowed up Jonah." In the convention sat Jonathan Smith, a
+farmer from Lanesboro. He had seen Shays's Rebellion in Berkshire. There
+had been no better example of a man of the people desiring the common
+good.
+
+"I am a plain man," said Mr. Smith, "and am not used to speak in public,
+but I am going to show the effects of anarchy, that you may see why I
+wish for good government. Last winter people took up arms, and then, if
+you went to speak to them, you had the musket of death presented to your
+breast. They would rob you of your property, threaten to burn your
+houses, oblige you to be on your guard night and day. Alarms spread from
+town to town, families were broken up; the tender mother would cry,
+'Oh, my son is among them! What shall I do for my child?' Some were
+taken captive; children taken out of their schools and carried away....
+How dreadful was this! Our distress was so great that we should have
+been glad to snatch at anything that looked like a government.... Now,
+Mr. President, when I saw this Constitution, I found that it was a cure
+for these disorders. I got a copy of it, and read it over and over.... I
+did not go to any lawyer, to ask his opinion; we have no lawyer in our
+town, and we do well enough without. My honourable old daddy there
+(pointing to Mr. Singletary) won't think that I expect to be a
+Congressman, and swallow up the liberties of the people. I never had any
+post, nor do I want one. But I don't think the worse of the Constitution
+because lawyers, and men of learning, and moneyed men are fond of it. I
+am not of such a jealous make. They that are honest men themselves are
+not apt to suspect other people.... Brother farmers, let us suppose a
+case, now. Suppose you had a farm of 50 acres, and your title was
+disputed, and there was a farm of 5000 acres joined to you that belonged
+to a man of learning, and his title was involved in the same difficulty;
+would you not be glad to have him for your friend, rather than to stand
+alone in the dispute? Well, the case is the same. These lawyers, these
+moneyed men, these men of learning, are all embarked in the same cause
+with us, and we must all sink or swim together. Shall we throw the
+Constitution overboard because it does not please us all alike? Suppose
+two or three of you had been at the pains to break up a piece of rough
+land and sow it with wheat: would you let it lie waste because you could
+not agree what sort of a fence to make? Would it not be better to put up
+a fence that did not please every one's fancy, rather than keep
+disputing about it until the wild beasts came in and devoured the crop?
+Some gentlemen say, Don't be in a hurry; take time to consider. I say,
+There is a time to sow and a time to reap. We sowed our seed when we
+sent men to the Federal Convention, now is the time to reap the fruit of
+our labour; and if we do not do it now, I am afraid we shall never have
+another opportunity."
+
+There spoke the common sense of the common man of the Commonwealth. The
+counsel of the farmer from the country, joined with the resolutions of
+the workingmen from the city, carried the convention and the
+Constitution was ratified. In the light of succeeding history, who shall
+say, that it was not the voice of the people, speaking with the voice of
+Infinite Authority?
+
+The attitude of Samuel Adams, William Shepard, Jonathan Smith and the
+workingmen of Boston toward government, is worthy of our constant
+emulation. They had not hesitated to take up arms against tyranny in the
+Revolution, but having established a government of the people they were
+equally determined to defend and support it. They hated the usurper
+whether king, or Parliament, or mob, but they bowed before the duly
+constituted authority of the people.
+
+When the question of pardoning the convicted leaders of the rebellion
+came up, Adams opposed it. "In monarchies," he said, "the crime of
+treason and rebellion may admit of being pardoned or lightly punished;
+but the man who dares to rebel against the laws of a republic ought to
+suffer death." We are all glad mercy prevailed and pardon was granted.
+But the calm judgment of Samuel Adams, the lover of liberty, "the man of
+the town meeting" whose clear vision, taught by bitter experience, saw
+that all usurpation is tyranny, must not go unheeded now. The authority
+of a just government derived from the consent of the governed, has back
+of it a Power that does not fail.
+
+All wars bring in their trail great hardships. They existed in the day
+of General Shepard. They exist now. Having set up a sound government in
+Massachusetts, having secured their independence, as the result of a
+victorious war, the people expected a season of easy prosperity. In that
+they were temporarily disappointed. Some rebelling, were overthrown. The
+adoption of the Federal Constitution brought relief and prosperity.
+
+Success has attended the establishment here of a government of the
+people. We of this day have just finished a victorious war that has
+added new glory to American arms. We are facing some hardships, but they
+are not serious. Private obligations are not so large as to be
+burdensome. Taxes can be paid. Prosperity abounds. But the great promise
+of the future lies in the loyalty and devotion of the people to their
+own Government. They are firm in the conviction of the fathers, that
+liberty is increased only by increasing the determination to support a
+government of the people, as established in this ancient town, and
+defended by its patriotic sons.
+
+
+
+
+XXXIV
+
+_The Commonwealth of Massachusetts
+
+By His Excellency Calvin Coolidge, Governor_
+
+A PROCLAMATION
+
+
+The entire State Guard of Massachusetts has been called out. Under the
+Constitution the Governor is the Commander-in-Chief thereof by an
+authority of which he could not if he chose divest himself. That command
+I must and will exercise. Under the law I hereby call on all the police
+of Boston who have loyally and in a never-to-be-forgotten way remained
+on duty to aid me in the performance of my duty of the restoration and
+maintenance of order in the city of Boston, and each of such officers is
+required to act in obedience to such orders as I may hereafter issue or
+cause to be issued.
+
+I call on every citizen to aid me in the maintenance of law and order.
+
+     Given at the Executive Chamber, in Boston, this eleventh day of
+     September, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and
+     nineteen, and of the Independence of the United States of America
+     the one hundred and forty-fourth.
