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authorRoger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org>2025-10-15 04:41:54 -0700
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+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 13333 ***
+
+_CORRESPONDENCE & CONVERSATIONS OF_ ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE
+
+WITH NASSAU WILLIAM SENIOR
+
+FROM 1834 TO 1859
+
+
+EDITED BY
+
+M.C.M. SIMPSON
+
+
+_IN TWO VOLUMES VOLUME II_
+
+
+LONDON: HENRY S. KING & Co., 65 CORNHILL 1872
+
+
+ * * * * *
+
+CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME
+
+_Journal_ 1851-2.
+
+The army master of France
+Comparison with the 18th Brumaire
+Aggressive acts of the President
+Coup d'État planned for March 1852
+Socialism leads to despotism
+War necessary to maintain Louis Napoleon
+State prisoners on December 2
+Louis Napoleon's devotion to the Pope
+Latent Bonapartism of the French
+President's reception at Notre Dame
+Frank hypocrites
+Mischievous public men
+Extradition of Kossuth
+January 29, 1849
+Stunner's account of it contradicted
+The Second Napoleon a copy of the First
+Relies on Russian support
+Compulsory voting
+Life of a cavalry officer
+Victims of the Coup d'État
+
+
+_Letters in_ 1852-3.
+
+Effect of the Orleans confiscation on the English
+Firmness of Prussia
+Mr. Greg's writings
+Communication from Schwartzenberg
+New Reform Bill
+Democracy or aristocracy
+Reform Bill not wanted
+Twenty-five thousand men at Cherbourg
+Easier to understand Lord Derby than Lord John
+Preparations at Cherbourg a delusion
+Conversation with King Leopold
+No symptoms of aristocratic re-action in England
+England's democratic tendencies
+Idleness of young aristocrats
+Death of Protection
+Revolutions leading to masquerades
+Tory reforms
+Imperial marriage
+New Reform Bill a blunder
+
+_Journal in_ 1853.
+
+Prosperity in Paris
+Dangers incurred by overbuilding
+Discharged workmen effect Revolutions
+Probable monetary panic
+Empire can be firmly established only by a successful war
+Agents undermining the Empire
+Violence and corruption of the Government
+Growing unpopularity of Louis Napoleon
+Consequences of his death
+He probably will try the resource of war
+Conquest would establish his power
+War must produce humiliation or slavery to France
+Corruption is destroying the army and navy
+Emperor cannot tolerate opposition
+Will try a plebiscite
+
+_Letters in_ 1853.
+
+Blackstone a mere lawyer
+Feudal institutions in France and England
+Gentleman and Gentilhomme
+Life of seclusion
+Interference of police with letters
+Mrs. Crete's conversations at St. Cyr
+Great writers of the eighteenth century
+Political torpor unfavourable to intellectual product
+English not fond of generalities
+Curious archives at Tours
+Frightful picture they present
+Sufficient to account for the Revolution of 1789
+La Marck's memoir of Mirabeau
+Court would not trust Mirabeau
+The elder Mirabeau influenced by Revolution
+Revolution could not have been averted
+Works of David Hume
+Effect of intolerance of the press
+Honesty and shortsightedness of La Fayette
+Laws must be originated by philosophers
+Carried into effect by practical men
+Napoleon carried out laws
+Too fond of centralisation
+Country life destroyed by it
+Royer Collard
+Danton
+Madame Tallien
+Tocqueville independent of society
+Studious and regular life
+Influence of writers as compared with active politicians
+
+_Journal in_ 1854.
+
+Criticism of the Journals
+The speakers generally recognised
+Aware that they were being reported
+The Legitimists
+Necessity of Crimean War
+Probable management of it
+English view of the Fusion
+Bourbons desire Constitutional Government
+Socialists would prefer the Empire
+They rejoiced in the Orleans confiscation
+Empire might be secured by liberal institutions
+Policy of G.
+English new Reform Bill
+Dangers of universal suffrage
+Baraguay d'Hilliers and Randon
+Lent in the Provinces
+Chenonceaux
+Montalembert's speech
+Cinq Mars
+Appearance of prosperity
+_Petite culture_ in Touraine
+Tyranny more mischievous than civil war
+Centralisation of Louis XIV. a means of taxation
+Under Louis Napoleon, centralisation more powerful than ever
+Power of the Préfet
+Courts of Law tools of the Executive
+Préfet's candidate must succeed
+Empire could not sustain a defeat
+Loss of aristocracy in France
+Napoleon estranged Legitimists by the murder of the Duc d'Enghien
+Louis Philippe attempted to govern through the middle classes
+Temporary restoration of aristocratic power under the republic
+Overthrown by the second Empire
+Legitimists inferior to their ancestors
+Dulness of modern society and books
+Effects of competition
+
+_Letters in_ 1854-5.
+
+Tocqueville attends the Academy
+Proposed visit to Germany
+Return to France
+English adulation of Louis Napoleon
+Mismanagement of Crimean War
+Continental disparagement of England
+Necessity for a conscription in England
+Disastrous effects of the war for English aristocracy
+Peace premature
+
+_Journals in_ 1855.
+
+Effects of the Emperor going to the Crimea
+Prince Napoleon
+Discontent in England
+Disparagement of England
+Austria alone profited by Crimean War
+Despotism of Louis Napoleon consolidated by it
+Centralisation in Algeria
+Criticism of Mr. Senior's Article
+Places Louis Napoleon too high
+English alliances not dependent on the Empire
+Louis Napoleon will covet the Rhine
+Childish admiration of Emperor by British public
+Real friends of England are the friends of her institutions
+
+
+_Extracts from Mr. Senior's Article_.
+
+Description of political parties
+Imperialists
+Legitimists
+Orleanists
+Orleanist-Fusionists form the bulk of the Royalists
+Legitimists unfit for public life
+Republican party not to be despised
+Parliamentarians
+Desire only free institutions
+No public opinion expressed in the Provinces
+Power of Centralisation
+Increased under Louis Philippe
+Power of the Préfet
+Foreign policy of Louis Napoleon
+Of former French Sovereigns
+Invasion of Rome prepared in 1847
+Eastern question, a legacy from Louis Philippe
+Fault as an administrator
+Mismanagement of the war
+His Ministers mere clerks
+Free institutions may secure his throne
+English Alliance
+Russian influence
+Revolutions followed by despotism
+Lessons taught by history
+
+
+_Letters in_ 1855-6.
+
+Tocqueville burns his letter
+Conversation of May 28
+Amusing letters from the Army
+Enjoyment of home
+Fall of Sebastopol
+Cost of the war
+Russia dangerous to Europe
+How to restrain her
+Progress in the East
+No public excitement in France
+
+
+_Journal in 1856_.
+
+The 'Ancien Régime'
+Master of Paris, Master of France
+Opposition to Suez Canal
+Mischievous effect of English Opposition
+Expenditure under the Empire
+Effect of Opposition to the Suez Canal
+Tripartite Treaty
+'Friponnerie' of the Government
+Tripartite Treaty
+Suez Canal
+French floating batteries
+Fortifications of Malta
+Emperor's orders to Canrobert
+A campaign must be managed on the spot
+
+
+_Letters in_ 1856-7.
+
+The 'Ancien Régime'
+King 'Bomba'
+American Rebellion
+Lord Aberdeen on the Crimean War
+Eccentricities of English public men
+Remedy for rise in house-rent
+The rise produced by excessive public works
+Dulness of Paris
+Mr. Senior's Journal in Egypt
+Chinese war
+
+
+_Journal in_ 1857.
+
+Flatness of society in Paris
+Dexterity of Louis Napoleon
+Is maintained by the fear of the 'Rouges'
+Due de Nemours' letter
+Tocqueville disapproves of contingent promises
+Empire rests on the army and the people
+Slavery of the Press
+Public speaking in France
+English and French speakers
+American speakers
+Length of speeches
+French public men
+Lamartine
+Falloux
+Foreign French
+Narvaez and Kossuth
+French conversers
+Montalembert
+Monsieur, Madame, and Mademoiselle
+Tu and vous
+Feeling respecting heretics
+Prejudices of the Ancien Régime
+French poetry
+Fashion in Literature
+Montalembert's changes of opinion
+Increasing population of Paris
+Its dangerous character
+No right to relief
+Sudden influx of workmen
+Soldiers likely to side with the people
+Lamoricière's heroism
+June 1848
+French army
+National characteristics
+Change in French only apparent
+Martin's History of France
+He is a centraliser and an absolutist
+Secret police
+
+_Letters in_ 1857-8.
+
+Reception in England
+Indian Mutiny
+Financial question
+Unpopularity of England
+Law of Public Safety
+
+_Journal in_ 1858.
+
+Talleyrand as a writer
+English ignorance of French affairs
+Change of feeling respecting Louis Napoleon
+'Loi de sureté publique'
+Manner in which it has been carried out
+Deportation a slow death
+Influence of 'hommes de lettres'
+French army
+Russian army
+French navy
+Napoleon indifferent to the navy
+Mr. Senior's Athens journal
+Otho and Louis Napoleon
+Qualities which obtain influence
+Character of Louis Napoleon
+Tocqueville's comments on the above conversation
+Tocqueville on Novels
+Intellectual and moral inferiority of the age
+Education of French women
+'Messe d'une heure'
+Influence of Madame Récamier
+Duchesse de Dino
+
+_Letters in_ 1858-9.
+
+Failing health
+Mr. Senior's visit to Sir John Boileau
+Promise of Lord Stanley
+Character of Guizot
+Spectacle afforded by English Politics
+Tocqueville at Cannes
+Louis Napoleon's loss of popularity
+Death of Alexis de Tocqueville
+Grief it occasioned in England
+
+_Journal at Tocqueville in_ 1861.
+
+Madame de Tocqueville house at Valognes
+Chateau de Tocqueville
+Beaumont on Italian affairs
+Piedmontese unpopular with the lower classes
+Popular with the higher classes in Naples
+Influence of Orsini
+Subjection of the French
+Effect of Universal Suffrage
+Causes which may overthrow Louis Napoleon
+Popularity of a war with England
+Condition of the Roman people
+Different sorts of courage in different nations
+Destructiveness of war not found out at first
+Effect of service on conscript
+Expenditure of Louis Napoleon
+Forebodings of the Empress
+Prince Napoleon
+Ampère on Roman affairs
+Inquisition
+Infidelity
+Mortara affair
+Torpor of Roman Government
+Interference with marriages
+Ampère expects Piedmont to take possession of Rome
+Does not think that Naples will submit to Piedmont
+Wishes of Naples only negative
+Ampère's reading
+Execution of three generations
+Familiarity with death in 1793
+Sanson
+Public executioners
+The 'Chambre noire'
+Violation of correspondence
+Toleration of Ennui
+Prisoners of State
+M. and Madame de La Fayette
+Mirabeau and La Fayette
+Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette
+Evils of Democratic despotism
+Ignorance and indolence of 'La jeune France'
+Algeria a God-send
+Family life in France
+Moral effect of Primogeniture
+Descent of Title
+Shipwreck off Gatteville
+Ampère reads 'Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme'
+The modern Nouveau Riche
+Society under the Republic
+Madame Récamier
+Chateaubriand and Madame Mohl
+Ballanche
+Extensiveness of French literature
+French and English poetry
+The 'Misanthrope'
+Tocqueville's political career
+Under Louis Philippe in 1835
+Independence
+In 1839 and 1840
+Opposition to Guizot
+Inaction of Louis Philippe
+Tocqueville would not submit to be a minister without power
+Mistaken independence of party
+Could not court popularity
+Reform came too late
+Faults in the Constitution
+Defence of the Constitution
+Tocqueville wished for a double election of the President
+Centralisation useful to a usurper
+England in the American War
+Defence of England
+Politics of a farmer
+Wages in Normandy
+Evils of Universal Suffrage
+Influence of the clergy
+Prince Napoleon
+Constitutional monarchy preferable to a republic
+Republic preferable to a despotism
+Probable gross faults of a republic
+Evils of socialist opinions
+Mischievous effects of strikes
+Mistaken tolerance of them in England
+Tocqueville's tomb
+
+ * * * * *
+
+APPENDIX.
+
+Mr. Senior's report of M. de Montalembert's speech in 1854
+
+
+
+TOCQUEVILLE DURING THE EMPIRE
+
+FROM DECEMBER 23, 1851 TO APRIL 20, 1858.
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS
+
+PARIS, 1851-2.
+
+[The _coup d'état_ took place on the 2nd, and Mr. Senior reached Paris on
+the 21st of December.--ED.]
+
+
+_Paris, December_ 23, 1851.--I dined with Mrs. Grot and drank tea with
+the Tocquevilles.
+
+[1]'This,' said Tocqueville, 'is a new phase in our history. Every
+previous revolution has been made by a political party. This is the first
+time that the army has seized France, bound and gagged her, and laid her
+at the feet of its ruler.'
+
+'Was not the 18th fructidor,' I said, 'almost a parallel case? Then, as
+now, there was a quarrel between the executive and the legislature. The
+Directory, like Louis Napoleon, dismissed the ministers, in whom the
+legislature had confidence, and appointed its own tools in their places,
+denounced the legislature to the country, and flattered and corrupted the
+army. The legislature tried the usual tactics of parliamentary
+opposition, censured the Government, and refused the supplies. The
+Directory prepared a _coup d'état._ The legislature tried to obtain a
+military force, and failed; they planned an impeachment of the Directory,
+and found the existing law insufficient. They brought forward a new law
+defining the responsibility of the executive, and the night after they
+had begun to discuss it, their halls were occupied by a military force,
+and the members of the opposition were seized in the room in which they
+had met to denounce the treason of the Directory.'
+
+'So far,' he answered, 'the two events resemble one another. Each was a
+military attack on the legislature by the executive. But the Directors
+were the representatives of a party. The Councils and the greater part of
+the aristocracy, and the _bourgeoisie_, were Bonapartists; the lower
+orders were Republican, the army was merely an instrument; it conquered,
+not for itself, but for the Republican party.
+
+'The 18th brumaire was nearer to this--for that ended, as this has begun,
+in a military tyranny. But the 18th brumaire was almost as much a civil
+as a military revolution. A majority in the Councils was with Bonaparte.
+Louis Napoleon had not a real friend in the Assembly. All the educated
+classes supported the 18th brumaire; all the educated classes repudiate
+the 2nd of December. Bonaparte's Consular Chair was sustained by all the
+_élite_ of France. This man cannot obtain a decent supporter.
+Montalembert, Baroche, and Fould--an Ultramontane, a country lawyer, and
+a Jewish banker--are his most respectable associates. For a real parallel
+you must go back 1,800 years.'
+
+I said that some persons, for whose judgment I had the highest respect,
+seemed to treat it as a contest between two conspirators, the Assembly
+and the President, and to think the difference between his conduct and
+theirs to be that he struck first.
+
+'This,' said Tocqueville, 'I utterly deny. He, indeed, began to conspire
+from November 10, 1848. His direct instructions to Oudinot, and his
+letter to Ney, only a few months after his election, showed his
+determination not to submit to Parliamentary Government. Then followed
+his dismissal of Ministry after Ministry, until he had degraded
+the·office to a clerkship. Then came the semi-regal progress, then the
+reviews of Satory, the encouragement of treasonable cries, the selection
+for all the high appointments in the army of Paris of men whose infamous
+characters fitted them to be tools. Then he publicly insulted the
+Assembly at Dijon, and at last, in October, we knew that his plans were
+laid. It was then only that we began to think what were our means of
+defence, but that was no more a conspiracy than it is a conspiracy in
+travellers to look for their pistols when they see a band of robbers
+advancing.
+
+'M. Baze's proposition was absurd only because it was impracticable. It
+was a precaution against immediate danger, but if it had been voted, it
+could not have been executed. The army had already been so corrupted,
+that it would have disregarded the orders of the Assembly. I have often
+talked over our situation with Lamoricière and my other military friends.
+We saw what was coming as clearly as we now look back to it; but we had
+no means of preventing it.'
+
+'But was not your intended law of responsibility,' I said, 'an attack on
+your part?'
+
+'That law,' he said, 'was not ours. It was sent up to us by the _Conseil
+d'État_ which had been two years and a half employed on it, and ought to
+have sent it to us much sooner. We thought it dangerous--that is to say,
+we thought that, though quite right in itself, it would irritate the
+President, and that in our defenceless state it was unwise to do so. The
+_bureau_, therefore, to which it was referred refused to declare it
+urgent: a proof that it would not have passed with the clauses which,
+though reasonable, the President thought fit to disapprove. Our
+conspiracy was that of the lambs against the wolf.
+
+'Though I have said,' he continued, 'that he has been conspiring ever
+since his election, I do not believe that he intended to strike so soon.
+His plan was to wait till next March when the fears of May 1852 would be
+most intense. Two circumstances forced him on more rapidly. One was the
+candidature of the Prince de Joinville. He thought him the only dangerous
+competitor. The other was an agitation set on foot by the Legitimists in
+the _Conseils généraux_ for the repeal of the law of May 31. That law was
+his moral weapon against the Assembly, and he feared that if he delayed,
+it might be abolished without him.'
+
+'And how long,' I asked, 'will this tyranny last?'
+
+'It will last,' he answered, 'until it is unpopular with the mass of the
+people. At present the disapprobation is confined to the educated
+classes. We cannot bear to be deprived of the power of speaking or of
+writing. We cannot bear that the fate of France should depend on the
+selfishness, or the vanity, or the fears, or the caprice of one man, a
+foreigner by race and by education, and of a set of military ruffians and
+of infamous civilians, fit only to have formed the staff and the privy
+council of Catiline. We cannot bear that the people which carried the
+torch of Liberty through Europe should now be employed in quenching all
+its lights. But these are not the feelings of the multitude. Their insane
+fear of Socialism throws them headlong into the arms of despotism. As in
+Prussia, as in Hungary, as in Austria, as in Italy, so in France, the
+democrats have served the cause of the absolutists. May 1852 was a
+spectre constantly swelling as it drew nearer. But now that the weakness
+of the Red party has been proved, now that 10,000 of those who are
+supposed to be its most active members are to be sent to die of hunger
+and marsh fever in Cayenne, the people will regret the price at which
+their visionary enemy has been put down. Thirty-seven years of liberty
+have made a free press and free parliamentary discussion necessaries to
+us. If Louis Napoleon refuses them, he will be execrated as a tyrant. If
+he grants them, they must destroy him. We always criticise our rulers
+severely, often unjustly. It is impossible that so rash and wrong-headed
+a man surrounded, and always wishing to be surrounded, by men whose
+infamous character is their recommendation to him, should not commit
+blunders and follies without end. They will be exposed, perhaps
+exaggerated by the press, and from the tribune. As soon as he is
+discredited the army will turn against him. It sympathises with the
+people from which it has recently been separated and to which it is soon
+to return. It will never support an unpopular despot. I have no fears
+therefore for the ultimate destinies of my country. It seems to me that
+the Revolution of the 2nd of December is more dangerous to the rest of
+Europe than it is to us. That it ought to alarm England much more than
+France. _We_ shall get rid of Louis Napoleon in a few years, perhaps in a
+few months, but there is no saying how much mischief he may do in those
+years, or even in those months, to his neighbours.'
+
+'Surely,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'he will wish to remain at peace
+with England.'
+
+'I am not sure at all of that,' said Tocqueville. 'He cannot sit down a
+mere quiet administrator. He must do something to distract public
+attention; he must give us a substitute for the political excitement
+which has amused us during the last forty years. Great social
+improvements are uncertain, difficult, and slow; but glory may be
+obtained in a week. A war with England, at its beginning, is always
+popular. How many thousand volunteers would he have for a "pointe" on
+London?
+
+'The best that can happen to you is to be excluded from the councils of
+the great family of despots. Besides, what is to be done to amuse these
+400,000 bayonets, _his_ masters as well as ours? Crosses, promotions,
+honours, gratuities, are already showered on the army of Paris. It has
+already received a thing unheard of in our history--the honours and
+recompenses of a campaign for the butchery on the Boulevards. Will not
+the other armies demand their share of work and reward? As long as the
+civil war in the Provinces lasts they may be employed there. But it will
+soon be over. What is then to be done with them? Are they to be marched
+on Switzerland, or on Piedmont, or on Belgium? And will England quietly
+look on?'
+
+Our conversation was here interrupted by the entrance of the Abbé
+Gioberti, and of Sieur Capponi, a Sicilian.
+
+_Paris, December_ 31, 1851.--I dined with the Tocquevilles and met Mrs.
+Grote, Rivet, and Corcelle.
+
+'The gayest time,' said Tocqueville, 'that I ever passed was in the Quai
+d'Orsay. The _élite_ of France in education, in birth, and in talents,
+particularly in the talents of society, was collected within the walls of
+that barrack.
+
+'A long struggle was over, in which our part had not been timidly played;
+we had done our duty, we had gone through some perils, and we had some to
+encounter, and we were all in the high spirits which excitement and
+dangers shared with others, when not too formidable, create. From the
+courtyard in which we had been penned for a couple of hours, where the
+Duc de Broglie and I tore our chicken with our hands and teeth, we were
+transferred to a long sort of gallery, or garret, running along through
+the higher part of the building, a spare dormitory for the soldiers when
+the better rooms are filled. Those who chose to take the trouble went
+below, hired palliasses from the soldiers, and carried them up for
+themselves. I was too idle and lay on the floor in my cloak. Instead of
+sleeping we spent the night in shooting from palliasse to palliasse
+anecdotes, repartees, jokes, and pleasantries. "C'était un feu roulant,
+une pluie de bons mots." Things amused us in that state of excitement
+which sound flat when repeated.
+
+'I remember Kerrel, a man of great humour, exciting shouts of laughter by
+exclaiming, with great solemnity, as he looked round on the floor,
+strewed with mattresses and statesmen, and lighted by a couple of tallow
+candles, "Voilà donc où en est réduit ce fameux parti de l'ordre." Those
+who were kept _au secret_, deprived of mutual support, were in a very
+different state of mind; some were depressed, others were enraged. Bédeau
+was left alone for twenty-four hours; at last a man came and offered him
+some sugar. He flew at his throat and the poor turnkey ran off, fancying
+his prisoner was mad.'
+
+We talked of Louis Napoleon's devotion to the Pope.
+
+'It is of recent date,' said Corcelle. 'In January and February 1849 he
+was inclined to interfere in support of the Roman Republic against the
+Austrians. And when in April he resolved to move on Rome, it was not out
+of any love for the Pope. In fact, the Pope did not then wish for us. He
+told Corcelle that he hoped to be restored by General Zucchi, who
+commanded a body of Roman troops in the neighbourhood of Bologna. No
+one at that time believed the Republican party in Rome to be capable of a
+serious defence. Probably they would not have made one if they had not
+admitted Garibaldi and his band two days before we appeared before their
+gates.'
+
+I mentioned to Tocqueville Beaumont's opinion that France will again
+become a republic.
+
+'I will not venture,' he answered, 'to affirm, with respect to any form
+whatever of government, that we shall never adopt it; but I own that I
+see no prospect of a French republic within any assignable period. We
+are, indeed, less opposed to a republic now than we were in 1848. We have
+found that it does not imply war, or bankruptcy, or tyranny; but we still
+feel that it is not the government that suits us. This was apparent from
+the beginning. Louis Napoleon had the merit, or the luck, to discover,
+what few suspected, the latent Bonapartism of the nation. The 10th of
+December showed that the memory of the Emperor, vague and indefinite, but
+therefore the more imposing, still dwelt like an heroic legend in the
+imaginations of the peasantry. When Louis Napoleon's violence and folly
+have destroyed the charm with which he has worked, all eyes will turn,
+not towards a republic, but to Henri V.'
+
+'Was much money,' I asked, 'spent at his election?'
+
+'Very little,' answered Tocqueville. 'The ex-Duke of Brunswick lent him
+300,000 francs on a promise of assistance as soon as he should be able to
+afford it; and I suppose that we shall have to perform the promise, and
+to interfere to restore him to his duchy; but that was all that was
+spent. In fact he had no money of his own, and scarcely anyone, except
+the Duke, thought well enough of his prospects to lend him any. He used
+to sit in the Assembly silent and alone, pitied by some members and
+neglected by all. Silence, indeed, was necessary to his success.
+
+_Paris, January 2nd_, 1852.--I dined with Mrs. Grote and drank tea with
+the Tocquevilles.
+
+'What is your report,' they asked, 'of the President's reception in Notre
+Dame. We hear that it was cold.'
+
+'So,' I answered, 'it seemed to me.'
+
+'I am told,' said Tocqueville, 'that it was still colder on his road. He
+does not shine in public exhibitions. He does not belong to the highest
+class of hypocrites, who cheat by frankness and cordiality.'
+
+'Such,' I said, 'as Iago. It is a class of villains of which the
+specimens are not common.'
+
+'They are common enough with us,' said Tocqueville. 'We call them _faux
+bonshommes_. H. was an instance. He had passed a longish life with the
+character of a frank, open-hearted soldier. When he became Minister, the
+facts which he stated from the tribune appeared often strange, but coming
+from so honest a man we accepted them. One falsehood, however, after
+another was exposed, and at last we discovered that H. himself, with all
+his military bluntness and sincerity, was a most intrepid, unscrupulous
+liar.
+
+'What is the explanation,' he continued, 'of Kossuth's reception in
+England? I can understand enthusiasm for a democrat in America, but what
+claim had he to the sympathy of aristocratic England?'
+
+'Our aristocracy,' I answered, 'expressed no sympathy, and as to the
+mayors, and corporations, and public meetings, they looked upon him
+merely as an oppressed man, the champion of an oppressed country.'
+
+'I think,' said Tocqueville, 'that he has been the most mischievous man
+in Europe.'
+
+'More so,' I said, 'than Mazzini? More so than Lamartine?'
+
+At this instant Corcelle came in.
+
+'We are adjusting,' said Tocqueville, 'the palm of mischievousness.'
+
+'I am all for Lamartine,' answered Corcelle; 'without him the others
+would have been powerless.'
+
+'But,' I said, 'if Lamartine had never existed, would not the revolution
+of 1848 still have occurred?'
+
+'It would have certainly occurred' said Tocqueville; 'that is to say, the
+oligarchy of Louis Philippe would have come to an end, probably to a
+violent one, but it would have been something to have delayed it; and it
+cannot be denied that Lamartine's eloquence and courage saved us from
+great dangers during the Provisional Government. Kossuth's influence was
+purely mischievous. But for him, Austria might now be a constitutional
+empire, with Hungary for its most powerful member, a barrier against
+Russia instead of her slave.'
+
+'I must put in a word,' said Corcelle,[2] 'for Lord Palmerston. If
+Lamartine produced Kossuth, Lord Palmerston produced Lamartine and
+Mazzini and Charles Albert--in short, all the incendiaries whose folly
+and wickedness have ended in producing Louis Napoleon.'
+
+'Notwithstanding,' I said, 'your disapprobation of Kossuth, you joined us
+in preventing his extradition.'
+
+'We did,' answered Tocqueville. 'It was owing to the influence of Lord
+Normanby over the President. It was a fine _succès de tribune_. It gave
+your Government and ours an occasion to boast of their courage and of
+their generosity, but a more dangerous experiment was never made. You
+reckoned on the prudence and forbearance of Austria and Russia. Luckily,
+Nicholas and Nesselrode are prudent men, and luckily the Turks sent to
+St. Petersburg Fuad Effendi, an excellent diplomatist, a much better than
+Lamoricière or Lord Bloomfield. He refused to see either of them,
+disclaimed their advice or assistance, and addressed himself solely to
+the justice and generosity of the Emperor. He admitted that Russia was
+powerful enough to seize the refugees, but implored him not to set such
+an example, and--he committed nothing to paper. He left nothing, and took
+away nothing which could wound the pride of Nicholas; and thus he
+succeeded.
+
+'Two days after, came a long remonstrance from Lord Palmerston, which
+Lord Bloomfield was desired to read to Nesselrode, and leave with him. A
+man of the world, seeing that the thing was done, would have withheld an
+irritating document. But Bloomfield went with it to Nesselrode.
+Nesselrode would have nothing to say to it. "Mon Dieu!" he said, "we
+have given up all our demands; why tease us by trying to prove that we
+ought not to have made them?" Bloomfield said that his orders were
+precise. "Lisez donc," cried Nesselrode, "mais il sera très-ennuyeux."
+Before he had got half through Nesselrode interrupted him. "I have heard
+all this," he said, "from Lamoricière, only in half the number of words.
+Cannot you consider it as read?" Bloomfield, however, was inexorable.'
+
+I recurred to a subject on which I had talked to both of them before--the
+tumult of January 29, 1849.
+
+'George Sumner,' I said, 'assures me that it was a plot, concocted by
+Faucher and the President, to force the Assembly to fix a day for its
+dissolution, instead of continuing to sit until it should have completed
+the Constitution by framing the organic laws which, even on December 2
+last, were incomplete. He affirms that it was the model which was
+followed on December 2; that during the night the Palais Bourbon was
+surrounded by troops; that the members were allowed to enter, but were
+informed, not publicly, but one by one, that they were not to be allowed
+to separate until they had fixed, or agreed to fix, the day of their
+dissolution; and that under the pressure of military intimidation, the
+majority, which was opposed to such a dissolution, gave way and consented
+to the vote, which was actually carried two days after.'
+
+'No such proposition was made to me,' said Tocqueville, 'nor, as far as I
+know, to anybody else; but I own that I never understood January 29. It
+is certain that the Palais Bourbon, or at least its avenues, were taken
+possession of during the night; that there was a vast display of military
+force, and also of democratic force; that the two bodies remained _en
+face_ for some time, and that the crowd dispersed under the influence of
+a cold rain.'
+
+'I too,' said Corcelle, 'disbelieve Sumner's story. The question as to
+the time of dissolution depended on only a few votes, and though it is
+true that it was voted two days after, I never heard that the military
+demonstration of January 29 accelerated the vote. The explanation which
+has been made to me is one which I mentioned the other day, namely, that
+the President complained to Changarnier, who at that time commanded the
+army of Paris, that due weight seemed not to be given to his 6,000,000
+votes, and that the Assembly appeared inclined to consider him a
+subordinate power, instead of the _Chef d'État_, to whom, not to the
+Assembly, the nation had confided its destinies. In short, that the
+President indicated an intention to make a _coup d'etat_, and that the
+troops were assembled by Changarnier for the purpose of resisting it, if
+attempted, and at all events of intimidating the President by showing him
+how quickly a force could be collected for the defence of the Assembly.'
+
+_Sunday, January_ 4.--I dined with the Tocquevilles alone. The only
+guest, Mrs. Grote, who was to have accompanied me, being unwell.
+
+'So enormous,' said Tocqueville, 'are the advantages of Louis Napoleon's
+situation, that he may defy any ordinary enemy. He has, however, a most
+formidable one in himself. He is essentially a copyist. He can originate
+nothing; his opinions, his theories, his maxims, even his plots, all are
+borrowed, and from the most dangerous of models--from a man who, though
+he possessed genius and industry such as are not seen coupled, or indeed
+single, once in a thousand years, yet ruined himself by the extravagance
+of his attempts. It would be well for him if he would utterly forget all
+his uncle's history. He might then trust to his own sense, and to that of
+his advisers. It is true that neither the one nor the other would be a
+good guide, but either would probably lead him into fewer dangers than a
+blind imitation of what was done fifty years ago by a man very unlike
+himself, and in a state of society both in France and in the rest of
+Europe, very unlike that which now exists.'
+
+Lanjuinais and Madame B., a relation of the family, came in.
+
+Lanjuinais had been dining with Kissileff the Russian Minister. Louis
+Napoleon builds on Russian support, in consequence of the marriage of his
+cousin, the Prince de Lichtenstein, to the Emperor's daughter. He calls
+it an _alliance de famille_, and his organs the 'Constitutionnel' and the
+'Patrie' announced a fortnight ago that the Emperor had sent to him the
+Order of St. Andrew, which is given only to members of the Imperial
+family, and an autograph letter of congratulation on the _coup d'état_.
+
+Kissileff says that all this is false, that neither Order nor letter has
+been sent, but he has been trying in vain to get a newspaper to insert a
+denial. It will be denied, he is told, when the proper moment comes.
+
+'It is charming,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'to see the Emperor of
+Russia, like ourselves, forced to see his name usurped without redress.'
+
+Madame B. had just seen a friend who left his country-house, and came to
+Paris without voting, and told those who consulted him that, in the
+difficulties of the case, he thought abstaining was the safest course.
+Immediately after the poll was over the Prefect sent to arrest him for
+_malveillance_, and he congratulated himself upon being out of the way.
+
+One of Edward de Tocqueville's sons came in soon after; his brother, who
+is about seventeen, does duty as a private, has no servant, and cleans
+his own horse; and is delighted with his new life. That of our young
+cavalry officers is somewhat different. He did not hear of the _coup
+d'état_ till a week after it had happened.
+
+'Our regiments,' said Lanjuinais, 'are a kind of convents. The young men
+who enter them are as dead to the world, as indifferent to the events
+which interest the society which they have left, as if they were monks.
+This is what makes them such fit tools for a despot.'
+
+
+_Thursday, January 8, 1852_.--From Sir Henry Ellis's I went to
+Tocqueville's.
+
+[3]'In this darkness,' he said, 'when no one dares to print, and few to
+speak, though we know generally that atrocious acts of tyranny are
+perpetrated everyday, it is difficult to ascertain precise facts, so I
+will give you one. A young man named Hypolite Magin, a gentleman by birth
+and education, the author of a tragedy eminently successful called
+"Spartacus," was arrested on the 2nd of December. His friends were told
+not to be alarmed, that no harm was intended to him, but rather a
+kindness; that as his liberal opinions were known, he was shut up to
+prevent his compromising himself by some rash expression. He was sent to
+Fort Bicêtre, where the casemates, miserable damp vaults, have been used
+as a prison, into which about 3,000 political prisoners have been
+crammed. His friends became uneasy, not only at the sufferings which he
+must undergo in five weeks of such an imprisonment in such weather as
+this, but lest his health should be permanently injured. At length they
+found that he was there no longer: and how do you suppose that his
+imprisonment has ended? He is at this instant at sea in a convict ship on
+his way to Cayenne--untried, indeed unaccused--to die of fever, if he
+escape the horrors of the passage. Who can say how many similar cases
+there may be in this wholesale transportation? How many of those who are
+missing and are supposed to have died at the barricades, or on the
+Boulevards, may be among the transports, reserved for a more lingering
+death!'
+
+A proclamation to-day from the Prefect de Police orders all persons to
+erase from their houses the words 'Liberté,' 'Êgalité,' and 'Fraternité'
+on pain of being proceeded against _administrativement_.
+
+'There are,' said Tocqueville, 'now three forms of procedure:
+_judiciairement, militairement_ and _administrativement._ Under the first
+a man is tried before a court of law, and, if his crime be grave, is
+sentenced to one or two years' imprisonment. Under the second he is tried
+before a drumhead court-martial, and shot. Under the third, without any
+trial at all, he is transported to Cayenne or Algiers.'
+
+I left Paris next day.
+
+
+[Footnote 1: I was not able to resist retaining this conversation in the
+_Journals in France_.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 2: It must be remembered that M. de Corcelle is an ardent Roman
+Catholic.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 3: This conversation was also retained in the _Journals in
+France_.--ED.]
+
+
+
+CORRESPONDENCE.
+
+
+
+Kensington, January 5, 1852.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--A private messenger has just offered himself to me,
+a Mr. Esmeade, who will return in about a fortnight.
+
+The debate on Tuesday night on the Palmerston question was very
+satisfactory to the Government. Lord John's speech was very well
+received--Lord Palmerston's very ill; and though the constitution of the
+present Ministry is so decidedly unhealthy that it is dangerous to
+predict any length of life to it, yet it looks healthier than people
+expected. It may last out the Session.
+
+The feeling with respect to Louis Napoleon is stronger, and it tends more
+to unanimity every day. The Orleans confiscation has, I think, almost too
+much weight given to it. After his other crimes the mere robbery of a
+single family, ruffian-like as it is, is a slight addition.
+
+I breakfasted with V. yesterday. He assures me that it is false that a
+demand of twenty millions, or any other pecuniary demand whatever, has
+been made in Belgium. Nor has anything been said as to the demolition of
+any fortresses, except those which were agreed to be dismantled in 1832,
+and which are unimportant.
+
+The feeling of the people in Belgium is excellent.
+
+Mr. Banfield, who has just returned from the Prussian provinces, says the
+same with respect to them--and Bunsen assures me that his Government will
+perish rather than give up a foot of ground. I feel better hopes of the
+preservation of peace.
+
+Thiers and Duvergier de Hauranne are much _fêtés_, as will be the case
+with all the exiles.
+
+I have been reading Fiquelmont. He is deeply steeped in all the _bêtises_
+of the commercial, or rather the anti-commercial school; and holds that
+the benefit of commerce consists not, as might have been supposed, in the
+things which are imported, but in those which are exported.
+
+These follies, however, are not worth reading; but his constitutional
+theories--his belief, for instance, that Parliamentary Government is the
+curse of Europe--are curious.
+
+The last number of the 'Edinburgh Review' contains an article on Reform
+well worth reading. It is by Greg. He wrote an admirable article in, I
+think, the April number, on Alton Locke and the English Socialists, and
+has also written a book, which I began to-day, on the Creed of
+Christendom. I have long been anxious to get somebody to do what I have
+not time to do, to look impartially into the evidences of Christianity,
+and report the result. This book does it.
+
+Lord Normanby does not return to Paris, as you probably know. No
+explanation is given, but it is supposed to be in compliance with the
+President's wishes.
+
+I have just sent to the press for the 'Edinburgh Review,' an article on
+Tronson du Coudray[1] and the 18th fructidor, which you will see in the
+April number. The greater part of it was written this time last year at
+Sorrento.
+
+Gladstone has published a new Neapolitan pamphlet, which I will try to
+send you. It is said to demolish King Ferdinand.
+
+Kindest regards to Madame de Tocqueville. We hope that you will come to
+us as soon as it is safe.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+P.S. and very private.--I have seen a communication from Schwartzenberg
+to Russia and Prussia, of the 19th December, the doctrine of which is
+that Louis Napoleon has done a great service by putting down
+parliamentaryism. That in many respects he is less dangerous than the
+Orleans, or elder branch, because they have parliamentary leanings. That
+no alteration of the existing parties must be permitted--and that an
+attempt to assume an hereditary crown should be discouraged--but that
+while it shows no aggressive propensities the policy of the Continent
+ought to be to countenance him, and _isoler_ l'Angleterre, as a _foyer_
+of constitutional, that is to say, anarchical, principles.
+
+Bunsen tells me that in October his King was privately asked whether he
+was ready to destroy the Prussian Constitution--and that he peremptorily
+refused.
+
+Look at an article on the personal character of Louis Napoleon in the
+'Times' of Monday. It is by R----, much built out of my conversation and
+Z.'s letters.
+
+I have begged Mr. Esmeade to call on you--you will like him. He is a
+nephew of Sir John Moore.
+
+
+
+[2]Kensington, March 19, 1852.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--I was very glad to see your hand again--though
+there is little in French affairs on which liberals can write with
+pleasure.
+
+Ours are become very interesting. Lord John's declaration, at the meeting
+the other day in Chesham Place, that he shall introduce a larger reform,
+and surround himself with more advanced adherents, and Lord Derby's, on
+Monday, that he is opposed to all democratic innovation, appear to me to
+have changed the position of parties. The question at issue is no longer
+Free-trade or Protection. Protection is abandoned. It is dead, never to
+revive. Instead of it we are to fight for Democracy, or Aristocracy. I
+own that my sympathies are with Aristocracy: I prefer it to either
+Monarchy or Democracy. I know that it is incident to an aristocratic
+government that the highest places shall be filled by persons chosen not
+for their fitness but for their birth and connections, but I am ready to
+submit to this inconvenience for the sake of its freedom and stability.
+I had rather have Malmesbury at the Foreign Office, and Lord Derby first
+Lord of the Treasury, than Nesselrode or Metternich, appointed by a
+monarch, or Cobden or Bright, whom I suppose we should have under a
+republic. But above all, I am for the winning horse. If Democracy is to
+prevail I shall join its ranks, in the hope of making its victory less
+mischievous.
+
+I wish, however, that the contest had not been forced on. We were very
+well, before Lord John brought in his Reform Bill, which nobody called
+for, and I am not at all sure that we shall be as well after it has
+passed.
+
+As to the immediate prospects of the Ministry, the next three weeks may
+change much, but it seems probable that they will be forced to dissolve
+in April, or the beginning of May, that the new Parliament will meet in
+July, and that they will be turned out about the end of August. And that
+this time next year we shall be discussing Lord John's new Reform Bill.
+
+I doubt whether our fears of invasion are exaggerated. At this instant,
+without doubt, Louis Napoleon is thinking of nothing but the Empire; and
+is kind to Belgium, and pacific to Switzerland in the hope of our
+recognition.
+
+But I heard yesterday from Lord Hardinge that 25,000 men are at
+Cherbourg, and that 25,000 more are going there--and that a large sum is
+devoted to the navy. We know that he governs _en conspirateur_, and this
+is likely to extend to his foreign as well as his civil relations.
+
+I see a great deal of Thiers, who is very agreeable and very _triste_.
+'L'exil,' he says, 'est très-dur.' Rémusat seems to bear it more
+patiently. We hear that we are to have Cousin.
+
+What are your studies in the Bibliothèque Royale? I have begun to read
+Bastide, and intend to make the publication of my lectures on Political
+Economy my principal literary pursuit. I delivered the last on Monday.
+
+I shall pass the first fifteen days of April in Brussels, with my old
+friend Count Arrivabene, 7 Boulevard du Régent.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+
+March 25, 1852.
+
+I send you, my dear Senior, an introduction to Lamoricière. This letter
+will be short: you know that I do not write at any length by the post.
+
+It will contain nothing but thanks for your long and interesting letter
+brought by Rivet, who returned delighted with the English in general, and
+with you in particular.
+
+I see that the disturbed state of politics occasioned by Sir Robert
+Peel's policy, is passing away, and that your political world is again
+dividing itself into the two great sects, one of which tries to narrow,
+the other to extend, the area of political power--one of which tries
+to lift you into aristocracy, the other to depress you into democracy.
+
+The political game will be simpler. I can understand better the
+conservative policy of Lord Derby than the democratic one of Lord John
+Russell. As the friends of free-trade are more numerous than those of
+democracy, I think that it would have been easier to attack the
+Government on its commercial than on its political illiberality.
+
+Then in this great nation, called Europe, similar currents of opinions
+and feelings prevail, different as may be the institutions and characters
+of its different populations. We see over the whole continent so general
+and so irresistible a reaction against democracy, and even against
+liberty, that I cannot believe that it will stop short on our side of the
+Channel; and if the Whigs become Radical, I shall not be surprised at the
+permanence in England of a Tory Government allied to foreign despots.
+
+But I ought not to talk on such matters, for I live at the bottom of a
+well, seeing nothing, and regretting that it is not sufficiently closed
+above to prevent my hearing anything. Your visions of 25,000 troops at
+Cherbourg, to be followed by 25,000 more, are mere phantoms. There is
+nothing of the kind, and there will be nothing. I speak with knowledge,
+for I come from Cherbourg. I have been attending an extraordinary meeting
+of our _Conseil général_ on the subject of a projected railway. My
+reception touched and delighted me. I was unanimously, and certainly
+freely, elected president.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+Friday evening, April 17, 1852.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--My letter is not likely to be a very amusing one,
+for I begin it on the dullest occasion and in the dullest of towns,
+namely at Ostend, while waiting for the packet-boat which is to take me
+to London.
+
+A thousand thanks for your letter to Lamoricière. He was very kind to me,
+and I hope hereafter, in Paris or in London, to improve the acquaintance.
+
+I saw no other French in Brussels. The most interesting conversation that
+I had was with the King.
+
+I found him convinced that the decree annexing Belgium to France had been
+drawn up, and that it was the interference of Nicholas, and his
+expression of a determination not to suffer the existing temporal limits
+to be altered, that had occasioned it to be withdrawn. I am happy,
+however, to think, as you also appear to think, that your great man is
+now intent on peaceful triumphs.
+
+He would scarcely have created such a mass of speculative activity in
+France if he intended suddenly to check it by war. I hope that by the
+time Masters in Chancery are abolished, I shall find France intersected
+by a network of railroads and run from Paris to Marseilles in a day.
+
+I venture to differ from you as to the probable progress of reaction in
+England. I see no symptom of it; on the contrary, democracy seems to me
+to continue its triumphant march without a check. The Protectionists are
+in power, they take for their leader in the House of Commons a man
+without birth or connection, merely because he is a good speaker. This
+could not have been done even ten years ago. They bow to the popular will
+as to free-trade, and acknowledge that, even if they have a majority in
+the Houses of Lords and Commons, they will not venture to re-impose a
+Corn-law if the people do not ask for it. Never was such a homage paid to
+the world 'without doors.'
+
+Then Lord John says that he objects to the Ballot, because those who have
+no votes have a right to know how those who have votes use them.
+
+The example of the Continent will not affect us, or if it do affect us,
+will rather strengthen our democracy. We are not accustomed to copy, and
+shall treat the reaction in France, Austria, and Prussia rather as a
+warning than as a model.