+
+     CALVIN COOLIDGE
+
+     By His Excellency the Governor,
+
+     ALBERT P. LANGTRY
+
+     _Secretary of the Commonwealth_
+
+God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
+
+
+
+
+XXXV
+
+AN ORDER
+
+  BOSTON, _September_ 11, 1919
+
+To EDWIN U. CURTIS,
+
+As you are Police Commissioner of the City of Boston,
+
+_Executive Order No. 1_
+
+You are hereby directed, for the purpose of assisting me in the
+performance of my duty, pursuant to the proclamation issued by me this
+day, to proceed in the performance of your duties as Police Commissioner
+of the city of Boston under my command and in obedience to such orders
+as I shall issue from time to time, and obey only such orders as I may
+so issue or transmit.
+
+  CALVIN COOLIDGE
+  _Governor of Massachusetts_
+
+
+
+
+XXXVI
+
+A TELEGRAM
+
+  BOSTON, MASS., _Sept_. 14, 1919
+
+MR. SAMUEL GOMPERS
+
+_President American Federation of Labor, New York City, N.Y._
+
+Replying to your telegram, I have already refused to remove the Police
+Commissioner of Boston. I did not appoint him. He can assume no position
+which the courts would uphold except what the people have by the
+authority of their law vested in him. He speaks only with their voice.
+The right of the police of Boston to affiliate has always been
+questioned, never granted, is now prohibited. The suggestion of
+President Wilson to Washington does not apply to Boston. There the
+police have remained on duty. Here the Policemen's Union left their
+duty, an action which President Wilson characterized as a crime against
+civilization. Your assertion that the Commissioner was wrong cannot
+justify the wrong of leaving the city unguarded. That furnished the
+opportunity, the criminal element furnished the action. There is no
+right to strike against the public safety by anybody, anywhere, any
+time. You ask that the public safety again be placed in the hands of
+these same policemen while they continue in disobedience to the laws of
+Massachusetts and in their refusal to obey the orders of the Police
+Department. Nineteen men have been tried and removed. Others having
+abandoned their duty, their places have, under the law, been declared
+vacant on the opinion of the Attorney-General. I can suggest no
+authority outside the courts to take further action. I wish to join and
+assist in taking a broad view of every situation. A grave responsibility
+rests on all of us. You can depend on me to support you in every legal
+action and sound policy. I am equally determined to defend the
+sovereignty of Massachusetts and to maintain the authority and
+jurisdiction over her public officers where it has been placed by the
+Constitution and law of her people.
+
+  CALVIN COOLIDGE
+  _Governor of Massachusetts_
+
+
+
+
+XXXVII
+
+_The Commonwealth of Massachusetts
+
+By His Excellency Calvin Coolidge, Governor_
+
+A PROCLAMATION
+
+
+There appears to be a misapprehension as to the position of the police
+of Boston. In the deliberate intention to intimidate and coerce the
+Government of this Commonwealth a large body of policemen, urging all
+others to join them, deserted their posts of duty, letting in the enemy.
+This act of theirs was voluntary, against the advice of their well
+wishers, long discussed and premeditated, and with the purpose of
+obstructing the power of the Government to protect its citizens or even
+to maintain its own existence. Its success meant anarchy. By this act
+through the operation of the law they dispossessed themselves. They went
+out of office. They stand as though they had never been appointed.
+
+Other police remained on duty. They are the real heroes of this crisis.
+The State Guard responded most efficiently. Thousands have volunteered
+for the Guard and the Militia. Money has been contributed from every
+walk of life by the hundreds of thousands for the encouragement and
+relief of these loyal men. These acts have been spontaneous,
+significant, and decisive. I propose to support all those who are
+supporting their own Government with every power which the people have
+entrusted to me.
+
+There is an obligation, inescapable, no less solemn, to resist all those
+who do not support the Government. The authority of the Commonwealth
+cannot be intimidated or coerced. It cannot be compromised. To place the
+maintenance of the public security in the hands of a body of men who
+have attempted to destroy it would be to flout the sovereignty of the
+laws the people have made. It is my duty to resist any such proposal.
+Those who would counsel it join hands with those whose acts have
+threatened to destroy the Government. There is no middle ground. Every
+attempt to prevent the formation of a new police force is a blow at the
+Government. That way treason lies. No man has a right to place his own
+ease or convenience or the opportunity of making money above his duty to
+the State. This is the cause of all the people. I call on every citizen
+to stand by me in executing the oath of my office by supporting the
+authority of the Government and resisting all assaults upon it.
+
+     Given at the Executive Chamber, in Boston, this twenty-fourth day
+     of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and
+     nineteen, and of the Independence of the United States of America
+     the one hundred and forty-fourth.
+
+  CALVIN COOLIDGE
+
+By His Excellency the Governor,
+
+HERBERT H. BOYNTON
+
+_Deputy, Acting Secretary of the Commonwealth_
+
+God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
+
+
+
+
+XXXVIII
+
+HOLY CROSS COLLEGE
+
+JUNE 25, 1919
+
+
+To come from the press of public affairs, where the practical side of
+life is at its flood, into these calm and classic surroundings, where
+ideals are cherished for their own sake, is an intense relief and
+satisfaction. Even in the full flow of Commencement exercises it is
+apparent that here abide the truth and the servants of the truth. Here
+appears the fulfillment of the past in the grand company of alumni,
+recalling a history already so thick with laurels. Here is the hope of
+the future, brighter yet in the young men to-day sent forth.
+
+    "The unarmed youth of heaven. But o'er their heads
+    Celestial armory, shield, helm and spear,
+    Hung bright, with diamond flaming and with gold."
+
+In them the dead past lives. They represent the college. They are the
+college. It is not in the campus with its imposing halls and temples,
+nor in the silent lore of the vast library or the scientific instruments
+of well-equipped laboratories, but in the men who are the incarnation of
+all these, that your college lives. It is not enough that there be
+knowledge, history and poetry, eloquence and art, science and
+mathematics, philosophy and ethics, ideas and ideals. They must be
+vitalized. They must be fashioned into life. To send forth men who live
+all these is to be a college. This temple of learning must be translated
+into human form if it is to exercise any influence over the affairs of
+mankind, or if its alumni are to wield the power of education.
+
+A great thinker and master of the expression of thought has told us:
+
+"It was before Deity, embodied in a human form, walking among men,
+partaking of their infirmities, leaning on their bosoms, weeping over
+their graves, slumbering in the manger, bleeding on the cross, that the
+prejudices of the Synagogue, and the doubts of the Academy, and the
+pride of the Portico, and the fasces of the Lictor, and the swords of
+thirty Legions, were humbled in the dust."
+
+If college-bred men are to exercise the influence over the progress of
+the world which ought to be their portion, they must exhibit in their
+lives a knowledge and a learning which is marked with candor, humility,
+and the honest mind.
+
+The present is ever influenced mightily by the past. Patrick Henry spoke
+with great wisdom when he declared to the Continental Congress, "I have
+but one lamp by which my feet are guided and that is the lamp of
+experience." Mankind is finite. It has the limits of all things finite.
+The processes of government are subject to the same limitations, and,
+lacking imperfections, would be something more than human. It is always
+easy to discover flaws, and, pointing them out, to criticize. It is not
+so easy to suggest substantial remedies or propose constructive
+policies. It is characteristic of the unlearned that they are forever
+proposing something which is old, and, because it has recently come to
+their own attention, supposing it to be new. Into this error men of
+liberal education ought not to fall. The forms and processes of
+government are not new. They have been known, discussed, and tried in
+all their varieties through the past ages. That which America
+exemplifies in her Constitution and system of representative government
+is the most modern, and of any yet devised gives promise of being the
+most substantial and enduring.
+
+It is not unusual to hear arguments against our institutions and our
+Government, addressed particularly to recent arrivals and the sons of
+recent arrivals to our shores. They sometimes take the form of a claim
+that our institutions were founded long ago; that changed conditions
+require that they now be changed. Especially is it claimed by those
+seeking such changes that these new arrivals and men of their race and
+ideas had no hand in the making of our country, and that it was formed
+by those who were hostile to them and therefore they owe it no support.
+Whatever may be the condition in relation to others, and whatever
+ignorance and bigotry may imagine, such arguments do not apply to those
+of the race and blood so prominent in this assemblage. To establish this
+it were but necessary to cite eleven of the fifty-five signers of the
+Declaration of Independence and recall that on the roll of Washington's
+generals were Sullivan, Knox, Wayne, and the gallant son of Trinity
+College, Dublin, who fell at Quebec at the head of his troops,--Richard
+Montgomery. But scholarship has answered ignorance. The learned and
+patriotic research of men of the education of Dr. James J. Walsh and
+Michael J. O'Brien, the historian of the Irish American Society, has
+demonstrated that a generous portion of the rank and file of the men who
+fought in the Revolution and supported those who framed our institutions
+was not alien to those who are represented here. It is no wonder that
+from among such that which is American has drawn some of its most
+steadfast defenders.
+
+In these days of violent agitation scholarly men should reflect that the
+progress of the past has been accomplished not by the total overthrow of
+institutions so much as by discarding that which was bad and preserving
+that which was good; not by revolution but by evolution has man worked
+out his destiny. We shall miss the central feature of all progress
+unless we hold to that process now. It is not a question of whether our
+institutions are perfect. The most beneficent of our institutions had
+their beginnings in forms which would be particularly odious to us now.
+Civilization began with war and slavery; government began in absolute
+despotism; and religion itself grew out of superstition which was
+oftentimes marked with human sacrifices. So out of our present
+imperfections we shall develop that which is more perfect. But the
+candid mind of the scholar will admit and seek to remedy all wrongs with
+the same zeal with which it defends all rights.
+
+From the knowledge and the learning of the scholar there ought to be
+developed an abiding faith. What is the teaching of all history? That
+which is necessary for the welfare and progress of the human race has
+never been destroyed. The discoverers of truth, the teachers of science,
+the makers of inventions, have passed to their last rewards, but their
+works have survived. The Phoenician galleys and the civilization which
+was born of their commerce have perished, but the alphabet which that
+people perfected remains. The shepherd kings of Israel, the temple and
+empire of Solomon, have gone the way of all the earth, but the Old
+Testament has been preserved for the inspiration of mankind. The ark of
+the covenant and the seven-pronged candlestick have passed from human
+view; the inhabitants of Judea have been dispersed to the ends of the
+earth, but the New Testament has survived and increased in its influence
+among men. The glory of Athens and Sparta, the grandeur of the Imperial
+City, are a long-lost memory, but the poetry of Homer and Virgil, the
+oratory of Demosthenes and Cicero, the philosophy of Plato and
+Aristotle, abide with us forevermore. Whatever America holds that may be
+of value to posterity will not pass away.
+
+The long and toilsome processes which have marked the progress of the
+past cannot be shunned by the present generation to our advantage. We
+have no right to expect as our portion something substantially different
+from human experience in the past. The constitution of the universe
+does not change. Human nature remains constant. That service and
+sacrifice which have been the price of past progress are the price of
+progress now.