+
+I suspect that Lord John, who, though not, I think, a very wise
+statesman, is a clever tactician, takes the same view that I do, and has
+selected Reform for his platform, believing it to be a strong one.
+
+We were delighted with Rivet, and hope that he will soon come again.
+Lamoricière tells me that he is going to take the waters of
+_Aix-la-Chapelle_, but, if his exile continues, will probably come to
+England next year.
+
+Kindest regards to Madame de Tocqueville.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+
+Kensington, April 30, 1852.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--A thousand thanks for your letter.[3] I saw M. de
+Lamoricière three times, and had a glimpse of Madame de L. who seemed
+very pleasing. I was delighted with his spirit and intelligence, but
+understand the criticism that he is _soldatesque_.
+
+I had a long and very interesting conversation with the King, and saw
+much of my excellent friends Arrivabene and Quetelet. But after all
+Brussels is not Paris. I was more than ever struck by the ugliness of the
+country and the provincialness of the society.
+
+I returned on April 18, sprained my ancle on the 19th, and have been on
+my back ever since. I have spent the time in looking through Fonfrède,
+who is a remarkable writer, and makes some remarkable prophecies, in
+finishing Grote's ninth and tenth volumes, in reading Kenrick's 'Ancient
+Egypt,' which is worth studying, and in reading through Horace, whom I
+find that I understand much better after my Roman experience.
+
+I differ from you as to the chances of reaction in this country. I
+believe that we are still travelling the road which you have so well
+mapped out, which leads to democracy. Our extreme _gauche_, which we call
+the Manchester School, employs its whole efforts in that direction. It
+has great energy, activity, and combination. The duties of Parliament and
+of Government have become so onerous, and the facing our democratic
+constituencies is so disagreeable, and an idle life of society,
+literature, art, and travelling has become so pleasant, that our younger
+aristocracy seem to be giving up politics, and hence you hear the
+universal complaint that there are no young men of promise in public
+life.
+
+The House of Commons is full of middle-aged lawyers, merchants,
+manufacturers, and country-gentlemen, who take to politics late in life,
+without the early special training which fitted for it the last
+generation.
+
+I fear that the time may come when to be in the House of Commons may be
+thought a bore, a somewhat vulgar spouting club, like the Marylebone
+Vestry, or the City of London Common Council.
+
+I do not know whether Lord Derby has gained much in the last four months,
+but Lord John has certainly lost. His Reform Bill was a very crude
+_gâchis,_ without principle, and I think very mischievous. I ventured to
+say nearly as much to Lord Lansdowne, who sat by my sofa for an hour on
+Sunday, and he did not take up its defence. Then his opposition to the
+present Ministry has been factious, and to punish him, he was left the
+other day in a minority of fifty per cent. People begin now to speculate
+on the possibility of Lord Derby's reconstructing his minority on rather
+a larger basis, and maintaining himself for three or four years; which,
+in these times, is a good old age for a Minister. One admirable result of
+these changes is the death of Protection. Those who defended it in
+opposition are found to abandon it now they are in power. So it has not a
+friend left.
+
+Pray send me word, by yourself or by Mrs. Grote, when you leave Paris. My
+vacation begins on May 8, but I shall not move unless I recover the use
+of my legs, nor then I think, if I find that you will be absent.
+
+Kindest regards to Madame de Tocqueville.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+
+Paris, November 13, 1852.
+
+I am unlucky, my dear Senior, about your letters of introduction. You
+know how much I have wished and tried to make the acquaintance of Lord
+and Lady Ashburton, but without success. I should also, I am sure, have
+had great pleasure in meeting Mr. Greg.
+
+This time I was prevented by ill health.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Two or three months ago, I wrote to you from the country a letter which
+was addressed to Kensington. Did you receive it? and if so, why have you
+not answered it?
+
+I wrote upon politics, but especially I asked you about yourselves, your
+occupations and projects, some questions to which I was very anxious to
+have answers. At any rate, do now what you ought to have done then--write
+to me.
+
+I do not now write about politics, because we do not talk, or at least
+write about them in France any more than in Naples; besides, such
+subjects are not suitable to an invalid.
+
+I will only tell you, as important and authentic pieces of information,
+that the new court ladies have taken to trains and little pages, and that
+the new courtiers hunt the stag with their master in the Forest of
+Fontainebleau in dresses of the time of Louis XIV. and cocked hats.
+
+Good-bye! Heaven preserve you from the mistakes which lead to
+revolutions, and from the revolutions which lead to masquerades. A
+thousand kind regards.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+London, December 4, 1852.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--Your letter of November 13 is, I think, the first
+that I have received from you since March.
+
+That which you addressed to me at Kensington, two months ago, did not
+reach me. I have written to you one or two; I do not know with what
+success.
+
+I grieve to hear of rheumatism and pleurisy. You say nothing of Madame de
+Tocqueville, whence I hope that I may infer that she, at least, is well.
+
+We have all been flourishing. We passed the vacation in Wales and
+Ireland, and brought back a curious journal,[4] which I hope to send or
+bring to you.
+
+I do not think that I shall venture to Paris at Christmas, though Ellice
+and Thiers are trying to persuade me. I have too vivid a recollection of
+the fog, cold, and dirt of last year; but I fully resolve to be with you
+at Easter--that is, about March 24.
+
+The present Government, with all its want of principle and truth, and
+with all its want of experience, is doing much better than I expected.
+
+The law reforms are far bolder than any that _my_ friends ever proposed,
+and the budget, which was brought forward last night, contains more that
+is good, and less that is bad, than was hoped or feared.
+
+Its worst portion is the abolition of half the malt tax, which leaves all
+the expense of collection undiminished, besides being a removal of a tax
+on a luxury which I do not wish to see cheaper. It is probable, however,
+that the doubling of the house tax will be rejected, in which case
+Disraeli will probably retain the malt tax, and the budget will sink into
+a commonplace one.
+
+The removal of certain burdens on navigation and the change in the income
+tax are thought good, and generally the Government has gained by the
+budget. I am now inclined to think that it may last for some months
+longer--perhaps for some years.
+
+In the meantime we are in a state of great prosperity: high wages, great
+accumulation of capital, low prices of consumable articles, and high
+prices of stocks and land.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+
+February 27, 1853.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--I profit by Sir H. Ellis's visit to write, not
+venturing to trust the post.
+
+We are grieved to hear that both you and Madame de Tocqueville have been
+suffering. _We_ have borne this disagreeable winter better than perhaps
+we had a right to expect; but still we have suffered.
+
+Mrs. Grote tells me that you rather complain that the English newspapers
+approve of the marriage;[5] a marriage which you all disapprove.
+
+The fact is that we like the marriage precisely because you dislike it.
+We are above all things desirous that the present tyranny should end as
+quickly as possible. It can end only by the general alienation of the
+French people from the tyrant; and every fault that he commits delights
+us, because it is a step towards his fall. To say the truth, I wonder
+that you do not take the same view, and rejoice over his follies as
+leading to his destruction.
+
+Our new Government is going on well as yet. As the Opposition has turned
+law reformers, we expect law reform to go on as rapidly as is consistent
+with the slowly-innovating temper of the English. Large measures
+respecting charities, education, secondary punishments, and the transfer
+of land are in preparation, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer is at
+work on the difficult--I suspect the insoluble--problem of an equitable
+income tax. I foresee, however, a rock ahead.
+
+This is reform of the constituencies. Lord John Russell, very sillily,
+promised two years ago a new Reform Bill.
+
+Still more sillily he introduced one last year, and was deservedly turned
+out for it.
+
+Still more sillily the present Government has accepted his
+responsibility, and is pledged to bring in a measure of reform next year.
+
+I have been trying to persuade them to pave the way by a Commission of
+Inquiry, being certain that the facts on which we ought to agitate are
+imperfectly known. But Lord John is unfavourable, and the other Ministers
+do not venture to control the leader of the House of Commons. There will,
+therefore, be no previous inquiry; at least only the indirect one which
+the Government can make for itself. The measure will be concocted in
+secrecy, will be found open to unforeseen objections; it will be thrown
+out in the House, and will excite no enthusiasm in the country. If the
+Government dissolve, the new Parliament will probably be still more
+opposed to it than the present Parliament will be; and the Government,
+being beaten again, will resign.
+
+Such is my prophecy.
+
+_Prenez en acte_, and we will talk it over in May 1854.
+
+I hope to be in Paris either for the Easter or for the Whitsun
+vacation--that is, either about the 24th of March or the 5th of May
+next--and I trust to find you and Madame de Tocqueville, if not quite
+flourishing, at least quite convalescent.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+[Footnote 1: Republished in the _Biographical Sketches_. Longmans:
+1863.--ED.]
+
+
+[Footnote 2: The letter to which this is an answer is not to be
+found,--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 3: This letter is not to be found.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Published in 1868.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 5: That of the Emperor.--ED.]
+
+
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS.
+
+_Paris, May_ 9,1853.--I drank tea with the Tocquevilles. Neither of them
+is well.
+
+In February they were caught, on their journey from Tocqueville to Paris,
+by the bitter weather of the beginning of that month. It produced
+rheumatism and then pleurisy with him, and inflammation of the bowels
+with her; and both are still suffering from the effects either of the
+disorder or of the remedies.
+
+In the summer Paris will be too hot and Tocqueville too damp. So they
+have taken a small house at St. Cyr, about a mile from Tours, where they
+hope for a tolerable climate, easy access to Paris, and the use of the
+fine library of the cathedral. He entered eagerly on the Eastern
+question, and agreed on all points with Faucher; admitted the folly and
+rashness of the French, but deplored the over-caution which had led us to
+refuse interference, at least effectual interference, and to allow
+Turkey to sink into virtual subservience to Russia.
+
+_Paris, Tuesday, May_ 17.--Tocqueville and I stood on my balcony, and
+looked along the Rue de Rivoli and the Place de la Concorde, swarming
+with equipages, and on the well-dressed crowds in the gardens below. From
+the height in which we were placed all those apparently small objects, in
+incessant movement, looked like a gigantic ant-hill disturbed.
+
+'I never,' said Tocqueville, 'have known Paris so animated or apparently
+so prosperous. Much is to be attributed to the saving of the four
+previous years. The parsimony of the Parisians ended in 1850; but the
+parsimony of the provinces, always great, and in unsettled times carried
+to actual avarice, lasted during the whole of the Republic. Commercial
+persons tell me that the arrival of capital which comes up for investment
+from the provinces deranges all their calculations. It is like the sudden
+burst of vegetation which you have seen during the last week. We have
+passed suddenly from winter to summer.
+
+'I own,' he continued, 'that it fills me with alarm. Among the
+innumerable schemes that are afloat, some must be ill-founded, some must
+be swelled beyond their proper dimensions, and some may be mere swindles.
+The city of Paris and the Government are spending 150,000,000_l_. in
+building in Paris. This is almost as much as the fortifications cost. It
+has always been said, and I believe with truth, that the revolutionary
+army of 1848 was mainly recruited from the 40,000 additional workmen whom
+the fortifications attracted from the country, and left without
+employment when they were finished. When this enormous extra-expenditure
+is over, when the Louvre, and the new rue de Rivoli, and the Halles, and
+the street that is to run from the Hôtel de Ville to the northern
+boundary of Paris, are completed--that is to say, when a city has been
+built out of public money in two or three years--what will become of the
+mass of discharged workmen?
+
+'What will become of those on the railways if they are suddenly stopped,
+as yours were in 1846? What will be the shock if the Crédit Foncier or
+the Crédit Mobilier fail, after having borrowed each its milliard?
+Everything seems to me to be preparing for one of your panics, and the
+Government has so identified itself with the state of prosperity and
+state of credit of the country that a panic must produce a revolution.
+The Government claims the merit of all that is good, and of course is
+held responsible for all that is bad. If we were to have a bad harvest,
+it would be laid to the charge of the Emperor.
+
+'Of course,' he continued, 'I do not desire the perpetuation of the
+present tyranny. Its duration as a dynasty I believe to be absolutely
+impossible, except in one improbable contingency--a successful war.
+
+'But though, I repeat, I do not desire or expect the permanence of the
+Empire, I do not wish for its immediate destruction, before we are
+prepared with a substitute. The agents which are undermining it are
+sufficiently powerful and sufficiently active to occasion its fall quite
+as soon as we ought to wish for that fall.'
+
+'And what,' I said, 'are those agents?'
+
+'The principal agents,' he answered, 'are violence in the provinces and
+corruption in Paris. Since the first outbreak there has not been much
+violence in Paris. You must have observed that freedom of speech is
+universal. In every private society, and even in every _café_ hatred or
+contempt of the Government are the main topics of conversation. We are
+too numerous to be attacked. But in the provinces you will find perfect
+silence. Anyone who whispers a word against the Emperor may be
+imprisoned, or perhaps transported. The prefects are empowered by one of
+the decrees made immediately after the _coup d'état_ to dissolve any
+Conseil communal in which there is the least appearance of disaffection,
+and to nominate three persons to administer the commune. In many cases
+this has been done, and I could point out to you several communes
+governed by the prefect's nominees who cannot read. In time, of course,
+tyranny will produce corruption; but it has not yet prevailed extensively
+in the country, and the cause which now tends to depopularise him _there_
+is arbitrary violence exercised against those whom his agents suppose to
+be their enemies.
+
+'On the other hand, what is ruining him in Paris is not violence, but
+corruption.
+
+'The French are not like the Americans; they have no sympathy with
+smartness. Nothing so much excites their disgust as _friponnerie_. The
+main cause that overthrew Louis Philippe was the belief that he and his
+were _fripons_--that the representatives bought the electors, that the
+Minister bought the representatives, and that the King bought the
+Minister.
+
+'Now, no corruption that ever prevailed in the worst periods of Louis
+XV., nothing that was done by La Pompadour or the Du Barry resembles what
+is going on now. Duchâtel, whose organs are not over-acute, tells me that
+he shudders at what is forced on his notice. The perfect absence of
+publicity, the silence of the press and of the tribune, and even of the
+bar--for no speeches, except on the most trivial subjects, are allowed to
+be reported--give full room for conversational exaggeration. Bad as
+things are, they are made still worse. Now this we cannot bear. It hurts
+our strongest passion--our vanity. We feel that we are _exploités_ by
+Persigny, Fould, and Abbattucci, and a swarm of other adventurers. The
+injury might be tolerated, but not the disgrace.
+
+'Every Government in France has a tendency to become unpopular as it
+continues. If you were to go down into the street, and inquire into the
+politics of the first hundred persons whom you met, you would find some
+Socialists, some Republicans, some Orleanists, &c., but you would find no
+Louis Napoleonists. Not a voice would utter his name without some
+expression of contempt or detestation, but principally of contempt.
+
+'If then things take their course--if no accident, such as a fever or a
+pistol-shot, cut him off--public indignation will spread from Paris to
+the country, his unpopularity will extend from the people to the army,
+and then the first street riot will be enough to overthrow him.'
+
+'And what power,' I said, 'will start up in his place?'
+
+'I trust,' answered Tocqueville, 'that the reins will be seized by the
+Senate. Those who have accepted seats in it excuse themselves by saying,
+"A time may come when we shall be wanted." Probably the Corps Législatif
+will join them; and it seems to me clear that the course which such
+bodies will take must be the proclamation of Henri V.'
+
+'But what,' I said, 'would be the consequences of the pistol-shot or the
+fever?'
+
+'The immediate consequence,' answered Tocqueville, 'would be the
+installation of his successor. Jérôme would go to the Tuileries as easily
+as Charles X. did, but it would precipitate the end. We might bear Louis
+Napoleon for four or five years, or Jérôme for four or five months.'
+
+'It has been thought possible,' I said, 'that in the event of the Jérôme
+dynasty being overset by a military revolution, it might be followed by a
+military usurpation; that Nero might be succeeded by Galba.'
+
+'That,' said Tocqueville, 'is one of the few things which I hold to be
+impossible. Nero may be followed by another attempt at a Republic, but if
+any individual is to succeed him it must be a prince. _Mere_ personal
+distinction, at least such as is within the bounds of real possibility,
+will not give the sceptre of France. It will be seized by no one who
+cannot pretend to an hereditary claim.
+
+'What I fear,' continued Tocqueville, 'is that when this man feels the
+ground crumbling under him, he will try the resource of war. It will be a
+most dangerous experiment. Defeat, or even the alternation of success and
+failure, which is the ordinary course of war, would be fatal to him; but
+brilliant success might, as I have said before, establish him. It would
+be playing double or quits. He is by nature a gambler. His
+self-confidence, his reliance, not only on himself, but on his fortune,
+exceeds even that of his uncle. He believes himself to have a great
+military genius. He certainly planned war a year ago. I do not believe
+that he has abandoned it now, though the general feeling of the country
+forces him to suspend it. That feeling, however, he might overcome; he
+might so contrive as to appear to be forced into hostilities; and such is
+the intoxicating effect of military glory, that the Government which
+would give us _that_ would be pardoned, whatever were its defects or its
+crimes.
+
+'It is your business, and that of Belgium, to put yourselves into such a
+state of defence as to force him to make his spring on Italy. There he
+can do you little harm. But to us Frenchmen the consequences of war
+_must_ be calamitous. If we fail, they are national loss and humiliation.
+If we succeed, they are slavery.'
+
+'Of course,' I said, 'the corruption that infects the civil service must
+in time extend to the army, and make it less fit for service.
+
+'Of course it must,' answered Tocqueville. 'It will extend still sooner
+to the navy? The _matériel_ of a force is more easily injured by jobbing
+than the _personnel_. And in the navy the _matériel_ is the principal.
+
+'Our naval strength has never been in proportion to our naval
+expenditure, and is likely to be less and less so every year, at least
+during every year of the _règne des fripons_.'
+
+_Tuesday, May_ 24.--I breakfasted with Sir Henry Ellis and then went to
+Tocqueville's.
+
+I found there an elderly man, who did not remain long.
+
+When he went, Tocqueville said, 'That is one of our provincial prefects.
+He has been describing to us the state of public feeling in the South.
+Contempt for the present Government, he tells us, is spreading there from
+its headquarters, Paris.
+
+'If the Corps Législatif is dissolved, he expects the Opposition to
+obtain a majority in the new House.
+
+'This,' continued Tocqueville, 'is a state of things with which Louis
+Napoleon is not fit to cope. Opposition makes him furious, particularly
+Parliamentary opposition. His first impulse will be to go a step further
+in imitation of his uncle, and abolish the Corps Législatif, as Napoleon
+did the Tribunat.
+
+'But nearly half a century of Parliamentary life has made the French of
+1853 as different from those of 1803 as the nephew is from his uncle.
+
+'He will scarcely risk another _coup d'état_; and the only legal mode of
+abolishing, or even modifying, the Corps Législatif is by a plébiscite
+submitted by ballot to universal suffrage.
+
+'Will he venture on this? And if he do venture, will he succeed? If he
+fail, will he not sink into a constitutional sovereign, controlled by an
+Assembly far more unmanageable than we deputies were, as the Ministers
+are excluded from it?'
+
+'Will he not rather,' I said, 'sink into an exile?'
+
+'That is my hope,' said Tocqueville, 'but I do not expect it quite so
+soon as Thiers does,'
+
+
+
+CORRESPONDENCE.
+
+St. Cyr, July 2, 1853.
+
+I am not going to talk to you, my dear Senior, about the Emperor, or the
+Empress, or any of the august members of the Imperial Family; nor of the
+Ministers, nor of any other public functionaries, because I am a
+well-disposed subject who does not wish that the perusal of his letters
+should give pain to his Government. I shall write to you upon an
+historical problem, and discuss with you events which happened five
+hundred years ago. There could not be a more innocent subject.
+
+I have followed your advice, and I have read, or rather re-read,
+Blackstone. I studied him twenty years ago. Each time he has made upon me
+the same impression. Now, as then, I have ventured to consider him (if
+one may say so without blasphemy) an inferior writer, without liberality
+of mind or depth of judgment; in short, a commentator and a lawyer, not
+what _we_ understand by the words _jurisconsulte_ and _publiciste_. He
+has, too, in a degree which is sometimes amusing, a mania for admiring
+all that was done in ancient times, and for attributing to them all that
+is good in his own. I am inclined to think that, if he had had to write,
+not on the institutions, but on the products of England, he would have
+discovered that beer was first made from grapes, and that the hop is a
+fruit of the vine--rather a degenerate product, it is true, of the wisdom
+of our ancestors, but as such worthy of respect. It is impossible to
+imagine an excess more opposite to that of his contemporaries in France,
+for whom it was enough that a thing was old for it to be bad. But enough
+of Blackstone; he must make way for what I really want to say to you.
+
+In comparing the feudal institutions in England in the period immediately
+after the conquest with those of France, you find between them, not only
+an analogy, but a perfect resemblance, much greater than Blackstone seems
+to think, or, at any rate, chooses to say. In reality, the system in the
+two countries is identical. In France, and over the whole Continent, this
+system produced a caste; in England, an aristocracy. How is it that the
+word _gentleman_, which in our language denotes a mere superiority of
+blood, with you is now used to express a certain social position, and
+amount of education, independent of birth; so that in two countries the
+same word, though the sound remains the same, has entirely changed its
+meaning? When did this revolution take place? How, and through what
+transitions? Have no books ever treated of this subject in England? Have
+none of your great writers, philosophers, politicians, or historians,
+ever noticed this characteristic and pregnant fact, tried to account for
+it, and to explain it?
+
+If I had the honour of a personal acquaintance with Mr. Macaulay, I
+should venture to write to ask him these questions. In the excellent
+history which he is now publishing he alludes to this fact, but he does
+not try to explain it. And yet, as I have said before, there is none more
+pregnant, nor containing within it so good an explanation of the
+difference between the history of England and that of the other feudal
+nations in Europe. If you should meet Mr. Macaulay, I beg you to ask him,
+with much respect, to solve these questions for me. But tell me what you
+yourself think, and if any other eminent writers have treated this
+subject.
+
+You must think me, my dear friend, very tiresome with all these questions
+and dissertations; but of what else can I speak? I pass here the life of
+a Benedictine monk, seeing absolutely no one, and writing whenever I am
+not walking. I expect this cloistered life to do a great deal of good
+both to my mind and body. Do not think that in my convent I forget my
+friends. My wife and I constantly talk of them, and especially of you and
+of our dear Mrs. Grote. I am reading your MSS.,[1] which interest and
+amuse me extremely. They are my relaxation. I have promised Beaumont to
+send them to him as soon as I have finished them.
+
+
+St. Cyr, December 8, 1853.
+
+I must absolutely write to you to-day, my dear Senior. I have long been
+wishing to do so, but have been deterred by the annoyance I feel at not
+being able to discuss with you a thousand subjects as interesting to you
+as they are to me, but which one cannot mention in a letter; for letters
+are now less secret than ever, and to insist upon writing politics to our
+friends is equivalent to their not hearing from us at all. But I may, at
+any rate, without making the police uneasy, assure you of the great
+pleasure with which we heard that you intended paying us a little visit
+next month.
+
+There is an excellent hotel at Tours, where you will find good
+apartments; for the rest, I hope that you will make our house your inn.
+We are near enough to Tours for me to walk there and back, and we
+regulate our clocks by the striking of theirs; so you see that it is
+difficult to be nearer.
+
+I think that it is a capital idea of yours to visit French Africa. The
+country is curious in itself, also on account of the contrasts afforded
+by the different populations which spread over the land without ever
+mixing.
+
+You will find them materials for some of those excellent and interesting
+articles which you write so well. When you come I shall be able to give
+you some useful information, for I have devoted much attention to
+Algiers. I have here a long report which I drew up for the Chamber in
+1846, which may give you some valuable ideas, though things have
+considerably changed since that time.
+
+Kind remembrances, &c.,
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+[The following are some more of Mrs. Grote's interesting notes. She
+preceded Mr. Senior at St. Cyr.--ED.]
+
+The notes relating to St. Cyr are memoranda of various conversations
+which I enjoyed during a stay of some ten days or so at Tours, in
+February 1854, with Monsieur Alexis de Tocqueville. I occupied an
+apartment in the hotel at Tours, and on almost every day passed some
+hours in the company of this interesting friend, who at this time lived
+at St. Cyr, in a commodious country-house having its garden, &c, which he
+rented. I drove out to dine there frequently, and M. de Tocqueville
+walked over on the intervening days and stayed an hour or two at the
+hotel with me talking incessantly.--H.G.
+
+_St. Cyr, February_ 13, 1854,--The French allow no author to have a claim
+to the highest rank unless he joins the perfection of style with the
+instructiveness of his matter. Only four first-rate writers in the
+eighteenth century--_grands écrivains, comme grands penseurs originaux;_
+these being Montesquieu, Voltaire, J.J. Rousseau, and Buffon. Helvetius
+not _en première ligne_, because his _forme_ was not up to the mark.
+Alexis himself is often hung up for days together, having the thoughts,
+yet not hitting off the 'phrases' in a way to satisfy his critical ear as
+to style.
+
+Thinks that when a man is capable of originating a _belle pensée_, he
+ought to be also capable of clothing that thought in felicitous language.
+
+Thinks that a torpid state of political life is unfavourable to
+intellectual product in general.
+
+I instanced the case of Louis XIV. as contradicting this. Not admitted by
+Tocqueville. The civil wars of Louis XIV.'s reign had engendered
+considerable activity in the minds of the educated class. This activity
+generated speculation and scientific inquiry in all the departments of
+human thoughts. Abstract ideas became the field on which thinkers
+occupied themselves. No _practical_ outlet under despotism, but a certain
+social fermentation nevertheless existing, and the want of making itself
+a vent impelled intellectual life and writings. I instanced Louis XV. 'At
+least,' I said, 'the torpor of political life was become yet more a
+habit,' 'Yes,' said Alexis, 'but then there was the principle of
+discontent very widely diffused, which was the germ of the revolution of
+1789. This restless, disaffected state of the national mind gave birth to
+some new forms of intellectual product, tending to rather more distinct
+practical results, which filtered down among the middle classes, and
+became the objects of their desires and projects.' Rousseau and Voltaire
+eminently serviceable in leading the public sentiment towards the middle
+of the eighteenth century.
+
+English writers and statesmen having always enjoyed the power of applying
+their minds to actual circumstances, and of appealing through a free
+press and free speech also to the public of their day, have never
+addressed themselves, as French philosophers did, to the cultivation of
+abstract speculations and general theories. Here and there a writer has
+been thrown, by his individual tastes and turn of thought, upon the study
+of political philosophy; but the Englishman, taken as a public writer,
+commonly addresses himself to practical legislation rather than to
+recondite studies or logical analysis and investigation of the relations
+between mankind and their regulations under authorised powers. Since Lord
+Bacon there have been few, excepting in our later times Mill, Bentham,
+and his disciples, who have explored the metaphysics of jurisprudence and
+moral science in England. Hume dealt in the philosophic treatment of
+political subjects, but did not work them up into anything like a
+coherent system. English are not fond of generalities, but get on by
+their instincts, bit by bit, as need arises.
+
+Alexis thinks that the writers of the period antecedent to the revolution
+of 1789 were quite as much _thrown up by_ the condition of public
+sentiment as they were the exciters of it. Nothing _comprehensive_, in
+matters of social arrangement, can be effected under a state of things
+like that of England; so easy there for a peculiar grievance to get
+heard, so easy for a local or class interest to obtain redress against
+any form of injustice, that legislation _must_ be 'patching.' Next to
+impossible to reorganise a community without a revolution.
+
+Alexis has been at work for about a year in _rummaging_ amid archives,
+partly in those of the capital, partly in those of the Touraine. In this
+last town a complete collection is contained of the records of the old
+'Intendance,' under which several provinces were governed. Nothing short
+of a continuous and laborious poring over the details of Government
+furnished by these invaluable _paperasses_ could possibly enable a
+student of the past century to frame to himself any clear conception of
+the working of the social relations and authorities in old France. There
+exists no such tableau. The manners of the higher classes and their daily
+life and habits are well portrayed in heaps of memoirs, and even pretty
+well understood by our contemporaries. But the whole structure of
+society, in its relations with the authorised agents of supreme power,
+including the pressure of those secondary obligations arising out of
+_coutumes du pays_, is so little understood as to be scarcely available
+to a general comprehension of the old French world before 1789.
+
+Alexis says that the reason why the great upheaving of that period has
+never been to this day sufficiently appreciated, never sufficiently
+explained, is because the actual living hideousness of the social details
+and relations of that period, seen from the points of view of a
+penetrating contemporary looker-on, has never yet been depicted in
+true colours and with minute particulars. After having dived into the
+social history of that century, as I have stated, his conviction is that
+it was impossible that the revolution of 1789 should _not_ burst out.
+Cause and effect were never more irrevocably associated than in this
+terrible case. Nothing but the compulsory idleness and obscurity into
+which Alexis has been thrown since December 1851 would have put even him
+upon the researches in question. Few perhaps could have addressed
+themselves to the task with such remarkable powers of interpretation, and
+with such talents for exploring the connection between thought and action
+as he is endowed with. Also he is singularly exempt from aristocratical
+prejudices, and quite capable of sympathising with popular feeling,
+though naturally not partial to democracy.
+
+_February_ 15.--De Tocqueville came down in close carriage and sat an
+hour and a half by fireside. Weather horrible. Talked of La Marck's book
+on Mirabeau;[2] said that the line Mirabeau pursued was perfectly well
+known to Frenchmen prior to the appearance of La Marck's book; but that
+the actual details were of course a new revelation, and highly valued
+accordingly. Asked what we thought of it in England. I told him the
+leading impression made by the book was the clear perception of the
+impossibility of effecting any good or coming to terms in any manner of
+way of the revolutionary leaders with such a Court. That we also had long
+suspected Mirabeau of being what he was now proved to have been--a man
+who, imbued though he was with the spirit of revolutionary action and the
+conviction of the rightfulness of demanding prodigious changes, yet who
+would willingly have directed the monarch in a method of warding off the
+terrible consequences of the storm, and who would, if the Court had
+confided to his hands the task of conciliating the popular feelings, have
+perhaps preserved the forms of monarchy while affording the requisite
+concessions to the national demands. But the Court was so steeped in the
+old sentiment of divine right, and moreover so distrustful of Mirabeau's
+honour and sagacity (the more so as he was insatiable in his pecuniary
+requisitions), that they would never place their cause frankly in his
+hands, nor indeed in anyone else's who was capable of discerning their
+best interests. Lafayette was regarded as an enemy almost (and was
+'jaloused' by Mirabeau as being so popular) on account of his popular
+sympathies. De Tocqueville said that so diffused was the spirit of
+revolution at the period preceding the convocation of the États-généraux,
+that the elder Mirabeau, who was a very clever and original-minded man,
+though strongly tinctured with the old feudal prejudices, nevertheless
+let the fact be seen in the clearest manner in his own writings. He wrote
+many tracts on public topics, and De Tocqueville says that the tone in
+which Mirabeau (_père_) handles these proves that he was perfectly
+cognisant of the universal spread of revolutionary opinions, and even in
+some degree influenced by them in his own person. Mirabeau (the son) was
+so aware of the absolute necessity of proclaiming himself emancipated
+from the old feudalities, that, among other extravagances of his conduct,
+he started as a shopkeeper at Marseilles for some time, by way of
+fraternizing with the _bourgeoisie; affichéing_ his liberalism. De
+Tocqueville quoted Napoleon as saying in one of his conversations at St.
+Helena that he had been a spectator _from a window_ of the scene at the
+Tuileries, on the famous August 10, 1792, and that it was his conviction
+(Napoleon's) that, even at that stage, the revolution might have been
+averted--at least, the furious character of it might have been turned
+aside--by judicious modes of negotiation on the part of the King's
+advisers. De Tocqueville does not concur in Napoleon's opinion.
+'Cahiers,' published 1789, contain the whole body of instructions
+supplied to their respective delegates by the _trois états (clergé,
+noblesse, et Tiers État_), on assembling in convocation. Of this entire
+and voluminous collection (which is deposited in the archives of France)
+three volumes of extracts are to be bought which were a kind of _rédigé_
+of the larger body of documents. In these three volumes De Tocqueville
+mentioned, one may trace the course of the public sentiment with perfect
+clearness. Each class demanded a large instalment of constitutional
+securities; the nobles perhaps demanded the largest amount of all the
+three. Nothing could be more thoroughgoing than the requisitions which
+the body of the _noblesse_ charged their delegates to enforce in the
+Assembly of the États-généraux--'égalisations des charges (taxation),
+responsabilité des ministres, indépendance des tribunaux, liberté de la
+personne, garantie de la propriété contre la couronne,' a balance-sheet
+annually of the public expenses and public revenue, and, in fact, all the
+salient privileges necessary in order to enfranchise a community weary of
+despotism. The clergy asked for what they wanted with equal resolution,
+and the _bourgeoisie_ likewise; but what the nobles were instructed to
+demand was the boldest of all. We talked of the letters of the writers of
+the eighteenth century, and of the correspondence of various eminent men
+and women with David Hume, which Mr. Hill Burton has published in a
+supplementary volume in addition to those comprised in his life of David
+Hume, and which I have with me. I said that the works of Hume being
+freely printed and circulated caused great pleasure to the French men of
+letters, mingled with envy at the facility enjoyed by the Englishman of
+publishing anything he chose; the French writers being debarred, owing to
+the importunity of the clergy with Louis XV., from publishing freely
+their works in France, and only managing to get themselves printed by
+employing printers at the Hague, Amsterdam, and other towns beyond the
+limits of the kingdom. To my surprise, De Tocqueville replied that this
+disability, so far from proving disadvantageous to the _esprits forts_ of
+the period, and the encyclopaedic school, was a source of gain to them in
+every respect. Every book or tract which bore the stamp of being printed
+at the Hague or elsewhere, _out of France_, was speedily caught up and
+devoured. It was a passport to success. Everyone knowing that, since it
+was printed there, it must be of a nature to give offence to the ruling
+powers, and especially to the priesthood, and as such, all who were
+imbued with the new opinions were sure to run after books bearing this
+certificate of merit. De Tocqueville said that the _savans_ of 1760-1789
+would not have printed in France, had they been free to do so, at the
+period immediately preceding the accession of Louis XVI.
+
+Talked of Lafayette: said he was as great as pure, good intentions and
+noble instincts could make a man; but that he was _d'un esprit médiocre_,
+and utterly at a loss how to turn affairs to profit at critical
+junctures--never knew what was coming, no political foresight. Mistake in
+putting Louis Philippe on the throne _sans garantie_ in 1830; misled by
+his own disinterested character to think better of public men than he
+ought to have done. Great personal integrity shown by Lafayette during
+the Empire, and under the Restoration: not to be cajoled by any monarch.
+
+_February_ 16.--The current fallacy of Napoleon having made the important
+alterations in the laws of France. All the eminent new enactments
+originated in the Constituent Assembly, only that they set to work in
+such sledgehammer fashion, that the carrying out their work became
+extremely troublesome and difficult. Too abstract in their notions to
+estimate difficulties of detail in changing the framework of
+jurisprudence. De Tocqueville said philosophers must always originate
+laws, but men used to active practical life ought to undertake to direct
+the transition from old to new arrangements. The Constituent Assembly did
+prodigious things in the way of clearing the ground of past abominations.
+Napoleon had the talent of making their work take effect; understood
+administrative science, but rendered the centralising principle far too
+predominant, in the view to consolidate his own power afterwards. France
+has felt this, to her cost, ever since.
+
+Habit formerly (i.e. 300 years back) as prevalent in France as it is in
+England of gentlemen of moderate fortune residing wholly or by far the
+greater part of the year on their estates. They ceased to do so from
+the time when the sovereign took from them all local authority, from the
+fifteenth century or so. The French country-houses were excessively
+thickly dotted over the land even up to the year 1600; quantities pulled
+down after that period. Country life becoming flat after the gentlemen
+ceased to be of importance in their political relations with their
+districts, they gave up rural habits and took to living in the provincial
+towns.
+
+De Tocqueville had many conversations with M. Royer Collard respecting
+the events of 1789. Difficult to get much out of men of our period
+relative to their own early manhood. His own father (now 82) much less
+capable of communicating details of former _régime_ than might have been
+supposed. Because, says De Tocqueville, youths of eighteen to twenty
+hardly ever possess the faculty or the inclination to note social
+peculiarities. They accept what they find going, and scarcely give a
+thought to the contemplation of what is familiar to them and of every
+day's experience. Royer Collard was a man of superior mind: had a great
+deal to relate. De Tocqueville used to pump him whenever an opportunity
+occurred. Knew Danton well, used to discuss political affairs with him.
+When revolution was fairly launched, saw him occasionally. Danton was
+venal to the last degree; received money from the Court over and over
+again; 'agitated,' and was again sopped by the agents of Marie
+Antoinette. When matters grew formidable (in 1791) Royer Collard was
+himself induced to become an agent or go-between of the Court for buying
+up Danton. He sought an opportunity, and after some prefatory
+conversations Royer Collard led Danton to the point. 'No,' said Danton,
+'I cannot listen to any such suggestions now. Times are altered. It is
+too late. 'Nous le détrônerons et puis nous le tuerons,' added he in an
+emphatic tone. Royer Collard of course gave up the hope of succeeding.
+
+Danton's passion for a young girl, whom he married, became his ruin.
+While he was honeymooning it by some river's margin, Robespierre got the
+upper hand in the Assembly, and caused him to be seized--_mis en
+jugement_--and soon afterwards guillotined. The woman did not know, it is
+affirmed, that it was Danton who set the massacres of 1792 agoing; she
+thought him a good-hearted man. He set all his personal enemies free out
+of their prisons prior to the commencement of the massacres; wishing to
+be able to boast of having spared his enemies, as a proof that he was
+actuated by no ignoble vengeance, but only by a patriotic impulse. He
+was a low, mean-souled fanatic, who had no clear conception of what he
+was aiming at, but who delighted in the horrid excitement prevailing
+around him. It was Tallien who had the chief share in the deposition of
+Robespierre and the transactions of the 9th thermidor. Madame Tallien was
+then in prison, and going to be executed in a few days (she was not yet
+married to Tallien then). She wrote, by stealth of course, a few emphatic
+words, with a toothpick and soot wetted, to Tallien which nerved him to
+the conflict, and she was saved. Talleyrand told De Tocqueville she was
+beyond everything captivating, beautiful, and interesting. She afterwards
+became the mistress of Barras, and finally married the Prince de Chimay.
+
+De Tocqueville has been at Voré, Helvetius' château in La Perche--a fine
+place, and Helvetius lived _en seigneur_ there. A grand-daughter of
+Helvetius married M. de Rochambeau, uncle, by mother's side, of Alexis:
+so that the great-grandchildren are De Tocqueville's first cousins.
+
+In the 'Souvenirs' of M. Berryer (_père_) he describes the scene of the
+9th thermidor, in which he was actively concerned in the interest of the
+Convention, and saw Robespierre borne past him with his shattered jaw
+along the Quai Pelletier. Also went to the terrace of the Tuileries
+gardens to assure himself that Robespierre was really executed the next
+day; heard the execrations and shouts which attended his last moments,
+but did not stay to witness them. Release of the Duchess of St. Aignan,
+under sentence of death, by his father.
+
+_February_ 18.--A. de Tocqueville came to see me, and we walked out for
+half-an-hour. He said he had now spent over eight months in a seclusion
+such as he had never experienced in his whole life. That, partly his
+own debilitated health, partly the impaired state of his wife's general
+powers (nervous system inclusive), partly the extreme aversion he felt
+for public affairs and the topics of the day connected with politics; all
+these considerations had determined him upon withdrawing himself from
+society for a certain space, and _that_ to a considerable distance from
+all his friends and relations. A physician, also of widely extended fame
+(Dr. Brittonneau), happening to reside close to where they have lodged
+themselves, formed an additional link in the chain of motives for
+settling themselves at Tours. M. de Tocqueville had some misgivings at
+first as to whether, after passing twenty years in active public life,
+and in the frequent society of men who occupied the most distinguished
+position in the political world, as well as of others not less eminent in
+that of letters; whether, he said, the monotony and stillness of his new
+mode of life would not be too much for his spirits and render his mind
+indolent and depressed. 'But,' said he, 'I have been agreeably reassured.
+I have come to regard society as a thing which I can perfectly well do
+without. I desire nothing better than to occupy myself, as I have been
+doing, with the composition of a work which I am in hopes will travel
+over somewhat other than beaten ground. I have found many materials for
+my purpose in this spot, and the pursuit has got hold of me to a degree
+which renders intellectual labour a source of pleasure; and I prosecute
+it steadily, unless when my health is out of order; which, happily, does
+not occur so frequently since the last three or four months. My wife's
+company serves to encourage me in my work, and to cheer me in every
+respect, since an entire sympathy subsists between us, as you know; we
+seem to require no addition, and our lives revolve in the most inflexible
+routine possible. I rise at half-past five, and work seriously till
+half-past nine; then dress for _déjeûner_ at ten. I commonly walk
+half-an-hour afterwards, and then set to on some other study--usually of
+late in the German language--till two P.M., when I go out again and walk
+for two hours, if weather allows. In the evenings I read to amuse myself,
+often reading aloud to Madame de Tocqueville, and go to bed at ten P.M.
+regularly every night.'
+
+'Sometimes,' said De Tocqueville, 'I reflect on the difference which may
+be discerned between the amount of what a man can effect by even the most
+strenuous and well-directed efforts, whether as a public servant or as a
+leading man in political life, and what a writer of impressive books has
+it in his power to effect. It is true that a man of talent and courage
+may acquire a creditable position, may exercise great influence over
+other individuals engaged in the same career, and may enjoy a certain
+measure of triumphant success in cases where he can put out his strength.
+At the same time it strikes me that the best of these exaggerates
+immensely the amount of good which he has been able to effect. I look
+back upon prodigiously vivid passages in various public men's lives, in
+this century, with a melancholy reflection of how little influence their
+magnificent efforts have really exercised over the march of human
+affairs. A man is apt to believe he has done great things when his
+hearers and contemporaries are strongly affected, either by a powerful
+speech, or an animated address, or an act of opportune courage, or the
+like. But, if we investigate the positive amount of what the individual
+has effected in the way of bettering or advancing the general interests
+of mankind, by personal exertion on the public stage, I regret to say I
+can find hardly an instance of more than a transient, though beneficial,
+flash of excitement produced on the public mind. I do not here speak of
+men invested with great power--princes, prime ministers, popes, generals
+and the like. Of course _they_ produce lasting traces of their _power_,
+whether it be for good or evil; and, indeed, _individuals_ have on their
+side considerable power to work _mischief_, though not often to work
+good. I begin to think that a man not invested with a considerable amount
+of political _power_ can do but little good by slaving at the oar of
+independent political action. Now, on the contrary, what a vast effect a
+_writer_ can produce, when he possesses the requisite knowledge and
+endowments! In his cabinet, his thoughts collected, his ideas well
+arranged, he may hope to imprint indelible traces on the line of human
+progress. What orator, what brilliant patriot at the tribune, could ever
+effect the extensive fermentation in a whole nation's sentiments achieved
+by Voltaire and Jean Jacques?
+
+'I have certainly seen reason to change some of my views on social facts,
+as well as some reasonings founded on imperfect observation. But the
+_fond_ of my opinions can never undergo a change--certain irrevocable
+maxims and propositions _must_ constitute the basis of thinking minds.
+How such changes can come about as I have lived to see in some men's
+states of opinion is to me incomprehensible. Lafayette was foolish enough
+to give his support to certain conspiracies--certainly to that of
+Béfort's, in Alsace. What folly! to seek to upset a despotism by the
+agency of the _soldiery_, in the nineteenth century!'
+
+H. GROTE.
+
+[Footnote 1: Mr. Senior's Journals.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 2: See _Royal and Republican France_, by H. Reeve Esq. vol.
+i.--ED.]
+
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS WITH MR. SENIOR.
+
+_St. Cyr, Tuesday, February_ 21, 1854.[1]--On the 20th I left Paris for
+Le Trésorier, a country-house in the village of St. Cyr, near Tours,
+which the Tocquevilles have been inhabiting for some months. It stands in
+a large enclosure of about fifteen acres, of which about ten are orchard
+and vineyard, and the remainder are occupied by the house, stables, and a
+large garden. The house has a great deal of accommodation, and they pay
+for it, imperfectly furnished, 3,000 francs a year, and keep up the
+garden, which costs about 500 francs more, being one man at one and
+a-half francs a day.
+
+This is considered dear; but the sheltered position of the house, looking
+south, and protected by a hill to the north-east, induced the
+Tocquevilles to pay for it about 1,000 francs more than its market value.
+
+I will throw together the conversations of February 22 and 23. They began
+by my giving to him a general account of the opinions of my friends in
+Paris.
+
+'I believe,' said Tocqueville, 'that I should have found out many of your
+interlocutors without your naming them. I am sure that I should Thiers,
+Duvergier, Broglie, and Rivet; perhaps Faucher--certainly Cousin. I
+translate into French what you make them say, and hear them speak. I
+recognise Dumon and Lavergne, but I should not have discovered them. The
+conversation of neither of them has the marked, peculiar flavour that
+distinguishes that of the others. You must recollect, however, that some
+of your friends knew, and most of the others must have suspected, that
+you were taking notes. Thiers speaks evidently for the purpose of being
+reported. To be sure that shows what are the opinions that men wish to be
+supposed to entertain, and they often betray what they think that they
+conceal. Still it must be admitted that you had not always the natural
+man.' 'I am sorry,' he added, 'that you have not penetrated more into the
+salons of the Legitimists. You have never got further than a Fusionist.