+
+This is not a gospel of despair, but of hope and high expectation. Out
+of many tribulations mankind has pressed steadily onward. The
+opportunity for a rational existence was never before so great.
+Blessings were never so bountiful. But the evidence was never so
+overwhelming as now that men and nations must live rationally or perish.
+
+The defenses of our Commonwealth are not material but mental and
+spiritual. Her fortifications, her castles, are her institutions of
+learning. Those who are admitted to the college campus tread the
+ramparts of the State. The classic halls are the armories from which are
+furnished forth the knights in armor to defend and support our liberty.
+For such high purpose has Holy Cross been called into being. A firm
+foundation of the Commonwealth. A defender of righteousness. A teacher
+of holy men. Let her turrets continue to rise, showing forth "the way,
+the truth and the light"--
+
+    "In thoughts sublime that pierce the night like stars,
+    And with their mild persistence urge man's arch
+    To vaster issues."
+
+
+
+
+XXXIX
+
+REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION, TREMONT TEMPLE, BOSTON
+
+OCTOBER 4, 1919
+
+
+Ancient custom crystallized to law has drawn us here. We come to renew
+our pledge publicly at the altar of our country. We come in the light of
+history and of reason. We come to take counsel both from experience and
+from imagination. Over us shines a glorious past, before us lies a
+promising future. Around us is a renewed determination deep and solemn
+that this Commonwealth of ours shall endure.
+
+The period since our last election has been one of momentous events.
+Within its first week the victorious advance of America and her allies
+terminated in the armistice of November eleventh. The power of organized
+despotisms had been proven to be inferior to the power of organized
+republics. Reason had again triumphed over absolutism. The "still small
+voice" of the moral law was seen to be greater than the might of kings.
+The world appeal to duty triumphed over the world appeal to selfishness.
+It always will. There will be far-reaching results from all this which
+no one can now foresee. But some things are apparent. The power of the
+people has been revealed. The worth of the individual man shines forth
+with an increased glory. But most significant of all, for it lies at the
+foundation of all civilization and all progress, was the demonstration
+that the citizens of the great republics of the earth possess the power
+which they dare to use, of maintaining among all men the orderly
+processes of revealed law.
+
+These are no new doctrines in Massachusetts. For nearly three hundred
+years she has laid her course according to these principles, extending
+the blessings which arise from them to her citizens, ever ready to
+defend them with her treasure and her blood. In this the past year has
+been no exception.
+
+In recognition of the long-established policy of making this
+Commonwealth first in humanitarian legislation, the General Court
+enacted a law providing for reducing a fifty-four hour week for women
+and minors to a forty-eight hour week. It passed the weavers'
+specification bill. The allowance under the workmen's compensation law
+was increased. Local option was provided on the question of a
+twelve-hour day for firemen. Authority was granted corporations to give
+their employees a voice in their management. Representatives of the
+employees have been appointed to the Board of Trustees of great public
+service corporations. Profiteering has been made a crime. A special
+commission of which the chairman is Brigadier-General John H. Sherburne
+was established to deal with the problem of the high cost of
+living--with power which has been effective in reducing the prices of
+the necessaries of life. No other State has taken any effective measure.
+The compensation of public employees has been increased. The entire
+public service of the Commonwealth has been reorganized in accordance
+with the constitutional amendment into twenty departments. In caring for
+her service men Massachusetts led all the States of the Nation in relief
+and in assistance, besides voting the stupendous sum of twenty million
+dollars, not as compensation, but as recognition of the gratitude due
+those who had represented us in the great war. The educational
+opportunities of the youth of the State have been improved. All of these
+acts of great importance, which are of course only representative of the
+character of current legislation, had the executive approval. There has
+been not only a sympathetic but a very practical attitude toward the
+ideal expressed in my inaugural address, that there is a right to be
+well born, well reared, well educated, well employed, and well paid. We
+shall not be shaken in the mature determination to promote these
+policies. The ancient faith of Massachusetts in the worth of her
+citizens, the cause of great solicitude for the welfare of each
+individual, will remain undiminished.
+
+The many uncertainties in transportation which are State, Nation, and
+world wide, sent our street railway problems to an expert commission
+which will report to a special session of the General Court. It is
+recognized that the rate of fare necessary to pay for the service
+rendered has in some instances become prohibitive. Some roads and
+portions of roads have been closed down. There must be relief. But such
+relief must be in accord with sound economic principles. What the public
+has the public must pay for. From this there is no escape. Under
+private, or public, ownership or operation this rule will be the same.
+We must face the facts and restore this necessary service to the people
+in such a form that they can meet its costs. In meeting this issue, not
+hysterically, not with demagogy, but calmly, with candor, applying an
+adequate remedy to ascertained facts, Massachusetts, as usual, will lead
+all the other States of the Nation.
+
+That agitation and unrest which has been characteristic of the whole
+world since the close of the war has had some manifestations here. There
+is a natural desire in every human mind to seek better conditions. Such
+a desire is altogether praiseworthy. There must, however, be
+discrimination in the methods employed. Wholesale criticism of everybody
+and everything does not necessarily exhibit statesmanlike qualities, and
+may not be true. Not all those who are working to better the condition
+of the people are Bolsheviki or enemies of society. Not all those who
+are attempting to conduct a successful business are profiteers. But
+unreasonable criticism and agitation for unreasonable remedies will
+avail nothing. We, in common with the whole world, are suffering from a
+shortage of materials. There is but one remedy for this, increased
+production. We need to use sparingly what we have and make more. No
+progress will be made by shouting Bolsheviki and profiteers. What we
+need is thrift and industry. Let everybody keep at work. Profitable
+employment is the death blow to Bolshevism and abundant production is
+disaster to the profiteer. Our salvation lies in putting forth greater
+effort, in manfully assuming our own burdens, rather than in
+entertaining the pleasing delusion that they can be shifted to some
+other shoulders. Those who attempt to lead people on in this expectation
+only add to their burdens and their dangers.