+The Legitimists are not the Russians that Thiers describes them. Still
+less do they desire to see Henri V. restored by foreign intervention.
+They and their cause have suffered too bitterly for having committed
+that crime, or that fault, for them to be capable of repeating it. They
+are anti-national so far as not to rejoice in any victories obtained by
+France under this man's guidance. But I cannot believe that they would
+rejoice in her defeat. They have been so injured in their fortunes and
+their influence, have been so long an oppressed caste--excluded from
+power, and even from sympathy--that they have acquired the faults of
+slaves--have become timid and frivolous, or bitter.
+
+'They have ceased to be anxious about anything but to be let alone. But
+they are a large, a rich, and comparatively well-educated body. Your
+picture is incomplete without them, _et il sera toujours très-difficile
+de gouverner sans eux._[2]
+
+I quite agree,' he continued, 'with Thiers as to the necessity of this
+war. Your interests may be more immediate and greater, but ours are very
+great. When I say ours, I mean those of France as a country that is
+resolved to enjoy constitutional government. I am not sure that if Russia
+were to become mistress of the Continent she would not allow France to
+continue a quasi-independent despotism under her protectorate. But she
+will never willingly allow us to lie powerful and free.
+
+'I sympathise, too, with Thiers's fears as to the result. I do not
+believe that Napoleon himself, with all his energy, and all his
+diligence, and all his intelligence, would have thought it possible to
+conduct a great war to which his Minister of War was opposed. A man who
+has no heart in his business will neglect it, or do it imperfectly. His
+first step would have been to dismiss St.-Arnaud. Then, look at the other
+two on whose skill and energy we have to depend. One is Ducos, Minister
+of Marine, a man of mere commonplace talents and character. The other is
+Binneau, Minister of Finance, somewhat inferior to Ducos. Binneau ought
+to provide resources. He ought to check the preposterous waste of the
+Court. He has not intelligence enough to do the one, or courage enough to
+attempt the other. The real Prime Minister is without doubt Louis
+Napoleon himself. But he is not a man of business. He does not understand
+details. He may order certain things to be done, but he will not be able
+to ascertain whether the proper means have been taken. He does not know
+indeed what these means are. He does not trust those who do. A war which
+would have tasked all the powers of Napoleon, and of Napoleon's Ministers
+and generals, is to be carried on without any master-mind to direct it,
+or any good instruments to execute it. I fear some great disaster.
+
+'Such a disaster might throw,' he continued, 'this man from the eminence
+on which he is balanced, not rooted. It might produce a popular outbreak,
+of which the anarchical party might take advantage. Or, what is perhaps
+more to be feared, it might frighten Louis Napoleon into a change of
+policy. He is quite capable of turning short round--giving up
+everything--key of the Grotto, protectorate of the orthodox, even the
+Dardanelles and the Bosphorus--to Nicholas, and asking to be repaid by
+the Rhine.
+
+'I cannot escape from the _cauchemar_ that a couple of years hence France
+and England may be at war. Nicholas's expectations have been deceived,
+but his plan was not unskilfully laid. He had a fair right to conjecture
+that you would think the dangers of this alliance such as to be even
+greater than those of allowing him to obtain his protectorate.
+
+'In deciding otherwise, you have taken the brave and the magnanimous
+course. I hope that it may prove the successful one.
+
+'I am sorry,' continued Tocqueville, 'to see the language of your
+newspapers as to the fusion. I did not choose to take part in it. I hate
+to have anything to do with pretenders. But as a mere measure of
+precaution it is a wise one. It decides what shall be the conduct of the
+Royalist party in the event--not an improbable one--of France being
+suddenly left without a ruler.
+
+'Your unmeasured praise of Louis Napoleon and your unmeasured abuse of
+the Bourbons are, to a certain degree, the interference in our politics
+which you professedly disclaim. I admit the anti-English prejudices
+of the Bourbons, and I admit that they are not likely to be abated by
+your alliance with a Bonaparte. But the opinions of a constitutional
+sovereign do not, like those of a despot, decide the conduct of his
+country. The country is anxious for peace, and, above all, peace with
+you--for more than peace, for mutual good-feeling. The Bourbons cannot
+return except with a constitution. It has become the tradition of the
+family, it is their title to the throne. There is not a _vieille
+marquise_ in the Faubourg St.-Germain who believes in divine right.
+
+'The higher classes in France are Bourbonists because they are
+Constitutionalists, because they believe that constitutional monarchy is
+the government best suited to France, and that the Bourbons offer us the
+fairest chance of it.
+
+'Among the middle classes there is without doubt much inclination for the
+social equality of a Republic. But they are alarmed at its instability;
+they have never known one live for more than a year or two, or die except
+in convulsions.
+
+'As for the lower classes, the country people think little about
+politics, the sensible portion of the artizans care about nothing but
+cheap and regular work; the others are Socialists, and, next to the
+government of a Rouge Assembly, wish for that of a Rouge despot.'
+
+'In London,' I said, 'a few weeks ago I came across a French Socialist,
+not indeed of the lower orders--for he was a Professor of
+Mathematics--but participating in their feelings. "I prefer," he said, "a
+Bonaparte to a Bourbon--a Bonaparte must rely on the people, one can
+always get something out of him." "What have you got," I asked, "from
+this man?" "A great deal," he answered. "We got the Orleans
+confiscation--that was a great step. _Il portait attente à la propriété_.
+Then he represents the power and majesty of the people. He is like the
+people, above all law. _Les Bourbons nous chicanaient._"'
+
+'That was the true faith of a Rouge,' said Tocqueville 'If this man,' he
+added, 'had any self-control, if he would allow us a very moderate degree
+of liberty, he might enjoy a reign--probably found a dynasty. He had
+everything in his favour; the prestige of his name, the acquiescence of
+Europe, the dread of the Socialists, and the contempt felt for the
+Republicans. We were tired of Louis Philippe. We remembered the _branche
+aînée_ only to dislike it, and the Assembly only to despise it. We never
+shall be loyal subjects, but we might have been discontented ones, with
+as much moderation as is in our nature.'
+
+'What is the _nuance_,' I said, 'of G----?'
+
+'G----,' answered Tocqueville, 'is an honest man, uncorrupt and
+public-spirited; he is a clear, logical, but bitter speaker; his words
+fall from the tribune like drops of gall. He has great perspicacity, but
+rather a narrow range. His vision is neither distant nor comprehensive.
+He wears a pair of blinkers, which allow him to see only what he looks
+straight at--and that is the English Constitution. For what is to the
+right and to the left he has no eyes, and unhappily what is to the right
+and to the left is France.
+
+'Then he has a strong will, perfect self-reliance, and the most restless
+activity. All these qualities give him great influence. He led the
+_centre gauche_ into most of its errors. H---- used to say, "If you
+want to know what I shall do, ask G----."
+
+'Among the secondary causes of February 1848 he stands prominent. He
+planned the banquets. Such demonstrations are safe in England. He
+inferred, according to his usual mode of reasoning, that they would not
+be dangerous in France. He forgot that in England there is an aristocracy
+that leads, and even controls, the people.
+
+'I am alarmed,' he continued, 'by your Reform Bill. Your new six-pound
+franchise must, I suppose, double the constituencies; it is a further
+step to universal suffrage, the most fatal and the least remediable of
+institutions.[3]
+
+'While you preserve your aristocracy, you will preserve your freedom; if
+that goes, you will fall into the worst of tyrannies, that of a despot,
+appointed and controlled, so far as he is controlled at all, by a
+mob.'[4]
+
+Madame de Tocqueville asked me if I had seen the Empress.
+
+'No,' I said, 'but Mrs. Senior has, and thinks her beautiful.'
+
+'She is much more so,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'than her portraits.
+Her face in perfect repose gets long, and there is a little drooping
+about the corners of the mouth. This has a bad effect when she is
+serious, as everyone is when sitting for a picture, but disappears as
+soon as she speaks. I remember dining in company with her at the
+President's--I sat next to him--she was nearly opposite, and close to her
+a lady who was much admired. I said to the President, looking towards
+Mademoiselle de Montigo, "Really I think that she is far the prettier of
+the two." He gazed at her for an instant, and said, "I quite agree with
+you; she is charming." It may be a _bon ménage_'
+
+'To come back,' I said, 'to our Eastern question. What is Baraguay
+d'Hilliers?'
+
+'A _brouillon_,' said Tocqueville. 'He is the most impracticable man in
+France. His vanity, his ill-temper, and his jealousy make him quarrel
+with everybody with whom he comes in contact. In the interest of our
+alliance you should get him recalled.'
+
+'What sort of man,' I asked, 'shall I find General Randon?'
+
+'Very intelligent,' said Tocqueville. 'He was to have had the command of
+the Roman army when Oudinot gave it up; but, just as he was going, it was
+discovered that he was a Protestant. He was not so accommodating as one
+of our generals during the Restoration. He also was a Protestant. The Duc
+d'Angoulême one day said to him, "Vous êtes protestant, général?" The
+poor man answered in some alarm, for he knew the Duke's
+ultra-Catholicism, "Tout ce que vous voulez, monseigneur."'
+
+
+
+[Footnote 1: My conversations with M. de Tocqueville during this visit
+were written out after my return from Paris and sent to him. He returned
+them with the remarks which I have inserted.--N.W. SENIOR.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Le portrait va plus loin que ma pensée.--_A. de
+Tocqueville_. The picture expresses more than my idea.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Cela va plus loin que ma pensée. Je crois que le vote
+universel peut se concilier avec d'autres institutions, qui diminuerait
+le danger.--_A. de Tocqueville._
+
+This goes farther than my idea. I think that universal suffrage may be
+combined with other institutions, which would diminish the danger.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Cela aussi va plus loin que ma pensée. Je crois
+très-désirable le maintien des institutions aristocratiques en
+Angleterre. Mais je suis loín de dire que leur abolition mènerait
+nécessairement au despotisme, surtout si elles s'affaiblissaient peu à
+peu et n'étaient pas renversées par une révolution.--_A. de Tocqueville_.
+
+This also goes farther than my idea. I think the maintenance in England
+of aristocratic institutions very desirable. But I am far from saying
+that their abolition would necessarily lead to despotism, especially if
+their power were diminished gradually and without the shock of a
+revolution.]
+
+
+
+
+_To N.W. Senior, Esq._
+
+St. Cyr, March 18, 1854.
+
+Your letter was a real joy to us, my dear Senior. As you consent to be
+ill lodged, we offer to you with all our hearts the bachelor's room which
+you saw. You will find there only a bed, without curtains, and some very
+shabby furniture. But you will find hosts who will be charmed to have you
+and your MSS. I beg you not to forget the latter.
+
+My wife, as housekeeper, desires me to give you an important piece of
+advice. In the provinces, especially during Lent, it is difficult to get
+good meat on Fridays and Saturdays, and though you are a great sinner,
+she has no wish to force you to do penance, especially against your will,
+as that would take away all the merit. She advises you, therefore, to
+arrange to spend with us Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, and
+Thursday, and to avoid Friday and Saturday, and especially the whole of
+the Holy Week.
+
+Now you are provided with the necessary instructions. Choose your own
+day, and give us twenty-four hours' warning.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+St. Cyr, March 31, 1854.
+
+My dear Senior,--As you are willing to encounter hard meat and river
+fish, I have no objection to your new plan. I see in it even this
+advantage, that you will be able to tell us _de visu_ what went on in the
+Corps Législatif, which will greatly interest us.
+
+The condemnation of Montalembert seems to me to be certain; but I am no
+less curious to know how that honourable assembly will contrive to
+condemn a private letter which appeared in a foreign country, and which
+was probably published without the authorisation and against the will of
+the writer.
+
+It is a servile trick, which I should like to see played.
+
+Do not hesitate to postpone your visit if the sitting of the Corps
+Législatif should not take place on Monday.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS.
+
+I passed the 3rd and 4th of April in the Corps Législatif listening to
+the debate on the demand by the Government of permission to prosecute M.
+de Montalembert, a member of the Corps Législatif, for the publication of
+a letter to M. Dupin, which it treated as libellous. As it was supposed
+that M. de Montalembert's speech would be suppressed, I wrote as
+much of it as I could carry in my recollection; the only other
+vehicle--notes--not being allowed to be taken.[1] On the evening of the
+5th of April I left Paris for St. Cyr.
+
+[Footnote 1: See Appendix.]
+
+_St. Cyr, Thursday, April 6_, 1854.--I drove with Tocqueville to
+Chenonceaux, a château of the sixteenth century, about sixteen miles from
+Tours, on the Cher. I say _on_ the Cher, for such is literally its
+position. It is a habitable bridge, stretching across the water.
+
+The two first arches, which spring from the right bank of the river, and
+the piers which form their abutments, are about one hundred feet wide,
+and support a considerable house. The others support merely a gallery,
+called by our guide the ballroom of Catherine de Médicis, ending in a
+small theatre. The view from the windows of the river flowing through
+wooded meadows is beautiful and peculiar. Every window looks on the
+river; many rooms, as is the case with the gallery, look both up and down
+it. It must be a charming summer residence. The rooms still retain the
+furniture which was put into them by Diane de Poictiers and Catherine de
+Médicis; very curious and very uncomfortable; high narrow chairs, short
+sofas, many-footed tables, and diminutive mirrors. The sculptured
+pilasters, scrolls, bas-reliefs and tracery of the outside are not of
+fine workmanship, but are graceful and picturesque. The associations are
+interesting, beginning with Francis I. and ending with Rousseau, who
+spent there the autumn of 1746, as the guest of Madame Dupin, and wrote a
+comedy for its little theatre. The present proprietor, the Marquis de
+Villeneuve, is Madame Dupin's grandson.
+
+In the evening we read my report of the debate on Montalembert.
+
+'It is difficult,' said Tocqueville, 'to wish that so great a speech had
+been suppressed. But I am inclined to think that Montalembert's wiser
+course was to remain silent. What good will his speech do? It will not be
+published. Yours is probably the only report of it. So far as the public
+hears anything of it, the versions coming through an unfavourable medium
+will be misrepresentations. In a letter which I received from Paris
+this morning it is called virulent. It was of great importance that the
+minority against granting the consent should be large, and I have no
+doubt that this speech diminished it by twenty or thirty. It must have
+wounded many, frightened many, and afforded a pretext to many. Perhaps,
+however, it was not in human nature for such a speaker as Montalembert to
+resist the last opportunity of uttering bold truths in a French
+Assembly.'
+
+_Friday, April_ 7.--We drove to-day along the Loire to Langrais, about
+twelve miles below Tours.
+
+Here is a castle of the thirteenth century, consisting of two centre and
+two corner towers, and a curtain between them, terminating in a rocky
+promontory. Nothing can be more perfect than the masonry, or more elegant
+than the few ornaments. The outside is covered with marks of bullets,
+which appear to have rattled against it with little effect.
+
+On our return we visited the castles of Cinq Mars and Luynes. Langrais,
+Cinq Mars, and Luynes were all the property of Effiat, Marquis of Cinq
+Mars, who with De Thou conspired against Richelieu in the latter part of
+Louis XIII.'s reign, and was beheaded. The towers of Cinq Mars were, in
+the words of his sentence, 'rasées à la hauteur de l'infamie,' and remain
+now cut down to half their original height. Luynes stands finely,
+crowning a knoll overlooking the Loire. It is square, with twelve towers,
+two on each side and four in the corners, and a vast ditch, and must have
+been strong. Nearly a mile from it are the remains of a Roman aqueduct,
+of which about thirty piers and six perfect arches remain. It is of
+stone, except the arches, which have a mixture of brick. The peasants, by
+digging under the foundations, are rapidly destroying it. An old man told
+us that he had seen six or seven piers tumble. A little nearer to Tours
+is the Pile de Cinq Mars, a solid, nearly square tower of Roman brickwork
+more than ninety feet high, and about twelve feet by fourteen feet thick.
+On one side there appear to have been inscriptions or bas-reliefs. Ampère
+believes it to have been a Roman tomb; but the antiquaries are divided
+and perplexed. Being absolutely solid, it could not have been built for
+any use.
+
+I am struck during my walks and drives by the appearance of prosperity.
+The country about Tours is dotted with country-houses, quite as numerous
+as in any part of England. In St. Cyr alone there must be between twenty
+and thirty, and the houses of the peasants are far better than the best
+cottages of English labourers. Everyone seems to have attached to it a
+considerable piece of land, from ten acres to two, cultivated in vines,
+vegetables and fruit. These and green crops are nearly the only produce;
+there is very little grain. All the persons whom I met appeared to be
+healthy and well-clad. The soil and climate are good, and the proximity
+to Tours insures a market; but physical advantages are not enough to
+insure prosperity. The neighbourhood of Cork enjoys a good climate, soil,
+and market, but the inhabitants are not prosperous.
+
+After some discussion Tocqueville agreed with me in attributing the
+comfort of the Tourainese to the slowness with which population
+increases. In the commune of Tocqueville the births are only three to a
+marriage, but both Monsieur and Madame de Tocqueville think that the
+number of children here is still less. I scarcely meet any.
+
+Marriages are late, and very seldom take place until a house and a bit of
+ground and some capital have been inherited or accumulated. Touraine is
+the best specimen of the _petite culture_ that I have seen. The want of
+wood makes it objectionable as a summer residence.
+
+We are now suffering from heat. After eight in the morning it is too hot
+to walk along the naked glaring roads, yet this is only the first week in
+April.
+
+_Saturday, April_ 8.--The sun has been so scorching during our two last
+drives that we have given ourselves a holiday to-day, and only dawdled
+about Tours.
+
+We went first to the cathedral, which I never see without increased
+pleasure. Though nearly four hundred years passed from its commencement
+in the twelfth century to its completion in the fifteenth, the whole
+interior is as harmonious as if it had been finished by the artist who
+began it. I know nothing in Gothic architecture superior to the grandeur,
+richness, and yet lightness of the choir and eastern apse. Thence we
+went to St. Julien's, a fine old church of the thirteenth century,
+desecrated in the Revolution, but now under restoration.
+
+Thence to the Hôtel Gouin, a specimen of the purely domestic architecture
+of the fifteenth century, covered with elegant tracery and scroll-work in
+white marble. We ended with Plessis-les-Tours, Louis XI.'s castle, which
+stands on a flat, somewhat marshy, tongue of land stretching between the
+Loire and the Cher. All that remains is a small portion of one of the
+inner courts, probably a guard-room, and a cellar pointed out to us as
+the prison in which Louis XI kept Cardinal de la Balue for several years.
+The cellar itself is not bad for a prison of those days, but he is said
+to have passed his first year or two in a grated vault under the
+staircase, in which he could neither stand up nor lie at full length.
+
+'It is remarkable,' said Tocqueville, 'that the glorious reigns in French
+history, such as those of Louis Onze, Louis Quatorze, and Napoleon ended
+in the utmost misery and exhaustion, while the periods at which we are
+accustomed to look as those of disturbance and insecurity were those of
+comparative prosperity and progress. It seems as if tyranny were worse
+than civil war.'
+
+'And yet,' I said, 'the amount of revenue which these despots managed to
+squeeze out of France was never large. The taxation under Napoleon was
+much less than under Louis Philippe.'
+
+'Yes,' said Tocqueville, 'but it was the want of power to tax avowedly
+that led them into indirect modes of raising money, which were far more
+mischievous; just as our servants put us to more expense by their jobs
+than they would do if they simply robbed us to twice the amount of their
+indirect gains.
+
+'Louis XIV. destroyed all the municipal franchises of France, and paved
+the way for this centralized tyranny, not from any dislike of municipal
+elections, but merely in order to be able himself to sell the places
+which the citizens had been accustomed to grant.'
+
+_Sunday, April_ 9.--Another sultry day. I waited till the sun was low,
+and then sauntered by the side of the river with Tocqueville.
+
+'The worst faults of this Government,' said Tocqueville, 'are those which
+do not alarm the public.
+
+'It is depriving us of the local franchises and local self-government
+which we have extorted from the central power in a struggle of forty
+years. The Restoration and the Government of July were as absolute
+centralizers as Napoleon himself. The local power which they were forced
+to surrender they made over to the narrow pays légal, the privileged
+ten-pounders, who were then attempting to govern France. The Republic
+gave the name of Conseils-généraux to the people, and thus dethroned the
+notaires who had governed those assemblies when they represented only the
+_bourgeoisie_. The Republic made the maires elective. The Republic placed
+education in the hands of local authorities. Under its influence, the
+communes, the cantons, and the departments were becoming real
+administrative bodies. They are now mere geographical divisions. The
+préfet appoints the maires. The préfet appoints in every canton a
+commissaire de police--seldom a respectable man, as the office is not
+honourable. The gardes champêtres, who are our local police, are put
+under his control. The recteur, who was a sort of local Minister of
+Education in every department, is suppressed. His powers are transferred
+to the préfet. The préfet appoints, promotes, and dismisses all the
+masters of the _écoles primaires._ He has the power to convert the
+commune into a mere unorganised aggregation of individuals, by dismissing
+every communal functionary, and placing its concerns in the hands of his
+own nominees. There are many hundreds of communes that have been thus
+treated, and whose masters now are uneducated peasants. The préfet can
+dissolve the Conseil-général of his department and, although he cannot
+directly name its successors, he does so virtually.
+
+'No candidate for an elective office can succeed unless he is supported
+by the Government. The préfet can destroy the prosperity of every commune
+that displeases him. He can dismiss its functionaries, close its schools,
+obstruct its improvements, and withhold the assistance in money which the
+Government habitually gives to forward the public purposes of a commune.
+
+'The Courts of Law, both criminal and civil, are the tools of the
+Executive. The Government appoints the judges, the préfet provides the
+jury, and _la haute police_ acts without either.
+
+'All power of combination, even of mutual communication, except from
+mouth to mouth, is gone. The newspapers are suppressed or intimidated,
+the printers are the slaves of the préfet, as they lose their privilege
+if they offend; the secrecy of the post is habitually and avowedly
+violated; there are spies to watch and report conversation.
+
+'Every individual stands defenceless and insulated in the face of this
+unscrupulous Executive with its thousands of armed hands and its
+thousands of watching eyes. The only opposition that is ventured is the
+abstaining from voting. Whatever be the office, whatever be the man, the
+candidate of the préfet comes in; but if he is a man who would have been
+universally rejected in a state of freedom, the bolder electors show
+their indignation by their absence. I do not believe that, even with
+peace, and with the prosperity which usually accompanies peace, such a
+Government could long keep down such a country as France. Whether its
+existence would be prolonged by a successful war I will not decide.
+Perhaps it might be.
+
+'That it cannot carry on a war only moderately successful, or a war which
+from its difficulties and its distance may be generally believed to be
+ill managed, still less a war stained by some real disaster, seems to me
+certain--if anything in the future of France can be called certain.
+
+'The vast democratic sea on which the Empire floats is governed by
+currents and agitated by ground-swells, which the Government discovers
+only by their effects. It knows nothing of the passions which influence
+these great, apparently slumbering, masses; indeed it takes care, by
+stifling their expression, to prevent their being known. Universal
+suffrage is a detestable element of government, but it is a powerful
+revolutionary instrument'
+
+'But,' I said, 'the people will not have an opportunity of using that
+instrument. All the great elective bodies have some years before them.'
+
+'That is true,' said Tocqueville, 'and therefore their rage will break
+out in a more direct, and perhaps more formidable, form. Depend on it,
+this Government can exist, even for a time, only on the condition of
+brilliant, successful war, or prosperous peace. It is bound to be rapidly
+and clearly victorious. If it fail in this, it will sink--or perhaps, in
+its terrors and its struggles, it will catch at the other alternative,
+peace.
+
+'The French public is too ignorant to care much about Russian
+aggrandisement. So far as it fancies that the strength of Russia is the
+weakness of England, it is pleased with it. I am not sure that the most
+dishonourable peace with Nicholas would not give to Louis Napoleon an
+immediate popularity. I am sure that it would, if it were accompanied by
+any baits to the national vanity and cupidity; by the offer of Savoy for
+instance, or the Balearic Islands. And if you were to quarrel with us for
+accepting them, it would be easy to turn against you our old feelings of
+jealousy and hatred.'
+
+We saw vast columns of smoke on the other side of the river. Those whom
+we questioned believed them to arise from an intentional fire. Such fires
+are symptoms of popular discontent. They preceded the revolution of 1830.
+They have become frequent of late in this country.
+
+_Monday, April_ 10.--Tocqueville and I drove this morning to
+Azy-le-Rideau, another Francis I. château, on an island formed by the
+Indre. It is less beautifully situated than Chenonceaux; the river Indre
+is smaller and more sluggish than the Cher; the site of the castle is in
+a hollow, and the trees round it approach too near, and are the tall and
+closely planted poles which the French seem to admire. But the
+architecture, both in its outlines and in its details, is charming.
+It is of white stone, in this form, with two curtains and four
+towers. The whole outside and the ceilings and cornices within are
+covered with delicate arabesques.
+
+ O ______________ 0
+ | |______________| |
+ 0 \ | |
+ \ | |
+ \| |
+ | |
+ 0
+
+Like Chenonceaux, it escaped the revolution, and is now, with its
+furniture of the sixteenth century, the residence of the Marquis de
+Biancourt, descended from its ancient proprietors.
+
+As we sauntered over the gardens, our conversation turned on the old
+aristocracy of France.
+
+'The loss of our aristocracy,' said Tocqueville, 'is a misfortune from
+which we have not even begun to recover. The Legitimists are their
+territorial successors; they are the successors in their manners, in
+their loyalty, and in their prejudices of _caste_; but they are not their
+successors in cultivation, or intelligence, or energy, or, therefore, in
+influence. Between them and the _bourgeoisie_ is a chasm, which shows no
+tendency to close. Nothing but a common interest and a common pursuit
+will bring them together.
+
+'If the murder of the Duc d'Enghien had not made them recoil in terror
+and disgust from Napoleon, they might have perhaps been welded into one
+mass with his new aristocracy of services, talents, and wealth. They were
+ready to adhere to him during the Consulate. During the Restoration they
+were always at war with the _bourgeoisie_, and therefore with the
+constitution, on which the power of their enemies depended. When the
+result of that war was the defeat and expulsion of their leader, Charles
+X., their hostility extended from the _bourgeoisie_ and the constitution
+up to the Crown. Louis Philippe tried to govern by means of the middle
+classes alone. Perhaps it was inevitable that he should make the attempt.
+It certainly was inevitable that he should fail. The higher classes, and
+the lower classes, all equally offended, combined to overthrow him. Under
+the Republic they again took, to a certain extent, their place in the
+State. They led the country people, who came to the assistance of the
+Assembly in June 1848. The Republic was wise enough to impose no oaths.
+It did not require those who were willing to serve it to begin by openly
+disavowing their traditionary opinions and principles. The Legitimists
+took their places in the Conseils-généraux. They joined with the
+_bourgeoisie_ in local administration, the only means by which men of
+different classes can coalesce.
+
+'The socialist tendencies which are imputed to this Second Empire, the
+oath which it most imprudently imposes, its pretensions to form a dynasty
+and its assertion of the principle most abhorrent to them, elective
+monarchy, have thrown them back into disaffection. And I believe their
+disaffection to be one of our great dangers--a danger certainly increased
+by the Fusion. The principal object of the Fusion is to influence the
+army. The great terror of the army is division in itself. It will accept
+anything, give up anything, dare anything, to avoid civil war. Rather
+than be divided between the two branches, it would have adhered to the
+Empire. Now it can throw off the Bonapartes without occasioning a
+disputed succession.'
+
+'When you say,' I asked, 'that the Legitimists are not the successors of
+the old aristocracy in cultivation, intelligence, or energy, do you mean
+to ascribe to them positive or relative inferiority in these qualities?'
+
+'In energy,' answered Tocqueville, 'their deficiency is positive. They
+are ready to suffer for their cause, they are not ready to exert
+themselves for it. In intelligence and cultivation they are superior to
+any other class in France; but they are inferior to the English
+aristocracy, and they are inferior, as I said before, to their ancestors
+of the eighteenth century. There existed in the highest Parisian society
+towards the end of that century a comprehensiveness of curiosity and
+inquiry, a freedom of opinion, an independence, and soundness of
+judgment, never seen before or since. Its pursuits, its pleasures, its
+admirations, its vanities, were all intellectual. Look at the success of
+Hume. His manners were awkward; he was a heavy, though an instructive,
+converser; he spoke bad French; he would pass now for an intelligent
+bore. But such was the worship then paid to talents and
+knowledge--especially to knowledge, and talents employed on the
+destruction of prejudices--that Hume was, for years, the lion of all the
+salons of Paris. The fashionable beauties quarrelled for the fat
+philosopher. Nor was their admiration or affection put on, or even
+transitory. He retained some of them as intimate friends for life.
+If the brilliant talkers and writers of that time were to return to life,
+I do not believe that gas, or steam, or chloroform, or the electric
+telegraph, would so much astonish them as the dulness of modern society,
+and the mediocrity of modern books.'
+
+In the evening we discussed the new scheme of throwing open the service
+of India and of the Government offices to public competition.
+
+'We have followed,' said Tocqueville, 'that system to a great extent for
+many years. Our object was twofold. One was to depress the aristocracy of
+wealth, birth, and connexions. In this we have succeeded.
+
+The École Polytechnique, and the other schools in which the vacancies are
+given to those who pass the best examinations, are filled by youths
+belonging to the middle classes, who, undistracted by society, or
+amusement, or by any literary or scientific pursuits, except those
+immediately bearing on their examinations, beat their better-born
+competitors, who will not degrade themselves into the mere slaves of
+success in the _concours_. Our other object was to obtain the best public
+servants. In that we have failed. We have brought knowledge and ability
+to an average; diminished the number of incompetent _employés_, and
+reduced, almost to nothing, the number of distinguished ones. Continued
+application to a small number of subjects, and those always the same, not
+selected by the student, but imposed on him by the inflexible rule of the
+establishment, without reference to his tastes or to his powers, is as
+bad for the mind as the constant exercise of one set of muscles would be
+for the body.
+
+'We have a name for those who have been thus educated. They are called
+"polytechnisés." If you follow our example, you will increase your
+second-rates, and extinguish your first-rates; and what is perhaps a more
+important result, whether you consider it a good or an evil, you will
+make a large stride in the direction in which you have lately made so
+many--the removing the government and the administration of England from
+the hands of the higher classes into those of the middle and lower ones.'
+
+
+
+
+CORRESPONDENCE.
+
+
+Paris, Sunday, May 14, 1854.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--I write to you _in meditatione fugæ_. We start for
+England in an hour's time. The last news that I heard of you was the day
+before yesterday from Cousin. He read me your letter, which sounded to me
+like that of a man in not very bad health or hopes. I trust that the
+attack of which Madame de Tocqueville wrote to us has quite passed off.
+
+Thiers, who asked very anxiously after you to-day, is earnest that you
+should be present at the election on the 18th. The Academy, he said, is
+very jealous. _Vous serez très-mal vu_, if you do not come.
+
+You are at last going seriously to work in the war. By the end of the
+year you will have, military and naval, 700,000 men in arms.
+
+I wish that they were nearer to the enemy.
+
+Pray remember us most kindly to Madame de Tocqueville, and let us know
+where you go as soon as you are decided.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. Senior.
+
+
+St. Cyr, May 21, 1854.
+
+I followed the advice which you were commissioned to give me, my dear
+Senior. I have just been to Paris, but as I stayed there only twenty-four
+hours I have not brought back any distinct impressions.
+
+I saw only Academicians who talked about the Academy, and--who knew
+nothing of politics. It is true that such is now the case with everyone.
+Politics, which used to be transacted in open day, have now become a
+secret process into which none can penetrate except the two or three
+alchemists who are engaged in its preparation.
+
+You heard of course that after your little visit, which we enjoyed so
+much, I became very unwell, and my mind was only less affected than my
+body. I spent a month very much out of spirits and very much tired of
+myself. During the last eight or ten days I have felt much better. My
+visit to our friends the Beaumonts did me a great deal of good, and I owe
+a grudge to the Academy for forcing me to shorten it.
+
+I still intend to visit Germany, but the plan depends on the state of my
+health. When it is bad I am inclined to give up the journey, when I am
+better I take it up again and look forward to it with pleasure. On the
+whole I think that I shall go. But it is impossible for me to settle my
+route beforehand. Even if I were stronger it would be difficult, for such
+an expedition must always be uncertain.
+
+I am not going to Germany to see any place in particular, but intend to
+go hither and thither wherever I can find certain documents and people.
+
+I received yesterday a letter from our friend Ampère. He is still in
+Rome, still more and more enchanted with the place, and using every
+argument to induce us to spend there with him the winter of 1856. His
+descriptions are so attractive that we may very likely be persuaded,
+especially if we had any chance of meeting you there, for you are one of
+the people whose society always increases the happiness of life. However,
+we have plenty of time for talking over this plan.
+
+Adieu, dear Senior.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+Wildbad, September 19, 1854.
+
+You gave me great pleasure, my dear Senior, by making me acquainted with
+Sir George and Lady Theresa Lewis.
+
+I must really thank you sincerely for it, for the time passed with them
+has been the most agreeable part of our journey.
+
+You have no doubt heard of the mischance which has put a stop to our
+peregrinations: my wife was seized two months ago at Bonn by a violent
+attack of rheumatism. The waters of Wildbad were recommended to her, and
+she has been taking them for more than twenty-five days without
+experiencing any relief. We are promised that the effects will be felt
+afterwards; but these fine promises only half reassure us, and we shall
+set out again on our travels in very bad spirits.
+
+Our original intention was to spend the autumn in the North of Germany,
+but in Madame de Tocqueville's condition it is evident that there is
+nothing else to be done but to return home as fast as we can.
+
+We are somewhat consoled by the arrival of our common friend Ampère. He
+was returning from Italy, through Germany, and, hearing of our
+misfortune, he has come to look after us in these wild mountains of the
+Black Forest amidst which Wildbad is situated. He has been with us a
+week, and I hope that he will accompany us home.
+
+Our intention is to spend a month or six weeks with my father near
+Compiègne. Towards the first week in November we shall establish
+ourselves in Paris for the winter. We hope to see you there at the end of
+this year or the beginning of next.
+
+Ampère, my wife, and I constantly talk of you. If you could overhear us I
+think you would not be very much dissatisfied. They insist upon being
+very particularly remembered to you, and as for me I beg you to believe
+in my most sincere attachment.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+Compiègne, January 22, 1855.
+
+It was a long time since I had seen your handwriting, my dear Senior, and
+I was beginning to complain of you; your letter therefore was a double
+pleasure.
+
+I see that you have resumed your intention of visiting Algiers, and I am
+anxious that you should carry it into effect.
+
+I hope that we shall be in Paris when you pass through. We put off our
+departure from day to day; not that we are kept by the charms of our
+present abode; the house is too small for us and scantily furnished, but
+I find it such a favourable retreat for study, that I have great
+difficulty in tearing myself away from it.
+
+I hear, as you do, with great satisfaction of the mutual good feeling of
+our armies in the Crimea. It far exceeds my expectations.
+
+But I am not equally pleased with your management of the war. The English
+ought to know that what has passed and is passing there has sensibly
+diminished their moral force in Europe. It is an unpleasant truth, but I
+ought not to conceal it from you. I see proofs of it every day, and I
+have been struck by it peculiarly in a late visit to Paris, where I saw
+persons of every rank and of every shade of political opinion. The heroic
+courage of your soldiers was everywhere and unreservedly praised, but I
+found also a general belief that the importance of England as a military
+Power had been greatly exaggerated; that she is utterly devoid of
+military talent, which is shown as much in administration as in fighting;
+and that even in the most pressing circumstances she cannot raise a large
+army.
+
+Since I was a child I never heard such language. You are believed to be
+absolutely dependent on us; and in the midst of our intimacy I see rising
+a friendly contempt for you, which if our Governments quarrel, will make
+a war with you much easier than it has been since the fall of Napoleon.
+
+I grieve at all this, not only as endangering the English alliance,
+which, as you well know, I cherish, but as injuring the cause of liberty.
+
+I can pardon you for discrediting it by your adulation of our despotism,
+but I wish that you would not serve despotism more efficaciously by your
+own faults, and by the comparisons which they suggest.
+
+It seems also difficult to say what may not be the results of your long
+intimacy with such a Government as ours, and of the contact of the two
+armies. I doubt whether they will be useful to your aristocracy.
+
+Remember me to Lord Lansdowne and to the Lewises, who added such pleasure
+to our German tour.
+
+
+
+Compiègne, February 15, 1855.
+
+I conclude that this frightful weather is still keeping you in London, my
+dear Senior. I am comforted by the fact that I myself shall not reach
+Paris before the 28th.
+
+I do not wish to act the part of the pedagogue in the fable who preaches
+to people when his sermon can no longer be of any possible use, but I
+cannot help telling you that it is a great imprudence on your part to
+allow yourself to be caught in this way by the winter in England. What
+you now suffer from is only a trifling malady, but it may become a real
+illness if you persist in preferring pleasure to health. Pray think of
+this in the future and do not tempt the devil.
+
+I have not read the article to which you refer.[1]
+
+I can perfectly understand the reserve which was imposed upon you, and
+which you were forced to impose on yourself.
+
+I confess that I saw with great grief the sudden change in the
+expressions of the majority of the English, a year ago, respecting our
+Government. It was then ill consolidated, and in want of the splendid
+alliance which you offered to it. It was unnecessary that you should
+praise it, in order to keep it your friend. By doing so you sacrificed
+honourable opinions and tastes without a motive.
+
+Now things are changed. After you have lost your only army, and our
+master has made an alliance with Austria, which suits his feelings much
+better than yours did, he does not depend on you; you, to a certain
+extent, depend on him. Such being now the case, I can understand the
+English thinking it their duty to their country to say nothing that can
+offend the master of France. I can understand even their praising him; I
+reproach them only for having done so too soon, before it was necessary.
+
+I agree with you that England ought to be satisfied with being the
+greatest maritime Power, and ought not to aim at being also one of the
+greatest military Powers.
+
+But the feelings which I described to you as prevalent in France and in
+Germany, arose not from your want of an army of 500,000 men. They were
+excited by these two facts.
+
+First, by what was supposed (perhaps falsely) to be the bad military
+administration of your only army. Secondly, and much more, by your
+apparent inability to raise another army.
+
+According to continental notions, a nation which cannot raise as many
+troops as its wants require, loses our respect. It ceases, according to
+our notions, to be great or even to be patriotic. And I must confess
+that, considering how difficult it is to procure soldiers by voluntary
+enlistment, and how easily every nation can obtain them by other means, I
+do not see how you will be able to hold your high rank, unless your
+people will consent to something resembling a conscription.
+
+Dangerous as it is to speak of a foreign country, I venture to say that
+England is mistaken if she thinks that she can continue separated from
+the rest of the world, and preserve all her peculiar institutions
+uninfluenced by those which prevail over the whole of the Continent.
+
+In the period in which we live, and, still more, in the period which is
+approaching, no European nation can long remain absolutely dissimilar to
+all the others. I believe that a law existing over the whole Continent
+must in time influence the laws of Great Britain, notwithstanding the
+sea, and notwithstanding the habits and institutions, which, still more
+than the sea, have separated you from us, up to the present time.
+
+My prophecies may not be accomplished in our time; but I should not be
+sorry to deposit this letter with a notary, to be opened, and their truth
+or falsehood proved, fifty years hence.
+
+
+
+Compiègne, February 23, 1855.
+
+ ... My object in my last letter was not by any means, as you seem to
+think, to accuse _your aristocracy_ of having mismanaged the Crimean war.
+It has certainly been mismanaged, but who has been in fault?
+
+Indeed I know not, and if I did I should think at the same time that it
+would not be becoming in a foreigner to set himself up as a judge of the
+blunders of any other Government than his own.
+
+I thought that I had expressed myself clearly. At any rate what I wanted
+to say, if I did not say it, is, that the present events created in my
+opinion a new and great danger for your aristocracy, and that it will
+suffer severely from the rebound, if it does not make enormous efforts to
+show itself capable of repairing the past; and that it would be wrong to
+suppose that by fighting bravely on the field of battle it could retain
+the direction of the Government.
+
+I did not intend to say more than this.
+
+I will now add that if it persuades itself that it will easily get out of
+the difficulty by making peace, I think that it will find itself
+mistaken.
+
+Peace, after what has happened, may be a good thing for England in
+general, and useful to us, but I doubt whether it will be a gain for your
+aristocracy. I think that if Chatham could return to life he would agree
+with me, and would say that under the circumstances the remedy would not
+be peace but a more successful war.
+
+Kind regards, &c.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+[Footnote 1: An article in the _North British Review_, see p. 107.--ED.]
+
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS.
+
+_Paris, Hôtel Bedford.--Friday, March_ 2, 1855.--We slept on the 27th at
+Calais, on the 28th at Amiens, and reached this place last night.
+
+Tocqueville called on us this morning. We talked of the probability of
+Louis Napoleon's going to the Crimea.
+
+I said, 'that the report made by Lord John Russell, who talked the matter
+over with him, was, that he certainly had once intended to go, and had
+not given it up.'
+
+'I do not value,' said Tocqueville, 'Lord John's inferences from anything
+that he heard or saw in his audiences. All Louis Napoleon's words and
+looks, are, whether intentionally or not, misleading. Now that his having
+direct issue seems out of the question, and that the deeper and deeper
+discredit into which the heir presumptive is falling, seems to put _him_
+out of the question too, we are looking to this journey with great alarm.
+We feel that, for the present, his life is necessary to us, and we feel
+that it would be exposed to many hazards. He ought to incur some military
+risks, if he is present at a battle or an assault, and his courage and
+his fatalism, will lead him to many which he ought to avoid. But it is
+disease rather than bullets that we fear. He will have to travel hard,
+and to be exposed, under exciting circumstances, to a climate which is
+not a safe one even to the strong.'
+
+'But,' I said, 'he will not be exposed to it long. I have heard thirty,
+or at most forty, days proposed as the length of his absence.'
+
+'Who can say that?' answered Tocqueville. 'If he goes there, he must stay
+there until Sebastopol falls. It will not do for him to leave Paris in
+order merely to look at the works, pat the generals on the back,
+compliment the army, and leave it in the trenches. Unless his journey
+produces some great success--in short, unless it gives us Sebastopol--it
+will be considered a failure; and a failure he cannot afford. I repeat
+that he must stay there till Sebastopol falls. But that may be months.
+And what may months bring forth in such a country as France? In such a
+city as Paris? In such times as these? Then he cannot safely leave his
+cousin--Jérôme Plon swears that he will not go, and I do not see how he
+can be taken by force.'
+
+'I do not understand,' I said, 'Jerôme's conduct. It seemed as if he had
+the ball at his feet. The _rôle_ of an heir is the easiest in the world.
+He has only to behave decently in order to be popular.'
+
+'Jérôme's chances,' answered Tocqueville, 'of the popularity which is to
+be obtained by decent behaviour were over long before he became an heir.
+His talents are considerable, but he has no principles, and no good
+sense. He is Corsican to the bone. I watched him among his Montagnards in
+the Constituent.
+
+'Nothing could be more perverse than his votes, nor more offensive than
+his speeches. He is unfit to conciliate the sensible portion of society,
+and naturally throws himself into the arms of those who are waiting to
+receive him--the violent, the rapacious, and the anarchical: this gives
+him at least some adherents.'
+
+'What do you hear,' I asked, 'of his conduct in the East?'
+
+'I hear,' said Tocqueville, 'that he showed want, not so much of courage,
+as of temper and of subordination. He would not obey orders; he would not
+even transmit them, so that Canrobert was forced to communicate directly
+with the officers of Napoleon's division, and at last required him to
+take sick leave, or to submit to a court-martial.'
+
+'I thought,' I said, 'that he was really ill.'
+
+'That is not the general opinion,' said Tocqueville. 'He showed himself
+at a ball directly after his return, with no outward symptoms of ill
+health.'
+
+The conversation turned on English politics.
+
+'So many of my friendships,' said Tocqueville, 'and so many of my
+sympathies, are English, that what is passing _in_ your country, and
+_respecting_ your country, gives me great pain, and greater anxiety. To
+us, whom unhappily experience has rendered sensitive of approaching
+storms, your last six months have a frightfully revolutionary appearance.
+
+'There is with you, as there was with us in 1847, a general _malaise_ in
+the midst of general prosperity. Your people seem, as was the case with
+ours, to have become tired of their public men, and to be losing faith in
+their institutions. What else do these complaints of what is called "the
+system" mean? When you complain that the Government patronage is bartered
+for political support, that the dunces of a family are selected for the
+public service, and selected expressly because they could not get on in
+an open profession; that as their places are a sort of property, they are
+promoted only by seniority, and never dismissed for any, except for some
+moral, delinquency; that therefore the seniors in all your departments
+are old men, whose original dulness has been cherished by a life without
+the stimulus of hope or fear, you describe a vessel which seems to have
+become too crazy to endure anything but the calmest sea and the most
+favourable winds. You have tried its sea-worthiness in one department,
+your military organisation, and you find that it literally falls to
+pieces. You are incapable of managing a line of operations extending only
+seven miles from its base. The next storm may attack your Colonial
+Administration. Will that stand any better? Altogether your machinery
+seems throughout out of gear. If you set to work actively and fearlessly,
+without reference to private interests, or to private expectations, or to
+private feelings, to repair, remove and replace, you may escape our
+misfortunes; but I see no proofs that you are sufficiently bold, or
+indeed that you are sufficiently alarmed. Then as to what is passing
+here. A year ago we probably overrated your military power. I believe
+that now we most mischievously underrate it. A year ago nothing alarmed
+us more than a whisper of the chance of a war with England. We talk of
+one now with great composure. We believe that it would not be difficult
+to throw 100,000 men upon your shores, and we believe that half that
+number would walk over England or Ireland. You are mistaken if you think
+that these opinions will die away of themselves, or will be eradicated by
+anything but some decisive military success. I do not agree with those
+who think that it is your interest that Russia should submit while
+Sebastopol stands. You might save money and men by a speedy peace, but
+you would not regain your reputation. If you are caught by a peace before
+you have an opportunity of doing so, I advise you to let it be on your
+part an armed peace. Prepare yourselves for a new struggle with a new
+enemy, and let your preparations be, not only as effective as you can
+make them, but also as notorious.'[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Note inserted by M de Tocqueville in my Journal, after
+reading the preceding conversation.
+
+'J'ai entendu universellement louer sans restriction le courage héroïque
+de vos soldats, mais en même temps j'ai trouvé répandu cette croyance,
+qu'on s'était trompé de l'importance de l'Angleterre dans le monde, comme
+puissance militaire proprement dite, qui consiste autant à _administrer_
+la guerre qu'à combattre, et surtout qu'il lui était impossible, ce qu'on
+ne croyait pas jusque là, d'élever de grandes armées, même dans les cas
+les plus pressants. Je n'avais rien entendu de pareil depuis mon enfance.
+On vous croit absolument dans notre dépendance, et du sein de la grande
+inimité qui règne entre les deux peuples, je vois naître des idées qui,
+le jour où nos deux gouvernements cesseront d'être d'accord, nous
+précipiteront dans la guerre contre vous, beaucoup plus facilement que
+cela n'eut pu avoir lieu depuis la chute du premier Empire. Cela
+m'afflige, et pour l'avenir de Alliance anglaise (dont vous savez que j'ai
+toujours été un grand partisan), et non moins aussi, je l'avoue, pour la
+cause de vos institutions libres. Ce qui se passe n'est pas de nature à
+la relever dans notre esprit. Je vous pardonnerais de déconsidérer vos
+principes par les louanges dont vous accablez le gouvernement absolu qui
+règne en France, mais je voudrais du moins que vous ne le fissiez pas
+d'une manière encore plus efficace par vos propres fautes, et par la
+comparaison qu'elles suggèrent. Il me semble, du reste, bien difficile
+de dire ce qui résultera pour vous même du contact intime et prolongé
+avec notre gouvernement, et surtout de l'action commune et du mélange
+des deux armées. J'en doute, je vous l'avouerai, que l'aristocratie
+anglaise s'en trouve bien, et quoique A B ait entonné l'autre jour une
+véritable hymne en l'honneur de celle ci, je ne crois pas que ce qui
+passe soit de nature à rendre ces chances plus grandes dans l'avenir'--_A
+de Tocqueville_.
+
+'I heard universal and unqualified praise of the heroic courage of your
+soldiers, but at the same time I found spread abroad the persuasion that
+the importance of England had been overrated as a military Power properly
+so called--a Power which consists in administering as much as in
+fighting; and above all, that it was impossible (and this had never
+before been believed), for her to raise large armies, even under the most
+pressing circumstances. I never heard anything like it since my
+childhood. You are supposed to be entirely dependent upon us, and from
+the midst of the great intimacy which subsists between the two countries,
+I see springing up ideas which, on the day when our two Governments cease
+to be of one mind, will precipitate our country into a war against you,
+much more easily than has been possible since the fall of the first
+Empire. This grieves me, both on account of the duration of the English
+Alliance (of which you know that I have always been a great partisan),
+and no less, I own, for the sake of your free institutions. Passing
+events are not calculated to raise them in our estimation. I forgive you
+for discrediting your principles by the praise which you lavish on the
+absolute government which reigns in France, but I would have you at least
+not to do so in a still more efficacious manner by your own blunders and
+by the comparisons which they suggest. It seems to me, however, very
+difficult to predict the result to yourselves of the long and intimate
+contact with, our Government, and, above all, of the united action and
+amalgamation of the two armies. I own that I doubt its having a good
+effect on the future of the English aristocracy, and although A.B. struck
+up the other day a real hymn in its praise, I do not think that present
+events are of a nature to increase its chance in the future.']
+
+
+
+_Paris, Saturday, March_ 3.--Tocqueville called on us soon after
+breakfast.
+
+We talked of the loss and gain of Europe by the war. We agreed that
+Russia and England have both lost by it. Russia probably the most in
+power, England in reputation. That Prussia, though commercially a gainer,
+is humiliated and irritated by the superiority claimed by Austria and
+conceded to her.
+
+'You cannot,' said Tocqueville, 'estimate the opinions of Germany without
+going there. There is a general feeling among the smaller Powers of
+internal insecurity and external weakness, and Austria is looked up to as
+the supporter of order against the revolutionists, and of Germany against
+Russia. Austria alone has profited by the general calamities. Without
+actually drawing the sword she has possession of the Principalities, she
+has thrust down Prussia into the second rank, she has emancipated herself
+from Russia, she has become the ally of France and of England, and even
+of her old enemy Piedmont, she is safe in Italy. Poland and Hungary are
+still her difficulties, and very great ones, but as her general strength
+increases, she can better deal with them.'
+
+'Has not France, I said, 'been also a gainer, by becoming head of the
+coalition against Russia?'
+
+'Whatever we have gained,' answered Tocqueville, 'has been dearly
+purchased, so far as it has consolidated this despotism. For a whole year
+we have felt that the life, and even the reign, of Louis Napoleon was
+necessary to us. They will continue necessary to us during the remainder
+of the war. We are acquiring habits of obedience, almost of resignation.
+His popularity has not increased. He and his court are as much shunned by
+the educated classes as they were three years ago; we still repeat "que
+ça ne peut pas durer," but we repeat it with less conviction.'
+
+We passed the spring in Algeria, and returned to Paris the latter part of
+May.
+
+_Paris, May 26,_1855.--After breakfast I went to the Institut.
+
+M. Passy read to us a long paper on the Art of Government. He spoke so
+low and so monotonously that no one attended. I sat next to Tocqueville,
+and, as it was not decent to talk, we conversed a little in writing. He
+had been reading my Algiers Journal, and thus commented upon it:--
+
+'Il y a tout un côté, particulièrement curieux, de l'Algérie, qui vous a
+échappé parce que vous n'avez pu ou voulu vous imposer l'ennui de causer
+souvent avec les colons, et que ce côté-là ne se voit pas en parlant
+avec les gouvernants; c'est l'abus de la centralisation. L'Afrique peut
+être considérée comme le tableau le plus complet et le plus
+extraordinaire des vices de ce système.
+
+'Je suis convaincu que seul, sans les Arabes, le soleil, le désert, et la
+fièvre, il suffirait pour nous empêcher de coloniser. Tout ce que la
+centralisation laisse entrevoir de défauts, de ridicules et absurdités,
+d'oppression, de paperasseries en France, est grossi en Afrique au
+centuple. C'est comme un pou vu dans un microscope.'
+
+'J'ai causé,' I answered, 'avec Vialar et avec mon hôte aux eaux
+ferrugineuses. Mais ils ne se sont pas plaints de la centralisation.'
+
+'Ils ne se sont pas plaints,' he answered, 'du mot que, peut-être, ils ne
+connaissaient pas. Mais si vous les aviez fait entrer dans les détails de
+l'administration publique, ou même de leurs affaires privées, vous auriez
+vu que le colon est plus gêné dans tous ses mouvements, et plus _gouverné
+pour son plus grand bien_ que vous ne l'avez été quand il s'est agi de
+votre passeport.
+
+'Violar faisait allusion à cela quand il vous a dit que les chemins
+manquaient parce que le Gouvernement ne voulait pas laisser les gouvernés
+s'en mêler.'[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: 'One whole side, and that a very curious one, of Algeria,
+has escaped you, because you could not, or would not, inflict on yourself
+the bore of talking frequently with the colonists, and this side cannot
+be seen in conversing with officials--it is the abuse of centralisation.
+Africa may be considered as the most complete and most extraordinary
+picture of the vices of this system. I am convinced that it alone,
+without the Arabs, the sun, the desert and the fever, would be enough to
+prevent us from colonising. All the defects of centralisation, its
+oppressions, its faults, its absurdities, its endless documents, which
+are dimly perceived in France, become one hundred times bigger in Africa.
+It is like a louse in a microscope.'
+
+'I conversed,' I answered, 'with Violar and with my landlord at the
+mineral waters, and they did not complain of centralisation.' 'They did
+not complain,' he answered, 'of the word, which perhaps is unknown to
+them. But if you had made them enter into the details of the public
+administration, or even of their own private affairs, you would have seen
+that the colonist is more confined in all his movements, and more
+_governed, for his good_, than you were with regard to your passport.
+
+'This is what Violar meant when he told you that roads were wanting,
+because the Government would not permit its subjects to interfere in
+making them.']
+
+
+
+_Monday, May_ 28.--Tocqueville called on me.
+
+I asked him for criticisms on my article on the State of the Continent in
+the 'North British Review' of February 1855.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: See p. 107.]
+
+'Of course,' I said, 'it must be full of blunders. No one who writes on
+the politics of a foreign country can avoid them. I want your help to
+correct a few of them.'
+
+'Since you ask me,' he answered, 'for a candid criticism, I will give you
+one. I accuse you rather of misappreciation than of misstatement. First
+with respect to Louis Napoleon. After having described accurately, in the
+beginning of your paper, his unscrupulous, systematic oppression, you end
+by saying that, after all, you place him high among our sovereigns.'
+
+'You must recollect,' I answered, 'that the article was written for the
+"Edinburgh Review," the organ of our Government, edited by Lord
+Clarendon's brother-in-law--and that the editor thought its criticisms of
+Louis Napoleon so severe, that after having printed it, he was afraid to
+publish it. I went quite as far as I prudently could. I accused him, as
+you admit, of unscrupulous oppression, of ignorance of the feelings of
+the people, of being an idle administrator, of being unacquainted with
+business himself, and not employing those who understand it, of being
+impatient of contradiction, of refusing advice and punishing censure--in
+short, I have praised nothing but his foreign policy--and I have
+mentioned two errors in that.'
+
+'But I have a graver accusation to bring against you,' replied
+Tocqueville. 'You couple as events mutually dependent the continuance of
+the Imperial Government and the continuance of the Anglo-Gallic Alliance.
+I believe this opinion not only to be untrue, but to be the reverse of
+the truth. I believe the Empire and the Alliance to be not merely, not
+mutually dependent, but to be incompatible, except upon terms which you
+are resolved never to grant The Empire is essentially warlike--and war in
+the mind of a Bonaparte, and of the friends of a Bonaparte, means the
+Rhine. This war is merely a stepping stone. It is carried on for purposes
+in which the mass of the people of France take no interest. Up to the
+present time its burthens have been little felt, as it has been supported
+by loans, and the limits of the legal conscription have not been
+exceeded. But when the necessity comes for increased taxation and
+anticipated conscriptions, Louis Napoleon must have recourse to the real
+passions of the French _bourgeoisie_ and peasantry--the love of conquest,
+_et la haine de l'Anglais_. Don't fancy that such feelings are dead, they
+are scarcely asleep. They might be roused in a week, in a day, and they
+_will_ be roused as soon as he thinks that they are wanted.
+
+'What do you suppose was the effect in France of Louis Napoleon's triumph
+in England?
+
+'Those who know England attributed it to the ignorance and childishness
+of the multitude. Those who thought that the shouts of the mob had any
+real meaning either hung down their heads in shame at the
+self-degradation of a great nation, or attributed them to fear. The
+latter was the general feeling. "Il faut," said all our lower classes,
+"que ces gens-là aient grande peur de nous."
+
+'You accuse, in the second place, all the Royalist parties of dislike of
+England.
+
+'Do you suppose that you are more popular with the others? That the
+Republicans love your aristocracy, or the Imperialists your freedom? The
+real friends of England are the friends of her institutions. They are
+the body, small perhaps numerically, and now beaten down, of those who
+adore Constitutional Liberty. They have maintained the mutual good
+feeling between France and England against the passions of the
+Republicans and the prejudices of the Legitimists. I trust, as you trust,
+that this good feeling is to continue, but it is on precisely opposite
+grounds. My hopes are founded, not on the permanence, but on the want of
+permanence, of the Empire. I do not believe that a great nation will be
+long led by its tail instead of by its head. My only fear is, that the
+overthrow of this tyranny may not take place early enough to save us from
+war with England, which I believe to be the inevitable consequence of its
+duration.'
+
+We left Paris soon after this conversation.
+
+[The following are a few extracts from the article in the 'North British
+Review.'--ED.]
+
+'The principal parties into which the educated society of Paris is
+divided, are the Imperialists, Royalists, Republicans, and
+Parliamentarians.
+
+'The Royalists maybe again subdivided into Orleanists, Legitimists, and
+Fusionists; and the Fusionists into Orleanist-Fusionists, and
+Legitimist-Fusionists.
+
+'The Imperialists do not require to be described. They form a small party
+in the salons of Paris, and much the largest party in the provinces.
+
+'Those who are Royalists without being Fusionists are also comparatively
+insignificant in numbers. There are a very few Legitimists who pay to the
+elder branch the unreasoning worship of superstition; who adore Henri
+V. not as a means but as an end; who pray for his reign, not for their
+own interests, not for the interests of France, but for his own sake; who
+believe that he derives his title from God, and that when the proper time
+comes God will restore him; and that to subject his claims to the
+smallest compromise--to admit, for instance, as the Fusionists do, that
+Louis Philippe was really a king, and that the reign of Henri V. did not
+begin the instant that Charles X. expired--would be a sinful contempt
+of Divine right, which might deprive his cause of Divine assistance.
+
+'There are also a very few Orleanists who, with a strange confusion of
+ideas, do not perceive that a title founded solely on a revolution was
+destroyed by a revolution; that if the will of the people was sufficient
+to exclude the descendants of Charles X., it also could exclude the
+descendants of Louis Philippe; and that the hereditary claims of the
+Comte de Paris cannot be urged except on the condition of admitting the
+preferable claims of the Comte de Chambord.
+
+'The bulk, then, of the Royalists are Fusionists; but though all the
+Fusionists agree in believing that the only government that can be
+permanent in France is a monarchy, and that the only monarchy that can be
+permanent is one depending on hereditary succession; though they agree in
+believing that neither of the Bourbon branches is strong enough to seize
+the throne, and that each of them is strong enough to exclude the other,
+yet between the Orleanist-Fusionists and the Legitimist-Fusionists the
+separation is as marked and the mutual hatred as bitter, as those which
+divide the most hostile parties in England.
+
+'The Orleanist-Fusionists are generally _roturiers_. They feel towards
+the _noblesse_ the hatred which has accumulated during twelve centuries
+of past oppression and the resentment excited by present insolence. Of
+all the noble families of France the most noble is that of Bourbon. The
+head of that house has always called himself _le premier gentilhomme de
+France_. The Bourbons therefore suffer, and in an exaggerated degree,
+the odium which weighs down the caste to which they belong. It was this
+odium, this detestation of privilege and precedence and exclusiveness,
+or, as it is sometimes called, this love of equality, which raised the
+barricades of 1830. It was to flatter these feelings that Louis Philippe
+sent his sons to the public schools and to the National Guard, and tried
+to establish his Government on the narrow foundation of the
+_bourgeoisie_. Louis Philippe and one or two of the members of his
+family, succeeded in obtaining some personal popularity, but it was only
+in the comparatively small class, the _pays légal_, with which they
+shared the emoluments of Government, and it was not sufficient to raise a
+single hand in their defence when the masses, whom the Court could not
+bribe or caress, rose against it. The Orleanist-Fusionists are
+Bourbonists only from calculation. They wish for the Comte de Paris for
+their king, not from any affection for him or for his family, but because
+they think that such an arrangement offers to France the best chance of
+a stable Government in some degree under popular control: and they are
+ready to tolerate the intermediate reign of Henri V. as an evil, but one
+which must be endured as a means of obtaining something else, not very
+good in itself but less objectionable to them than a Bonapartist dynasty
+or a Republic.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+'The Legitimists have been so injured in fortune and in influence, they
+have been so long an oppressed caste, excluded from power, and even from
+sympathy, that they have acquired the faults of slaves, have become
+timid, or frivolous, or bitter. Their long retirement from public life
+has made them unfit for it. The older members of the party have forgotten
+its habits and its duties, the younger ones have never learnt them. Their
+long absence from the Chambers and from the departmental and municipal
+councils, from the central and from the local government of France, has
+deprived them of all aptitude for business. The bulk of them are
+worshippers of wealth, or ease, or pleasure, or safety. The only
+unselfish feeling which they cherish is attachment to their hereditary
+sovereign. They revere Henri V. as the ruler pointed out to them by
+Providence: they love him as the representative of Charles X. the
+champion of their order, who died in exile for having attempted to
+restore to them the Government of France. They hope that on his
+restoration the _canaille_ of lawyers, and _littérateurs_, and
+adventurers, who have trampled on the _gentilshommes_ ever since 1830,
+will be turned down to their proper places, and that ancient descent will
+again be the passport to the high offices of the State and to the society
+of the Sovereign. The advent of Henri V., which to the Orleanist branch
+of the Fusionists is a painful means, is to the Legitimist branch a
+desirable end. The succession of the Comte de Paris, to which the
+Orleanists look with hope, is foreseen by the Legitimists with
+misgivings. The Fusionist party is in fact kept together not by common
+sympathies but by common antipathies; each branch of it hates or
+distrusts the idol of the other, but they co-operate because each
+branch hates still more bitterly, and distrusts still more deeply, the
+Imperialists and the Republicans.
+
+'Among the educated classes there are few Republicans, using that word to
+designate those who actually wish to see France a republic. There are
+indeed, many who regret the social equality of the republic, the times
+when plebeian birth was an aid in the struggle for power, and a
+journeyman mason could be a serious candidate for the Presidentship, but
+they are alarmed at its instability. They have never known a republic
+live for more than a few years, or die except in convulsions. The
+Republican party, however, though small, is not to be despised. It is
+skilful, determined, and united. And the Socialists and the Communists,
+whom we have omitted in our enumeration as not belonging to the educated
+classes, would supply the Republican leaders with an army which has more
+than once become master of Paris.
+
+'The only party that remains to be described is that to which we have
+given the name of Parliamentarians. Under this designation--a designation
+that we must admit that we have invented ourselves--we include those who
+are distinguished from the Imperialists by their desire for a
+parliamentary form of government; and from the Republicans, by their
+willingness that that government should be regal; and from the Royalists,
+by their willingness that it should be republican. In this class are
+included many of the wisest and of the honestest men in France. The only
+species of rule to which they are irreconcilably opposed is despotism. No
+conduct on the part of Louis Napoleon would conciliate a sincere
+Orleanist, or Legitimist, or Fusionist, or Republican. The anti-regal
+prejudices of the last, and the loyalty of the other three, must force
+them to oppose a Bonapartist dynasty, whatever might be the conduct of
+the reigning emperor. But if Louis Napoleon should ever think the time,
+to which he professes to look forward, arrived--if he should ever grant
+to France, or accept from her, institutions really constitutional;
+institutions, under which the will of the nation, freely expressed by a
+free press and by freely chosen representatives, should control and
+direct the conduct of her governor--the Parliamentarians would eagerly
+rally round him. On the same conditions they would support with equal
+readiness Henri V. or the Comte de Paris, a president elected by the
+people, or a president nominated by an Assembly. They are the friends of
+liberty, whatever be the form in which she may present herself.'
+
+ * * * * *
+
+'Although our author visits the Provinces, his work contains no report of
+their political feelings. The explanation probably is, that he found no
+expression of it The despotism under which France is now suffering is
+little felt in the capital. It shows itself principally in the subdued
+tone of the debates, if debates they can be called, of the Corps
+Législatif, and the inanity of the newspapers. Conversation is as free in
+Paris as it was under the Republic. Public opinion would not support the
+Government in an attempt to silence the salons of Paris. But Paris
+possesses a public opinion, because it possesses one or two thousand
+highly educated men whose great amusement, we might say whose great
+business, is to converse, to criticise the acts of their rulers, and to
+pronounce decisions which float from circle to circle, till they reach
+the workshop, and even the barrack. In the provinces there are no such
+centres of intelligence and discussion, and, therefore, on political
+subjects, there is no public opinion. The consequence is, that the action
+of the Government is there really despotic; and it employs its
+irresistible power in tearing from the departmental and communal
+authorities all the local franchises and local self-government which they
+had extorted from the central power in a struggle of forty years.
+
+'Centralisation, though it is generally disclaimed by every party that is
+in opposition, is so powerful an instrument that every Monarchical
+Government which has ruled France since 1789 has maintained, and even
+tried to extend it.
+
+'The Restoration, and the Government of July, were as absolute
+centralisers as Napoleon himself. The local power which they were forced
+to surrender they made over to the narrow _pays légal_, the privileged
+ten-pounders, who were then attempting to govern France. The Republic
+gave the election of the _Conseils généraux_ to the people, and thus
+dethroned the notaries who governed those assemblies when they
+represented only the _bourgeoisie_. The Republic made the Maires
+elective; the Republic placed education in the hands of the local
+authorities. Under its influence the communes, the cantons, and the
+departments were becoming real administrative bodies. They are now
+geographical divisions. The Préfet appoints the Maires; the Préfet
+appoints in every canton a Commissaire de Police, seldom a respectable
+man, as the office is not honourable; the Gardes champêtres, who are the
+local police, are put under his control; the Recteur, who was a sort of
+local Minister of Education in every department, is suppressed; his
+powers are transferred to the Préfet; the Préfet appoints, promotes, and
+dismisses all the masters of the _écoles primaires_. The Préfet can
+destroy the prosperity of every commune that displeases him. He can
+displace the functionaries, close its schools, obstruct its public works,
+and withhold the money which the Government habitually gives in aid of
+local improvement. He can convert it, indeed, into a mere unorganised
+aggregation of individuals, by dismissing every communal functionary, and
+placing its concerns in the hands of his own nominees. There are many
+hundreds of communes that have been thus treated, and whose masters are
+now uneducated peasants. The Préfet can dissolve the _Conseil général_ of
+his department, and although he cannot actually name their successors, he
+does so virtually. No candidate for an elective office can succeed unless
+he is supported by the Government. The Courts of law, criminal and civil,
+are the tools of the executive. The Government appoints the judges, the
+Préfet provides the jury, and _la Haute Police_ acts without either. All
+power of combination, even of mutual communication, except from mouth to
+mouth, is gone. The newspapers are suppressed or intimidated, the
+printers are the slaves of the Préfet, as they lose their privilege if
+they offend; the secrecy of the post is habitually and avowedly violated;
+there are spies in every country town to watch and report conversation;
+every individual stands defenceless and insulated, in the face of this
+unscrupulous executive, with its thousands of armed hands and its
+thousands of watching eyes. The only opposition that is ventured is the
+abstaining from voting. Whatever be the office, and whatever be the man,
+the candidate of the Préfet comes in; but if he is a man who would have
+been unanimously rejected in a state of freedom, the bolder electors show
+their indignation by their absence.
+
+'In such a state of society the traveller can learn little. Even those
+who rule it, know little of the feelings of their subjects. The vast
+democratic sea on which the Empire floats is influenced by currents, and
+agitated by ground swells which the Government discovers only by their
+effects. It knows nothing of the passions which influence these great
+apparently slumbering masses. Indeed, it takes care, by stifling their
+expression, to prevent their being known.
+
+'We disapprove in many respects of the manner in which Louis Napoleon
+employs his power, as we disapprove in all respects of the means by which
+he seized it; but, on the whole, we place him high among the sovereigns
+of France. As respects his foreign policy we put him at the very top. The
+foreign policy of the rulers of mankind, whether they be kings, or
+ministers, or senates, or demagogues, is generally so hateful, and at the
+same time so contemptible, so grasping, so irritable, so unscrupulous,
+and so oppressive--so much dictated by ambition, by antipathy and by
+vanity, so selfish, often so petty in its objects, and so regardless of
+human misery in its means, that a sovereign who behaves to other nations
+with merely the honesty and justice and forbearance which are usual
+between man and man, deserves the praise of exalted virtue. The
+sovereigns of France have probably been as good as the average of
+sovereigns. Placed indeed at the head of the first nation of the
+Continent, they have probably been better; but how atrocious has been
+their conduct towards their neighbour! If we go back no further than to
+the Restoration, we find Louis XVIII. forming the Holy Alliance, and
+attacking Spain without a shadow of provocation, for the avowed purpose
+of crushing her liberties and giving absolute power to the most
+detestable of modern tyrants. We find Charles X. invading a dependence
+of his ally, the Sultan, and confiscating a province to revenge a tap on
+the face given by the Bey of Algiers to a French consul. We find Louis
+Philippe breaking the most solemn engagements with almost wanton
+faithlessness; renouncing all extension of territory in Africa and then
+conquering a country larger than France--a country occupied by tribes who
+never were the subjects of the Sultan or of the Bey, and who could be
+robbed of their independence only by wholesale and systematic massacre;
+we find him joining England, Spain, and Portugal in the Quadruple
+Alliance, and deserting them as soon as the time of action had arrived;
+joining Russia, Prussia, Austria and England, in the arrangement of the
+Eastern question, on the avowed basis that the integrity of the Ottoman
+empire should be preserved, and then attempting to rob it of Egypt. We
+find him running the risk of a war with America, because she demanded,
+too unceremoniously, the payment of a just debt, and with England because
+she complained of the ill-treatment of a missionary. We find him trying
+to ruin the commerce of Switzerland because the Diet arrested a French
+spy, and deposing Queen Pomare because she interfered with the sale of
+French brandies; and, as his last act, eluding an express promise by a
+miserable verbal equivocation, and sowing the seeds of a future war of
+succession in order to get for one of his sons an advantageous
+establishment in Spain.
+
+'The greatest blot in the foreign policy of Louis Napoleon is the
+invasion of Rome, and for that he is scarcely responsible. It was
+originally planned by Louis Philippe and Rossi. The expedition which
+sailed from Toulon in 1849 was prepared in 1847. It was despatched in the
+first six months of his presidency, in obedience to a vote of the
+Assembly, when the Assembly was still the ruler of France; and Louis
+Napoleon's celebrated letter to Ney was an attempt, not, perhaps
+constitutional or prudent, but well-intentioned, to obtain for the Roman
+people liberal and secular institutions instead of ecclesiastical
+tyranny.
+
+'His other mistake was the attempt to enforce on Turkey the capitulations
+of 1740, and to revive pretentions of the Latins in Jerusalem which had
+slept for more than a century. This, again, was a legacy from Louis
+Philippe. It was Louis Philippe who claimed a right to restore the dome,
+or the portico, we forget which, of the Holy Sepulchre, and to insult the
+Greeks by rebuilding it in the Latin instead of the Byzantine form. Louis
+Napoleon has the merit, rare in private life, and almost unknown among
+princes, of having frankly and unreservedly withdrawn his demands, though
+supported by treaty, as soon as he found that they could not be conceded
+without danger to the conceding party.
+
+'With these exceptions, his management of the foreign relations of France
+has been faultless. To England he has been honest and confiding, to
+Russia conciliatory but firm, to Austria kind and forbearing, and he has
+treated Prussia with, perhaps, more consideration than that semi-Russian
+Court and childishly false and cunning king deserved. He has been
+assailed by every form of temptation, through his hopes and through his
+fears, and has remained faithful and disinterested. Such conduct deserves
+the admiration with which England has repaid it.
+
+'We cannot praise him as an administrator. He is indolent and
+procrastinating. He hates details, and therefore does not understand
+them. When he has given an order he does not see to its execution;
+indeed, he cannot, for he does not know how it ought to be executed. He
+directed a fleet to be prepared to co-operate with us in the Baltic in
+the spring. Ducos, his Minister of Marine, assured him that it was ready.
+The time came, and not a ship was rigged or manned. He asked us to
+suspend the expedition for a couple of months. We refused, and sailed
+without the French squadron. If the Russians had ventured out, and we
+either had beaten them single-handed, or been repulsed for want of the
+promised assistance, the effect on France would have been frightful. We
+have reason to believe that it was only in the middle of February that he
+made up his mind to send an army to Bulgaria. They arrived by driblets,
+without any plan of operations, and it was not until August that their
+battering train left Toulon. It ought to have reached Sebastopol in May.
+In time, however, he must see the necessity of either becoming an active
+man of business himself, or of ministering, like other sovereigns,
+through his Ministers. Up to the present time many causes have concurred
+to occasion him to endeavour to be his own Minister, and to treat those
+to whom he gives that name as mere clerks. He is jealous and suspicious,
+fond of power, and impatient of contradiction. With the exception of
+Drouyn de l'Huys, the eminent men of France, her statesmen and her
+generals, stand aloof from him. Those who are not in exile have retired
+from public life, and offer neither assistance nor advice. Advice,
+indeed, he refuses, and, what is still more useful than advice, censure,
+he punishes.
+
+'But the war, though it must last longer, and cost, more in men and in
+money than it would have done if it were managed with more intelligence
+and activity, must end favourably. Ill managed as it has been by
+France, it has been worse managed by Russia. It is impossible that that
+semi-barbarous empire, with its scarcely sane autocrat, its corrupt
+administration, its disordered finances, and its heterogeneous
+populations, should ultimately triumph over the two most powerful nations
+of Europe, flanked by Austria, and disposing of the fanatical valour of
+Turkey. If Louis Napoleon pleases the vanity of France by military glory,
+and rewards her exertions by a triumphant peace; if he employs his
+absolute power in promoting her prosperity by further relaxing the
+fetters which encumber her industry; if he takes advantage of the
+popularity which a successful war, an honourable peace, and internal
+prosperity must confer on him, to give to her a little real liberty and a
+little real self-government; if he gradually subsides from a [Greek:
+_Týrannos_] to a [Greek: _Basileús_]; if he allows some liberty of the
+press, some liberty of election, some liberty of discussion, and some
+liberty of decision; he may pass the remainder of his agitated life in
+the tranquil exercise of limited, but great and secure power, the ally of
+England, and the benefactor of France.
+
+'If this expectation should be realised--and we repeat, that among many
+contingencies it appears to us to be the least improbable--it affords to
+Europe the best hope of undisturbed peace and progressive civilisation
+and prosperity. An alliance with England was one of the favourite dreams
+of the first Napoleon. He believed, and with reason, that England and
+France united could dictate to all Europe. But in this respect, as indeed
+in all others, his purposes were selfish. Being master of France, he
+wished France to be mistress of the world. All that he gave to France was
+power, all that he required from Europe was submission. The objects for
+which he desired our co-operation were precisely those which we wished to
+defeat. The friendship from which we recoiled in disgust, almost in
+terror, was turned into unrelenting hatred; and in the long struggle
+which followed, each party felt that its safety depended on the total
+ruin of the other.
+
+'The alliance which the uncle desired as a means of oppressing Europe,
+the nephew seeks for the purpose of setting her free. The heavy continued
+weight of Russia has, ever since the death of Alexander, kept down all
+energy and independence of action, and even of thought, on the Continent.
+She has been the patron of every tyrant, the protector of every abuse,
+the enemy of every improvement. It was at her instigation that the
+Congress of Verona decreed the enslavement of Spain, and that in the
+conferences of Leybach it was determined to stifle liberty in Italy.
+Every court on the Continent is cursed with a Russian party; and woe be
+to the Sovereign and to the Minister who is not at its head: all the
+resources of Russian influence and of Russian corruption are lavished to
+render his people rebellious and his administration unsuccessful. From
+this _peine forte et dure_ we believe that Europe will now be relieved;
+and if the people or the sovereigns of the Continent, particularly those
+of Germany and Italy, make a tolerable use of the freedom from foreign
+dictation which the weakness of Russia will give to them, we look forward
+to an indefinite course of prosperity and improvement. Unhappily,
+experience, however, forbids us to be sanguine. Forty years ago, an
+event, such as we are now contemplating, occurred. A Power which had
+deprived the Continent of the power of independent action fell, and for
+several years had no successor. Germany and Italy recalled or
+re-established their sovereigns, and entrusted them with power such as
+they had never possessed before. How they used it may be inferred from
+the general outbreak of 1848. A popular indignation, such as could have
+been excited only by long years of folly, stupidity, and tyranny, swept
+away or shook every throne from Berlin to Palermo. The people was
+everywhere for some months triumphant; and its abuse of power produced a
+reaction which restored or introduced despotism in every kingdom except
+Prussia and Piedmont, and even in Prussia gave to the King power
+sufficient to enable him, up to the present moment, to maintain a policy,
+mischievous to the interests, disgusting to the sympathies, and injurious
+to the honour of his people. But while the Anglo-Gallic alliance
+continues, the Continent will be defended from the worst of all evils,
+the prevention of domestic improvement, and the aggravation of domestic
+disturbance, by foreign intervention. That alliance has already preserved
+the liberty of Piedmont. If it had been established sooner, it might have
+preserved that of Hesse, and have saved Europe from the revolting
+spectacle of the constitutional resistance of a whole people against an
+usurping tyrant and a profligate minister crushed by brutal, undisguised
+violence.
+
+'We repeat that we are not sanguine, that we do not expect the tranquil,
+uninterrupted progress which would be the result of the timely concession
+on the part of the sovereigns, and of the forbearance and moderation on
+the part of their subjects, which, if they could profit by the lessons of
+history, would be adopted by both parties. The only lesson, indeed, which
+history teaches is, that she teaches none either to subjects or to
+sovereigns. But we do trust that when the ruler and his people are
+allowed to settle their own affairs between one another, they will come
+from time to time to coarse and imperfect, but useful arrangements of
+their differences. Rational liberty may advance slowly and unequally; it
+may sometimes be arrested, it may sometimes be forced back, but its march
+in every decennial period will be perceptible. Like an oak which has
+grown up among storms, its durability will be in proportion to the
+slowness of its progress.'
+
+
+
+CORRESPONDENCE.
+
+Tocqueville, June 30, 1855.
+
+I have only just arrived here, my dear Senior, after wandering for nearly
+a month from friend to friend all through the Touraine and the Maine. As
+you may think, I am, on returning home after so long an absence,
+overpowered with trifling business. I cannot, therefore, comply to-day
+with your request and write to you the letter you ask for: I will write
+it after much thought and at length. The subject is well worthy of the
+trouble. Shall I at the same time send back to you the conversation which
+I have corrected, and in what way? The post would be very unsafe and
+expensive. Give me, therefore, your instructions on this point. But above
+all, give us news of yourselves and of all our friends.
+
+My wife has borne the journey better than I expected, and the delight we
+feel in finding ourselves here once more will completely restore her.
+
+This delight is really very great and in proportion to the annoyance of
+wandering about as we have done for three years without ever finding a
+place which entirely suited us.
+
+As to public news, I have heard none since I left Paris. The only spot
+which a single ray of light can ever reach is Paris. All the rest is in
+profound darkness. If you hear anything important, pray tell me.
+
+Adieu, dear Senior. Remember me to Mrs. and Miss Senior, and believe in
+our long and very sincere affection,
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+Tocqueville, July 25, 1855.
+
+I wrote to you yesterday, my dear Senior, a long letter according to my
+promise.
+
+But when I read it over I felt that it was absurd to send such a letter
+by the post, especially to a foreigner, and I burnt it.
+
+Since the assault of the 18th,[1] the interference of the police in
+private correspondence has become more active. Many of my friends as well
+as I myself have perceived it. More letters have been kept back and more
+have been stopped. Two of mine have been lost. You may remember that two
+letters from me failed to reach you, three years ago. The danger is
+greater in the country, where handwritings are known, than in Paris. You
+advise me to put my letters into a cover directed to your Embassy, which
+will forward them. But this is no security. If a letter be suspected, it
+is easy to open and re-seal it, and still easier simply to suppress it.
+
+And, in fact, after all, you have lost little. I wrote to you only what I
+have a hundred times said to you. We have lived so much together, and
+with such perfect mutual confidence, that it is difficult for either of
+us to say anything new to the other.
+
+Besides, on reading over again, with attention, your note of our last
+conversation,[2] I have nothing to alter. All that I could do would be to
+develope a little more my opinions, and to support them by additional
+arguments. I feel more and more their truth, and that the progress
+of events will confirm them much more than any reasonings of mine can do.
+
+We are annoyed and disturbed, having the house full of workmen. I am
+trying to warm it by hot air, and am forced to bore through very old and
+very thick walls; but we shall be repaid by being able to live here
+during the winter.
+
+I am amusing myself with the letters which our young soldiers in the
+East, peasants from this parish, write home to their families, and which
+are brought to me. This correspondence should be read in order to
+understand the singular character of the French peasant. It is strange to
+see the ease with which these men become accustomed to the risks of
+military life, to danger and to death, and yet how their hearts cling to
+their fields and to the occupations of country life. The horrors of war
+are described with simplicity, and almost with enjoyment. But in the
+midst of these accounts one finds such phrases as these: "What crop do
+you intend to sow in such a field next year?" "How is the mare?" "Has
+the cow a fine calf?" &c. No minds can be more versatile, and at the same
+time more constant. I have always thought that, after all, the peasantry
+were superior to all other classes in France. But these men are
+deplorably in want of knowledge and education, or rather the education to
+which they have been subjected for centuries past has taught them to make
+a bad use of their natural good qualities.
+
+It seems to me that Lord John's resignation will enable your Cabinet to
+stand, at least for some time. All that has passed in England since the
+beginning of the war grieves me deeply. Seen from a distance, your
+Constitution appears to me an admirable machine which is getting out of
+order, partly from the wearing out of its works, partly from the
+unskilfulness of its workers. Such a spectacle is useful to our
+Government.
+
+I asked you some questions, which you have not answered. Is Mrs. Grote
+returned from Germany? Is she well? Has she received my letter addressed
+to her at Heidelberg? The last question is always doubtful when one
+writes from France.
+
+I send you a letter from the Count de Fénelon, which I think will
+interest you. You will give it me back when we meet.
+
+I am very curious to know what you will think of Egypt; and I hope that
+we shall be established in Paris when you return.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+[Footnote 1: On the 18th June, 1855, the French and English made an
+unsuccessful assault on Sebastopol.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 2: That of the 28th May, 1855.--ED.]
+
+
+
+Tocqueville, September 19, 1855.
+
+
+Your letter, my dear Senior, of the 26th of August, has much interested
+me. I see that you are resolved on your great journey. I could say like
+Alexander, if the comparison were not too ambitious, that I should wish
+to be in your place if I were not in my own; but I cannot get satiated
+with the pleasure of being at home after so long an absence. Everything
+is pleasure in this country life, among my own fields. Even the solitude
+is charming; but were I anywhere else, I should envy you your tour.
+
+Everything in Egypt is curious: the past, the present, and the future. I
+hope to learn much from your Journal, which I trust that I shall have. We
+shall certainly meet you in Paris.
+
+The noise made by the fall of Sebastopol has echoed even to this distant
+corner of France. It is a glorious event, and has delighted every
+Frenchman of every party and of every opinion, for in these matters we
+are one man.
+
+I fear that the victory has been bought dearly. There is not a
+neighbouring village to which the war has not cost some of its children.
+But they bear it admirably. You know, that in war we show the best side
+of our character. If our civilians resembled our soldiers we should long
+ago have been masters of Europe.
+
+This war has never been popular, nor is it popular, yet we bear all its
+cost with a cheerfulness admirable when you consider the sorrows which it
+occasions, aggravated by the distress produced by the dearness of bread.
+If, instead of the Crimea, the seat of war had been the Rhine, with a
+definite purpose, the whole nation would have risen, as it has done
+before.
+
+But the object of the war is unintelligible to the people. They only know
+that France is at war, and must be made, at any price, to triumph.
+
+I must confess, that I myself, who understand the object for which all
+this blood is shed, and who approve that object, do not feel the interest
+which such great events ought to excite; for I do not expect a result
+equal to the sacrifice.
+
+I think, with you, that Russia is a great danger to Europe. I think so
+more strongly, because I have had peculiar opportunities of studying the
+real sources of her power, and because I believe these sources to be
+permanent, and entirely beyond the reach of foreign attack. (I have not
+time now to tell you why.) But I am deeply convinced that it is not by
+taking from her a town, or even a province, nor by diplomatic
+precautions, still less by placing sentinels along her frontier, that the
+Western Powers will permanently stop her progress.
+
+A temporary bulwark may be raised against her, but a mere accident may
+destroy it, or a change of alliances or a domestic policy may render it
+useless.
+
+I am convinced that Russia can be stopped only by raising before her
+powers created by the hatred which she inspires, whose vital and constant
+interest it shall be to keep themselves united and to keep her in. In
+other words, by the resurrection of Poland, and by the re-animation of
+Turkey.
+
+I do not believe that either of these means can now be adopted. The
+detestable jealousies and ambitions of the European nations resemble, as
+you say in your letter, nothing better than the quarrels of the Greeks in
+the face of Philip. Not one will sacrifice her passions or her objects.
+
+About a month ago I read some remarkable articles, which you perhaps have
+seen, in the German papers, on the progress which Russia is making in the
+extreme East. The writer seems to be a man of sense and well informed.
+
+It appears that during the last five years, Russia, profiting by the
+Chinese disturbances, has seized, not only the mouth of the Amoor, but a
+large territory in Mongolia, and has also gained a considerable portion
+of the tribes which inhabit it. You know that these tribes once overran
+all Asia, and have twice conquered China. The means have always been the
+same--some accident which, for an instant, has united these tribes in
+submission to the will of one man. Now, says the writer, very plausibly,
+the Czar may bring this about, and do what has been done by Genghis Khan,
+and, indeed, by others.
+
+If these designs are carried out, all Upper Asia will be at the mercy of
+a man, who, though the seat of his power be in Europe, can unite and
+close on one point the Mongols.
+
+I know more about Sir G. Lewis's book[1] than you do. I have read it
+through, and I do not say, as you do, that it must be a good book, but
+that it _is_ a good book. Pray say as much to Sir George when you see
+him, as a letter of mine to Lady Theresa on the subject may have
+miscarried.
+
+It is as necessary now for friends to write in duplicate from town to
+town, as it is if they are separated by the ocean and fear that the ship
+which carries their letters may be lost. I hear that our friend John Mill
+has lately published an excellent book. Is it true? at all events
+remember me to him.
+
+Adieu, my dear Senior. Do not forget us any more than we forget you.
+Kindest regards to Mrs. Senior, and Miss Senior, and Mrs. Grote.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+[Footnote 1: The work referred to was probably that on the _Early History
+of Rome_.--ED.]
+
+
+
+Paris, April 1, 1856.
+
+I write a few lines to you at Marseilles, my dear Senior, as you
+wished.[1] I hope that you will terminate your great journey as
+felicitously as you seem to me to have carried it on from the beginning.
+The undertaking appears to have been a complete success. I wish that it
+might induce you next year to cross over the ocean to America. I should
+be much interested in hearing and reading your remarks upon that society.
+But perhaps Mrs. Senior will not be so ready to start off again; so, that
+I may not involve myself in a quarrel with her, I will say no more on the
+subject.
+
+I am longing to see you, for beside our old and intimate friendship I
+shall be delighted to talk with such an interesting converser, and, above
+all, to find myself again in the company of (as Mrs. Grote calls you)
+'the boy.' You will find me, however, in all the vexations of correcting
+proofs and the other worries connected with bringing out a book.[2] It
+will not appear till the end of this month.
+
+I can tell you no more about politics than you may learn from the
+newspapers. Peace, though much desired has caused no public excitement
+The truth is that just now we are not _excitable_. As long as she remains
+in this condition France will not strike one of those blows by which she
+sometimes shakes Europe and overturns herself.
+
+Reeve has been and Milnes still is here. We have talked much of you with
+these two old friends. Good bye, or rather, thank God, _à bientôt_.
+
+A thousand kind remembrances to Mrs. Senior.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+[Footnote 1: Mr. Senior was on his return from Egypt.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 2: The _Ancien Régime_.]
+
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS.
+
+_Paris, May_ 16.--M. de Tocqueville has scarcely been visible since my
+return to Paris. Madame de Tocqueville has been absent. She returned
+yesterday, and they spent this evening with us.
+
+Tocqueville is full of his book, which is to appear in about a week. His
+days and nights are devoted to correcting the press and to writing
+notes--which he thought would be trifling, but which grow in length and
+importance.
+
+The object of the work is to account for the rapid progress of the
+Revolution, to point out the principal causes which enabled a few
+comparatively obscure men to overthrow in six weeks a Monarchy of many
+centuries.