+
+The people of Boston have recently seen the result of agitation and
+unrest in its police force. The policy of that department, established
+by an order of former Commissioner O'Meara and adopted by a rule which
+has the force of law by the present Commissioner Curtis, prohibited a
+police union from affiliating with an outside union. In spite of this
+such a union was formed and persisted in with acknowledged and open
+defiance of the rules and of the counsel and almost entreaties of the
+officers of the department. Such disobedience continuing, the leaders
+were cited for trial on charges and heard with their counsel before the
+Commissioner. After thorough consideration, and opportunity again to
+obey the rules, they were found guilty. In order to give a chance to
+recant sentence was suspended. Shortly after, three fourths of the
+police force abandoned their posts and refused further to perform their
+duties. During the next few hours, there was destruction of property in
+the city but happily no loss of life.
+
+Meantime there had been various efforts to save the situation. Some
+urged me to remove the Commissioner, some to request him to alter his
+course. To all these I had to reply that I had no authority whatever
+over his actions and could not lawfully interfere with him. It was my
+duty to support him in the execution of the law and that I should do. I
+was glad to confer with any one and give my help where it was sought.
+The Commissioner was appointed by my predecessor in office for a term of
+years. I could with almost equal propriety interfere in the decisions of
+the Supreme Court.
+
+To restore order, I at once and by pre-arrangement with him and the
+Commissioner, offered to the Mayor to call out the State Guard. At his
+request I did so, immediately beginning restoring obedience to the law.
+On account of the public danger, I called on the Commissioner to aid me
+in the execution of my duties of keeping order, and issued a
+proclamation to that effect.
+
+To various suggestions that the police be permitted to return I replied
+that the Attorney-General had ruled that by law that could not be done
+and while I had no power to appoint, discharge, or reinstate, I was
+opposed to placing the public security again in the keeping of this body
+of men. There is an obligation to forgive but it does not extend to the
+unrepentant. To give them aid and comfort is to support their evil doing
+and to become what is known in law as an accessory after the fact. A
+government which does that is a reproach to civilization and will soon
+have on its hands the blood of its citizens.
+
+The response to the appeal to support the Government of Massachusetts in
+sustaining law and order was instantaneous. It came from the State
+Guard, from volunteers for police, and the militia, from contributions
+gathered among all classes now reaching hundreds of thousands of
+dollars, from the loyal police of Boston, from all quarters of the
+Commonwealth and beyond. These forces may all be dissipated, they may be
+defeated, but while I am entrusted with the office of their
+Commander-in-Chief they will not be surrendered. Over them and over
+every other law-abiding citizen has gone up the white flag of
+Massachusetts. Who is there that by compromising the authority of her
+laws dares to haul down that flag? I have resisted and propose to
+continue in resistance to such action.
+
+This issue is perfectly plain. The Government of Massachusetts is not
+seeking to resist the lawful action or sound policy of organized labor.
+It has time and again passed laws for the protection and encouragement
+of trade unions. It has done so under my administration upon my
+recommendation to a greater extent than in any previous year. In that
+policy it will continue. It is seeking to prevent a condition which
+would at once destroy all labor unions and all else that is the
+foundation of civilization by maintaining the authority and sanctity of
+the law. When that goes all goes. It costs something but it is the
+cheapest thing that can be bought; it causes some inconvenience but it
+is the foundation of all convenience, the orderly execution of the laws.
+
+The people understand this thoroughly. They know that the laws are their
+laws and speak their voice. They know that this Government is their
+Government founded on their will, administered by their representatives.
+Disobedience to it is disobedience to the people. They know that the
+property of the Commonwealth is their property. Destruction of it
+destroys their substance. The public security is their security. When
+that is gone they are in deadly peril. And knowing this the people have
+a determination to support the Government with a resolution that is
+unchanging.
+
+It is my purpose to maintain the Government of Massachusetts as it was
+founded by her people, the protector of the rights of all but
+subservient to none. It is my purpose to maintain unimpaired the
+authority of her laws, her jurisdiction, her peace, her security. This
+ancient faith of Massachusetts which became the great faith of America,
+she reestablished in her Constitution before the army of Washington had
+gained our independence, declaring for "a government of laws and not of
+men." In that faith she still abides. Let him challenge it who dares.
+All who love Massachusetts, who believe in America, are bound to defend
+it. The choice lies between living under coercion and intimidation, the
+forces of evil, or under the laws of the people, orderly, speaking with
+their settled convictions, the revelation of a divine authority.
+
+
+
+
+XL
+
+WILLIAMS COLLEGE
+
+OCTOBER 17, 1919
+
+
+There speaks here with the voice of immortality one who loved
+Massachusetts. On every side arise monuments to that enduring affection
+bred not of benefits received but of services rendered, of sacrifices
+made, that the province of Massachusetts Bay might live enlightened and
+secure. A bit of parchment has filled libraries. A few hundred dollars
+has enriched generations. The spirit of a single liberty-loving soldier
+has raised up a host that has shaken the earth with its martial tread,
+laying low the hills but exalting the valleys. Here Colonel Ephraim
+Williams still executes his will, still disposes of his patrimony, still
+leads the soldiers of the free to an enduring victory, and with a power
+greater than the sword stands guard on the frontier marches of the
+Commonwealth.