+
+'I am inclined,' I said, 'to attribute the rapidity with which the old
+institutions of France fell, to the fact that there was no _lex loci_ in
+France. That the laws, or rather the customs, of the different provinces
+were dissimilar, and that nothing was defined. That as soon as the
+foundations or the limits of any power were examined, it crumbled to
+pieces; so that the Assembly became omnipotent in the absence of any
+authority with ascertained rights and jurisdiction.'
+
+'There is much truth in that,' answered Tocqueville, 'but there is also
+much truth in what looks like an opposite theory--namely, that the
+Monarchy fell because its power was too extensive and too absolute.
+Nothing is so favourable to revolution as centralisation, because whoever
+can seize the central point is obeyed down to the extremities. Now the
+centralisation of France under the old Monarchy, though not so complete
+as its Democratic and Imperial tyrants afterwards made it, was great.
+Power was concentrated in Paris and in the provincial capitals. The
+smaller towns and the agricultural population were unorganised and
+defenceless. The 14th of July revealed the terrible secret that the
+Master of Paris is the Master of France.'
+
+_Paris, May_ 18.--I spent the day at Athy, the country-seat of M.
+Lafosse,[1] who had been my companion in our Egyptian journey.
+
+'What do you hear,' I asked, 'of the Empress?'
+
+'Nothing,' he answered, 'but what is favourable; all her instincts and
+prejudices are good. Lesseps, who is nearly related to her, has many of
+her letters, written during the courtship, in which she speaks of her
+dear Louis with the utmost affection, and dwells on the hope that if ever
+she should become his wife, she may be able to induce him to liberalise
+his Government.'
+
+'And now,' he said, 'tell me what you heard in England about our Canal?'
+
+'I heard nothing,' I answered, 'except from Maclean. He told me that he
+thought that the Maritime Canal, if supplied from the sea, would become
+stagnant and unwholesome, and gradually fill. That that plan was formed
+when the levels of the two seas were supposed to differ, so that there
+would be a constant current.
+
+'"Now that the equality of their levels has been ascertained," he said to
+me, "the only mode of obtaining a current is to employ the Nile instead
+of the sea." "But can the Nile spare the water?" I asked. "Certainly,"
+he answered. "An hour a day of the water from the Nile, even when at its
+lowest, would be ample." "And what do the other engineers say?" I asked.
+"Randall," he replied, "agrees with me. The others are at present for the
+salt water. But we are to meet in time and discuss it thoroughly."'
+
+'It is not the opinion of the engineers,' answered Lafosse, 'that I want,
+but that of the politicians.
+
+'We are told that Lord Palmerston threatens to prevent it as long as he
+is Minister. This makes us very angry. We think that we perceive in his
+opposition his old hatred of France and of everything that France
+supports or even favours--feelings which we hoped the Alliance had cured.
+
+'The matter,' he continued, 'was to have been brought before the
+Congress. Buol had promised to Nigrelli to do so, and Cavour to Lesseps
+and Paleocapa. But after the occupation of Italy, and the Belgian press,
+and the rights of Neutrals had been introduced, the Congress got
+impatient, and it was thought inexpedient to ask them to attend to
+another episodical matter. The Emperor, however, did something. He asked
+Ali Pasha, the Turkish Minister, what were the Sultan's views. "They
+will be governed," said Ali Pasha, "in a great measure by those of his
+allies." "As one of them," said the Emperor, "I am most anxious for its
+success." "In that case," replied Ali Pasha, "the Sultan can have no
+objection to it in principle, though he may wish to annex to his firman
+some conditions--for instance, as to the occupation of the forts at each
+end by a mixed garrison of Turks and Egyptians." The Emperor then turned
+to Lord Clarendon. "What are your views," he asked, "as to the Suez
+Canal?" "It is a grave matter," answered Lord Clarendon, "and one on
+which I have no instructions. But I believe it to be impracticable."
+"Well," replied the Emperor, "but supposing for the sake of the argument,
+that it is practicable, what are your intentions?" "I cannot but think,"
+answered Lord Clarendon, "that any new channel of commerce must be
+beneficial to England. The real difficulty is the influence which the
+Canal may have in the relations of Egypt and Turkey." "If that be the
+only obstacle," replied the Emperor, "there is not much in it, for Ali
+Pasha has just told me that if _we_ make no objection the Sultan makes
+none. We cannot be more Turkish than the Turk."'
+
+'I am most anxious,' added Lafosse, 'that this stupid opposition of yours
+should come to an end. Trifling as the matter may seem, it endangers the
+cordiality of the Alliance. The people of England, who do not know how
+jealous and _passionnés_ we are, cannot estimate the mistrust and the
+irritation which it excites. That an enterprise on which the French,
+wisely or foolishly, have set their hearts, should be stopped by the
+caprice of a wrong-headed Englishman, hurts our vanity; and everything
+that hurts our vanity offends us much more than what injures our serious
+interests.
+
+'If the engineers and the capitalists decide in favour of the scheme, you
+will have to yield at last. You had much better do so now, when you can
+do it with a good grace. Do not let your acquiescence be extorted.'
+
+
+[Footnote 1: M. Lafosse died many years ago. He was a friend of M. de
+Lesseps, by whom he and Mr. Senior were invited to join the expedition to
+Egypt--ED.]
+
+
+_Paris, May_ 19.--After breakfast I spent a couple of hours with Cousin.
+
+'You have been in England,' he said, 'since you left Egypt. What is the
+news as to our Canal? Will Palmerston let us have it? You must stay a few
+weeks in Paris to estimate the effect of your opposition to it. We
+consider Palmerston's conduct as a proof that his hatred of France is
+unabated, and the acquiescence of the rest of your Cabinet as a proof
+that, now we are no longer necessary to you, now that we have destroyed
+for you the maritime power of Russia, you are indifferent to our
+friendship.
+
+'I know nothing myself as to the merits of the Canal. I distrust Lesseps
+and everything that he undertakes. He has much talent and too much
+activity, but they only lead him and his friends into scrapes. I daresay
+that the Canal is one, and that it will ruin its shareholders; but as I
+am anxious we should not quarrel with England, I am most anxious that
+this silly subject of dispute should be removed.'
+
+'Louis Napoleon,' he continued, 'professed to wish that you should allow
+the Sultan to give his consent; but I doubt whether he is sincere. I am
+not sure that he is not pleased at seeing the Parisians occupied by
+something besides his own doings, especially as it promotes the national
+dislike of England. Now that the war is over we want an object. He tries
+to give us one by launching us into enormous speculations. He is trying
+to make us English; to give us a taste for great and hazardous
+undertakings, leading to great gains, great losses, profuse expenditure,
+and sudden fortunes and failures. Such things suit _you_; they do not
+suit _us_. Our habits are economical and prudent, perhaps timid. We like
+the petty commerce of commission and detail, we prefer domestic
+manufactures to factories, we like to grow moderately rich by small
+profits, small expenditure, and constant accumulation. We hate the
+_nouveaux riches_, and scarcely wish to be among them. The progress for
+which we wish is political progress--not within, for there we are
+satisfied to oscillate, and shall be most happy if in 1860 we find
+ourselves where we were in 1820--but without. I believe that our master's
+_sortie_ against Belgium was a pilot balloon. He wished to see what
+amount of opposition he had to fear from you, and from Belgium, and how
+far we should support him. He has found the two former greater than he
+expected. I am not sure that he is dissatisfied with the last.'
+
+I spent the morning at H.'s. He too attacked me about the Canal.
+
+'Do entreat,' he said, 'your public men to overrule their ill-conditioned
+colleague. I told you a year ago, the mischief that you were doing, but I
+do not think that you believed me. You may find too late that I was
+right.'
+
+I repeated to him Ellice's opinion that the commerce of England would not
+use the canal.
+
+'I have heard that,' he said, 'from Ellice himself, but I differ from
+him. I agree with him, indeed, that your sailing vessels will not use the
+canal, but I believe that a few years hence you will have no purely
+sailing vessels, except for the small coasting trade. Every large ship
+will have a propeller; and with propellers, to be employed occasionally,
+and sails for ordinary use, the Mediterranean and the Red Sea are very
+manageable. I believe that the canal will be useful, and particularly
+to you. But whatever be the real merits of the scheme, for God's sake let
+it be tried. Do not treat us like children, and say, "We know better what
+is good for you than you do yourselves. You shall not make your canal
+because you would lose money by it."'
+
+'What did you hear,' I said, 'about the Congress?'
+
+'I heard,' he answered, 'that Clarendon was very good, and was the best,
+and that Walewski was very bad, and was the worst.'
+
+'Can you tell me,' I said, 'the real history of the Tripartite Treaty?'
+
+'I can,' he answered. 'There was an old engagement between the three
+Powers, entered into last spring, that if they succeeded in the war, they
+would unite to force Russia to perform any conditions to which she might
+submit.
+
+'This engagement had been allowed to sleep; I will not say that it was
+forgotten, but no one seemed disposed to revert to it. But after the
+twenty-second Protocol, when Piedmont was allowed to threaten Austria,
+and neither England nor France defended her, Buol got alarmed. He feared
+that Austria might be left exposed to the vengeance of Russia on the
+north and east, and to that of the Italian Liberals on the South. An
+alliance with France and England, though only for a specified purpose, at
+least would relieve Austria from the appearance of insulation. She would
+be able to talk of the two greatest Powers in Europe as her allies, and
+would thus acquire a moral force which might save her from attack. He
+recalled, therefore, the old engagement to the recollection of Clarendon
+and Louis Napoleon, and summoned them to fulfil it. I do not believe that
+either of them was pleased. But the engagement was formal, and its
+performance, though open to misconstruction, and intended by Austria to
+be misconstrued, was attended by some advantages, though different ones,
+to France and to England. So both your Government and ours complied.'
+
+_Tuesday, May 20_.--The Tocquevilles and Rivet drank tea with us.
+
+I mentioned to Tocqueville the subject of my conversations with Cousin
+and H.
+
+'I agree with Cousin,' he said. 'The attempt to turn our national
+activity into speculation and commerce has often been made, but has never
+had any permanent success. The men who make these sudden fortunes are not
+happy, for they are always suspected of _friponnerie_, and the Government
+to which they belong is suspected of _friponnerie_. Still less happy are
+those who have attempted to make them, and have failed. And those who
+have not been able even to make the attempt are envious and sulky. So
+that the whole world becomes suspicious and dissatisfied.
+
+'And even if it were universal, mere material prosperity is not enough
+for us. Our Government must give us something more: must gratify our
+ambition, or, at least, our vanity.'
+
+'The Government,' said Rivet, 'has been making a desperate plunge in
+order to escape from the accusation of _friponnerie_. It has denounced in
+the "Moniteur" the _faiseurs_; it has dismissed a poor _aide-de-camp_ of
+Jérôme's for doing what everybody has been doing ever since the _coup
+d'état_. When Ponsard's comedy, which was known to be a furious satire on
+the _agioteurs_, was first played, Louis Napoleon took the whole
+orchestra and pit stalls, and filled them with people instructed to
+applaud every allusion to the _faiseurs_. And he himself stood in his
+box, his body almost out of it, clapping most energetically every attack
+on them.'
+
+'At the same time,' I said, 'has he not forced the Orleans Company and
+the Lyons Company to buy the Grand Central at much more than its worth?
+And was not that done in order to enable certain _faiseurs_ to realise
+their gains?'
+
+'He has forced the Orleans Company,' said Rivet, 'to buy up, or rather to
+amalgamate the Grand Central; but I will not say at more than its value.
+The amount to be paid is to depend on the comparative earnings of the
+different lines, for two years before and two years after the purchase.'
+
+'But,' I said, 'is it not true, first, that the Orleans Company was
+unwilling to make the purchase? and, secondly, that thereupon the Grand
+Central shares rose much in the market?'
+
+'Both these facts,' answered Rivet, 'are true.'
+
+'Do you believe,' I said to Tocqueville, 'H.'s history of the Tripartite
+Treaty?'
+
+'I do,' he answered. 'I do not think that at the time when it was made we
+liked it. It suited you, who wish to preserve the _statu quo_ in Europe,
+which keeps us your inferiors, or, at least, not your superiors. _You_
+have nothing to gain by a change. We have. The _statu quo_ does not suit
+us. The Tripartite Treaty is a sort of chain--not a heavy one, or a
+strong one--but one which we should not have put on if we could have
+avoided it.'
+
+'Do you agree,' I asked Tocqueville, 'with Lafosse, Cousin, and H. as to
+the effect in Paris of our opposition to the Suez Canal?'
+
+'I agree,' he answered, 'in every word that they have said. There is
+nothing that has done you so much mischief in France, and indeed in
+Europe.
+
+'I am no engineer; I should be sorry to pronounce a decided opinion as to
+the feasibility or the utility of the canal; but your opposition makes us
+believe that it is practicable.'
+
+'Those among us,' I answered, 'who fear it, sometimes found their fear on
+grounds unconnected with its practicability. They say that it is a
+political, not a commercial, scheme. That the object is to give to French
+engineers and French shareholders a strip of land separating Egypt from
+Syria, and increasing the French interest in Egypt.'
+
+'What is the value,' answered Tocqueville, 'of a strip of land in the
+desert where no one can live? And why are the shareholders to be French?
+The Greeks, the Syrians, the Dalmatians, the Italians, and the Sicilians
+are the people who will use the canal, if anybody uses it. They will form
+the bulk of the shareholders, if shareholders there are.
+
+'My strong suspicion is, that if you had not opposed it, there never
+would have been any shareholders, and that if you now withdraw your
+opposition, and let the scheme go on until calls are made, the
+subscribers, who are ready enough with their names as patriotic
+manifestations against you as long as no money is to be paid, will
+withdraw _en masse_ from an undertaking which, at the very best, is a
+most hazardous one.
+
+'As to our influence in Egypt, your journal shows that it is a pet
+project of the Viceroy. He hopes to get money and fame from it. You
+_imitate_ both his covetousness and his vanity, and throw him for support
+upon us.'
+
+
+_Paris, May_ 21--The Tocquevilles and Chrzanowski[1] drank tea with us.
+
+We talked of the French iron floating batteries.
+
+'I saw one at Cherbourg,' said Tocqueville, 'and talked much with her
+commander. He was not in good spirits about his vessel, and feared some
+great disaster. However, she did well at Kinburn.'
+
+'She suffered little at Kinburn,' said Chrzanowski, 'because she ventured
+little. She did not approach the batteries nearer than 600 metres. At
+that distance there is little risk and little service. To knock down a
+wall two metres thick from a distance of 600 metres would require at
+least 300 blows. How far her own iron sides would have withstood at that
+distance the fire of heavy guns I will not attempt to say, as I never saw
+her. The best material to resist shot is lead. It contracts over the ball
+and crushes it.'
+
+'Kinburn, however,' said Tocqueville, 'surrendered to our floating
+batteries.'
+
+'Kinburn surrendered,' said Chrzanowski, 'because you landed 10,000 men,
+and occupied the isthmus which connects Kinburn with the main land. The
+garrison saw that they were invested, and had no hope of relief. They
+were not Quixotic enough, or heroic enough, to prolong a hopeless
+resistance. Scarcely any garrison does so.'
+
+We talked of Malta; and I said that Malta was the only great
+fortification which I had seen totally unprovided with earth-works.
+
+'The stone,' said Chrzanowski, 'is soft and will not splinter.'
+
+'I was struck,' I said, 'with the lightness of the armament; the largest
+guns that I saw, except some recently placed in Fort St. Elmo, were
+twenty-four pounders.'
+
+'For land defence,' he answered, 'twenty-four pounders are serviceable
+guns. They are manageable and act with great effect within the short
+distance within which they are generally used. It is against ships that
+large guns are wanted. A very large ball or shell is wasted on the
+trenches, but may sink a ship. The great strength of the land defences of
+Malta arises from the nature of the ground on which Valetta and Floriana
+are built, indeed of which the whole island consists. It is a rock
+generally bare or covered with only a few inches of earth. Approaches
+could not be dug in it. It would be necessary to bring earth or sand in
+ships, and to make the trenches with sand-bags or gabions.'
+
+I asked him if he had read Louis Napoleon's orders to Canrobert,
+published in Bazancourt's book?
+
+'I have,' he answered. 'They show a depth of ignorance and a depth of
+conceit, compared to which even Thiers is modest and skilful. Canrobert
+is not a great general, but he is not a man to whom a civilian, who
+never saw a shot fired, ought to give lectures on what he calls "the
+great principles" or "the absolute principles of war." He seems to have
+taken the correspondence between Napoleon and Joseph for his model,
+forgetting that Canrobert is to him what Napoleon was to Joseph. Then he
+applies his principles as absurdly as he enunciates them. Thus he orders
+Canrobert to send a fleet carrying 25,000 men to the breach at Aboutcha,
+to land 3,000 of them, to send them three leagues up the country, and not
+to land any more, until those first sent have established themselves
+beyond the defile of Agen. Of course those 3,000 men would be useless if
+the enemy were _not_ in force, or destroyed if they _were_ in force. To
+send on a small body and not to support them is the grossest of faults.
+It is the fault which you committed at the Redan, when the men who had
+got on to the works were left by you for an hour unsupported, instead of
+reinforcements being poured in after them as quickly as they could be
+sent.
+
+'In fact,' he continued, 'the horrible and mutual blunders of that
+campaign arose from its being managed by the two Emperors from Paris and
+from St. Petersburg, Nicholas and Alexander were our best friends. Louis
+Napoleon was our worst enemy.
+
+'There is nothing which ought to be so much left to the discretion of
+those on the spot as war. Even a commander-in-chief actually present in a
+field of battle can do little after the action, if it be really a great
+one, has once begun.
+
+'If we suppose 80,000 men to be engaged on each side, each line will
+extend at least three miles. Supposing the general to be in the centre,
+it will take an _aide-de-camp_ ten minutes to gallop to him from one of
+the wings, and ten minutes to gallop back. But in twenty minutes all may
+be altered.'
+
+
+[Footnote 1: 'Chrzanowski has passed thirty years fighting against or for
+the Russians. He began military life in 1811 as a sous lieutenant of
+artillery in the Polish corps which was attached to the French army. With
+that army he served during the march to Moscow, and the retreat. At the
+peace, what remained of his corps became a part of the army of the
+kingdom of Poland. He had attained the rank of major in that army when
+the insurrection on the accession of Nicholas broke out. About one
+hundred officers belonging to the staff of the properly Russian army were
+implicated, or supposed to be implicated, in that insurrection, and were
+dismissed, and their places were supplied from the army of the kingdom of
+Poland. Among those so transferred to the Russian army was Chrzanowski.
+He was attached to the staff of Wittgenstein, and afterwards of Marshal
+Diebitsch, in the Turkish campaigns of 1828 and 1829. In 1830 he took
+part with his countrymen in the insurrection against the Muscovites, and
+quitted Poland when it was finally absorbed in the Russian Empire. A few
+years after a quarrel was brewing between England and Russia. Muscovite
+agents were stirring up Persia and Affghanistan against us, and it was
+thought that we might have to oppose them on the shores of the Black Sea.
+Chrzanowski was attached to the British Embassy at Constantinople and was
+employed for some years in ascertaining what assistance Turkey, both in
+Europe and in Asia, could afford to us. In 1849 he was selected by
+Charles Albert to command the army of the kingdom of Sardinia.
+
+'That army was constituted on the Prussian system, which makes every man
+serve, and no man a soldier. It was, in fact, a militia. The men were
+enlisted for only fourteen months, at the end of that time they were sent
+home, and were recalled when they were wanted, having forgotten their
+military training and acquired the habits of cottiers and artisans. They
+had scarcely any officers, or even _sous_ officers, that knew anything of
+their business. The drill sergeants required to be drilled. The generals,
+and indeed the greater part of the officers, were divided into hostile
+factions--Absolutists, Rouges, Constitutional Liberals, and even
+Austrians--for at that time, in the exaggerated terror occasioned by the
+revolutions of 1848, Austria and Russia were looked up to by the greater
+part of the noblesse of the Continent as the supporters of order against
+Mazzini, Kossuth, Ledru Rollin, and Palmerston. The Absolutists and the
+Austrians made common cause, whereas the Rouges or Mazzinists were
+bitterest against the Constitutional Liberals. Such an army, even if
+there had been no treason, could not have withstood a disciplined enemy.
+When it fell a victim to its own defects, and to the treachery of
+Ramorino, Chrzanowski retired to Paris.'--(_Extracted from Mr. Senior's
+article in the 'North British Review.'_)
+
+Chrzanowski died several years ago.--ED.]
+
+
+
+CORRESPONDENCE.
+
+Kensington, August 20, 1856.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--A few weeks after my return to London your book
+reached me--of course from the time that I got it, I employed all my
+leisure in reading it.
+
+Nothing, even of yours, has, I think, so much instructed and delighted
+me. Much of it, perhaps, was not quite so new to me as to many others; as
+I had had the privilege of hearing it from you--but even the views which
+were familiar to me in their outline were made almost new by their
+details.
+
+It is painful to think how difficult it is to create a Constitutional
+Government, and how difficult to preserve one, and, what is the same, how
+easy to destroy one.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Mrs. Senior is going to Wales and to Ireland, where I join her, after
+having paid a long-promised visit to Lord Aberdeen.
+
+I like the conversation of retired statesmen, and he is one of our
+wisest. Thiers has just left us. I spent two evenings with him, but on
+the first he was engrossed by Lord Clarendon, and on the second by the
+Duc d'Aumale and by Lord Palmerston. They were curious _rapprochements_,
+at least the first and third. It was the first meeting of Palmerston and
+Duc d'Aumale. I am very much pleased with the latter. He is sensible,
+well informed, and unaffected.
+
+Kindest regards, &c.
+
+A.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+Tocqueville, September 4, 1856.
+
+I have read, my dear Senior, your letter with great pleasure. Your
+criticism delights me, for I rely on your judgment and on your sincerity.
+I am charmed that you have found in my book more than you had learned
+from our conversations, on my view of our history. We have known one
+another so long, we have conversed so much and so unreservedly, that it
+is difficult for either of us to write anything that the other will think
+new. I was afraid that what may appear original to the public might seem
+trite to you.
+
+The Reeves have been with us; we have passed together an agreeable
+fortnight. I had charged Reeve to bring you, whether you would or not.
+Did he make the attempt? I am sure that you would have enjoyed your
+visit, and we should have rejoiced to have under our roof two such old
+friends as you and Reeve.
+
+I am glad that you have printed your article; pray try to send it to me.
+
+It seems that you intend this winter to anchor in Rome. It increases my
+regret that I cannot be there. It is out of the question. My wife's
+health and mine are so much improved that the journey is not necessary,
+and business of all kinds keeps us at home. If you push on to Naples, you
+will, perhaps, enjoy the absence of the rascally king whom you and I
+found there five years ago. I applaud the virtuous indignation of the
+English against this little despot, and their sympathy with the unhappy
+wretches whom he detains arbitrarily to die slowly in his prisons, which,
+though not placed in the African deserts or the marshes of Cayenne, are
+bad enough. The interest which your great nation takes in the cause of
+humanity and liberty, even when that cause suffers in another country,
+delights me. What I regret is that your generous indignation is directed
+against so petty a tyrant.
+
+I must say that America is a _puer robustus_. Yet I cannot desire, as
+many persons do, its dismemberment. Such an event would inflict a great
+wound on the whole human race; for it would introduce war into a great
+continent from whence it has been banished for more than a century.
+
+The breaking up of the American Union will be a solemn moment in the
+history of the world. I never met an American who did not feel this, and
+I believe that it will not be rashly or easily undertaken. There will,
+before actual rupture, be always a last interval, in which one or both
+parties will draw back. Has not this occurred twice?
+
+Adieu, dear Senior. Do not be long without letting us hear from you, and
+remember us affectionately to Mrs. Senior and to your daughter.
+
+
+
+Ashton House, near Phoenix Park, Dublin, September 26, 1856.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--Your letter found me at Haddo House, Aberdeenshire,
+where we have been spending a fortnight with Lord Aberdeen.
+
+It has been very interesting. Lord Aberdeen is one of our wisest
+statesmen.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+I found Lord Aberdeen deprecating the war, notwithstanding its success,
+utterly incredulous as to the aggressive intentions attributed to
+Nicholas, and in fact throwing the blame of the war on Lord Stratford
+and, to a certain degree, on Louis Napoleon.
+
+I found him also much disturbed by our Naples demonstration, believing it
+to be an unwarranted interference with an independent Government.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Ever yours,
+
+A.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+Tocqueville, November 2, 1856.
+
+I am grateful to you, my dear Senior, for your kindness in telling me
+what I most wished to hear. The judgments of such men as those with whom
+you have been living, while they delight me, impose on me the duty of
+unrelaxed efforts.
+
+Your fortnight at Lord Aberdeen's amused me exceedingly, and not the
+least amusing part were the eccentricities of A.B.
+
+There is one point in which the English seem to me to differ from
+ourselves, and, indeed, from all other nations, so widely that they form
+almost a distinct species of men. There is often scarcely any connection
+between what they say and what they do.
+
+No people carry so far, especially when speaking in public, violence of
+language, outrageousness of theories, and extravagance in the inference
+drawn from those theories. Thus your A.B. says that the Irish have not
+shot half enough landlords. Yet no people act with more moderation. A
+quarter of what is said in England at a public meeting, or even round a
+dinner-table, without anything being done or intended to be done, would
+in France announce violence, which would almost always be more furious
+than the language had been.
+
+We Frenchmen are not so different from our antipodes as we are from a
+nation, partly our own progeny, which is separated from us by only a
+large ditch.
+
+I wonder whether you have heard how our illustrious master is relieving
+the working-people from the constant rise of house-rent. When they are
+turned out of their lodgings he re-establishes them by force; if they are
+distrained on for non-payment of rent, he will not allow the tribunals to
+treat the distress as legal. What think you, as a political economist, of
+this form of outdoor relief?
+
+What makes the thing amusing is, that the Government which uses this
+violent mode of lodging the working classes, is the very same Government
+which, by its mad public works, by drawing to Paris suddenly a hundred
+thousand workmen, and by destroying suddenly ten thousand houses, has
+created the deficiency of habitations. It seems, however, that the
+systematic intimidation and oppression of the rich in favour of the poor,
+is every day becoming more and more one of the principles of our
+Government.
+
+I read yesterday a circular from the prefect of La Sarthe, a public
+document, stuck up on the church-doors and in the market-places, which,
+after urging the landed proprietors of the department to assess
+themselves for the relief of the poor, adds, that their insensibility
+becomes more odious when it is remembered that for many years they have
+been growing rich by the rise of prices, which is spreading misery among
+the lower orders.
+
+The real character of our Government, its frightful mixture of socialism
+and despotism, was never better shown.
+
+I have said enough to prevent your getting my letter. If it _should_
+escape the rogue who manages our post-office, let me know as soon as you
+can.
+
+Kindest remembrances,
+
+A. DE. TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+Tocqueville, February 11, 1857.
+
+I must ask you, my dear Senior, to tell me yourself how you have borne
+this long winter. I suppose that it has been the same in England as in
+Normandy, for the two climates are alike.
+
+Here we have been buried for ten or twelve days under a foot of snow, and
+it froze hard during the whole time. How has your larynx endured this
+trial? I assure you that we take great interest in that larynx of yours.
+Give us therefore some news of it.
+
+Your letter gave us fresh pleasure by announcing your intention of
+passing April and May in Paris. We shall certainly be there at the same
+time, and perhaps before. I hope that we shall see you continually. We
+are, you know, among the very many people who delight in your society;
+besides, we have an excellent right to your friendship.
+
+I am looking forward with great pleasure to your Egypt. What I already
+know of that country leads me to think that of all your reminiscences it
+will afford the most novelty and interest.
+
+I do not think that your visit to Paris will be a very valuable addition
+to your journals. If I may judge by the letters which I receive thence,
+society there has never been flatter, nor more insipid, nor more entirely
+without any dominant idea. I need not tell you that your opinion of our
+statesmen is the same as that which prevails in Paris, but it is of such
+an ancient date, and is so obvious, that it cannot give rise to
+interesting discussions.
+
+A-propos of statesmen, we cannot understand how a man who made, _inter
+pocula_, the speech of ---- on his travels can remain in a government. I
+think that even ours, though so long-suffering towards its agents, could
+not tolerate anything similar even if it should secretly approve.
+Absolute power has its limits. The Prince de Ligne, in a discourse which
+you have doubtless read, seems to me to have described it in one word by
+saying that it was the speech of a _gamin_.
+
+I am, however, ungrateful to criticise it, for I own that it amused me
+extremely, and that I thought that Morny especially was drawn from life;
+but I think that if I had the honour of being Her Britannic Majesty's
+Prime Minister, I should not have laughed so heartily. How could so
+clever a man be guilty of such eccentricities?
+
+In my last letter to our excellent friend Mrs. Grote, I ventured to say
+that there was one person who wrote even worse than I did, and that it
+was you. Your last letter has filled me with remorse, for I could
+actually read it, and even without trouble. I beg, therefore, to make an
+_amende honorable_, and envy you your power of advancing towards
+perfection.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+I still think of paying a little visit to England in June. Adieu, dear
+Senior. Do not be angry with me for not writing on politics. Indeed I
+could tell you nothing, for I know nothing, and besides, just now
+politics are not to be treated by Frenchmen, _in letters_.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+Tocqueville, March 8, 1857.
+
+I still write to you, my dear Senior, from hence. We cannot tear
+ourselves away from the charms of our retreat, or from a thousand little
+employments. We shall scarcely reach Paris, therefore, before you. You
+will, therefore, yourself bring me the remainder of your curious journal.
+What I have already seen makes me most anxious to read the rest. I have
+never read anything which gave me more valuable information on Egypt
+and Oriental politics in general. As soon as I possibly can, I look
+forward to continuing its perusal.
+
+The papers tell us that your Ministry has been beaten on the Chinese War.
+It seems to me to have been an ill-chosen battle-field. The war was,
+perhaps, somewhat wantonly begun, and very roughly managed; but the
+fault lay with distant and subordinate agents. Now that it has begun, no
+Cabinet can avoid carrying it on vigorously. The existing Ministry will
+do as well for this as any other. As there is no line of policy to be
+changed, the upsetting is merely to put in the people who are now
+out.
+
+If the Ministry falls, the man least to be pitied will be our friend
+Lewis. He will go out after having obtained a brilliant triumph on his
+own ground, and he will enjoy the good fortune, rare to public men, of
+quitting power greater than he was when he took it, and with the enviable
+reputation of owing his greatness, not merely to his talents, but also to
+the respect and the confidence which he has universally inspired.
+
+All this delights me; for I feel towards him, and towards all his family,
+a true friendship.
+
+To return to China.
+
+It seems to me that the relations between that country and Europe are
+changed, and dangerously changed.
+
+Till now, Europe has had to deal only with a Chinese government--the most
+wretched of governments. Now you will find opposed to you a people; and a
+people, however miserable and corrupt, is invincible on its own
+territory, if it be supported and impelled by common and violent
+passions.
+
+Yet I should be sorry to die before I have seen China open to the eyes as
+well as to the arms of Europe.
+
+Do you believe in a dissolution? If so, when?
+
+A thousand regards to Mrs. Grote, to the great historian, to the Reeves,
+and generally to all who are kind enough to remember my existence.
+
+I delight in the prospect of meeting you in Paris; yet I fear that you
+will find it dull. All that I hear from the great town shows me that
+never, at least during the last two hundred years, has intellectual life
+been less active.
+
+If there be talent in the official circles, it is not the talent of
+conversation, and among those who formerly possessed that talent, there
+is so much torpidity, such want of interest on public affairs, such
+ignorance as to what is passing, and so little wish to hear about it,
+that no one, I am told, knows what to talk about or to take interest in.
+Your conversation, however, is so agreeable and stimulating that it is
+capable of reanimating the dead. Come and try to work this miracle.
+
+A thousand remembrances.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS.
+
+
+_Paris, Hotel Bedford, April_ 9, 1857.--We reached this place last night.
+
+The Tocquevilles are in our hotel. I went to them in the evening.
+
+Tocqueville asked me how long I intended to remain.
+
+'Four weeks,' I answered.
+
+'I do not think,' he replied, 'that you will be able to do so. Paris has
+become so dull that no one will voluntarily spend a month here. The
+change which five years have produced is marvellous.
+
+'We have lost our interest not only in public affairs, but in all serious
+matters.'
+
+'You will return then to the social habits of Louis Quinze,' I said. 'You
+were as despotically governed then as you are now; and yet the _salons_
+of Madame Geoffrin were amusing.'
+
+'We may do so in time,' he answered, 'but that time is to come. At
+present we talk of nothing but the Bourse. The conversation of our
+_salons_ resembles more that of the time of Law, than that of the time of
+Marmontel.'
+
+I spent the evening at Lamartine's. There were few people there, and the
+conversation was certainly dull enough to justify Tocqueville's fears.
+
+
+_April_ 10.--Tocqueville drank tea with us.
+
+We talked of the Empress, and of the possibility of her being Regent of
+France.
+
+'That supposes,' I said, 'first, that _Celui-ci_ holds his power until
+his death; and, secondly, that his son will succeed him.'
+
+'I expect both events,' answered Tocqueville. 'It is impossible to deny
+that Louis Napoleon has shown great dexterity and tact. His system of
+government is detestable if we suppose the welfare of France to be his
+object; but skilful if its aim be merely the preservation of his own
+power.
+
+'Such being his purpose, he has committed no great faults. Wonderful,
+almost incredible, as his elevation is, it has not intoxicated him.'
+
+'It has not intoxicated him,' I answered, 'because he was prepared for
+it--he always expected it.'
+
+'He could scarcely,' replied Tocqueville, 'have really and soberly
+expected it until 1848.
+
+'Boulogne and Strasbourg were the struggles of a desperate man, who
+staked merely a life of poverty, obscurity, and exile. Even if either of
+them had succeeded, the success could not have been permanent. A
+surprise, if it had thrown him upon the throne, could not have kept him
+there. Even after 1848, though the Bourbons were discredited, we should
+not have tolerated a Bonaparte if we had not lost all our self-possession
+in our terror of the Rouges. That terror created him, that terror
+supports him; and habit, and the dread of the bloodshed and distress, and
+the unknown chances of a revolution, will, I think, maintain him during
+his life.
+
+'The same feelings will give the succession to his heir. Whether the heir
+will keep it, is a different question.'
+
+_Sunday, April_ 12.--Tocqueville drank tea with us. I asked him if he had
+seen the Due de Nemours' letter.
+
+'I have not seen it,' he answered. 'In fact, I have not wished to see it.
+I disapprove of the Fusionists, and the anti-Fusionists, and the
+Legitimists, and the Orleanists-in short, of all the parties who are
+forming plans of action in events which may not happen, or may not
+happen in my time, or may be accompanied by circumstances rendering those
+plans absurd, or mischievous, or impracticable,'
+
+'But though you have not read the letter,' I said, 'you know generally
+what are its contents.'
+
+'Of course I do,' he replied. 'And I cannot blame the Comte de Chambord
+for doing what I do myself--for refusing to bind himself in
+contingencies, and to disgust his friends in the hope of conciliating his
+enemies.'
+
+'Do you believe,' I asked, 'that the mere promise of a Constitution would
+offend the Legitimists?'
+
+'I do not think,' he answered, 'that they would object to a Constitution
+giving them what they would consider their fair share of power and
+influence.
+
+'Under Louis Philippe they had neither, but it was in a great measure
+their own fault.
+
+'They have neither under this Government, for its principle is to rest on
+the army and on the people, and to ignore the existence of the educated
+classes.
+
+'You see _that_ in its management of the press. 'Montalembert, or Guizot,
+or Falloux, or I may publish what we like. We are not read by the soldier
+or by the _proletaire_.[1] But the newspaper press is subject to a
+slavery to which it was never reduced before. The system was first
+elaborated in Austria, and I daresay will be copied by all the
+Continental autocrats, for no inventions travel so quickly as despotic
+ones.
+
+'The public _avertissements_ are comparatively unimportant. Before a
+journal gets one of those its suppression has probably been decided on.
+Every day there are communications between the literary police and the
+different editors. Such or such a line of argument is altogether
+forbidden, another is allowed to be used to a certain extent. Some
+subjects are tabooed, others are to be treated partially.
+
+'As the mental food of the lower orders is supplied by the newspapers,
+this paternal Government takes care that it shall not be too exciting.'
+
+[Footnote 1: The lowest class.--ED.]
+
+
+_Paris, Monday, April_ 13.--Tocqueville, Jobez, Marcet, St.-Hilaire,[1]
+Charles Sumner, and Lord Granville breakfasted with us.
+
+The conversation turned on public speaking.
+
+'Very few indeed of our speakers,' said Tocqueville, 'have ever ventured
+to improvise: Barrot could do it. We have told him sometimes that a
+speech must be answered immediately; and when he objected that he had
+nothing to say, we used to insist, and to assure him that as soon as he
+was in the tribune, the ideas and the words would come; and so they did.
+I have known him go on under such circumstances for an hour; of course
+neither the matter nor the form could be first rate, but they were
+sufficient.'
+
+'In fact,' said Lord Granville, 'much of what is called improvisation is
+mere recollection. A man who has to speak night after night, gets on most
+subjects a set of thoughts, and even of expressions, which naturally pour
+in on him as soon as his argument touches the train which leads to them.
+
+'One of our eminent speakers,' he continued, 'Lord Grey, is perhaps best
+when he has not had time to prepare himself. He is so full of knowledge
+and of inferences, that he has always enough ready to make an excellent
+speech. When he prepares himself, there is _too_ much; he gives the House
+more facts and more deductions than it can digest.'
+
+'Do you agree with me,' I asked, 'in thinking that Lord Melbourne was
+best when he improvised?'
+
+'I agree with you,' answered Lord Granville, 'that his set speeches were
+cold and affected. He was natural only when he was quite careless, or
+when he was much excited, and then he was admirable.'
+
+'Did not Thiers improvise?' I asked.
+
+'Never,' answered Tocqueville. 'He prepared himself most carefully. So
+did Guizot. We see from the "Revue rétrospective" that he even prepared
+his replies. His long experience enabled him to foresee what he should
+have to answer. Pasquier used to bring his speech ready written. It lay
+on the desk before him, but he never looked at it.'
+
+'That seems to me,' I said, 'very difficult. It is like swimming with
+corks. One would be always tempted to look down on the paper.'
+
+'It is almost equally difficult,' said Tocqueville, 'to make a speech of
+which the words are prepared. There is a struggle between the invention
+and the memory. You trust thoroughly to neither, and therefore are not
+served thoroughly by either.'
+
+'Yet that,' said Marcet, 'is what our Swiss pastors are required to do.
+They are forbidden to read, and forbidden to extemporise, and by practice
+they speak from memory--some well, all tolerably.'
+
+'Brougham,' said Lord Granville, 'used to introduce his most elaborately
+prepared passages by a slight hesitation. When he seemed to pause in
+search of thoughts, or of words, we knew that he had a sentence ready cut
+and dried.'
+
+'Who,' I asked Sumner, 'are your best speakers in America?'
+
+'The best,' he said, 'is Seward; after him perhaps comes Winthrop.'
+
+'I should have thought it difficult,' I said, 'to speak well in the
+Senate, to only fifty or at most sixty members.'
+
+'You do not speak,' answered Sumner, 'to the Senators. You do not think
+of them. You know that their minds are made up. Except as to mere
+executive questions, such as the approval of a public functionary, or the
+acceptance or modification of a treaty, every senator comes in pledged to
+a given, or to an assumed, set of opinions and measures. You speak to the
+public. You speak in order that 500,000 copies of what you say, as was
+the case with my last speech, may be scattered over the whole Union.'
+
+'That,' I said, 'must much affect the character of your oratory. A speech
+meant to be read must be a different thing from one meant to be heard.
+Your speeches must in fact be pamphlets, and that I suppose accounts for
+their length.'
+
+'That is true,' replied Sumner. 'But when you hear that we speak for a
+day, or for two days, or, as I have sometimes done, for three days, you
+must remember that our days are days of only three hours each.'
+
+'How long,' I asked, 'was your last speech?'
+
+'About five hours,' he answered. 'Three hours the first day and two hours
+the second.'
+
+'That,' I said, 'is not beyond our remotest limit. Brougham indeed, on
+the amendment of the law, spoke for six hours, during the greater part of
+the time to an audience of three. The House was filled with fog, and
+there is an H.B. which represents him gesticulating in the obscurity and
+the solitude.'
+
+'He,' said Lord Granville, 'put his speech on the Reform Bill at the
+top.'
+
+'The speech,' I said, 'at the end of which he knelt to implore the Peers
+to pass the bill, and found it difficult to rise.'
+
+[Footnote 1: Barthélemy de St-Hilaire is now Thiers' private secretary
+and right hand.--ED.]
+
+
+_Tuesday, April_ 14.--Z., Sumner, Lord Granville, Tocqueville, M.
+Circourt, St.-Hilaire, and Corcelle breakfasted with us.
+
+The conversation took the same turn as yesterday.
+
+'May I venture,' said Lord Granville to Z., 'to ask whom of your
+opponents you feared the most?'
+
+'Beyond all comparison,' answered Z., 'Thiers.'
+
+'Was not D.' I asked, 'very formidable?'
+
+'Certainly,' said Z. 'But he had not the wit, or the _entraînement_ of
+Thiers. His sentences were like his action. He had only one gesture,
+raising and sinking his right arm, and every time that right arm fell, it
+accompanied a sentence adding a link to a chain of argument, massive and
+well tempered, without a particle of dross, which coiled round his
+adversary like a boa constrictor.'
+
+'And yet,' said M., 'he was always languid and embarrassed at starting;
+it took him ten minutes to get _en train_.'
+
+'That defect,' said Lord Granville, 'belonged to many of our good
+speakers--to Charles Fox--to Lord Holland. Indeed Fox required the
+excitement of serious business to become fluent. He never made a
+tolerable after-dinner speech.'
+
+'Among the peculiarities of D.,' said M., 'are his perfect tact and
+discretion in the tribune, and his awkwardness in ordinary life. In
+public and in private he is two different men.'
+
+'It is impossible,' said Tocqueville, 'to deny that D. was great in a
+deliberative body, but his real scene of action is the bar. He was only
+_among_ the best speakers in the Constituent Assembly. He is _the_
+greatest advocate at the bar.'
+
+'Although,' said M----, 'at the bar, where he represents only his client,
+one of the elements of his parliamentary success, his high moral
+character, does not assist him. Do you remember how, on the debate of
+the Roman expedition, he annihilated by one sentence Jules Favre who had
+ventured to assail him? "Les injures," he said, "sont comme les corps
+pesants, dont la force dépend de la hauteur d'où ils tombent."'
+
+'One man,' said Z., 'who enjoys a great European reputation, I could
+never think of as a serious adversary, that is Lamartine.
+
+'He appeared to me to treat the sad realities of political life as
+materials out of which he could compose strange and picturesque scenes,
+or draw food for his imagination and his vanity. He seemed always to be
+saying to himself: "How will the future dramatist or poet, or painter,
+represent this event, and what will be my part in the picture, or in the
+poem, or on the stage?"
+
+'_Il cherchait toujours à poser_.--He could give pleasure, he could give
+pain--he could amuse, and he could irritate,--but he seldom could
+persuade, and he never could convince. Even before the gate of the Hôtel
+de Ville, the most brilliant hour of his life, he owed his success rather
+to his tall figure, his fine features, attractive as well as commanding,
+his voice, his action--in short, to the assemblage of qualities which the
+Greeks called [Greek: hupokrisis] than to his eloquence.'
+
+'Was not,' I said, 'his contrast between the red flag and the tricolor
+eloquent?'
+
+'It was a fine bit of imagery,' said Z., 'and admirably adapted to the
+occasion. I do not deny to him the power of saying fine things--perhaps
+fine speeches, but he never made a _good_ speech--a speech which it was
+difficult to answer.'
+
+'If anyone,' he continued, 'ever takes the trouble to look into our
+Parliamentary debates, Lamartine will hold a higher comparative rank than
+he is really entitled to. Most of us were too busy to correct the reports
+for the "Moniteur." Lamartine not only corrected them but inserted whole
+passages.'
+
+'He inserted,' said M, 'not only passages but facts. Such as
+"_applaudissements_," "_vive émotion," "hilarité_," often when the speech
+had been received in silence, or unattended to.'
+
+'I remember,' said Corcelle, 'an insertion of that kind in the report of
+a speech which was never delivered. It was during the Restoration, when
+written speeches were read, and sometimes were sent to the "Moniteur" in
+anticipation of their being read. Such had been the case with respect to
+the speech in question. The intended orator had inserted, like Lamartine,
+"_vifs applaudissements," "profonde sensation_," and other notices of the
+effect of his speech. The House adjourned unexpectedly before it was
+delivered, and he forgot to withdraw the report.'
+
+'Could a man like Lord Althorp,' I asked, 'whom it was painful to hear,
+hold his place as leader of a French Assembly?'
+
+'Impossible,' said Tocqueville, 'unless he were a soldier. We tolerate
+from a man who has almost necessarily been deprived of a careful
+education much clumsiness and awkwardness of elocution. Soult did not
+speak much better than the Duke of Wellington, but he was listened to. He
+had, like the Duke, an air of command which imposed.'
+
+'Was there,' I said, 'any personal quarrel between Soult and Thiers?'