+
+Honor compels that honor be recognized. In compliance with that
+requirement this day has been set apart by this institution of letters
+in testimony of the merit of her sons. Nearly one half of her living
+alumni were under the direct service of the Nation in the great war.
+Into all branches of the service, civil and military, they went from the
+alumni, from the class rooms, from the faculty, up to President Garfield
+himself, who served as Director of the Fuel Administration. From America
+and her allies has come the highest of recognition, conferred by
+citation, awards, and decorations. Their individual deeds of valor I
+shall not relate. They are known to all. Advisedly I say that they have
+not been surpassed among men. Their heroism was no less heroic because
+it was unconscious there or because of befitting modesty it is
+unostentatious here. There was yet a courage unequaled by the most
+momentous dangers which were met by those now marked with fame and a
+capacity in the others which would have matched equal events with equal
+fortitude. In the most grateful recognition of all this, to the living
+and the dead, by their Alma Mater the Commonwealth of Massachusetts
+reverently joins.
+
+But this day, if it is truly to represent the spirit of this college,
+means more than a glorification of the past. It was by a stern
+determination to discharge the duties of the present that Ephraim
+Williams provided for a future filled with a glory that must not yet be
+termed complete. His thoughts were not on himself nor on material
+things. Had he chosen to inscribe his name upon a monument of granite or
+of bronze it would have gone the way of all the earth. Enlightening the
+soul of his fellow man he made his mark which all eternity cannot erase.
+A soldier, he did not
+
+         "put his trust
+    In reeking tube and iron shard"
+
+to save his countrymen, but like Solomon chose first knowledge and
+wisdom and to his choice has likewise been added a splendor of material
+prosperity.
+
+Earth's great lesson is written here. In it all men may read the
+interpretation of the founder of this college, of the meaning of
+America, of the motive high and true which has inspired her soldiers.
+Not unmindful of a desire for economic justice but scorning sordid gain,
+not seeking the spoils of war but a victory of righteousness, they came,
+subordinating the finite to the infinite, placing their trust in that
+which does not pass away. This precept heretofore observed must not be
+abandoned now. A desire for the earth and the fullness thereof must not
+lure our people from their truer selves. Those who seek for a sign
+merely in a greatly increased material prosperity, however worthy that
+may be, disappointed through all the ages, will be disappointed now. Men
+find their true satisfaction in something higher, finer, nobler than
+all that. We sought no spoils from war; let us seek no spoil from peace.
+Let us remember Babylon and Carthage and that city which her people,
+flushed with purple pride, dared call Eternal.
+
+This college and her sons have turned their eyes resolutely toward the
+morning. Above the roar of reeking strife they hear the voice of the
+founder. Their actions have matched their vision. They have seen. They
+have heard. They have done. I thank you for receiving me into their
+company, so romantic, so glorious, and for enrolling me as a soldier in
+the legion of Colonel Ephraim Williams.
+
+
+
+
+XLI
+
+CONCERNING TEACHERS' SALARIES
+
+OCTOBER 29, 1919
+
+
+_A Letter to the Mayor of Boston_
+
+
+MY DEAR MR. MAYOR:
+
+It will be with a good deal of satisfaction that I cooeperate with you
+and any other cities of Massachusetts for the purpose of increasing the
+pay of those engaged in the teaching of the youth of our Commonwealth.
+It has become notorious that the pay for this most important function is
+much less than that which prevails in commercial life and business
+activities.
+
+Roger Ascham, the teacher to Queen Elizabeth, about 1565, in discussing
+this question, wrote: "And it is pity that commonly more care is had,
+yea and that among very wise men, to find out rather a cunning man for
+their horse than a cunning man for their children. They say nay in word,
+but they do so in deed. For to the one they will gladly give a stipend
+of two hundred crowns by the year and are loath to offer to the other
+two hundred shillings. God that sitteth in Heaven laugheth their choice
+to scorn and rewardeth their liberality as it should. For he suffereth
+them to have tame and well-ordered horses, but wild and unfortunate
+children, and therefore in the end they find more pleasure in their
+horse than comfort in their children."
+
+In an address which I made at a Harvard College Commencement I undertook
+to direct attention to the inadequate compensation paid to our teachers,
+whether in the universities, public schools, or the pulpits of the land.
+It is perfectly clear that more money must be provided for these
+purposes, which surpass in their importance all our other public
+activities, both by government appropriation and by private charity.
+
+It is significant that the number of teachers who are in training in our
+normal schools has decreased in the past twelve or fifteen years from
+three thousand to two thousand, while the number of students in colleges
+and technical schools has increased. The people of the Commonwealth
+cannot support the Government unless the Government supports them.
+
+The condition which was described by the teacher of Queen Elizabeth,
+that greater compensation is paid for the unimportant things than is
+paid for training the intellectual abilities of our youth, might exist
+in the sixteenth century, but it ought not to exist in the twentieth
+century.
+
+Fortunately for us, the sterling character of teachers of all kinds has
+kept them at their task even though we have failed to show them due
+appreciation, and up to the present time the public has suffered little.
+
+But unless a change is made and a new policy adopted, the cause of
+education will break down. It will either become a trade for those
+little fitted for it or be abandoned altogether, instead of remaining
+the noblest profession, which it has been and ought to be.
+
+There are some things that are fundamental. In the sixteenth century the
+voice of the people was little heard. If the sovereign had wisdom, that
+might suffice. But in the twentieth century the people are sovereign.