+
+'Certainly there was,' said Z., 'a little one. I will not say that Soult
+was in Spain a successful commander, or an agreeable colleague, or an
+obedient subordinate, but whenever things went wrong there, Soult was the
+man whom the Emperor sent thither to put them to rights. Great as Thiers
+may be as a military critic, I venture to put him below Napoleon.'
+
+'I have been reading,' I said, 'Falloux's reception speech, and was
+disappointed by it.'
+
+'In his speech and Brifault's,' said Circourt, 'you may compare the
+present declamatory style and that of thirty years ago. Brifault has, or
+attempts to have, the _légèreté_ and the prettiness of the Restoration.
+Falloux is _grandiose_ and emphatic, as we all are now.'
+
+'Falloux,' said Z., 'made an excellent speech the first time that he
+addressed the Chamber of Deputies. The next time he was not so
+successful, and after that he ceased to be listened to.
+
+'But in the Constituent Assembly, and indeed in the Legislative, he
+acquired an ascendency. In those Assemblies, great moral qualities and a
+high social position were rarer than they were among the Deputies, and in
+the dangers of the country they were more wanted. Falloux possesses them
+all. He is honest and brave, and in his province employs liberally and
+usefully a large fortune.'
+
+'Were those the merits,' I asked, 'which opened to him the doors of the
+Academy?'
+
+'Certainly,' answered Z. 'As a man of letters he is nothing, as a
+statesman not much. We elected him in honour of his courage and his
+honesty, and perhaps with some regard to his fortune. We are the only
+independent body left, and we value in a candidate no quality more than
+independence.'
+
+'I am told,' I said, 'that Falloux is now an ultra-Legitimist.'
+
+'That is not true,' said Z. 'He is a Legitimist, but a liberal one. He
+would tolerate no Government, whatever were its other claims, that was
+not constitutional.'
+
+'Your Academic ceremonies,' I said 'seem to me not very well imagined.
+There is something _fade_, almost ridiculous, in the literary minuet in
+which the _récipiendaire_ and the receiver are trotted out to show their
+paces to each other and to the Academy. The new member extolling the
+predecessor of whom he is the unworthy successor, the old member lauding
+his new colleague to his face, and assuring him that he, too, is one of
+the ornaments of the Society.'
+
+'Particularly,' said ----, 'when, as was the case the other day, it is
+notorious that neither of them has any real respect for the idol which he
+is forced to crown. Then the political innuendoes, the under-currents of
+censure of the present conveyed in praise of the past, become tiresome
+after we have listened to them for five years. We long to hear people
+talk frankly and directly, instead of saying one thing for the mere
+purpose of showing that they are thinking of another thing. The Emperor
+revenged himself on Falloux by his antithesis: "_que le désordre les
+avait uni, et que l'ordre les avait séparé_.'"
+
+'How did Falloux reply to it?' I asked.
+
+'Feebly,' said ----. 'He muttered something about _l'ordre_ having no
+firmer adherent than himself. In these formal audiences our great man has
+the advantage. He has his _mot_ ready prepared, and you cannot discuss
+with him.'
+
+We talked of the French spoken by foreigners. 'The best,' said Circourt,
+'is that of the Swedes and Russians, the worst that of the Germans.'
+
+'Louis Philippe,' said Z., 'used to maintain that the best test of a
+man's general talents was his power of speaking foreign languages. It was
+an opinion that flattered his vanity, for he spoke like a native French,
+Italian, English, and German.'
+
+'It is scarcely possible,' said Tocqueville, 'for a man to be original in
+any language but his own; in all others he is forced to say what he can,
+and that is generally something that he recollects.'
+
+'I was much struck by that,' said Z., 'when conversing with Narvaez. He
+had been talking sensibly but rather dully in French, I begged him to
+talk Spanish, which I understand though I cannot speak. The whole man was
+changed. It was as if a curtain had been drawn up from between us.
+Instead of hammering at commonplaces, he became pointed, and spirited,
+and eloquent.'
+
+'Is he an educated man?' I asked.
+
+'For a Spaniard,' answered Z., 'yes. He has the quickness, the finesse,
+and the elegance of mind and of manner which belong to the South. The
+want of book-learning contributes to his originality.'
+
+'The most wonderful speaker in a foreign language,' said Sumner, 'was
+Kossuth. He must have been between forty and fifty before he heard an
+English word. Yet he spoke it fluently, eloquently, and even
+idiomatically. He would have made his fortune among us as a stump-orator.'
+
+
+
+_Tuesday, April_ 28.--Tocqueville drank tea with us.
+
+We talked rather of people than of things.
+
+'Circourt,' said Tocqueville, 'is my dictionary. When I wish to know what
+has been done or what has been said on any occasion, I go to Circourt. He
+draws out one of the drawers in his capacious head, and finds there all
+that I want arranged and ticketed.
+
+'One of the merits of his talk, as it is of his character, is its
+conscientiousness. He has the truthfulness of a thorough gentleman, and
+his affections are as strong as his hatreds. I do not believe he would
+sacrifice a friend even to a good story, and where is there another man
+of whom that can be said?'
+
+'What think you of Mrs. T-----?' I inquired.
+
+'I like her too,' he replied, 'but less than I do Circourt. She has
+considerable talent, but she thinks and reads only to converse. She has
+no originality, no convictions. She says what she thinks that she can say
+well; like a person writing a dialogue or an exercise. Whether the
+opinion which she expresses be right or wrong, or the story that she
+tells be true or false, is no concern of hers, provided it be _bien
+dit_.'
+
+'The fault of her conversation,' I said, 'seems to me to be, that while
+she is repeating one sentence she is thinking of the next, and that while
+you are speaking to her, she is considering what is to be her next topic.
+I have noticed this fault in other very fluent conversers. They are so
+intent on the future that they neglect the present.'
+
+'It is rather a French than an English fault,' said Tocqueville. 'The
+English have more curiosity and less vanity, than we have; more desire to
+hear and less anxiety to shine. They are often, therefore, better
+_causeurs_ than we are. _Le grand talent pour le silence_, or, in other
+words, the power of listening which has been imputed to them, is a great
+conversational virtue. I do not believe that it was said ironically or
+epigrammatically. The man who bestowed that praise knew how rare a merit
+silence is.'
+
+'May we not owe that merit,' I asked, 'to our bad French? We shine most
+when we listen.'
+
+'A great talker,' I continued, 'Montalembert, is to breakfast with us.
+Whom shall I ask to meet him?'
+
+'Not me,' said Tocqueville, 'unless you will accept me as one of the
+chorus. I will not take a _premier rôle_, or any prominent _rôle_, in a
+piece in which he is to act. I like his society; that is, I like to sit
+silent and hear him talk, and I admire his talents; and we have the
+strong bond of common hatreds, though perhaps we hate on different, or
+even opposite grounds, and I do not wish for a dispute with him, of
+which, if I say anything, I shall be in danger. If we differed on only
+one subject, instead of differing, as we do, on all but one, he would
+pick out that single subject to attack me on. I am not sure that even as
+host you will be safe. He is more acute in detecting points of opposition
+than most men are in finding subjects of agreement. He avoids meeting you
+on friendly or even on neutral ground. He chooses to have a combat _en
+champ clos_.
+
+'Take care,' he added, 'and do not have too many _sommités._ They watch
+one another, are conscious that they are watched, and a coldness creeps
+over the table.'
+
+'We had two pleasant breakfasts,' I said, 'a fortnight ago. You were
+leader of the band at one, Z. at the other, and the rest left the stage
+free to the great actor.'
+
+'As for me,' he answered, 'I often shut myself up, particularly after
+dinner, or during dinner if it be long. The process of digestion, little,
+as I can eat, seems to oppress me.
+
+'Z. is always charming. He has an _aplomb_, an ease, a _verve_ arising
+from his security that whatever he says will interest and amuse. He is a
+perfect specimen of an ex-statesman, _homme de lettres_, and _père de
+famille_, falling back on literature and the domestic affections. As for
+me, I have intervals of _sauvagerie_, or rather the times when I am not
+_sauvage_ are the intervals. I have many, perhaps too many, acquaintances
+whom I like, and a very few friends whom I love, and a host of relations.
+I easily tire of Paris, and long to fly to the fields and woods and
+seashore of my province.'
+
+We passed to the language of conversation.
+
+'There are three words,' said Tocqueville, 'which you have lost, and
+which I wonder how you do without,--Monsieur, Madame, and Mademoiselle.
+You are forced always to substitute the name. They are so mixed in all
+our forms that half of what we say would appear abrupt or blunt without
+them.
+
+'Then the _tutoyer_ is a _nuance_ that you want. When husband and wife
+are talking together they pass insensibly, twenty times perhaps in an
+hour, from the _vous_ to the _tu_. When matters of business or of serious
+discussion are introduced, indeed whenever the affections are not
+concerned, it is _vous_. With the least _soupçon_ of tenderness the _tu_
+returns.'
+
+'Yet,' I said, 'you never use the _tu_ before a third person.'
+
+'Never,' he answered, 'in good company. Among the _bourgeoisie_ always.
+It is odd that an aristocratic form, so easily learned, should not have
+been adopted by all who pretend to be gentry. I remember being present
+when an Englishman and his wife, much accustomed to good French society,
+but unacquainted with this _nuance_, were laboriously _tutoyering_ each
+other. I relieved them much by assuring them that it was not merely
+unnecessary, but objectionable.'
+
+
+_May_ 2.--Tocqueville dined with us.
+
+A lady at the _table d'hôte_ was full of a sermon which she had heard at
+the Madeleine. The preacher said, sinking his voice to an audible
+whisper, 'I will tell you a secret, but it must go no farther. There is
+more religion among the Protestants than with us, they are better
+acquainted with the Bible, and make more use of their reading: we have
+much to learn from them.'
+
+I asked Tocqueville, when we were in our own room, as to the feelings of
+the religious world in France with respect to heretics.
+
+'The religious laity,' he answered, 'have probably little opinion on the
+subject. They suppose the heretic to be less favourably situated than
+themselves, but do not waste much thought upon him. The ignorant priests
+of course consign him to perdition. The better instructed think, like
+Protestants, that error is dangerous only so far as it influences
+practice.
+
+'Dr. Bretonneau, at Tours, was one of the best men that I have known, but
+an unbeliever. The archbishop tried in his last illness to reconcile him
+to the Church: Bretonneau died as he had lived. But the archbishop, when
+lamenting to me his death, expressed his own conviction that so excellent
+a soul could not perish.
+
+'You recollect the duchesse in St.-Simon, who, on the death of a sinner
+of illustrious race, said, "On me dira ce qu'on voudra, on ne me
+persuadera pas que Dieu n'y regarde deux fois avant de damner un homme de
+sa qualité." The archbishop's feeling was the same, only changing
+_qualité_ into virtue.
+
+'There is something amusing,' he continued, 'when, separated as we are
+from it by such a chasm, we look back on the prejudices of the _Ancien
+Régime_. An old lady once said to me, "I have been reading with great
+satisfaction the genealogies which prove that Jesus Christ descended from
+David. Ça montre que notre Seigneur était Gentilhomme."'
+
+'We are somewhat ashamed,' I said, 'in general of Jewish blood, yet the
+Lévis boast of their descent from the Hebrew Levi.'
+
+'They are proud of it,' said Tocqueville, 'because they make themselves
+out to be cousins of the Blessed Virgin. They have a picture in which a
+Duc de Lévi stands bareheaded before the Virgin. "Couvrez-vous donc, mon
+cousin," she says. "C'est pour ma commodité," he answers.'
+
+The conversation passed to literature.
+
+'I am glad,' said Tocqueville, 'to find that, imperfect as my knowledge
+of English is, I can feel the difference in styles.'
+
+'I feel strongly,' I said, 'the difference in French styles in prose, but
+little in poetry.'
+
+'The fact is,' said Tocqueville, 'that the only French poetry, except
+that of Racine, that is worth reading is the light poetry. I do not think
+that I could now read Lamartine, though thirty years ago he delighted
+me.'
+
+'The French taste,' I said, 'in English poetry differs from ours. You
+read Ossian and the "Night Thoughts."'
+
+'As for Ossian,' he answered, 'he does not seem to have been ever popular
+in England. But the frequent reference to the "Night Thoughts," in the
+books and letters of the last century, shows that the poem was then in
+everybody's memory. Foreigners are in fact provincials. They take up
+fashions of literature as country people do fashions of dress, when the
+capital has left them off. When I was young you probably had ceased to be
+familiar with Richardson. We knew him by heart. We used to weep over the
+Lady Clementina, whom I dare say Miss Senior never heard of.
+
+'During the first Empire, we of the old _régime_ abandoned Paris, as we
+do now, and for the same reasons. We used to live in our châteaux, where
+I remember as a boy hearing Sir Charles Grandison and Fielding read
+aloud. A new novel was then an event. Madame Cottin was much more
+celebrated than George Sand is now. For all her books were read, and by
+everybody. Notwithstanding the great merits of George Sand's style, her
+plots and her characters are so exaggerated and so unnatural, and her
+morality is so perverted, that we have ceased to read her.'
+
+We talked of Montalembert, and I mentioned his _sortie_ the other day
+against the clergy.
+
+'I can guess pretty well,' said Tocqueville, 'what he said to you, for it
+probably was a _résumé_ of his article in the "Correspondant." Like most
+men accustomed to public speaking, he repeats himself. He is as honest
+perhaps as a man who is very _passionné_ can be; but his oscillations are
+from one extreme to another. Immediately after the _coup d'état,_ when he
+believed Louis Napoleon to be Ultramontane, he was as servile as his
+great enemy the "Univers" is now. "Ce sont les nuances qui se querellent,
+non les couleurs;" and between him and the "Univers" there is only a
+_nuance_. The Bishop of Agen has oscillated like him, but began at the
+other end. The other day the Bishop made a most servile address to the
+Emperor. He had formerly been a furious anti-Bonapartist. "How is it
+possible," said Montalembert, "that a man can rush so completely from one
+opinion to another? On the 4th of December in 1851 this same Bishop
+denounced the _coup d'état_ with such violence that the President sent me
+to the Nuncio to request his interference. Now he is on his knees before
+him. Such changes can scarcely be honest." Montalembert does not see that
+the only difference between them is that they have trod in opposite
+directions the very same path.'
+
+
+_Thursday, May_ 5.--Tocqueville and I dined with M. and Madame de Bourke,
+and met there General Dumas and Ary Scheffer.
+
+We talked of Delaroche's pictures, and Scheffer agreed with me in
+preferring the smaller ones. He thought that Delaroche improved up to the
+time of his death, and preferred his Moses, and Drowned Martyr, painted
+in 1853 and 1855, to the other large ones, and his Girondins, finished in
+1856, to the earlier small ones.
+
+We passed on to the increased and increasing population of Paris.
+
+'The population of Paris,' I said, 'is only half that of London, while
+that of the British Islands is not three-fourths that of France. If you
+were to double the population of Paris, therefore, it would still be
+proportionally less than that of London.'
+
+'That is true,' said Tocqueville, 'but yet there are many circumstances
+connected with the Parisian population each of which renders it more
+dangerous than the London one. In the first place, there is the absence
+of any right to relief. The English workman knows that neither he nor his
+family can starve. The Frenchman becomes anxious as soon as his
+employment is irregular, and desperate when it fails. The English workmen
+are unacquainted with arms, and have no leaders with military experience.
+The bulk of the Frenchmen have served, many of them are veterans in civil
+war, and they have commanders skilled in street-fighting. The English
+workmen have been gradually attracted to London by a real and permanent
+demand for their labour. They have wives and children. At least 100,000
+men have been added to the working population of Paris since the _coup
+d'état._ They are young men in the vigour of their strength and passions,
+unrestrained by wives or families. They have been drawn hither suddenly
+and artificially by the demolition and reconstruction of half the town,
+by the enormous local expenditure of the Government, and by the fifty
+millions spent in keeping the price of bread in Paris unnaturally low.
+The 40,000 men collected in Paris by the construction of the
+fortifications are supposed to have mainly contributed to the revolution
+of 1848. What is to be expected from this addition of 100,000? Then the
+repressive force is differently constituted and differently animated. In
+England you have an army which has chosen arms as a profession, which
+never thinks of any other employment, and indeed is fit for no other, and
+never expects any provision except its pay and its pension. The French
+soldier, ever since 1789, is a citizen. He serves his six years because
+the law and the colonel force him to do so, but he counts the days until
+he can return to his province, his cottage, and his field. He sympathises
+with the passions of the people. In the terrible days of June, the army
+withstood the cries, the blessings, the imprecations and the seductions
+of the mob, only because they had the National Guards by their side.
+Their presence was a guarantee that the cause was just. The National
+Guards never fought before as they did in those days. Yet at the Château
+d'Eau, the miraculous heroism and the miraculous good luck of Lamoricière
+were necessary to keep them together. If he had not exposed himself as no
+man ever did, and escaped as no man ever did, they would have been
+broken.'
+
+'I was there,' said Scheffer, 'when his fourth horse was killed under
+him. As the horse was sinking he drew his feet out of the stirrups and
+came to the ground without falling; but his cigar dropped from his mouth.
+He picked it up, and went on with the order which he was giving to an
+_aide-de-camp._
+
+'I saw that,' said Tocqueville. 'He had placed himself immediately behind
+a cannon in front of the Château d'Eau which fired down the Boulevard du
+Temple. A murderous fire from the windows in a corner of the Rue du
+Temple killed all the artillerymen. The instant that Lamoricière placed
+himself behind it, I thought that I saw what would happen. I implored him
+to get behind some shelter, or at least not to pose as a mark.
+"Recollect," I said, "that if you go on in this way you must be killed
+before the day is over-and where shall we all be?"'
+
+'"I see the danger of what I am doing," he answered, "and I dislike it as
+much as you can do; but it is necessary. The National Guards are shaking;
+if they break, the Line follows. I must set an example that everyone can
+see and can understand. This is not a time for taking precautions. If _I_
+were to shelter myself, _they_ would run."'
+
+'How does Lamoricière,' I asked, 'bear exile and inactivity in Brussels?'
+
+'Very ill,' said Scheffer. 'He feels that he has compromised the
+happiness of his wife, whom he married not long before the _coup
+d'état._'
+
+'Changarnier at Malins, who lives alone and has only himself to care for,
+supports it much better.'
+
+Tocqueville and I walked home together.
+
+'Scheffer,' he said, 'did not tell all that happened at the Château
+d'Eau. Men seldom do when they fight over their battles.'
+
+'The insurgents by burrowing through walls had got into a house in the
+rear of our position. They manned the windows, and suddenly fired down on
+us from a point whence no danger had been feared. This caused a panic
+among the National Guards, a force of course peculiarly subject to
+panics. They turned and ran back 250 yards along the Boulevard St.
+Martin, carrying with them the Line and Lamoricière himself. He
+endeavoured to stop them by outcries, and by gesticulations, and indeed
+by force. He gave to one man who was trying to run by him a blow with his
+fist, so well meant and well directed that it broke his collar bone.'
+
+'At length he stopped them, re-formed them, and said: "Now you shall
+march, I at your head, and the drummer beating the charge, as if you were
+on parade, up to that house." They did so. After a few discharges, which
+miraculously missed Lamoricière, the men in the house deserted it.'
+
+'What were you doing at the Château d'Eau?' I asked.
+
+'We were marching,' he said, 'with infantry and artillery on the
+Boulevard du Temple, across which there was a succession of barricades,
+which it was necessary to take one by one.
+
+'As we advanced in the middle, our sappers and miners got into the houses
+on each side, broke through the party walls, and killed the men at the
+windows.'
+
+'Those three days,' he continued, 'impress strongly on my mind the
+dangers of our present state.'
+
+'It is of no use to take up pavements and straighten streets, and pierce
+Paris by long military roads, and loop-hole the barracks, if the
+Executive cannot depend on the army. Ditches and bastions are of no use
+if the garrison will not man them.'
+
+'The new law of recruitment, however, may produce a great change. Instead
+of 80,000 conscripts, 120,000 are to be taken each year. This is about
+all that are fit for service. They are required to serve for only two
+years. If the change ended there our army would be still more a militia
+than it is now. It would be the Prussian Landwehr. But those entitled to
+their discharge are to be enticed by higher pay, promotions, bounties,
+and retiring pensions--in short, by all means of seduction, to re-enter
+for long periods, for ten, or fifteen, or perhaps twenty years. It is
+hoped that thus a permanent regular army may be formed, with an _esprit
+de corps_ of its own, unsympathising with the people, and ready to keep
+it down; and such will, I believe, be the result. But it will take nine
+or ten years to produce such an army--and the dangers that I fear are
+immediate.'
+
+'What are the motives,' I asked, 'for the changes as to the conscription,
+the increase of numbers, and the diminution of the time of service?'
+
+'They are parts,' he answered, 'of the system. The French peasant, and
+indeed the _ouvrier_, dislikes the service. The proportion of conscripts
+who will re-enlist is small. Therefore the whole number must be large.
+The country must be bribed to submit to this by the shortness of the
+term. The conscript army will be sacrificed to what is to be the regular
+army. It will be young and ill-trained.'
+
+'But your new regular army,' I said, 'will be more formidable to the
+enemy than your present force.'
+
+'I am not sure of that,' he answered. 'The merit of the French army was
+the impetuosity of its attack, the "furia Francese," as the Italians
+called it. Young troops have more of this quality than veterans. The
+Maison du Roi, whose charge at Steenkirk Macaulay has so well described,
+consisted of boys of eighteen.'
+
+'I am re-editing,' I said, 'my old articles. Among them is one written in
+1841 on the National Character of France, England, and America,[1] as
+displayed towards foreign nations. I have not much to change in what I
+have said of England or of America. As they have increased in strength
+they have both become still more arrogant, unjust, and shameless.
+
+'England has perhaps become a little more prudent America a little less
+so. But France seems to me to be altered. I described her as a soldier
+with all the faults of that unsocial character. As ambitious, rapacious,
+eager for nothing but military glory and territorial aggrandisement. She
+seems now to have become moderate and pacific, and to be devoted rather
+to the arts of peace than to those of war.'
+
+'France _is_ changed,' answered Tocqueville, 'and when compared with the
+France of Louis XIV., or of Napoleon, was already changed when you wrote,
+though the war-cry raised for political purposes in 1840 deceived
+you. At the same time, I will not deny that military glory would, more
+than any other merit, even _now_ strengthen a Government, and that
+military humiliation would inevitably destroy one. Nor must you overrate
+the unpopularity of the last war. Only a few even of the higher classes
+understood its motives. "Que diable veut cette guerre?" said my country
+neighbour to me; "si c'était contre les Anglais--mais _avec_ les Anglais,
+et pour le Grand Turc, qu'est-ce que cela peut signifier?" But when they
+saw that it cost only men, that they were not invaded or overtaxed, and
+that prices rose, they got reconciled to it.
+
+'It was only the speculators of Paris that were tired of it. And if,
+instead of the Crimea, we had fought near our own frontiers, or for some
+visible purpose, all our military passions, bad and good, would have
+broken out.'
+
+[Footnote 1: This article is republished in the _Historical and
+Philosophical Essays_. Longmans: 1865.--ED.]
+
+
+_Wednesday, May_ 13.--Tocqueville came in after breakfast, and I walked
+with him in the shade of the green walls or arcades of the Tuileries
+chestnuts.
+
+We talked of the Montijos, which led our conversation to Mérimée and V.
+
+'Both of them,' said Tocqueville, 'were the friends of
+Countess Montijo, the mother.
+
+'V. was among the last persons who knew Eugénie as Countess Théba. He
+escorted her to the Tuileries the very evening of her marriage. There he
+took his leave of her. "You are now," he said, "placed so high that I can
+only admire you from below." And I do not believe that they have met
+since.
+
+'Mérimée took a less sentimental view of the change. He acknowledged his
+Empress in his former plaything, subsided from a sort of stepfather into
+a courtier, and so rose to honour and wealth, while V. is satisfied to
+remain an ex-professor and _un homme de lettres_.'
+
+ * * * * *
+
+We met Henri Martin, and I asked Tocqueville what he thought of his
+History.
+
+'It has the merit of selling,' he said, 'which cannot be said of any
+other History of France. Martin is laborious and conscientious, and does
+not tell a story ill; but he is a partisan and is always biassed by his
+own likings and dislikings. He belongs to the class of theorists,
+unfortunately not a small one, whose political _beau idéal_ is the
+absence of all control over the will of the people-who are opposed
+therefore to an hereditary monarchy-to a permanent President--to a
+permanent magistracy-to an established Church--in short, to all
+privileged classes, bodies, or institutions. Equality, not liberty or
+security, is their object. They are centralisers and absolutists. A
+despotic Assembly elected by universal suffrage, sitting at most for a
+year, governing, like the Convention, through its committees, or a single
+despot, appointed for a week, and not re-eligible, is the sort of ruler
+that they would prefer. The last five years have perhaps disgusted Martin
+with his Asiatic democracy, but his earlier volumes are coloured
+throughout by his prejudices against all systems implying a division of
+power, and independent authorities controlling and balancing one
+another.'
+
+We talked of the Secret Police.
+
+'It has lately,' said Tocqueville, 'been unusually troublesome, or rather
+it has been troublesome to a class of persons whom it seldom ventures to
+molest. A friend of mine, M. Sauvaire Barthélemy, one of Louis Philippe's
+peers, was standing at the door of his hotel reading a letter. A
+gentleman in plain clothes addressed him, announced himself as an _agent
+de police_, and asked him if the letter which he was reading was
+political. "No," said Barthélemy, "you may see it. It is a _billet de
+mariage." "I am directed," said the agent, "to request you to get into
+this carriage." They got in and drove to Mazas. There Barthélemy was
+shown into a neat room with iron bars to the windows, and ordered to
+wait. After some time Louis Pietri, the Préfet de Police, arrived.
+
+'"I am grieved," he said, "at giving you so much trouble, but I have been
+commanded to see you in this place, and to inform you that the Emperor
+cannot bear that a man in your high position should systematically
+misrepresent him.
+
+'"L'Empereur fait tout ce qu'il peut pour le bonheur de la France, et il
+n'entend pas supporter une opposition aussi constante et aussi violente.
+Effectivement il ne veut pas d'opposition. Voulez-vous le tenir pour
+dit, Monsieur, et recevoir de nouveau mes excuses du dérangement que j'ai
+dû vous causer? Pour le présent vous êtes libre."'
+
+
+[Mr. Senior left Paris on the next day.
+
+M. de Tocqueville paid his promised visit to England in June, and was
+received with a perfect ovation.--ED.]
+
+
+
+CORRESPONDENCE.
+
+London, July 10, 1857.
+
+I was too ill, my dear friend, to go to you yesterday. Dr. Ferguson tells
+me that I have been doing too much, and prescribes perfect rest.
+
+I have already read half your journal of 1857. It is very curious; but I
+am glad that you have disguised me.
+
+It is terrible to be in London, and to see so little of you; but the
+force of circumstances is greater than the force of wishes.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+Tocqueville, August 6, 1857.
+
+You may already have had news of me through some of our common friends,
+my dear Senior, but I wish, besides, to give you some myself, and to
+thank you again for the kind welcome I received from you and in your
+house during my stay in London.
+
+I regret only that I was unable to be more with you, and that, in spite
+of myself, I was drawn into a whirlpool which carried me away and
+prevented me from following my inclinations.
+
+I have returned, however, full of gratitude for the marks of
+consideration and affection showered upon me in England. I shall never
+forget them.
+
+I found my wife already installed here, and in good health; and I have
+resumed my busy and peaceful life with a delight which does honour to my
+wisdom. For I had been so spoiled in England that I might have been
+afraid of finding my retreat too much out of the way and too quiet. But
+nothing of the sort has happened. The excitement of the past month
+appears to have added charms to the present.
+
+Nevertheless, I have not yet set to work again, but I am full of good
+resolutions, which I hope to execute as soon as I have completely
+returned to my usual habits. These first days have been devoted to
+putting everything into its regular order.
+
+In France we are almost as much interested as you in England in the
+affairs of India. Everyone, even in the country, asks me for news of what
+is going on there.
+
+There is a natural disposition to exaggerate the evil and to believe that
+your dominion is overturned. For my part, I am waiting with the utmost
+and most painful anxiety for the development of the drama, for no good
+can possibly result from it; and there is not one civilised nation in the
+world that ought to rejoice in seeing India escape from the hands of
+Europeans in order to fall back into a state of anarchy and barbarism
+worse than before its conquest.
+
+I am quite sure that you will conquer. But it is a serious business.
+
+A military insurrection is the worst of all insurrections, at least in
+the beginning. You have to deal with barbarians, but they possess the
+arms of civilised people given to them by yourselves.
+
+My wife, who has preserved her English heart, is particularly affected by
+the spectacle which Bengal at present affords.
+
+If you have any more particular news than is to be found in the
+newspapers, you will give us great pleasure by communicating them.
+
+Remember me to Mrs. and Miss Senior, and to your daughter-in-law.
+
+My wife sends many kind regards to them, as well as to you.
+
+Adieu, dear Senior. Believe in my sincere affection.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+P.S.--I fancy that the first effect of the Indian affair will be to draw
+still closer the alliance between England and France.
+
+
+Tocqueville, November 15, 1857.
+
+I am somewhat angry with you, my dear Senior, for not having yet given us
+your news.[1] It is treating our friendship unfairly, I have not written
+to you because I doubted your following exactly your intended route, but
+I will write to you at Athens, as I think that you must now be there. If
+you have followed your itinerary your travels must have been most
+interesting to you, and they will be equally curious to us. I conclude
+that you only passed quickly through the Principalities in following the
+course of the Danube. I, however, had depended on you for furnishing me
+with clear ideas of a country which is at present so interesting to
+Europe, and which I think is destined to play an important part in the
+future. And what say you of our friends the Turks? Was it worth while to
+spend so much money and to shed so much blood in order to retain in
+Europe savages who are ill disguised as civilised men? I am impatient to
+talk to you, and almost equally so to read you.
+
+I shall have little to tell you. I have not stirred from home since I
+left England, and am leading the life of a gentleman-farmer; a life which
+pleases me more and more every day, and would really make me happy, if my
+wife were not suffering from an obstinate neuralgic affection in the
+face. I fear that she may have to go to some mineral waters, which she
+would be sorry to do; for, as you know, she hates travelling, and does no
+justice to the reputation for wandering possessed by the English race.
+
+I can tell you nothing on politics which you will not find in the
+newspapers. The great question at present for all civilised Governments
+seems to be the financial. The crisis from which America and England are
+suffering will probably extend everywhere. As for India, you are out, not
+perhaps of your difficulties, but of your greatest dangers. This affair,
+and that of the Crimea, show how little sympathy there is for England
+abroad. There was everything to interest us in your success--similarity
+of race, of religion, and of civilisation. Your loss of India could have
+served no cause but that of barbarism. Yet I venture to affirm that the
+whole Continent, though it detested the cruelties of your enemies, did
+not wish you to triumph.
+
+Much of this is, without doubt, to be attributed to the evil passions
+which make men always desire the fall of the prosperous and the strong.
+But much belongs to a less dishonourable cause--to the conviction of all
+nations that England considers them only with reference to her own
+greatness; that she has less sympathy than any other modern nation; that
+she never notices what passes among foreigners, what they think, feel,
+suffer, or do, but with relation to the use which England can make of
+their actions, their sufferings, their feelings, or their thoughts; and
+that when she seems most to care for them she really cares only for
+herself. All this is exaggerated, but not without truth.
+
+Kindest regards from us both to you and to Mrs. Senior.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+[Footnote 1: Mr. Senior was at this time in the East.--ED.]
+
+
+
+Tocqueville, February 10, 1858.
+
+I was delighted, my dear Senior, to receive a letter from you dated
+Marseilles. You are right in remaining till the spring in the South. We
+trust to meet you in Paris in March.
+
+I say no more, for I cannot write to you on what would most interest
+you--French politics. Much is to be said on them; but you will understand
+my silence if you study our new Law of Public Safety, and remember who is
+the new Home Minister.[1] For the first time in French history has such a
+post been filled by a general--and what a general!
+
+I defer, therefore, until we meet, the expression of feelings and
+opinions which cannot be safely transmitted through the post, and only
+repeat how eager I am for our meeting.
+
+Kind regards to Mrs. Senior.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+[Footnote 1: General Espinasse.]
+
+
+Tocqueville, February 21, 1858.
+
+I received your letters with great pleasure, my dear Senior, and I think
+with still greater satisfaction that I shall soon be able to see you.
+
+I shall probably arrive in Paris, with my wife, at about the same time as
+you will, that is to say, about the 19th of next month. I should have
+gone earlier if I were not occupied in planting and sowing, for I am
+doing a little farming to my great amusement.
+
+I am delighted that you intend again to take up your quarters at the
+Hôtel Bedford, as I intend also to stay there if I can find apartments.
+
+I hope that we shall be good neighbours and see each other as frequently
+as such old friends ought to do. _A bientôt!_
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+[Mr. Senior ran over to England for a few weeks instead of remaining in
+Paris. The meeting between the two friends did not, therefore, take place
+till April.--ED.]
+
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS.
+
+_Paris, Saturday, April_ 17, 1858.--We had a discussion at the Institut
+to-day as to a bust to fill a niche in the anteroom. Rossi was proposed.
+His political merits were admitted, but he was placed low as to his
+literary claims as an economist and a jurist. Dupin suggested Talleyrand,
+which was received with a universal groan, and failed for want of a
+seconder. Ultimately the choice fell on Dumont.
+
+'Nothing that is published of Talleyrand's,' said Tocqueville to me as we
+walked home, 'has very great merit, nor indeed is much of it his own. He
+hated writing, let his reports and other state papers be drawn up by
+others, and merely retouched them. But in the archives of the _Affaires
+étrangères_ there is a large quarto volume containing his correspondence
+with Louis XVIII during the Congress of Vienna. Nothing can be more
+charming. The great European questions which were then in debate, the
+diplomatic and social gossip of Vienna, the contemporary literature--in
+short, all that one clever _homme du monde_ could find to interest and
+amuse another, are treated with wit, brilliancy, and gaiety, supported by
+profound good sense. When that volume is published his bust will be
+placed here by acclamation.'
+
+_Monday, April_ 19.--I dined with Lanjuinais, and met Tocqueville, Rivet,
+Dufaure, Corcelle, Freslon, and one or two others.
+
+They attacked me about the change of sentiment in England with respect to
+Louis Napoleon.
+
+'While he was useful to you,' they said, 'you steadily refused to admit
+that he was a tyrant, or even an usurper. You chose to disbelieve in the
+3,000 men, women, and children massacred on the Boulevards of Paris--in
+the 20,000 poisoned by jungle fever in Cayenne--in the 25,000 who have
+died of malaria, exposure, and bad food, working in gangs on the roads
+and in the marshes of the Metidja and Lambressa.'
+
+'We did not _choose_', I answered, 'to disbelieve any thing. We were
+simply ignorant. _I_ knew all these facts, because I have passed a part
+of every year since 1847 in Paris; because I walked along the Boulevards
+on the 20th of December 1851, and saw the walls of every house, from the
+Bastille to the Madeleine, covered with the marks of musket-balls;
+because I heard in every society of the thousands who had been massacred,
+and of the tens of thousands who had been _déportés_; but the untravelled
+English, and even the travelled English, except the few who live in
+France among the French, knew nothing of all this. Your press tells
+nothing. The nine millions of votes given to Louis Napoleon seemed to
+prove his popularity, and therefore the improbability of the tyranny of
+which he was accused by his enemies. _I_ knew that those nine millions of
+votes were extorted, or stolen by violence or fraud. But the English
+people did not know it. They accepted his election as the will of the
+nation, and though they might wonder at your choice, did not presume to
+blame it.'
+
+'The time,' they answered, 'at which light broke in upon you is
+suspicious. Up to the 14th of January 1858 the oppression under which
+thirty-four millions of people within twenty-four miles of your coast,
+with whom you are in constant intercourse, was unknown to you. Their
+ruler insults you, and you instantly discover that he is an usurper and a
+tyrant. This looks as if the insult, and the insult alone, opened your
+eyes.'
+
+'What opened our eyes,' I answered, 'was not the insult but the _loi de
+sûreté publique_. It was the first public act which showed to England the
+nature of your Government.
+
+'When we found, erected in every department, a revolutionary tribunal,
+empowered to banish and transport without trial; when we found a rude
+soldier made Home Minister, and the country divided into five districts
+to be each governed by a marshal, we saw at once that France was under a
+violent military despotism. Until that law was passed the surface was
+smooth. There was nothing in the appearance of France to show to a
+stranger that she was not governed by a Monarch, practically, indeed,
+absolute, but governing as many absolute Monarchs have done, mildly and
+usefully.
+
+'Of course we might have found out the truth sooner if we had inquired.
+And perhaps we ought to have inquired. We busy ourselves about our own
+affairs, and neglect too much those of other countries. In that sense
+you have a right to say that we chose to be ignorant, since our conduct
+was such as necessarily to make us ignorant. But it was not because Louis
+Napoleon was our ally that we chose to be ignorant, but because we
+habitually turn our eyes from the domestic affairs of the Continent, as
+things in which we have seldom a right to interfere, and in which, when
+we do interfere, we do more harm than good.'
+
+We talked of the manner in which the _loi de sûreté publique_ has been
+carried out. And I mentioned 600 as the number of those who had suffered
+under it, as acknowledged to me by Blanchard in the beginning of March.
+
+'It is much greater now,' said Lanjuinais. 'Berryer on his return from
+Italy, a week ago, slept in Marseilles. He was informed that more than
+900 persons had passed through Marseilles, _déportés_ under the new law
+to Algeria. They were of all classes: artisans and labourers mixed with
+men of the higher and middle classes. To these must be added those
+transported to Cayenne, who were sent by way of Havre. As for the number
+_expulsés_ and _internés_ there are no data.'
+
+'In the Department of Var, a man was found guilty in 1848 of joining in
+one of the revolutionary movements of that time. His complete innocence
+was soon proved; he was released, and has lived quietly on his little
+estate ever since. He was arrested under the new law and ordered to be
+_déporté_ to Algeria. His friends, in fact all his neighbours,
+remonstrated, and sent to Paris the proof that the original conviction
+was a mistake. "Qu'il aille tout de même," was Espinasse's answer.
+
+'In Calvados the Préfet, finding no one whom he could conscientiously
+arrest, took hold of one of the most respectable men in the department.
+"If," he said, "I had arrested a man against whom there was plausible
+ground for suspicion, he might have been transported. This man _must_ be
+released."'
+
+'Has he been released?' I asked.
+
+'I have not heard,' was the answer. 'In all probability he has been.'
+
+'In my department,' said Tocqueville, 'the _sous-préfet_, ordered by the
+Préfet to arrest somebody in the arrondissement, was in the same
+perplexity as the Préfet of Calvados. "I can find no fit person," he said
+to me. I believe that he reported the difficulty to the Préfet, and that
+the vacancy was supplied from some other arrondissement.
+
+'What makes this frightful,' he added, 'is that we now know that
+deportation is merely a slow death. Scarcely any of the victims of 1851
+and 1852 are living.'
+
+'I foretold that,' I said, 'at the time, as you will find if you look at
+my article on Lamartine, published in the "Edinburgh Review."'[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: See _Journals in France and Italy_.--ED.]
+
+
+_April_ 20.--We talked of the political influence in France of the
+_hommes de lettres_.
+
+'It began,' said Tocqueville, 'with the Restoration. Until that time we
+had sometimes, though very rarely, statesmen who became writers, but
+never writers who became statesmen,'
+
+'You had _hommes de lettres_,' I said, 'in the early Revolutionary
+Assemblies--Mirabeau for instance.'
+
+'Mirabeau,' he answered, 'is your best example, for Mirabeau, until he
+became a statesman, lived by his pen. Still I should scarcely call a man
+of his high birth and great expectations _un homme de lettres_. That
+appellation seems to belong to a man who owes his position in early life
+to literature. Such a man is Thiers, or Guizot, as opposed to such men as
+Gladstone, Lord John Russell, or Montalembert.'
+
+
+_Wednesday, April_ 21.--I dined with D. and met, among several others,
+Admiral Matthieu the Imperial Hydrographer, and a general whose name I
+did not catch. I talked to the general about the army.
+
+'We are increasing it,' he said, 'but not very materially. We are rather
+giving ourselves the means of a future rapid increase, than making an
+immediate augmentation. We are raising the number of men from 354,000 to
+392,400, in round numbers to 400,000; but the principal increase is in
+the _cadres_, the officers attached to each battalion. We have increased
+them by more than one third. So that if a war should break out we can
+instantly--that is to say in three months, increase our army to 600,000
+or even 700,000 men. Soldiers are never wanting in France, the difficulty
+always is to find officers.'
+
+'I hear,' I said, 'that you are making great improvements in your
+artillery.'
+
+'We are,' he answered. 'We are applying to it the principle of the Minié
+musket, and we are improving the material. We hope to make our guns as
+capable of resisting rapid and continued firing as well and as long as
+the English and the Swedish guns, which are the best in Europe, can do.
+And we find that we can throw a ball on the Minié principle with equal
+precision twice as far. This will double the force of all our batteries.'
+
+'Are _you_,' he asked me, 'among those who have taken shares in the
+Russian railways?'
+
+'No,' I said. 'They are the last that I wish to encourage.'
+
+'Englishmen or Frenchmen,' he answered, 'who help Russia to make
+railways, put me in mind of the Dutch who sold powder to their besiegers.
+
+'The thinness of her population--that is, the vast space over which it is
+scattered--alone prevents Russia from being the mistress of Europe. If
+her 64,000,000 were as concentrated as our 34,000,000 are, she would be
+irresistible. She loses always far more men in marching than in
+fighting.'
+
+'The events of the war,' I said, 'lead me to believe that the goodness of
+the Russian soldier is exaggerated. They were always beaten, often by
+inferior numbers.'
+
+'In the first place,' he answered, 'those who were beaten at Sebastopol
+were not the best Russian soldiers. They were short small men, generally
+drawn from the neighbouring provinces. The Russian Imperial Guards and
+the Russian Army in Poland are far superior to any that we encountered in
+the Crimea. In the second place, they were ill commanded. The
+improvements of weapons, of science and of discipline, have raised the
+privates of all the great military nations to about the same level.
+Success now depends on numbers and on generalship. With railways Russia
+will be able to bring quickly a preponderating force to any point on her
+frontier. Her officers are already good, and for money she can import the
+best generals; indeed, I do not see why she should not breed them. Russia
+is civilised enough to produce men of the highest military qualities.'
+
+I asked Admiral Matthieu about the naval preparations of France.
+
+'The "Moniteur,"' I said, 'denies that you are making any.'
+
+'The "Moniteur,"' he answered, 'does not tell the truth. We are
+augmenting largely, both the number and the efficacy of our fleet.
+
+'Four years ago, at the beginning of the Russian war, we resolved to
+build a steam fleet of 150 steam ships of different sizes for fighting,
+and 74 steam ships for the transfer service, and to carry fuel and
+stores. Though we set about this in the beginning, as we thought, of a
+long war, we have not allowed the peace to interrupt it. We are devoting
+to it sixty-five millions a year (2,600,000_l_.) of which from fifteen to
+seventeen millions are employed every year in building new ships, and
+from forty to forty-two in adding steam power to the old ones. We hope to
+finish this great work in fourteen years.'
+
+'What,' I asked, 'is the amount of your present fleet of steamers?'
+
+'We have thirty-three screws,' he answered, 'fifty-seven paddles, and
+sixty-two sailing vessels in commission, and seventy-three, mostly
+steamers, _en réserve_, as you would say, in ordinary.'
+
+'Manned by how many men?' I asked.
+
+'By twenty-five thousand sailors,' he answered, 'and eleven thousand
+marines. But our _inscription maritime_ would give us in a few months or
+less one hundred thousand more. Since the times of Louis XVI. the French
+Navy has never been so formidable, positively or relatively.'
+
+'How,' I asked, 'has your "Napoleon" succeeded?'
+
+'Admirably,' he answered. 'I have not seen the "Wellington," but she is a
+much finer ship than the Agamemnon. Her speed is wonderful. A month ago
+she left Toulon at seven in the morning, and reached Ajaccio by four in
+the evening. But the great improvement is in our men. Napoleon knew
+nothing and cared nothing about sailors. He took no care about their
+training, and often wasted them in land operations, for which landsmen
+would have done as well.
+
+'In 1814 he left Toulon absolutely unguarded, and sent all the sailors to
+join Augereau. You might have walked into it.
+
+'In 1810 or 1811 I was on board a French corvette which fought an action
+with an English vessel, the "Lively." We passed three times under her
+stern, and raked her each time. We ought to have cleared her decks. Not a
+shot touched her. The other day at Cherbourg I saw a broadside fired at a
+floating mark three cables off, the usual distance at which ships engage.
+Ten balls hit it, and we could see that all the others passed near enough
+to shake it by their wind.
+
+'A ship of eighty guns has now forty _canonniers_ and forty _maîtres de
+pièces_. All practical artillerymen, and even the able seamen, can point
+a gun. Nelson's manoeuvre of breaking the line could not be used against
+a French fleet, such as a French fleet is now. The leading ships would be
+destroyed one after another, by the concentrated fire. Formerly our
+officers dreaded a maritime war. They knew that defeat awaited them,
+possibly death. Now they are confident, and eager to try their hands.'