+What they think determines every question of civilization. Unless they
+are well trained, well informed, and well instructed, unless a proper
+value is put on knowledge and wisdom, the value of all material things
+will be lost.
+
+There is now no pains too great, no cost too high, to prevent or
+diminish the duty enjoined by the Constitution of the Commonwealth that
+wisdom and knowledge, as well as virtue, be generally diffused among the
+body of the people.
+
+This important subject ought to be considered and a remedy provided at
+the special session of the General Court.
+
+
+
+
+XLII
+
+STATEMENT TO THE PRESS
+
+ELECTION DAY, NOVEMBER 4, 1919
+
+
+My thanks are due to the millions of my fellow citizens of
+Massachusetts. I offer them freely, without undertaking to specify, to
+all who have supported the great cause of the supremacy of the law. The
+heart of the people has proven again sound and true. No
+misrepresentation has blinded them, no sophistry has turned them. They
+have listened to the truth and followed it. They have again disappointed
+those who distrusted them. They have turned away from those who sought
+to play upon their selfishness. They have justified those who trusted
+them. They have justified America. The attempt to appeal to class
+prejudice has failed. The men of Massachusetts are not labor men, or
+policemen, or union men, or poor men, or rich men, or any other class
+of men first; they are Americans first. The wage-earners have
+vindicated themselves. They have shown by their votes that they resent
+trying to use them for private interests, or to employ them to resist
+the operation of the Government. They are for the Government. They are
+against those who are against the Government. American institutions are
+safe in their hands. Some of those who have posed as their leaders and
+argued that the wage-earners were patriotic because those leaders told
+them to be may well now inquire whether the case did not stand the other
+way about. It begins to look as if those who attempt to lead the
+wage-earners must first show that they themselves are patriotic if they
+are to have any following. The patriotism of some alleged leaders was
+not the cause but the effect of the patriotism of the wage-earners.
+
+Three words tell the result. Massachusetts is American. The election
+will be a welcome demonstration to the Nation and to people everywhere
+who believe that liberty can only be secured by obedience to law.
+
+
+
+
+XLIII
+
+SPEECH AT TREMONT TEMPLE
+
+SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 1, 1919, 8 P.M.
+
+
+Revelation has not ceased. The strength of a righteous cause has not
+grown less. The people of Massachusetts are patriotic before they are
+partisan, they are not for men but for measures, not for selfishness but
+for duty, and they will support their Government. Revelation has not
+ceased and faith in men has not failed. They cannot be intimidated, they
+cannot be coerced, they cannot be deceived, and their sovereignty is not
+for sale.
+
+When this campaign is over it will be a rash man who will again attempt
+to further his selfish interests by dragging a great party name in the
+mire and seeking to gain the honor of office by trafficking with
+disorder. The conduct of public affairs is not a game. Responsible
+office does not go to the crafty. Governments are not founded upon an
+association for public plunder but on the cooeperation of men wherein
+each is seeking to do his duty.
+
+The past five years have been like an earthquake. They have shaken the
+institutions of men to their very foundations. It has been a time of
+searchings and questionings. It has been a time of great awakenings.
+There has been an overpowering resolution among men to make things
+better. Despotisms have been falling. Republics have been rising. There
+has been rebellion everywhere against usurped authority. With all that
+America has been entirely sympathetic. There has been bred in the blood
+through generations a great sympathy for all peoples struggling to be
+free. We have a deep conviction that "resistance to tyranny is obedience
+to law." And on that conviction we have stood for three centuries. Time
+and experience have but strengthened our belief that it is sound.
+
+But like all rules of action it only applies to the conditions it
+describes. All authority is not usurped authority. Any government is not
+tyranny. These are the counterfeits. There are no counterfeits of the
+unreal. It is only of the real and true that men seek to pass spurious
+imitations.
+
+There are among us a great mass of people who have been reared for
+generations under a government of tyranny and oppression. It is
+ingrained in their blood that there is no other form of government. They
+are disposed and inclined to think our institutions partake of the same
+nature as these they have left behind. We know they are wrong. They must
+be shown they are wrong.
+
+There is a just government. There are righteous laws. We know the
+formula by which they are produced. The principle is best stated in the
+immortal Declaration of Independence to be "the consent of the
+governed." It is from that source our Government derives its just
+powers and promulgates its righteous laws. They are the will of the
+people, the settled conviction derived from orderly deliberation, that
+take on the sanctity ascribed to the people's voice. Along with the
+binding obligation to resist tyranny goes the other admonition, that
+"obedience to law is liberty,"--such law and so derived.
+
+These principles, which I have but lightly sketched, are the foundation
+of American institutions, the source of American freedom and the faith
+of any party entitled to call itself American. It constitutes truly the
+rule of the people. It justifies and sanctifies the authority of our
+laws and the obligation to support our Government. It is democracy
+administered through representation.
+
+There are only two other choices, anarchy or despotism--Russia, present
+and past. For the most part human existence has been under the one or
+the other of these. Both have failed to minister to the highest welfare
+of the people. Unless American institutions can provide for that welfare
+the cause of humanity is hopeless. Unless the blessings of prosperity,
+the rewards of industry, justice and liberty, the satisfaction of duty
+well done, can come under a rule of the people, they cannot come at all.
+We may as well abandon hope and, yielding to the demands of selfishness,
+each take what he can.
+
+We had hoped these questions were settled. But nothing is settled that
+evil and selfish men can find advantage for themselves in overthrowing.
+We must eternally smite the rock of public conscience if the waters of
+patriotism are to pour forth. We must ever be ready to point out the
+success of our country as justification of our determination to support
+it.