+
+In the evening L. took me into a corner, and we had a long conversation.
+
+He had been reading my 'Athens Journal.'
+
+'What struck me,' he said, 'in every page of it, was the resemblance of
+King Otho to Louis Napoleon.'
+
+'I see the resemblance,' I answered, 'but it is the resemblance of a
+dwarf to a giant.'
+
+'No,' he replied. 'Of a man five feet seven inches high to one five feet
+eleven inches. There are not more than four inches between them. There is
+the same cunning, the same coldness, the same vindictiveness, the same
+silence, the same perseverance, the same unscrupulousness, the same
+selfishness, the same anxiety to appear to do everything that is done,
+and above all, the same determination to destroy, or to seduce by
+corruption or by violence, every man and every institution favourable to
+liberty, independence, or self-government. In one respect Otho had the
+more difficult task. He found himself, in 1843, subject to a Constitution
+carefully framed under the advice of England for the express purpose of
+controlling him. He did not attempt to get rid of it by a _coup d'état_,
+or even to alter it, but cunningly and skilfully perverted it into an
+instrument of despotism. Louis Napoleon destroyed the Constitution which
+he found, and made a new one, copied from that which had been gradually
+elaborated by his uncle, which as a restraint is intentionally powerless
+and fraudulent.
+
+'A man,' he continued, 'may acquire influence either by possessing in a
+higher degree the qualities which belong to his country and to his time,
+or by possessing those in which they are deficient.
+
+'Wellington is an example of this first sort. His excellences were those
+of an Englishman carried almost to perfection.
+
+'Louis Napoleon belongs to the second. If his merits had been impetuous
+courage, rapidity of ideas, quickness of decision, frankness, versatility
+and resource, he would have been surrounded by his equals or his
+superiors. He predominated over those with whom he came in contact
+because he differed from them. Because he was calm, slow, reserved,
+silent, and persevering. Because he is a Dutchman, not a Frenchman.'
+
+'He seems,' I said, 'to have lost his calmness.'
+
+'Yes,' answered L. 'But under what a shock! And observe that though the
+greatest risk was encountered by _him_, the terror was greatest among his
+_entourage_. I do not believe that if he had been left to himself he
+would have lost his prudence or his self-possession. He did not for the
+first day. Passions are contagious. Everyone who approached him was
+agitated by terror and anger. His intrepidity and self-reliance, great as
+they are, were disturbed by the hubbub all round him. His great defects
+are three. First, his habit of self-contemplation. He belongs to the men
+whom the Germans call subjective, whose eye is always turned inwardly;
+who think only of themselves, of their own character, and of their own
+fortunes. Secondly, his jealousy of able men. He wishes to be what you
+called him, a giant, and as Nature has not made him positively tall, he
+tries to be comparatively so, by surrounding himself with dwarfs. His
+third defect is the disproportion of his wishes to his means. His desires
+are enormous. No power, no wealth, no expenditure would satisfy them.
+Even if he had his uncle's genius and his uncle's indefatigability, he
+would sink, as his uncle did, under the exorbitance of his attempts. As
+he is not a man of genius, or even a man of remarkable ability, as he is
+ignorant, uninventive and idle, you will see him flounder and fall from
+one failure to another.
+
+'During the three years that Drouyn de L'Huys was his minister he was
+intent on home affairs--on his marriage, on the Louvre, on the artillery,
+on his _bonnes fortunes_, and on the new delights of unbounded
+expenditure. He left foreign affairs altogether to his minister. When
+Drouyn de L'Huys left him, the road before him was plain--he had only to
+carry on the war. But when the war was over, the road ended; neither
+he nor Walewski nor any of his _entourage_ know anything of the country
+in which they are travelling. You see them wandering at hazard. Sometimes
+trying to find their way to Russia, sometimes to England. Making a treaty
+with Austria, then attempting to injure her, and failing; attempting to
+injure Turkey, and failing; bullying Naples, and failing; threatening
+Switzerland, threatening Belgium, and at last demanding from England an
+Alien Bill, which they ought to know to be incompatible with the laws and
+hateful to the feelings of the people.
+
+'He is not satisfied with seeing the country prosperous and respected
+abroad. He wants to dazzle. His policy, domestic and foreign, is a policy
+of vanity and ostentation--motives which mislead everyone both in private
+and in public life.
+
+'His great moral merits are kindness and sympathy. He is a faithful
+attached friend, and wishes to serve all who come near him.
+
+'His greatest moral fault is his ignorance of the difference between
+right and wrong; perhaps his natural insensibility to it, his want of the
+organs by which that difference is perceived--a defect which he inherits
+from his uncle.'
+
+'The uncle,' I said, 'had at least one moral sense--he could understand
+the difference between pecuniary honesty and dishonesty, a difference
+which this man seems not to see, or not to value.'
+
+'I agree with you,' said L. 'He cannot value it, or he would not look
+complacently on the peculation which surrounds him. Every six months some
+magnificent hotel rises in the Champs Élysées, built by a man who had
+nothing, and has been a minister for a year or two.'
+
+On my return I found Tocqueville with the ladies. I gave him an outline
+of what L. had said.
+
+'No one,' he said, 'knows Louis Napoleon better than L.'
+
+'My opportunities of judging him have been much fewer, but as far as they
+have gone, they lead to the same conclusions. L. perhaps has not dwelt
+enough on his indolence. Probably as he grows older, and the effects of
+his early habits tell on him, it increases. I am told that it is
+difficult to make him attend to business, that he prolongs audiences
+apparently to kill time.
+
+'One of the few of my acquaintances who go near him, was detained by him
+for an hour to answer questions about the members of the _Corps
+législatif_. Louis Napoleon inquired about their families, their
+fortunes, their previous histories. Nothing about their personal
+qualities. These are things that do not interest him. He supposes that
+men differ only in externals. "That the _fond_ is the same in everyone."'
+
+
+_April 26_.--Tocqueville spent the evening with us.
+
+We talked of Novels.
+
+'I read none,' he said, 'that end ill. Why should one voluntarily subject
+oneself to painful emotions? To emotions created by an imaginary cause
+and therefore impelling you to no action. I like vivid emotions, but I
+seek them in real life, in society, in travelling, in business, but above
+all in political business. There is no happiness comparable to political
+success, when your own excitement is justified by the magnitude of the
+questions at issue, and is doubled and redoubled by the sympathy of your
+supporters. Having enjoyed that, I am ashamed of being excited by the
+visionary sorrows of heroes and heroines.
+
+'I had a friend,' he continued, 'a Benedictine, who is now ninety-seven.
+He was, therefore, about thirteen when Louis XVI. began to reign. He is a
+man of talents and knowledge, has always lived in the world, has attended
+to all that he has seen and heard, and is still unimpaired in mind, and
+so strong in body that when I leave him he goes down to embrace me, after
+the fashion of the eighteenth century, at the bottom of his staircase.'
+
+'And what effect,' I asked, 'has the contemplation of seventy years of
+revolution produced in him? Does he look back, like Talleyrand, to the
+_ancien régime_ as a golden age?'
+
+'He admits,' said Tocqueville, 'the material superiority of our own age,
+but he believes that, intellectually and morally, we are far inferior to
+our grandfathers. And I agree with him. Those seventy years of revolution
+have destroyed our courage, our hopefulness, our self-reliance, our
+public spirit, and, as respects by far the majority of the higher
+classes, our passions, except the vulgarest and most selfish ones--vanity
+and covetousness. Even ambition seems extinct. The men who seek power,
+seek it not for itself, not as the means of doing good to their country,
+but as a means of getting money and flatterers.
+
+'It is remarkable,' he continued, 'that women whose influence is
+generally greatest under despotisms, have none now. They have lost it,
+partly in consequence of the gross vulgarity of our dominant passions,
+and partly from their own nullity. They are like London houses, all built
+and furnished on exactly the same model, and that a most uninteresting
+one. Whether a girl is bred up at home or in a convent, she has the same
+masters, gets a smattering of the same accomplishments, reads the same
+dull books, and contributes to society the same little contingent of
+superficial information.
+
+'When a young lady comes out I know beforehand how her mother and her
+aunts will describe her. "Elle a les goûts simples. Elle est pieuse. Elle
+aime la campagne. Elle aime la lecture. Elle n'aime pas le bal. Elle
+n'aime pas le monde, elle y ira seulement pour plaire à sa mère." I try
+sometimes to escape from these generalities, but there is nothing behind
+them.'
+
+'And how long,' I asked, 'does this simple, pious, retiring character
+last?'
+
+'Till the orange flowers of her wedding chaplet are withered,' he
+answered. 'In three months she goes to the _messe d'une heure_.'
+
+'What is the "messe d'une heure?"' I asked.
+
+'A priest,' he answered, 'must celebrate Mass fasting; and in strictness
+ought to do so before noon. But to accommodate fashionable ladies who
+cannot rise by noon, priests are found who will starve all the morning,
+and say Mass in the afternoon. It is an irregular proceeding, though
+winked at by the ecclesiastical authorities. Still to attend it is rather
+discreditable; it is a middle term between the highly meritorious
+practice of going to early Mass, and the scandalous one of never going at
+all.'
+
+'What was the education,' I asked, 'of women under the _ancien régime_?'
+
+'The convent,' he answered.
+
+'It must have been better,' I said, 'than the present education, since
+the women of that time were superior to ours.'
+
+'It was so far better,' he answered, 'that it did no harm. A girl at that
+time was taught nothing. She came from the convent a sheet of white
+paper. _Now_ her mind is a paper scribbled over with trash. The women of
+that time were thrown into a world far superior to ours, and with the
+sagacity, curiosity, and flexibility of French women, caught knowledge
+and tact and expression from the men.
+
+'I knew well,' he continued, 'Madame Récamier. Few traces of her former
+beauty then remained, but we were all her lovers and her slaves. The
+talent, labour, and skill which she wasted in her _salon_, would have
+gained and governed an empire. She was virtuous, if it be virtuous to
+persuade every one of a dozen men that you wish to favour him, though
+some circumstance always occurs to prevent your doing so. Every friend
+thought himself preferred. She governed us by little distinctions, by
+letting one man come five minutes before the others, or stay five minutes
+after. Just as Louis XIV. raised one courtier to the seventh heaven by
+giving him the _bougeoir_, and another by leaning on his arm, or taking
+his shirt from him.
+
+'She said little, but knew what each man's _fort_ was, and placed from
+time to time a _mot_ which led him to it. If anything were peculiarly
+well said, her face brightened. You saw that her attention was always
+active and always intelligent.
+
+'And yet I doubt whether she really enjoyed conversation. _Tenir salon_
+was to her a game, which she played well, and almost always successfully,
+but she must sometimes have been exhausted by the effort. Her _salon_ was
+perhaps pleasanter to us than it was to herself.
+
+'One of the last,' he continued, 'of that class of potentates was the
+Duchesse de Dino. Her early married life was active and brilliant, but
+not intellectually. It was not till about forty, when she had exhausted
+other excitements, that she took to _bel esprit._ But she performed her
+part as if she had been bred to it.'
+
+This was our last conversation. I left Paris the next day, and we never
+met again.
+
+
+
+
+CORRESPONDENCE.
+
+Tocqueville, June 30, 1858.
+
+I must complain, a little of your silence, my dear Senior. I hear that
+before you left Paris you suffered a great deal from your throat. Is it
+true, or have you recovered?
+
+I have not either much to boast of on the score of health since we
+parted. The illness which I had in Paris became still worse, and when I
+got a little better in that way I had a violent bronchial attack. I even
+began to spit blood, which had not happened to me for many years, and I
+am still almost reduced to silence. Still I am beginning to mend, and I
+hope, please God, to be able to _speak_ to my friends when they visit me.
+
+You are aware that I wished to induce my wife to accompany me to the
+South; but the length of the journey, the difficulties of transport, the
+heat, and indeed the state of my health, were reasons which she brought
+forward with so much force that we have remained here, and shall not
+leave till the end of September. We still hope that you and Miss Senior
+will join us the first week in that month. We shall be very happy to have
+you both with us. This is no compliment ... I hope soon to be able to
+enjoy more frequent communication with my English friends. A steamboat is
+about to run from Cherbourg to the coast of England. We shall then be
+able to visit each other as neighbours (_voisiner_).
+
+Between ourselves, I do not think that the events in England during the
+last six months are of a nature to raise the reputation of Parliamentary
+Government in the rest of the world. _A bientôt!_
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+Kensington, July 5, 1858.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--If I had written to you three days ago, I should
+have talked of the pleasure which my daughter and I expected from our
+visit to Tocqueville. But our plans are changed. Edward Ellice is going
+to pay a last visit to America, and has begged me to accompany him. He is
+a great proprietor in both America and Canada--knows everybody in both
+countries, and is besides a most able and interesting companion. So I
+have accepted the proposal, and start on the 30th of this month for
+Boston. We shall return in the beginning of November.
+
+I am _very_ sorry to lose the visit to Normandy, but I trust that it is
+only deferred.
+
+We are grieved to hear that neither you nor Madame de Tocqueville are as
+well as your friends could wish you to be.
+
+My _grippe_, after lasting for three months, has gradually subsided, and
+I look to the voyage to America as a cure for all remains of it.
+
+I have most punctually carried your remembrances to all the persons
+honoured by being inscribed on your card.
+
+Though I have often seen Gladstone, it has always been among many other
+persons, and he has been so full of talk, that I have never been able to
+allude to your subject. I mentioned it to Mrs. Gladstone on Saturday
+last: she said that there was not a person in all France whom her husband
+so much admired and venerated as you--therefore, if there was any
+appearance of neglect, it could have arisen only from hurry or mistake. I
+shall see him again on Thursday, when we are going all together to a
+rehearsal of Ristori's, and I will talk to him: we shall there be quiet.
+
+Things here are in a very odd state. The Government is supported by the
+Tories because it calls itself Tory, and by the Whigs and Radicals
+because it obeys them. On such terms it may last for an indefinite time.
+
+Kindest regards from us all to you both.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+9 Hyde Park Gate, Kensington, August 2, 1858.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--I ought, as you know, to be on the Atlantic by this
+time; but I was attacked, ten days ago, with lumbar neuralgia, which they
+are trying, literally, to rub away. If I am quite well on the 13th, I
+shall go on the 14th to America.
+
+I was attacked at Sir John Boileau's, where I spent some days with the
+Guizots, Mrs. Austin, and Stanley and Lord John Russell.
+
+Guizot is in excellent spirits, and, what is rare in an ex-premier,
+dwells more on the present and the future than on the past. Mrs. Austin
+is placid and discursive.
+
+Lord John seems to me well pleased with the present state of
+affairs--which he thinks, I believe with reason, will bring him back to
+power. He thinks that Malmesbury and Disraeli are doing well, and praises
+much the subordinates of the Government. Considering that no one believes
+Lord Derby to be wise, or Disraeli to be either wise or honest, it is
+marvellous that they get on as well as they do. The man who has risen
+most is Lord Stanley, and, as he has the inestimable advantage of youth,
+I believe him to be predestined to influence our fortunes long.
+
+The world, I think, is gradually coming over to an opinion, which, when I
+maintained it thirty years ago, was treated as a ridiculous paradox--that
+India is and always has been a great misfortune to us; and, that if it
+were possible to get quit of it, we should be richer and stronger.
+
+But it is clear that we are to keep it, at least for my life.
+
+Kindest regards from us all to you and Madame de Tocqueville.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+Tocqueville, August 21, 1858.
+
+My dear Senior,--I hear indirectly that you are extremely ill. Your
+letter told me only that you were suffering from neuralgia which you
+hoped to be rid of in a few days, but Mrs. Grote informs me that the
+malady continues and has even assumed a more serious character.
+
+If you could write or dictate a few lines to me, you would please me
+much.
+
+I am inconsolable for the failure of your American journey. I expected
+the most curious results from it I hoped that your journal would enable
+me once more to understand the present state of a country which has
+so changed since I saw it that I feel that I now know nothing of it. What
+a blessing, however, that you had not started! What would have become of
+you if the painful attack from which you are suffering had seized you
+2,000 miles away from home, and in the midst of that agitated society
+where no one has time to be ill or to think of those who are ill? It must
+be owned that Fortune has favoured you by sending you this illness just
+at the moment of your departure instead of ten days later.
+
+I have been much interested by your visit to Sir John Boileau. You saw
+there M. Guizot in one of his best lights. The energy with which he
+stands up under the pressure of age and of ill-fortune, and is not only
+resigned in his new situation, but as vigorous, as animated, and as
+cheerful as ever, shows a character admirably tempered and a pride which
+nothing will bend.
+
+I do not so well understand the cheerfulness of Lord John Russell. For
+the spectacle now exhibited by England, in which a party finds no
+difficulty in maintaining itself in power by carrying into practice ideas
+which it has always opposed, and by relying for support on its natural
+enemies, is not of a nature to raise the reputation of your institutions,
+or of your public men. I should have a great deal more to say to you on
+this and other subjects if I were not afraid of tiring you. I leave off,
+therefore, by assuring you that we are longing to hear of your recovery.
+Remembrances, &c.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+Cannes, December 12, 1858.
+
+I wish, my dear friend, to reassure you myself on the false reports which
+have been spread regarding my health. Far from finding myself worse than
+when we arrived, I am already much better.
+
+I am just now an invalid who takes his daily walks of two hours in the
+mountains after eating an excellent breakfast. I am not, however, well.
+If I were I should not long remain a citizen of Cannes.
+
+I have almost renounced the use of speech, and consequently the society
+of human beings; which is all the more sad as my wife, my sole companion,
+is herself very unwell, not dangerously, but enough to make me
+anxious. When I say my sole companion, I am wrong, for my eldest brother
+has had the kindness to shut himself up with us for a month.
+
+Adieu, dear Senior. A thousand kind remembrances from us to all your
+party.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+Cannes, March 15, 1859.
+
+You say, my dear Senior, in the letter which I have just received, that I
+like to hear from my friends, not to write to them. It is true that I
+delight in the letters of my friends, especially of my English friends;
+but it is a calumny to say that I do not like to answer them. It is true
+that I am in your debt: one great cause is, that a man who lives at
+Cannes knows nothing of what is passing. My solitary confinement, which
+is bad enough in every way, makes me a bad correspondent, by depressing
+my spirits and rendering every exertion painful.
+
+Mrs. Grote, in a very kind and interesting letter, which I received from
+her yesterday, says, that Lord Brougham, on his late arrival in London,
+gave a lamentable description of my health. If he confined himself to
+January, he was right. It is impossible to exaggerate my sufferings
+during that month. But, since that time, all has changed, as if from day
+to night, or rather from night to day. To talk now of what I was in
+January is like making a speech about the Spanish marriages.
+
+I am grieved to find that you have suffered so much this year from
+bronchitis. I fear that your larynx can scarcely endure an English
+winter. But it is very hard to be obliged to expatriate oneself every
+year. I fear, however, that such must be my fate for some winters to
+come, and the pain with which I anticipate it makes me sympathise more
+acutely with you.
+
+We know not, as yet, whether we are to have peace or war. Whichever it
+be, a mortal blow has struck the popularity of Louis Napoleon. What
+maintained him was the belief that he was the protector of our material
+interests: interests to which we now sacrifice all others. The events of
+the last month show, with the utmost vividness, that these very interests
+may be endangered by the arbitrary and irrational will of a despot. The
+feelings, therefore, which were his real support are now bitterly hostile
+to him.
+
+I feel, in short, that a considerable change in our Government is
+approaching.
+
+Even our poor _Corps législatif_, a week ago, refused to take into
+consideration the Budget, until it was informed whether it were to be a
+war budget or a peace budget. Great was the fury of those who represented
+the Government. They exclaimed that the Chamber misapprehended its
+jurisdiction, and that it had nothing to do with political questions. The
+Chamber, however, or rather its committee on the Budget, held its ground,
+and extorted from the Government some explanations.
+
+Adieu, my dear Senior. Say everything that is kind to the Grotes, the
+Reeves, the Lewises--in short, to all our common friends, and believe in
+the sincerity of my friendship.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+[This was M. de Tocqueville's last letter to Mr. Senior. He died on the
+16th of April.--ED.]
+
+
+
+Hotel Westminster, Rue de la Paix, April 25, 1859.
+
+My dear Madame de Tocqueville,--I was in the country, and it was only
+last Friday, as I was passing through London on my way to Paris, that I
+heard of the irreparable loss that we, indeed that France and Europe,
+have suffered.
+
+It cannot alleviate your distress to be told how universal and deep is
+the sympathy with it--quite as much in England as in France.
+
+It has thrown a gloom over society, not only over that portion which had
+the happiness and the honour of intimacy with M.A. de Tocqueville, but
+even of his acquaintances, and of those too whose acquaintance was only
+with his works.
+
+I have, as you know, been for about a year, the depositary of a large
+packet confided to me by M. de Tocqueville last spring. About six months
+ago he begged me to return it to him, in Paris, when I had a safe
+opportunity. No such opportunity offered itself, so that the packet
+remains in my library awaiting your orders.
+
+Since I began this letter I have been informed by M. de Corcelle that you
+are likely to be soon in Paris. I shall not venture to send it by the
+post, lest it should cross you on the road.
+
+I shall anxiously inquire as to your arrival, in the hope that you will
+allow one who most sincerely loved and admired your husband, morally and
+intellectually, to see you as soon as you feel yourself equal to it.
+
+Believe me, my dear Madame de Tocqueville, with the truest sympathy,
+yours most truly,
+
+NASSAU W. SENIOR.
+
+[Mr. Senior continued an active correspondence with Madame de
+Tocqueville, and we saw her whenever we were in Paris. Our long-promised
+visit to Tocqueville took place in 1861.--ED.]
+
+
+
+
+
+JOURNAL.
+
+_Tocqueville, Sunday, August_ 11, 1861.--We left Paris on Saturday
+evening, got to Valognes by the Cherbourg railway by six the next
+morning, and were furnished there with a good carriage and horses, which
+took us, and our servants and luggage, in three hours to Tocqueville.
+
+Valognes has been immortalised by Le Sage in Turcaret. It is a town of
+about 6,000 inhabitants, built of granite, and therefore little altered
+from what it was 200 years ago. Over many of the doors are the armorial
+bearings of the provincial nobility who made it a small winter capital:
+the practice is not wholly extinct. I asked who was the inhabitant of an
+imposing old house. 'M. de Néridoze,' answered our landlady, 'd'une
+très-haute noblesse.' I went over one in which Madame de Tocqueville
+thinks of passing the winter. It is of two stories. The ground floor
+given up to kitchen, laundry, and damp-looking servants' rooms; the first
+floor in this form:--
+
+[Illustration:]
+
+ Bedroom.
+ Door
+ Stairs Bedroom.
+
+Bedroom. Drawing-room. Dining-room. Hall. Bedroom.
+
+
+The longer side looks into the street, the shorter, which is to be Madame
+de Tocqueville's bedroom, into a small garden.
+
+_August_ 11.--At Tocqueville we find M. and Madame de Beaumont, their
+second son--a charming boy of ten years old, and Ampère.
+
+It is eleven years since I was here. Nothing has been done to the
+interior of the house. This is about the plan of ground floor.
+
+[Illustration:]
+
+ Offices
+ Tower
+ staircase Offices.
+
+Drawing-room. Billiard-room. Dining-room.
+ Hall.
+ Tower
+
+The first floor corresponds to the ground floor, except that on the
+western sides a passage runs, into which the library, which is over the
+drawing-room, and the bedrooms open. The second consists of garrets. My
+room is on the first floor of the eastern tower, with deep windows
+looking south and east. The room dedicated by Tocqueville to Ampère is
+above me. Creepers in great luxuriance cover the walls up to the first
+floor windows. The little park consists of from thirty to forty acres,
+well wooded and traversed by an avenue in this form, leading from the
+road to the front of the house.
+
+
+* * * * * * * * *
+
+* * * * * * * * *
+
+ * *
+
+ * *
+
+ * *
+
+ * *
+
+To the west the ground rises to a wild common commanding the sea, the
+lighthouses of Gatteville, Barfleur, La Hogue, and a green plain covered
+with woods and hedgerow trees, and studded with church towers and spires
+of the picturesque forms of the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth
+centuries. It has no grand features, except the sea and the rocky coast
+of the Cherbourg peninsula, but it is full of variety and beauty. I can
+understand Tocqueville's delight in the house and in the country. The
+weather is perfect; the thermometer in my bedroom, the walls of which are
+about six feet thick, is 71°, in the sun it is 80°; but there is a strong
+breeze.
+
+_August 12th._--Madame de Beaumont, my daughter, and Ampère drove, and
+Beaumont and I walked, to the coast about three miles and a half off. Our
+road ran through the gay wooded plain which I have described.
+
+We talked of Italian affairs.
+
+'Up to the annexation of Tuscany,' said Beaumont, 'I fully approve of all
+that has been done. Parma, Modena, and Tuscany were eager to join
+Piedmont. During the anxious interval of six months, while the decision
+of Louis Napoleon was doubtful, the conduct of the Tuscans was above all
+praise. Perhaps the general wish of the people of Romagna justified the
+Piedmontese in seizing it. Though there the difficult question as to the
+expediency of stripping the Pope of his temporal power rises.
+
+'Perhaps, too, the facility with which Sicily submitted was a
+justification. But I cannot pardon the seizure of Naples. It is clear to
+me that if the Neapolitans had been left to themselves they would have
+driven out the Garibaldians. Garibaldi himself felt this: nothing but a
+conviction of its necessity would have induced him to call for the
+assistance of the Piedmontese. I do not believe that in defiance of all
+international law-indeed in defiance of all international
+morality--Cavour would have given that assistance if the public opinion
+of Piedmont had allowed him to refuse it. And what is the consequence? A
+civil war which is laying waste the country. The Piedmontese call their
+adversaries brigands. There are without doubt among them men whose motive
+is plunder, but the great majority are in arms in defence of the
+independence of their country. They are no more brigands now than they
+were when they resisted King Joseph. The Piedmontese are as much
+foreigners to them as the French were: as much hated and as lawfully
+resisted. They may be conquered, they probably will be conquered. An
+ignorant corrupt population, inhabiting a small country, unsupported by
+its higher classes--its fleet, its fortresses, and all the machinery of
+its government, in the hands of its enemies--cannot permanently resist;
+but the war will be atrocious, and the more cruel on the part of Piedmont
+because it is unjust.'
+
+'You admit,' I said, 'that the higher classes side with Piedmont?'
+
+'I admit that,' he answered; 'but you must recollect how few they are in
+number, and how small is the influence which they exercise. In general, I
+detest universal suffrage, I detest democracy and everything belonging to
+it, but if it were possible to obtain honestly and truly the opinion of
+the people, I would ask it and obey it. I believe that it would be better
+to allow the Neapolitans, ignorant and debased as they are, to choose
+their own sovereign and their own form of government, than to let them be
+forced by years of violence to become the unwilling subjects of
+Piedmont.'
+
+'Do you believe,' I said, 'that it is possible to obtain through
+universal suffrage the honest and true opinion of a people?'
+
+'Not,' he answered, 'if the Government interferes. I believe that in
+Savoy not one person in fifty was in favour of annexation to France. But
+this is an extreme case.
+
+'The Bourbons are deservedly hated and despised by the Neapolitans, the
+Piedmontese are not despised, but are hated still more intensely. There
+is no native royal stock. The people are obviously unfit for a Republic.
+It would be as well, I think, to let them select a King as to impose one
+on them. The King whom Piedmont, without a shadow of right, is imposing
+on them is the one whom they most detest.'
+
+'If I go to Rome,' I asked, 'in the winter, whom shall I find there?'
+
+'I think,' he answered, 'that it will be the Piedmontese. The present
+state of things is full of personal danger to Louis Napoleon. As his
+policy is purely selfish, he will, at any sacrifice, put an end to it.
+That sacrifice may be the unity of Catholicism. The Pope, no longer a
+sovereign, will be under the influence of the Government in whose
+territory he resides, and the other Catholic Powers may follow the
+example of Greece and of Russia, and create each an independent Spiritual
+Government. It would be a new excitement for _Celui-ci_ to make himself
+Head of the Church.'
+
+'Assassinations,' I said, 'even when successful have seldom produced
+important and permanent effects, but Orsini's failure has influenced and
+is influencing the destinies of Europe.'
+
+'If I were an Italian liberal,' said Beaumont, 'I would erect a statue to
+him. The policy and almost the disposition of Louis Napoleon have been
+changed by the _attentat_. He has become as timid as he once was
+intrepid. He began by courting the Pope and the clergy. He despised the
+French assassins, who were few in number and unconnected, and who had
+proved their unskilfulness on Louis Philippe; but Orsini showed him that
+he had to elect between the Pope and the Austrians on one side, and the
+Carbonari on the other. He has chosen the alliance of the Carbonari. He
+has made himself their tool, and will continue to do so.
+
+'They are the only enemies whom he fears, at least for the present.
+
+'France is absolutely passive. The uneducated masses from whom he holds
+his power are utterly indifferent to liberty, and he has too much sense
+to irritate them by wanton oppression. They do not know that he is
+degrading the French character, they do not even feel that he is wasting
+the capital of France, they do not know that he is adding twenty millions
+every year to the national debt. They think of his loans merely as
+investments, and the more profligately extravagant are the terms and the
+amount, the better they like them.'
+
+'Ten years ago,' I said, 'the cry that I heard was, "Ça ne durera pas."'
+
+'That was my opinion,' he answered; 'indeed, it was the opinion of
+everybody. I thought the Duc de Broglie desponding when he gave it three
+years. We none of us believed that the love of liberty was dead in
+France.'
+
+'It is not,' I said, 'dead, for among the higher classes it still lives,
+and among the lower it never existed.'
+
+'Perhaps,' he answered, 'our great mistakes were that we miscalculated
+the courage of the educated classes, and the degree in which universal
+suffrage would throw power into the hands of the uneducated. Not a human
+being in my commune reads a newspaper or indeed reads anything: yet it
+contains 300 electors. In the towns there is some knowledge and some
+political feeling, but for political purposes they are carefully swamped
+by being joined to uneducated agricultural districts.
+
+'Still I think I might enter the _Corps législatif_ for our capital Le
+Mans. Perhaps at a general election twenty liberals might come in. But
+what good could they do? The opposition in the last session strengthened
+Louis Napoleon. It gave him the prestige of liberality and success.'
+
+'You think him, then,' I said, 'safe for the rest of his life?'
+
+'Nothing,' he answered, 'is safe in France, and the thing most unsafe is
+a Government. Our caprices are as violent as they are sudden. They
+resemble those of a half-tamed beast of prey, which licks its keeper's
+hand to-day, and may tear him to-morrow. But if his life be not so long
+as to enable the fruits of his follies to show themselves in their
+natural consequences--unsuccessful war, or defeated diplomacy, or
+bankruptcy, or heavily increased taxation--he may die in the Tuileries.
+
+'But I infer from his conduct that he thinks an insurrection against his
+tyranny possible, and that he is preparing to meet it by a popular war--
+that is to say, by a war with England.
+
+'I found my opinion not so much on the enormous maritime preparations, as
+on the long-continued systematic attempts to raise against England our
+old national enmity. All the provincial papers are in the hands of the
+Government. The constantly recurring topic of every one of them is, the
+perfidy and the malignity of England. She is described as opposing all
+our diplomacy, as resisting all our aggrandisement, as snarling and
+growling at our acquisition of Savoy, as threatening us if we accept
+Sardinia, as trying to drive the Pope from Rome because we protect him,
+as trying to separate the Danubian provinces because we wish to unite
+them, as preventing the Suez Canal because we proposed it--in short, on
+every occasion and in every part of the world as putting herself in our
+way. To these complaints, which are not without foundation, are added
+others of which our ignorant people do not see the absurdity. They are
+told that the enormous conscription, and the great naval expenditure, are
+rendered necessary by the aggressive armaments of England. That you are
+preparing to lay waste all our coasts, to burn our arsenals, to subsidise
+against us a new Coalition, and perhaps lead its armies again to Paris.
+
+'The Emperor's moderation, his love of England, and his love of peace,
+are said to be the only obstacles to, a violent rupture. But they are
+prepared for these obstacles at length giving way. "The Emperor," they
+are told, "is getting tired of his insolent, and hostile, and quarrelsome
+allies. He is getting tired of a peace which is more expensive than a
+war. Some day the cup will flow over. 'Il en finira avec eux,' will
+dictate a peace in London, will free the oppressed Irish nationality,
+will make England pay the expense of the war, and then having conquered
+the only enemy that France can fear, will let her enjoy, for the first
+time, real peace, a reduced conscription, and low taxation."
+
+'Such is the language of all the provincial papers and of all the
+provincial authorities, and it has its effect. There never was a time
+when a war with England would be so popular. He does not wish for one, he
+knows that it would be extremely dangerous, but he is accustomed to play
+for great stakes, and if submitting to any loss of his popularity, or to
+any limitation of his power is the alternative, he will run the risk. He
+keeps it, as his last card, in reserve, to be played only in extremity,
+but to be ready when that extremity has arrived.'
+
+_Tuesday, August_ 13.--We drove to La Prenelle, a church at the point of
+a high table-land running from Tocqueville towards the bay of La Hogue,
+and commanding nearly all the Cherbourg peninsula. On three sides of us
+was the sea, separated from us by a wooded, well-inhabited plain, whose
+churches rose among the trees, and containing the towns and lofty
+lighthouses of Gatteville, Barfleur, Vast, and La Hogue. We sat on the
+point from whence James II. saw the battle of La Hogue, and admired the
+courage of his English rebels.
+
+Ampère has spent much of his life in Rome, and is engaged on a work in
+which its history is to be illustrated by its monuments.
+
+We talked of the Roman people.
+
+'Nothing,' said Ampère, 'can be more degraded than the higher classes.
+With the exception of Antonelli, who is charming, full of knowledge,
+intelligence, and grace, and of the Duke of Sermoneta, who is almost
+equally distinguished, there is scarcely a noble of my acquaintance who
+has any merits, moral or intellectual.
+
+'They are surrounded by the finest ancient and modern art, and care
+nothing for it. The eminent men of every country visit Rome--the Romans
+avoid them for they have nothing to talk to them about.
+
+'Politics are of course unsafe, literature they have none. They never
+read. A cardinal told me something which I doubted, and I asked him where
+he had found it. "In certi libri," he answered.
+
+'Another, who has a fine old library, begged me to use it. "You will do
+the room good," he said. "No one has been there for years." Even scandal
+and gossip must be avoided under an Ecclesiastical Government.
+
+'They never ride, they never shoot, they never visit their estates, they
+give no parties; if it were not for the theatre and for their lawsuits
+they would sink into vegetable life.'
+
+'Sermoneta,' I said, 'told me that many of his lawsuits were hereditary,
+and would probably descend to his son.'
+
+'If Sermoneta,' said Ampère, 'with his positive intelligence and his
+comparative vigour, cannot get through them, what is to be expected from
+others? They have, however, one merit, one point of contact with the rest
+of the world--their hatred of their Government. They seem to perceive,
+not clearly, for they perceive nothing clearly, but they dimly see, that
+the want of liberty is a still greater misfortune to the higher classes
+than to the lower.
+
+'But the people are a fine race. Well led they will make excellent
+soldiers. They have the cruelty of their ancestors, perhaps I ought to
+say of their predecessors, but they have also their courage.'
+
+'They showed,' said Beaumont, 'courage in the defence of Rome, but
+courage behind walls is the commonest of all courages. No training could
+make the Spaniards stand against us in the open field, but they were
+heroes in Saragossa. The caprices of courage and cowardice are
+innumerable. The French have no moral courage, they cannot stand
+ridicule, they cannot encounter disapprobation, they bow before
+oppression; a French soldier condemned by a court-martial cries for mercy
+like a child. The same man in battle appears indifferent to death. The
+Spaniard runs away without shame, but submits to death when it is
+inevitable without terror. None of the prisoners taken on either side in
+the Spanish civil war asked for pardon.'
+
+'Indifference to life,' I said, 'and indifference to danger have little
+in common. General Fénelon told me that in Algeria he had more than once
+to preside at an execution. No Arab showed any fear. Once there were two
+men, one of whom was to be flogged, the other to be shot. A mistake was
+made and they were going to shoot the wrong man. It was found out in
+time, but neither of the men seemed to care about it; yet they
+would probably have run away in battle. The Chinese are not brave, but
+you can hire a man to be beheaded in your place.'
+
+'So,' said Ampère, 'you could always hire a substitute in our most
+murderous wars, when in the course of a year a regiment was killed twice
+over. It was hiring a man, not indeed to be beheaded, but to be shot for
+you.'
+
+'The destructiveness,' said Beaumont, 'of a war is only gradually known.
+It is found out soonest in the villages when the deaths of the conscripts
+are heard of, or are suspected from their never returning; but in the
+towns, from which the substitutes chiefly come, it may be long
+undiscovered. Nothing is known but what is officially published, and the
+Government lies with an audacity which seems always to succeed. If it
+stated the loss of men in a battle at one half of the real number, people
+would fancy that it ought to be doubled, and so come near to the truth;
+but it avows only one-tenth or only one-twentieth, and then the amount of
+falsehood is underestimated.'
+
+'Marshal Randon,' I said, 'told me that the whole loss in the Italian
+campaign was under 7,000 men.'
+
+'That is a good instance,' said Beaumont. 'It certainly was 50,000,
+perhaps 70,000. But I am guilty of a _délit_ in saying so, and you will
+be guilty of a _délit_ if you repeat what I have said. I remember the
+case of a man in a barber's shop in Tours, to whom the barber said that
+the harvest was bad. He repeated the information, and was punished by
+fine and imprisonment for having spread _des nouvelles alarmantes_. Truth
+is no excuse; in fact it is an aggravation, for the truer the news the
+more alarming.'
+
+'In time of peace,' I asked, 'what proportion of the conscripts return
+after their six years of service?'
+
+'About three-quarters,' answered Beaumont.
+
+'Then,' I said, 'as you take 100,000 conscripts every year even in peace,
+you lose 25,000 of your best young men every year?'
+
+'Certainly,' said Beaumont.
+
+'And are the 75,000 who return improved or deteriorated?' I asked.
+
+'Improved,' said Ampère; 'they are _dégourdis_, they are educated, they
+submit to authority, they know how to shift for themselves.'
+
+'Deteriorated,' said Beaumont. 'A garrison life destroys the habits of
+steady industry, it impairs skill. The returned conscript is more vicious
+and less honest than the peasant who has not left his village.'
+
+'And what was the loss,' I asked, 'in the late war?'
+
+'At least twice as great,' said Beaumont, 'as it is in peace. Half of
+those who were taken perished. The country would not have borne the
+prolongation of the Crimean War.'
+
+'These wars,' I said, 'were short and successful. A war with England can
+scarcely be short, and yet you think that he plans one?'
+
+'I think,' said Beaumont, 'that he plans one, but only in the event of
+his encountering any serious difficulty at home. You must not infer from
+the magnitude of his naval expenditure that he expects one.
+
+'You look at the expense of those preparations, and suppose that so great
+a sacrifice would not be made in order to meet an improbable emergency.
+But expense is no sacrifice to him. He likes it. He has the morbid
+taste for it which some tyrants have had for blood, which his uncle had
+for war. Then he is incapable of counting. When he lived at Arenenburg he
+used to give every old soldier who visited him an order on Viellard his
+treasurer for money. In general the chest was empty. Viellard used to
+remonstrate but without effect. The day perhaps after his orders had been
+dishonoured he gave new ones.'
+
+'Is it true,' I asked, 'that the civil list is a couple of years' income
+in debt?'
+
+I know nothing about it,' said Beaumont; 'in fact, nobody knows anything
+about anything, but it is highly probable. Everybody who asks for
+anything gets it, everybody is allowed to waste, everybody is allowed to
+rob, every folly of the Empress is complied with. Fould raised
+objections, and was dismissed.
+
+'She is said to have a room full of revolutionary relics: there is the
+bust of Marie Antoinette, the nose broken at one of the sacks of the
+Tuileries. There is a picture of Simon beating Louis XVII. Her poor child
+has been frightened by it, and she is always dwelling on the dangers of
+her position.'
+
+'So,' I said, 'did Queen Adelaide--William IV.'s Queen. From the passing
+of the Reform Bill she fully expected to die on the scaffold.'
+
+'There is more reason,' he answered, 'for the Empress's fears.'
+
+'Not,' I said, 'if she fears the scaffold. Judicial murder, at least in
+that form, is out of fashion. Cayenne and Lambressa are your guillotines,
+and the Empress is safe from them.'
+
+'But there are other modes of violent death,' he answered; 'from one of
+which she escaped almost by miracle.'
+
+'How did she behave,' I asked, 'at the _attentat?_'
+
+'Little is known,' he answered, 'except that the Emperor said to her, as
+he led her upstairs to her box: "Allons, il faut faire notre métier."'
+
+'Then she is disturbed by religious fears. The little prince has been
+taught to say to his father every morning: "Papa, ne faites pas de mal à
+mon parrain." The Pope was his godfather.'
+
+'If the Emperor dies, the real power will pass into the hands of Prince
+Napoleon. And very dangerous hands they will be. He has more talent than
+the Emperor, and longer views. Louis Napoleon is a revolutionist from
+selfishness. Prince Napoleon is selfish enough, but he has also passion.
+He detests everything that is venerable, everything that is established
+or legal.
+
+'There is little value now for property or for law, though the Government
+professes to respect them. What, will it be when the Government professes
+to hate them?'
+
+_Wednesday, August_ 14.--We talked at breakfast of Rome.
+
+'Is there,' said Beaumont to Ampère, 'still an Inquisition at Rome?'
+
+'There is,' said Ampère, 'but it is torpid. It punishes bad priests, but
+does little else.'
+
+'If a Roman,' I asked, 'were an avowed infidel, would it take notice of
+him?'
+
+'Probably not,' said Ampère, 'but his _curé_ might--not for his
+infidelity, but for his avowing it. The _curé_ who has always the powers
+of a _commissaire de police,_ might put him in prison if he went into a
+_café_ and publicly denied the Immaculate Conception, or if he neglected
+going to church or to confession: but the Inquisition no longer cares
+about opinions.'
+
+'Is there much infidelity,' I asked, 'in Rome?'
+
+'Much,' said Ampère, 'among the laity. The clergy do not actively
+disbelieve. They go through their functions without ever seriously
+inquiring whether what they have to teach be true or false. No persons
+were more annoyed by the Mortara[1] business than the clergy, with the
+exception of Antonelli. He hates and fears the man who set it on foot,
+the Archbishop of Bologna, and therefore was glad to see him expose
+himself, and lose all hope of the Secretaryship, but he took care to
+prevent the recurrence of such a scandal. He revived an old law
+prohibiting Jews from keeping Christian nurses. But he could scarcely
+order restitution. According to the Church it would have been giving the
+child to the Devil, and, what is worse, robbing God of him. The Pope's
+piety is selfish. His great object is his own salvation. He would not
+endanger that, to confer any benefit upon, or to avert any evil from
+Rome; or indeed from the whole world. This makes him difficult to
+negotiate with. If anything is proposed to him which his confessor
+affirms to be dangerous to his soul, he listens to no arguments. As for
+Mortara himself, he is a poor creature. A friend of mine went to see him
+in his convent. All that he could get from him was:
+
+'"Sono venuti i Carabinieri."
+
+'"And what did they do to you?"
+
+'"M' hanno portato quì."
+
+'"What more?"
+
+'"M' hanno dato pasticci; erano molto buoni."
+
+'What is most teasing,' continued Ampère, 'in the Roman Government is not
+so much its active oppression as its torpidity. It hates to act. An
+Englishman had with great difficulty obtained permission to light Rome
+with gas. He went to the Government in December, and told them that
+everything was ready, and that the gas would be lighted on the 1st of
+January.
+
+'"Could you not," they answered, "put it off till April?"
+
+'"But it is in winter," he replied; "that it is wanted. Every thing is
+ready. Why should we wait?"
+
+'"It is a new thing," they replied; "people will be frightened. It may
+have consequences. At least put it off till March."
+
+'"But they will be as much frightened in March," he replied.
+
+'"If it must be done," they said, "as a kindness to His Holiness and to
+us put it off till February."
+
+'There is, however, one sort of oppression which even we should find it
+difficult to tolerate.
+
+'A Monsignore has a young friend without money, but an excellent Catholic
+and an excellent politician, a fervid believer in the Immaculate
+Conception and in the excellence of the Papal Government. He wishes to
+reward such admirable opinions: but the Pope has little to give.
+Monsignore looks out for some young heiress, sends for her father,
+describes his pious and loyal _protégé_, and proposes marriage. Her
+father objects--says that his daughter cannot afford to marry a poor man,
+or that she does not wish to marry at all--or that he or she has some
+other preference.
+
+'Monsignore insists. He assures the father that what he is proposing is
+most favourable to the salvation of his daughter, that he suggests it
+principally for the benefit of her soul, and that the father's objections
+are inspired by the Evil One. The father breaks off the conversation and
+goes home. He finds that his daughter has disappeared. He returns furious
+to Monsignore, is received with the utmost politeness and is informed
+that his daughter is perfectly safe under the protection of a cardinal
+who himself did her the honour of fetching her in his gilded coach. "You
+have only," the Monsignore says, "to be reasonable, and she shall be
+returned to you."