+
+No one can deny that we are in the midst of an abounding prosperity. No
+one can deny that this prosperity is well distributed; especially is
+this true of the wage-earner. Industrially, commercially, financially,
+America has been a success. The wealth of Massachusetts is increasing
+rapidly. There are large deposits going into her savings institutions,
+during banking hours with each tick of the clock more than $12.50, with
+each minute more than $750, with each day over $270,000. Wages and hours
+of labor were never so favorable. We have attained a standard of living
+among our people the like of which never before existed on earth.
+
+Intellectually our progress compares with our prosperity. The
+opportunity for education is not only large, but it is well used. The
+school is everywhere. Ignorance is a disgrace. The turrets of college
+and university dot the land. Their student bodies were never so large.
+Science and invention, literature and art flourish.
+
+There is higher standard of justice in all the affairs of life than in
+the past. Our commercial transactions are on a higher plane. There is a
+moral standard that runs through all the avenues of our life that has
+lifted it into a new position and gives to men a keener sense of honor
+in all things. There has come to be a new realization of the brotherhood
+of man, a new significance to religion. The war aroused a new
+patriotism, and revealed the strength of our moral power.
+
+The issue in Massachusetts is whether these conditions can endure. Will
+men realize their blessing and exhibit the resolution to support and
+defend the foundation on which they rest? Having saved Europe are we
+ready to surrender America? Having beaten the foe from without are we to
+fall a victim to the foe from within?
+
+All of this is put in question by the issue of this campaign. That one
+fundamental issue is the support of the Government in its determination
+to maintain order. On that all of these opportunities depend.
+
+There can be no material prosperity without order. Stores and banks
+could not open. Factories could not run, railways could not operate.
+What was the value of plate glass and goods, the value of real estate in
+Boston at three o'clock, A.M., September 10? Unless the people vote to
+sustain order that value is gone entirely. Business is ended.
+
+On order depends all intellectual progress. Without it all schools
+close, libraries are empty, education stops. Disorder was the forerunner
+of the Dark Ages.
+
+Without order the moral progress of the people would be lost. With the
+schools would go the churches. There could be no assemblages for
+worship, no services even for the departed, piety would be swallowed up
+in viciousness.
+
+I have understated the result of disorder. Man has not the imagination,
+the ability to overstate it. There are those who aim to bring about
+exactly this result. I propose at all times to resist them with all the
+power at the command of the Chief Executive of Massachusetts.
+
+Naturally the question arises, what shall we do to defend our
+birthright? In the first place everybody must take a more active part in
+public affairs. It will not do for men to send, they must go. It is not
+enough to draw a check. Good government cannot be bought, it has to be
+given. Office has great opportunities for doing wrong, but equal chance
+for doing right. Unless good citizens hold office bad citizens will.
+People see the office-holder rather than the Government. Let the worth
+of the office-holder speak the worth of the government. The voice of the
+people speaks by the voice of the individual. Duty is not collective, it
+is personal. Let every inhabitant make known his determination to
+support law and order. That duty is supreme.
+
+That the supremacy of the law, the preservation of the Government itself
+by the maintenance of order, should be the issue of this campaign was
+entirely due to circumstances beyond my control. That any one should
+dare to put in jeopardy the stability of our Government for the purpose
+of securing office was to me inconceivable. That any one should attempt
+to substitute the will of any outside organization for the authority
+conferred by law upon the representatives of the people had never
+occurred to me. But the issue arose by action of some of the police of
+Boston and it was my duty to meet it. I shall continue to administer the
+law of all the people.
+
+I should have been pleased to make this campaign on the record of the
+past year. I should have been pleased to show what the march of progress
+had been under the people's government, what action had been taken for
+the relief of those who toil with their hands as well as their
+heads,--and the record was never more alluring,--what has been done to
+advance the business and commercial interests of this great industrial
+Commonwealth, what has promoted public health, what has assisted in
+agricultural development, the progress made in providing transportation,
+the increased opportunity given our youth for education. In particular I
+should have desired to point out the great pride Massachusetts has in
+her war record and the abundant way she has shown her gratitude for her
+service men and women, surpassing every other State. All this is a
+record not of promises, but of achievement. It is one in which the
+voters of the Commonwealth may well take a deep satisfaction. It is
+there, it stands, it cannot be argued away. No deception can pervert it.
+It endures.
+
+All these are the result of ordered liberty--the result of living under
+the law. It is the great desire of Massachusetts to continue such
+legislation of progress and humanity. Those who are attempting to wrench
+the scepter of authority from the representatives of the people, to
+subvert the jurisdiction of her laws, are the enemies not only of
+progress, but of all present achievement, not only of what we hope for,
+but of what we have.
+
+This is the cause of all the people, especially of the weak and
+defenseless. Their only refuge is the protection of the law. The people
+have come to understand this. They are taking the deciding of this
+election into their own hands regardless of party. If the people win who
+can lose? They are awake to the words of Daniel Webster, "nothing will
+ruin the country if the people themselves will undertake its safety; and
+nothing can save it if they leave that safety in any hands but their
+own."
+
+My fellow citizens of Massachusetts, to you I commend this cause. To you
+who have added the glory of the hills and plains of France to the glory
+of Concord and Bunker Hill, to you who have led when others faltered,
+to you again is given the leadership. Grasp it. Secure it. Make it
+decisive. Make the discharge of the great trust you now hold an example
+of hope for righteousness everywhere, a new guaranty that the Government
+of America shall endure.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Have faith in Massachusetts; 2d ed.
+by Calvin Coolidge
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