+
+'The father flies to the cardinal.
+
+'The same politeness and the same answer.
+
+'"Do not oppose," he is told, "the will of the Pope, who, in this matter,
+seeks only your daughter's happiness here and hereafter. She is now with
+me. If you will give up your sinful obstinacy she shall be restored to
+you to-day. If not, it will be our duty to place her in a convent, where
+she will be taken the utmost care of, but she will not leave it except to
+marry the person whom His Holiness thinks most fitted to promote the
+welfare of her soul."
+
+'I have known several cases in which this attempt has been made. With
+such timid slaves as the Roman nobility it always succeeds.'
+
+[Footnote 1: The Jewish child who was taken away from his parents and
+converted.--ED.]
+
+
+_Thursday, August_ 15.--This is the fête of St. Louis--the great fête of
+Tocqueville. Madame de Tocqueville and Madame de Beaumont spent much of
+the morning in church.
+
+Beaumont and his son walked to the coast to bathe. Minnie, Ampère, and I
+strolled among the deep shady lanes of the plateau above the castle.
+Throughout Normandy the fields are small and are divided by mounds
+planted with trees. The farmhouses, and even the cottages, are built of
+primitive rock, granite, or old red sandstone. At a distance, peeping out
+of the trees that surround them, they look pretty, but they, have more
+than the usual French untidiness. The outhouses are roofless, the
+farmyards are full of pools and dung heaps, which often extend into the
+road; and the byroads themselves are quagmires when they do not consist
+of pointed stones. I was struck by the paucity of the children and the
+absence of new houses. The population of Normandy is diminishing.
+
+We conversed on the subject of Italy.
+
+'If we are in Rome next winter,' I asked, 'shall we find the French
+there?'
+
+'I think not,' said Ampère; 'I think that you will find only the
+Piedmontese.
+
+'Every day that Louis Napoleon holds Rome is a day of danger to him, a
+danger slight perhaps now, but serious if the occupation be prolonged.
+The Anti-papal party, and it includes almost all that are liberal and all
+that are energetic, are willing to give him time, but not an indefinite
+time. They are quiet only because they trust him. He is a magician who
+has sold himself to the Devil. The Devil is patient, but he will not be
+cheated. The Carbonari will support Louis Napoleon as long as he is doing
+their work, and will allow him to do it in his own way and to take his
+own time, as long as they believe he is doing it. But woe to him if they
+believe that he is deceiving them. I suspect that they are becoming
+impatient, and I suspect too, that he is becoming impatient. This quarrel
+between Mérode and Goyon is significative. I do not believe that Goyon
+used the words imputed to him. We shall probably keep Civita Vecchia, but
+we shall give up Rome to the Piedmontese.'
+
+'And will the Pope,' I asked, 'remain?'
+
+'Not this Pope,' said Ampère, 'but his successor. Nor do I see the great
+evil of the absence of the Pope from Rome. Popes have often been absent
+before, sometimes for long periods.'
+
+'Most of my French friends,' I said, 'are opposed to Italian Unity as
+mischievous to France.'
+
+'I do not believe,' he answered, 'in the submission of Naples to this
+Piedmontese dynasty, but I shall be delighted to see all Italy north of
+the Neapolitan territory united.
+
+'I do not think that we have anything to fear from the kingdom of Italy.
+It is as likely to be our friend as to be our enemy. But the Neapolitans,
+even if left to themselves, would not willingly give up their
+independence, and _Celui-ci_ is trying to prevent their doing so.'
+
+'What do _they_ wish,' I asked, 'and what does _he_ wish?'
+
+'I believe,' he answered, 'that _their_ wishes are only negative.
+
+'They do not wish to recall the Bourbons, and they are resolved not to
+keep the Piedmontese. _His_ wish I believe to be to put his cousin there.
+Prince Napoleon himself refused Tuscany. It is too small, but he would
+like Naples, and Louis Napoleon would be glad to get rid of him. What
+would England say?'
+
+'If we believed,' I said, 'in the duration of a Bonaparte dynasty in
+France, we should, of course, object to the creation of one in Naples.
+But if, as we think it probable, the Bonapartists have to quit France, I
+do not see few we should be injured by their occupying the throne of
+Naples.
+
+'I should object to them if I were a Neapolitan. All their instincts are
+despotic, democratic, and revolutionary. But even they are better than
+the late king was. What chance have the Murats?'
+
+'None,' said Ampère. 'They have spoiled their game, if they had a game,
+by their precipitation. The Emperor has disavowed them, the Neapolitans
+do not care for them. The Prince de Leuchtenberg, grandson of Eugène
+Beauharnais, has been talked of. He is well connected, related to many of
+the reigning families of the Continent, and is said to be intelligent and
+well educated.'
+
+'If Naples,' I said, 'is to be detached from the kingdom of Italy, Sicily
+ought to be detached from Naples. There is quite as much mutual
+antipathy.'
+
+'Would you like to take it?' he asked.
+
+'Heaven forbid!' I answered. 'It would be another Corfu on a larger
+scale. The better we governed them, the more they would hate us. The only
+chance for them is to have a king of their own.'
+
+_August_ 15.--In the evening Ampère read to us a comedy called 'Beatrix,'
+by a writer of some reputation, and a member of the Institut.
+
+It was very bad, full of exaggerated sentiments, forced situations, and
+the cant of philanthropic despotism.
+
+An actress visits the court of a German grand duke. He is absent. His
+mother, the duchess, receives her as an equal. The second son falls in
+love with her at first sight and wishes to marry her. She is inclined to
+consent, when another duchy falls in, the elder duke resigns to his
+brother, he becomes king, presses their marriage, his mother does not
+oppose, and thereupon Beatrix makes a speech, orders her horses, and
+drives off to act somewhere else.
+
+Ampère reads admirably, but no excellence of reading could make such
+absurdities endurable. It was written for Ristori, who acted Beatrix in
+French with success.
+
+
+_Friday, August_ 16.--We talked at breakfast of 1793.
+
+'It is difficult,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'to believe that the French
+of that day were our ancestors.'
+
+'They resembled you,' I said, 'only in two things: in military courage,
+and in political cowardice.'
+
+'They had,' she replied, 'perhaps more passive courage than we have.[1]
+My great-great-grandmother, my great-grandmother, and my great-aunt, were
+guillotined on the same day. My great-great-grandmother was ninety years
+old. When interrogated, she begged them to speak loud, as she was deaf.
+'Écrivez,' said Fouquier Tinville, 'que la citoyenne Noailles a conspiré
+sourdement contre la République.' They were dragged to the Place de la
+République in the same _tombereau_, and sat waiting their turn on the
+same bench.
+
+'My great-aunt was young and beautiful. The executioner, while fastening
+her to the plank, had a rose in his mouth. The Abbé de Noailles, who was
+below the scaffold, disguised, to give them, at the risk of his life, a
+sign of benediction, was asked how they looked.
+
+'"Comme si,' he said, 'elles allaient à la messe."'
+
+'The habit,' said Ampère, 'of seeing people die produces indifference
+even to one's own death. You see that among soldiers. You see it in
+epidemics. But this indifference, or, to use a more proper word, this
+resignation, helped to prolong the Reign of Terror. If the victims had
+resisted, if, like Madame du Barry, they had struggled with the
+executioner, it would have excited horror.'
+
+'The cries of even a pig,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'make it disagreeable
+to kill it.'
+
+'Sanson,' I said, 'long survived the Revolution; he made a fortune and
+lived in retirement at Versailles. A lady was run away with between
+Versailles and Paris. An elderly man, at considerable risk, stopped her
+horse. She was very grateful, but could not get from him his name. At
+last she traced him, and found that it was Sanson.'
+
+'Sanson,' said Beaumont, 'may have been an honest man. Whenever a place
+of _bourreau_ is vacant, there are thirty or forty candidates, and they
+always produce certificates of their extraordinary kindness and humanity.
+It seems to be the post most coveted by men eminent for their
+benevolence.'
+
+'How many have you?' I asked.
+
+'Eighty-six,' he answered. 'One for each department.'
+
+'And how many executions?'
+
+'About one hundred a year in all France.'
+
+'And what is the salary?'
+
+'Perhaps a couple of thousand francs a year.'
+
+'Really,' said Ampère, 'it is one of the best parts of the patronage of
+the Minister of the Interior. _M. le Bourreau_ gets more than a thousand
+francs for each operation.'
+
+'We pay by the piece,' I said, 'and find one operator enough for all
+England.'
+
+'A friend of mine,' said Beaumont, had a remarkably good Swiss servant.
+His education was far above his station, and we could not find what had
+been his birth or his canton.
+
+'Suddenly he became agitated and melancholy, and at last told my friend
+that he must leave him, and why. His father was the hereditary _bourreau_
+of a Swiss canton. To the office was attached an estate, to be forfeited
+if the office were refused. He had resolved to take neither, and, to
+avoid being solicited, had left his country and changed his name. But his
+family had traced him, had informed him of his father's death, and had
+implored him to accept the succession. He was the only son, and his
+mother and sisters would be ruined, if he allowed it to pass to the next
+in order of inheritance, a distant cousin. He had not been able to
+persist in his refusal.'
+
+'The husband of an acquaintance of mine,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'used
+to disappear for two or three hours every day. He would not tell her for
+what purpose. At last she found out that he was employed in the _chambre
+noire_, the department of the police by which letters passing through the
+post are opened. The duties were well paid, and she could not persuade
+him to give them up. They were on uneasy terms, when an accident threw a
+list of all the names of the _employés_ in the _chambre noire_, into the
+hands of an opposition editor, who published them in his newspaper.
+
+'She then separated from him.'
+
+'If the Post-office,' I said, 'were not a Government monopoly, if
+everyone had a right to send his letters in the way that he liked best,
+there would be some excuse. But the State compels you, under severe
+penalties, to use its couriers, undertaking, not tacitly but expressly,
+to respect the secrecy of your correspondence, and then systematically
+violates it.'
+
+'I should have said,' answered Ampère, 'not expressly but tacitly.'
+
+'No,' I replied; 'expressly. Guizot, when Minister for Foreign Affairs,
+proclaimed from the tribune, that in France the secrecy of correspondence
+was, under all circumstances, inviolable. This has never been officially
+contradicted.
+
+'The English Post-office enters into no such engagements. Any letters may
+be legally opened, under an order from a Secretary of State.'
+
+'Are prisoners in England,' asked Beaumont, 'allowed to correspond with
+their friends?'
+
+'I believe,' I answered, 'that their letters pass through the Governor's
+hands, and that he opens them, or not, at his discretion.'
+
+'Among the tortures,' said Ampère, 'which Continental despots delight to
+inflict on their state prisoners the privation of correspondence is one.'
+
+'In ordinary life,' I said, 'the educated endure inaction worse than the
+ignorant. A coachman sits for hours on his box without feeling _ennui_.
+If his master had to sit quiet all that time, inside the carriage, he
+would tear his hair from impatience.
+
+'But the educated seem to tolerate the inactivity of imprisonment better
+than their inferiors. We find that our ordinary malefactors cannot endure
+solitary imprisonment for more than a year--seldom indeed so long. The
+Italian prisoners whom I have known, Zucchi, Borsieri, Poerio,
+Gonfalonieri, and Pellico, endured imprisonment lasting from ten to
+seventeen years without much injury to mind or body.'
+
+'The spirit of Pellico,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'was broken. When
+released, he gave himself up to devotion and works of charity. Perhaps
+the humility, resignation, and submission of his book made it still
+more mischievous to the Austrian Government. The reader's indignation
+against those who could so trample on so unresisting a victim becomes
+fierce.'
+
+'If the Austrians,' I said, 'had been wise, they would have shot instead
+of imprisoning them. Their deaths would have been forgotten--their
+imprisonment has contributed much to the general odium which is
+destroying the Austrian Empire.'
+
+'It would have been wiser,' said Beaumont, 'but it would have been more
+merciful, and therefore it was not done. But you talk of all these men as
+solitarily imprisoned. Some of them had companions.'
+
+'Yes,' I said, 'but they complained that one permanent companion was
+worse than solitude. Gonfalonieri said, that one could not be in the same
+room, with the same man, a year without hating him.
+
+'One of the Neapolitan prisoners was chained for some time to a brigand.
+Afterwards the brigand was replaced by a gentleman. He complained
+bitterly of the change.
+
+'The brigand,' said Minnie, 'was his slave, the gentleman had a will of
+his own.'
+
+'How did M. de La Fayette,'[2] I asked Madame de Beaumont, 'bear his five
+years' imprisonment at Olmutz?'
+
+'His health,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'was good, but the miseries of his
+country and the sufferings of his wife made him very unhappy. When my
+grandmother came to him, it was two days before she had strength to tell
+him that all his and her family had perished. I was once at Olmutz, and
+saw the one room which they had inhabited. It was damp and dark. She
+asked to be allowed to leave it for a time for better medical treatment
+and change of air. It was granted only on the condition that she should
+never return. She refused. The rheumatic attacks which the state of the
+prison had produced, continued and increased: she was hopelessly ill when
+they were released--and died soon afterwards. The sense of wrong
+aggravated their sufferings, for their imprisonment was a gross and
+wanton violation of all law, international and municipal. My grandfather
+was not an Austrian subject; he had committed no offence against Austria.
+She seized him simply because he was a liberal, because his principles
+had made him the enemy of tyranny in America and in France; and because
+his birth and talents and reputation gave him influence. It was one of
+the brutal stupid acts of individual cruelty which characterise the
+Austrian despotism, and have done more to ruin it than a wider
+oppression--such a one, for instance, as ours, more mischievous, but more
+intelligent,--would have done.'
+
+'Freedom,' said Ampère, 'was offered to him on the mere condition of his
+not serving in the French army. At that time the Jacobins would have
+guillotined him, the Royalists would have forced duel after duel on him
+till they had killed him. It seemed impossible that he should ever be
+able to draw his sword for France. In fact he never _was_ able. America
+offered him an asylum, honours, land, everything that could console an
+exile. But he refused to give up the chance, remote as it was, of being
+useful to his country, and remained a prisoner till he was delivered by
+Napoleon.'
+
+'He firmly believed,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'that if the Royal Family
+would have taken refuge with his army in 1791 he could have saved them,
+and probably the Monarchy. His army was then in his hands, a few months
+after the Jacobins had corrupted it.'
+
+'Two men,' said Ampère, 'Mirabeau and La Fayette, could have saved the
+Monarchy, and were anxious to do so. But neither the King nor the Queen
+would trust them.
+
+'Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette are among the historical personages who
+have most influenced the destinies of the world. His dulness, torpidity
+and indecision, and her frivolity, narrow-minded prejudices and
+suspiciousness, are among the causes of our present calamities. They are
+among the causes of a state of things which has inflicted on
+us, and threatens to inflict on all Europe, the worst of all
+Governments--democratic despotism. A Government in which two wills only
+prevail--that of the ignorant, envious, ambitious, aggressive multitude,
+and that of the despot who, whatever be his natural disposition, is soon
+turned, by the intoxication of flattery and of universal power, into a
+capricious, fantastic, selfish participator in the worst passions of the
+worst portion of his subjects.'
+
+'Such a Government,' I said, 'may be called an anti-aristocracy. It
+excludes from power all those who are fit to exercise it.'
+
+'The consequence,' said Beaumont, 'is, that the qualities which fit men
+for power not being demanded, are not supplied. Our young men have no
+political knowledge or public spirit. Those who have a taste for the
+sciences cultivated in the military schools enter the army. The rest
+learn nothing.'
+
+'What do they do?' I asked.
+
+'How they pass their time,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'is a puzzle to me.
+They do not read, they do not go into society--I believe that they smoke
+and play at dominos, and ride and bet at steeple-chases.
+
+'Those who are on home service in the army are not much better. The time
+not spent in the routine of their profession is sluggishly and viciously
+wasted. Algeria has been a God-send to us. There our young men have real
+duties to perform, and real dangers to provide against and to encounter.
+My son, who left St. Cyr only eighteen months ago, is stationed at
+Thebessa, 300 miles in the interior. He belongs to a _bureau arabe_,
+consisting of a captain, a lieutenant, and himself, and about forty
+spahis. He has to act as a judge, as an engineer, to settle the frontier
+between the province of Constantine and Tunis--in short, to be one of a
+small ruling aristocracy. This is the school which has furnished, and is
+furnishing, our best generals and administrators.'
+
+We talked of the interior of French families.
+
+'The ties of relationship,' I said, 'seem to be stronger with you than
+they are with us. Cousinship with you is a strong bond, with us it is a
+weak one.'
+
+'The habit of living together,' said Beaumont, 'has perhaps much to do
+with the strength of our feelings of consanguinity. Our life is
+patriarchal. Grandfather, father, and grandson are often under the same
+roof. At the Grange[3] thirty of the family were sometimes assembled at
+dinner. With you, the sons go off, form separate establishments, see
+little of their parents, still less of their cousins, and become
+comparatively indifferent to them.'
+
+'I remember,' I said, 'the case of an heir apparent of seventy; his
+father was ninety-five. One day the young man was very grumpy. They tried
+to find out what was the matter with him; at last he broke out,
+"Everybody's father dies except mine."'
+
+'An acquaintance of mine,' said Beaumont, 'not a son, but a son-in-law,
+complained equally of the pertinacious longevity of his father-in-law.
+"Je n'ai pas cru," he said, "en me mariant, que j'épousais la fille du
+Père Éternel." Your primogeniture,' he continued, 'must be a great source
+of unfilial feelings. The eldest son of one of your great families is in
+the position of the heir apparent to a throne. His father's death is to
+give him suddenly rank, power, and wealth; and we know that royal heirs
+apparent are seldom affectionate sons. With us the fortunes are much
+smaller, they are equally divided, and the rank that descends to the son
+is nothing.'
+
+'What regulates,' I asked, 'the descent of titles?'
+
+'It is ill regulated,' said Beaumont 'Titles are now of such little value
+that scarcely anyone troubles himself to lay down rules about them.
+
+'In general, however, it is said, that all the sons of dukes and of
+marquises are counts. The sons of counts in some families all take the
+title of Count. There are, perhaps, thirty Beaumonts. Some call
+themselves marquises, some counts, some barons. I am, I believe, the only
+one of the family who has assumed no title. Alexis de Tocqueville took
+none, but his elder brother, during his father's life, called himself
+vicomte and his younger brother baron. Probably Alexis ought then to have
+called himself chevalier, and, on his father's death, baron. But, I
+repeat, the matter is too unimportant to be subject to any settled rules.
+Ancient descent is, with us, of great value, of far more than it is with
+you, but titles are worth nothing.'
+
+[Footnote 1: This incident is described in a little book published last
+year, the _Memoirs of Madame de Montaign_.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 2: M. de La Fayette was Madame de Beaumont's grandfather.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 3: The château of M. de La Fayette.--ED.]
+
+
+_Saturday, August_ 17.--We drove to the coast and ascended the lighthouse
+of Gatteville, 85 metres, or about 280 feet high. It stands in the middle
+of a coast fringed with frightful reefs, just enough under water to
+create no breakers, and a flat plain a couple of miles wide behind, so
+that the coast is not seen till you come close to it. In spite of many
+lighthouses and buoys, wrecks are frequent. A mysterious one occurred
+last February: the lighthouse watchman showed us the spot--a reef just
+below the lighthouse about two hundred yards from the shore.
+
+It was at noon--there was a heavy sea, but not a gale. He saw a large
+ship steer full on the reef. She struck, fell over on one side till her
+yards were in the water, righted herself, fell over on the other, parted
+in the middle, and broke up. It did not take five minutes, but during
+those five minutes there was the appearance of a violent struggle on
+board, and several shots were fired. From the papers which were washed
+ashore it appeared that she was from New York, bound for Havre, with a
+large cargo and eighty-seven passengers, principally returning emigrants.
+No passenger escaped, and only two of the crew: one was an Italian
+speaking no French, from whom they could get nothing; the other was an
+Englishman from Cardiff, speaking French, but almost obstinately
+uncommunicative. He said that he was below when the ship struck, that the
+captain had locked the passengers in the cabin, and that he knew nothing
+of the causes which had led the ship to go out of her course to run on
+this rock.
+
+The captain may have been drunk or mad. Or there may have been a mutiny
+on board, and those who got possession of the ship may have driven her on
+the coast, supposing that they could beach her, and ignorant of the
+interposed reefs, which, as I have said, are not betrayed by breakers.
+
+Our informant accounted for the loss of all, except two persons, by the
+heavy sea, the sharp reefs, and the blows received by those who tried to
+swim from the floating cargo. The two who escaped were much bruised.
+
+A man and woman were found tied to one another and tied to a spar. They
+seemed to have been killed by blows received from the rocks or from the
+floating wreck.
+
+In the evening Ampère read to us the 'Bourgeois Gentilhomme.' His reading
+is equal to any acting. It kept us all, for the first two acts, which are
+the most comic, in one constant roar of laughter.
+
+'The modern _nouveau riche,_ said Beaumont, 'has little resemblance to M.
+Jourdain. He talks of his horses and his carriages, builds a great hotel,
+and buys pictures. I have a neighbour of this kind; he drives
+four-in-hand over the bad roads of La Sarthe, visits with one carriage
+one day, and another the next. His jockey stands behind his cabriolet in
+top-boots, and his coachman wears a grand fur coat in summer. His own
+clothes are always new, sometimes in the most accurate type of a groom,
+sometimes in that of a dandy. His talk is of steeple-chases.'
+
+'And does he get on?' I asked.
+
+'Not in the least,' answered Beaumont. 'In England a _nouveau riche_ can
+get into Parliament, or help somebody else to get in, and political power
+levels all distinctions. Here, wealth gives no power: nothing, indeed,
+but office gives power. The only great men in the provinces are the
+_préfet_, the _sous-préfet_, and the _maire_. The only great man in Paris
+is a minister or a general. Wealth, therefore, unless accompanied by the
+social talents, which those who have made their fortunes have seldom had
+the leisure or the opportunity to acquire, leads to nothing. The women,
+too, of the _parvenus_ always drag them down. They seem to acquire
+the _tournure_ of society less easily than the men. Bastide, when
+Minister, did pretty well, but his wife used to sign her invitations
+"Femme Bastide."
+
+'Society,' he continued, 'under the Republic was animated. We had great
+interests to discuss, and strong feelings to express, but perhaps the
+excitement was too great. People seemed to be almost ashamed to amuse
+or to be amused when the welfare of France, her glory or her degradation,
+her freedom or her slavery, were, as the event has proved, at stake.'
+
+'I suppose,' I said to Ampère, 'that nothing has ever been better than
+the _salon_ of Madame Récamier?'
+
+'We must distinguish,' said Ampère. 'As great painters have many manners,
+so Madame Récamier had many _salons_. When I first knew her, in 1820, her
+habitual dinner-party consisted of her father, her husband, Ballanche,
+and myself. Both her father, M. Bernard, and her husband were agreeable
+men. Ballanche was charming.'
+
+'You believe,' I said, 'that Bernard was her father?' 'Certainly I do,'
+he replied. 'The suspicion that Récamier might be was founded chiefly on
+the strangeness of their conjugal relations. To this, I oppose her
+apparent love for M. Bernard, and I explain Récamier's conduct by his
+tastes. They were coarse, though he was a man of good manners. He never
+spent his evenings at home. He went where he could find more license.
+
+'Perhaps the most agreeable period was at that time of Chateaubriand's
+reign when he had ceased to exact a _tête-à-tête_, and Ballanche and I
+were admitted at four o'clock. The most illustrious of the _partie
+carrée_ was Chateaubriand, the most amusing Ballanche. My merit was that
+I was the youngest. Later in the evening Madame Mohl, Miss Clarke as she
+then was, was a great resource. She is a charming mixture of French
+vivacity and English originality, but I think that the French element
+predominates. Chateaubriand, always subject to _ennui_, delighted in her.
+He has adopted in his books some of the words which she coined. Her
+French is as original as the character of her mind, very good, but more
+of the last than of the present century.'
+
+'Was Chateaubriand himself,' I said, 'agreeable?'
+
+'Delightful,' said Ampère; 'très-entrain, très-facile à vivre, beaucoup
+d'imagination et de connaissances.'
+
+'Facile à vivre?' I said. 'I thought that his vanity had been _difficile
+et exigeante?_'
+
+'As a public man,' said Ampère, 'yes; and to a certain degree in general
+society. But in intimate society, when he was no longer "posing," he was
+charming. The charm, however, was rather intellectual than moral.
+
+'I remember his reading to us a part of his memoirs, in which he
+describes his early attachment to an English girl, his separation from
+her, and their meeting many years after when she asked his protection for
+her son. Miss Clarke was absorbed by the story. She wanted to know what
+became of the young man, what Chateaubriand had been able to do for him.
+Chateaubriand could answer only in generals: that he had done all that he
+could, that he had spoken to the Minister, and that he had no doubt that
+the young man got what he wanted. But it was evident that even if he had
+really attempted to do anything for the son of his old love, he had
+totally forgotten the result. I do not think that he was pleased at Miss
+Clarke's attention and sympathy being diverted from himself. Later still
+in Madame Récamier's life, when she had become blind, and Chateaubriand
+deaf, and Ballanche very infirm, the evenings were sad. I had to try to
+amuse persons who had become almost unamusable.'
+
+'How did Madame de Chateaubriand,' I asked, 'take the devotion of her
+husband to Madame Récamier?'
+
+'Philosophically,' answered Ampère. 'He would not have spent with her the
+hours that he passed at the Abbaye au bois. She was glad, probably, to
+know that they were not more dangerously employed.'
+
+'Could I read Chateaubriand?' I asked.
+
+'I doubt it,' said Ampère. 'His taste is not English.'
+
+'I _have_ read,' I said, 'and liked, his narrative of the manner in which
+he forced on the Spanish war of 1822. I thought it well written.'
+
+'It is, perhaps,' said Ampère, 'the best thing which he has written, as
+the intervention to restore Ferdinand, which he effected in spite of
+almost everybody, was perhaps the most important passage in his political
+life.
+
+'There is something revolting in an interference to crush the liberties
+of a foreign nation. But the expedition tended to maintain the Bourbons
+on the French throne, and, according to Chateaubriand's ideas, it was
+more important to support the principle of legitimacy than that of
+liberty. He expected, too, sillily enough, that Ferdinand would give a
+Constitution. It is certain, that, bad as the effects of that expedition
+were, Chateaubriand was always proud of it.'
+
+'What has Ballanche written?' I asked.
+
+'A dozen volumes,' he answered. 'Poetry, metaphysics, on all sorts of
+subjects, with pages of remarkable vigour and _finesse_, containing some
+of the best writing in the language, but too unequal and too desultory to
+be worth going through.'
+
+'How wonderfully extensive,' I said, 'is French literature! Here is a
+voluminous author, some of whose writings, you say, are among the best in
+the French language, yet his name, at least as an author, is scarcely
+known. He shines only by reflected light, and will live only because he
+attached himself to a remarkable man and to a remarkable woman.'
+
+'French literature,' said Ampère, 'is extensive, but yet inferior to
+yours. If I were forced to select a single literature and to read nothing
+else, I would take the English. In one of the most important departments,
+the only one which cannot be re-produced by translation--poetry--you
+beat us hollow. We are great only in the drama, and even there you are
+perhaps our superiors. We have no short poems comparable to the "Allegro"
+or to the "Penseroso," or to the "Country Churchyard."'
+
+'Tocqueville,' I said, 'told me that he did not think that he could
+now read Lamartine.'
+
+'Tocqueville,' said Ampère, 'could taste, like every man of genius, the
+very finest poetry, but he was not a lover of poetry. He could not read a
+hundred bad lines and think himself repaid by finding mixed with them ten
+good ones.'
+
+'Ingres,' said Beaumont, 'perhaps our greatest living painter, is one of
+the clever cultivated men who do not read. Somebody put the "Misanthrope"
+into his hands, "It is wonderfully clever," he said, when he returned it;
+"how odd it is that it should be so totally unknown."'
+
+'Let us read it to-night,' I said.
+
+'By all means,' said Madame de Tocqueville; 'though we know it by heart
+it will be new when read by M. Ampère.' Accordingly Ampère read it to us
+after dinner.
+
+'The tradition of the stage,' he said, 'is that Célimène was Molière's
+wife.'
+
+'She is made too young,' said Minnie. 'A girl of twenty has not her wit,
+or her knowledge of the world.'
+
+'The change of a word,' said Ampère, 'in two or three places would alter
+that. The feeblest characters are as usual the good ones. Philinte and
+Eliante.
+
+'Alceste is a grand mixture, perhaps the only one on the French stage, of
+the comic and the tragic; for in many of the scenes he rises far above
+comedy. His love is real impetuous passion. Talma delighted in playing
+him.'
+
+'The desert,' I said, 'into which he retires, was, I suppose, a distant
+country-house. Just such a place as Tocqueville.'
+
+'As Tocqueville,' said Beaumont, 'fifty years ago, without roads, ten
+days' journey from Paris, and depending for society on Valognes.'
+
+'As Tocqueville,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'when my mother-in-law
+first married. She spent in it a month and could never be induced to see
+it again.'
+
+'Whom,' I asked, 'did Célimène marry?'
+
+'Of course,' said Ampère, 'Alceste. Probably five years afterwards. By
+that time he must have got tired of his desert and she of her coquetry.'
+
+'We know,' I said, 'that Molière was always in love with his wife,
+notwithstanding her _légèrété_. What makes me think the tradition that
+Célimène was Mademoiselle[1] Molière true, is that Molière was certainly
+in love with Célimène. She is made as engaging as possible, and her worst
+faults do not rise above foibles. Her satire is good-natured. Arsinoé is
+her foil, introduced to show what real evil-speaking is.'
+
+'All the women,' said Ampère, 'are in love with Alceste, and they care
+about no one else. Célimène's satire of the others is scarcely
+good-natured. It is clear, at least, that they did not think so.'
+
+'If Célimène,' said Minnie, 'became Madame Alceste, he probably made her
+life a burthen with his jealousy.'
+
+'Of course he was jealous,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'for he was
+violently in love. There can scarcely be violent love without jealousy.'
+
+'At least,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'till people are married.
+
+'If a lover is cool enough to be without jealousy, he ought to pretend
+it.'
+
+
+[Footnote 1: Under the _ancien régime_ even the married actresses were
+called Mademoiselle.--ED.]
+
+
+_Sunday, August_ 18.--After breakfast when the ladies were gone to
+church, I talked over with Ampère and Beaumont Tocqueville's political
+career.
+
+'Why,' I asked, 'did he refuse the support of M. Molé in 1835? Why would
+he never take office under Louis Philippe? Why did he associate himself
+with the Gauche whom he despised, and oppose the Droit with whom he
+sympathised? Is the answer given by M. Guizot to a friend of mine who
+asked a nearly similar question, "Parce qu'il voulait être où je suis,"
+the true one?'
+
+'The answers to your first question,' said Beaumont, 'are two. In 1835
+Tocqueville was young and inexperienced. Like most young politicians, he
+thought that he ought to be an independent member, and to vote, on every
+occasion, according to his conscience, untrammelled by party connections.
+He afterwards found his mistake.
+
+'And, secondly, if he had chosen to submit to a leader, it would not have
+been Molé.
+
+'Molé represented a principle to which Guizot was then vehemently
+opposed, though he was afterwards its incarnation--the subservience of
+the Ministry and of the Parliament to the King. In that house of 450
+members, there were 220 placemen; 200 were the slaves of the King. They
+received from him their orders; from time to time, in obedience to those
+orders, they even opposed his Ministers.
+
+'This, however, seldom occurred, for the King contrived always to have a
+devoted majority in his Cabinet.
+
+'It was this that drove the Duc de Broglie from the Government and
+prevented his ever resuming office.
+
+'"I could not bear," he said to me, "to hear Sebastiani repeat, in every
+council and on every occasion, 'Ce que le Roi vient de dire est
+parfaitement juste.'" The only Ministers that ventured to have an opinion
+of their own were those of the 12th of May 1839, of which Dufaure,
+Villemain, and Passy were members, and that of the 1st of March 1840, of
+which Thiers was the leader; and Tocqueville supported them both.
+
+'When Guizot, who had maintained the principle of Ministerial and
+Parliamentary, in opposition to that of Monarchical Governments, with
+unequalled eloquence, vigour, and I may add violence, suddenly turned
+round and became the most servile member of the King's servile majority,
+Tocqueville fell back into opposition.
+
+'In general it is difficult to act with an opposition systematically and,
+at the same time, honestly. For the measures proposed by a Government
+are, for the most part, good. But, during the latter part of Louis
+Philippe's reign, it was easy, for the Government proposed merely to do
+nothing--either abroad or at home. I do not complain of the essence of M.
+Guizot's foreign policy, though there was a want of dignity in its forms.
+
+'There was nothing useful to be done, and, under such circumstances, all
+action would have been mischievous.
+
+'But at home _every_ thing was to be done. Our code required to be
+amended, our commerce and our industry, and our agriculture required to
+be freed, our municipal and commercial institutions were to be created,
+our taxation was to be revised, and, above all, our parliamentary
+system--under which, out of 36,000,000 of French, only 200,000 had votes,
+under which the Deputies bought a majority of the 200,000 electors, and
+the King bought a majority of the 450 deputies--required absolute
+reconstruction.
+
+'Louis Philippe would allow nothing to be done. If he could have
+prevented it we should not have had a railroad. He would not allow the
+most important of all, that to Marseilles, to be finished. He would not
+allow our monstrous centralisation, or our monstrous protective system,
+to be touched. The owners of forests were permitted to deprive us of
+cheap fuel, the owners of forges of cheap iron, the owners of factories
+of cheap clothing.
+
+'In some of this stupid inaction Guizot supported him conscientiously,
+for, like Thiers, he is ignorant of the first principles of political
+economy, but he knows too much the philosophy of Government not to have
+felt, on every other point, that the King was wrong.
+
+'If he supposed that Tocqueville wished to be in his place, on the
+conditions on which he held office, he was utterly mistaken.
+
+'Tocqueville was ambitious; he wished for power. So did I. We would
+gladly have been real Ministers, but nothing would have tempted us to be
+the slaves of the _pensée immuable_, or to sit in a Cabinet in which we
+were constantly out-voted, or to defend, as Guizot had to do in the
+Chamber, conduct which we had disapproved in the Council.
+
+'You ask why Tocqueville joined the Gauche whom he despised, against the
+Droit with whom he sympathised?
+
+'He voted with the Gauche only where he thought their votes right. Where
+he thought them wrong, as, for instance, in all that respected Algeria,
+he left them. They would have abandoned the country, and, when that
+could not be obtained, they tried to prevent the creation of the port.
+
+'Very early, however, in his parliamentary life, he had found that an
+independent member--a member who supporting no party is supported by no
+party---is useless. He allowed himself therefore to be considered a
+member of the Gauche; but I never could persuade him to be tolerably
+civil to them. Once, after I had been abusing him for his coldness to
+them, he shook hands with Romorantin, then looked towards me for my
+applause, but I doubt whether he ever shook hands with him again. In
+fact almost his only point of contact with them was their disapprobation
+of the inactivity of Louis Philippe. Many of them were Bonapartists like
+Abbatucci and Romorantin. Some were Socialists, some were Republicans;
+the majority of them wished to overthrow the Monarchy, and the minority
+looked forward with indifference to its fall.
+
+'They hated him as much as he did them, much more indeed, for his mind
+was not formed for hatred. They excluded him from almost all committees.'
+
+'Would it not have been wise in him,' I asked, 'to retire from the
+Chamber during the King's life, or at least until it contained a party
+with whom he could cordially act?'
+
+'Perhaps,' said Beaumont, 'that would have been the wisest course for
+him--and indeed for me. I entered the Chamber reluctantly. All my family
+were convinced that a political man not in the Chamber was nothing. So
+I let myself be persuaded. Tocqueville required no persuasion, he was
+anxious to get in, and when in it was difficult to persuade oneself to go
+out. We always hoped for a change. The King might die, or he might be
+forced--as he had been forced before--to submit to a liberal Ministry
+which might have been a temporary cure, or even to a Parliamentary reform
+which might have been a complete cure. Duchâtel, who is a better
+politician than Guizot, was superseding him in the confidence of the King
+and of the Chamber.
+
+'In fact, the liberal Ministry and Parliamentary reform did come at last,
+though not until it was too late to save the Monarchy.
+
+'If Tocqueville had retired in disgust from the Chamber of Deputies, he
+might not have been a member of the Constituent, or of the Legislative
+Assembly. This would have been a misfortune--though the shortness of the
+duration of the first, and the hostility of the President during the
+second, and also the state of his health, prevented his influencing the
+destinies of the Republic as much as his friends expected him to do, and
+indeed as he expected himself.'
+
+'I have often,' I said, 'wondered how you and Tocqueville, and the other
+eminent men who composed the committee for preparing the Constitution,
+could have made one incapable of duration, and also incapable of change.'
+
+'What,' he asked, 'are the principal faults which you find in the
+Constitution?'
+
+'First,' I said, 'that you gave to your President absolute authority over
+the army, the whole patronage of the most centralised and the most
+place-hunting country in the world, so that there was not one of your
+population of 36,000,000 whose interests he could not seriously affect;
+and, having thus armed him with irresistible power, you gave him the
+strongest possible motives to employ it against the Constitution by
+turning him out at the end of his four years, incapable of re-election,
+unpensioned and unprovided for, so that he must have gone from the Élysée
+Bourbon to a debtor's prison.
+
+'Next, that, intending your President to be the subordinate Minister of
+the Assembly, you gave him the same origin, and enabled him to say, "I
+represent the people as much as you do, indeed much more. They _all_
+voted for me, only a fraction of them voted for any one of you." Then
+that origin was the very worst that could possibly be selected, the votes
+of the uneducated multitude; you must have foreseen that they would give
+you a demagogue or a charlatan. The absence of a second Chamber, and the
+absence of a power of dissolution, are minor faults, but still serious
+ones. When the President and the Assembly differed, they were shut up
+together to fight it out without an umpire.'
+
+'That we gave the President too much power,' said Beaumont, 'the event
+has proved. But I do not see how, in the existing state of feeling in
+France, we could have given him less. The French have no self-reliance.
+They depend for everything on their administrators. The first revolution
+and the first empire destroyed all their local authorities and also their
+aristocracy. Local authorities may be gradually re-created, and an
+aristocracy may gradually arise, but till these things have been done the
+Executive must be strong.
+
+'If he had been re-eligible, our first President would virtually have
+been President for life. Having decided that his office should be
+temporary, we were forced to forbid his immediate re-election.
+
+'With respect to his being left unprovided for, no man who had filled the
+office decently would have been refused an ample provision on quitting
+it. As for this man, no provision that we could have made for him, if we
+had given him three or four millions a year, would have induced him to
+give up what he considered a throne which was his by descent. He swore to
+the Constitution with an _idée fixe _to destroy it. He attempted to do so
+on the 29th of January 1849, not two months after his election.
+
+'I agree with you that the fault of the Constitution was that it allowed
+the President to be chosen by universal suffrage; and that the fault of
+the people was that they elected a pretender to the throne, whose
+ambition, rashness, and faithlessness had been proved.
+
+'No new Constitution can work if the Executive conspires against it. But
+deliberating and acting in the midst of _émeutes_, with a Chamber and a
+population divided into half a dozen hostile factions, the two Royalist
+parties hating one another, the Bonapartists bent on destroying all
+freedom, and the Socialists all individual property, what could we do? My
+wish and Tocqueville's was to give the election to the Chamber. We found
+that out of 650 members we could not hope that our proposition would be
+supported by more than 200. You think that we ought to have proposed two
+Chambers. The great use of two Chambers is to strengthen the Executive
+by enabling it to play one against the other; but we felt that our
+Executive was dangerously strong, and we believed, I think truly, that a
+single Chamber would resist him better than two could do. The provision
+which required more than a bare majority for the revision of the
+Constitution was one of those which we borrowed from America. It had
+worked well there. In the general instability we wished to have one
+anchor, one mooring ring fixed. We did not choose that the whole
+framework of our Government should be capable of being suddenly destroyed
+by a majority of one, in a moment of excitement and perhaps by a
+parliamentary surprise.
+
+'With respect to your complaint that, there being no power of
+dissolution, there was no means of taking the opinion of the people, the
+answer is, that to give the President power of dissolution would have
+been to invite him to a _coup d'état._ With no Chamber to watch him, he
+would have been omnipotent.
+
+'I agree with you that the Constitution was a detestable one. But even
+now, looking back to the times, and to the conditions under which we made
+it, I do not think that it was in our power to make a good one.'
+
+'Tocqueville,' I said, 'told me that Cormenin was your Solon, that he
+brought a bit of constitution to you every morning, and that it was
+usually adopted.'[1]
+
+'Tocqueville's memory,' answered Beaumont, 'deceived him. Cormenin was
+our president. It is true that he brought a bit of constitution every
+morning. But it scarcely ever was adopted or capable of being adopted.
+It was in general bad in itself, or certain to be rejected by the
+Assembly. He wished to make the President a puppet. But he exercised over
+us a mischievous influence. He tried to revenge himself for our refusal
+of all his proposals by rendering our deliberations fruitless. And as
+the power of a president over a deliberative body is great, he often
+succeeded.
+
+'Many of our members were unaccustomed to public business and lost their
+tempers or their courage when opposed. The Abbé Lamennais proposed a
+double election of the president. But of thirty members, only four, among
+whom were Tocqueville and I, supported him. He left the committee and
+never returned to it. Tocqueville and I were anxious to introduce double
+election everywhere. It is the best palliative of universal suffrage.'
+
+'The double election,' I said, 'of the American President is nugatory.
+Every elector is chosen under a pledge to nominate a specified
+candidate.'
+
+'That is true,' said Beaumont, 'as to the President, but not as to the
+other functionaries thus elected. The senators chosen by double election
+are far superior to the representatives chosen by direct voting.
+
+'We proposed, too, to begin by establishing municipal institutions. We
+were utterly defeated. The love of centralisation is almost inherent in
+French politicians. They see the evil of local government--its stupidity,
+its corruption, its jobbing. They see the convenience of
+centralisation--the ease with which a centralised administration works.
+Feelings which are really democratic have reached those who fancy
+themselves aristocrats. We had scarcely a supporter.
+
+'We should perhaps have a few now, when experience has shown that
+centralisation is still more useful to an usurper than it is to a regular
+Government.'
+
+[Footnote 1: See Vol. I. p. 212.--ED.]
+
+
+_August_ 18.--We drove in the afternoon to the coast, and sat in the
+shade of the little ricks of sea-weed, gazing on an open sea as blue as
+the Mediterranean.
+
+We talked of America.
+
+'I can understand,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'the indignation of the
+North against you. It is, of course, excessive, but they had a right to
+expect you to be on their side in an anti-slavery war.'
+
+'They had no right,' I said, 'to expect from our Government anything but
+absolute neutrality.'
+
+'But you need not,' she replied, 'have been so eager to put the South on
+the footing of belligerents.'
+
+'On what other footing,' I asked, 'could we put them? On what other
+footing does the North put them? Have they ventured, or will they
+venture, to hang a single seceder?'
+
+'At least,' she said, 'you might have expressed more sympathy with the
+North?'
+
+'I think,' I answered, 'that we have expressed as much sympathy as it was
+possible to feel. We deplore the combat, we hold the South responsible
+for it, we think their capricious separation one of the most foolish and
+one of the most wicked acts that have ever been committed; we hope that
+the North will beat them, and we should bitterly regret their forcing
+themselves back into the Union on terms making slavery worse, if
+possible, than it is now. We wish the contest to end as quickly as
+possible: but we do not think that it can end by the North subjugating
+the Southerns and forcing them to be its subjects.
+
+'The best termination to which we look forward as possible, is that the
+North should beat the South, and then dictate its own terms of
+separation.
+
+'If they wish to go farther than this, if they wish us to love or to
+admire our Northern cousins in their political capacity, they wish for
+what is impossible.
+
+'We cannot forget that the Abolitionists have been always a small and
+discredited party; that the Cuba slave trade is mainly carried on from
+New York; that they have neglected the obligations formally entered
+into by them with us to co-operate in the suppression of the slave trade;
+that they have pertinaciously refused to allow us even to inquire into
+the right of slavers to use the American flag; that it is the capital of
+the North which feeds the slavery of the South; that the first act of the
+North, as soon as the secession of the South from Congress allowed it to
+do what it liked, was to enact a selfish protective tariff; that their
+treatment of us, from the time that they have felt strong enough to
+insult us, has been one unvaried series of threats, bullying, and injury;
+that they have refused to submit their claims on us to arbitration,
+driven out our ambassadors, seized by force on disputed territory, and
+threatened war on every pretence.'
+
+'It is true,' said Beaumont, 'that during the last twenty years American
+diplomacy has not been such as to inspire affection or respect But you
+must recollect that during all that time America has been governed by the
+South.'
+
+'It is true,' I said, 'that the presidents have generally been Southerns,
+but I am not aware that the North has ever disavowed their treatment of
+us. This is certain, that throughout the Union, insolence to England has
+been an American statesman's road to popularity.'
+
+
+_Monday., August _19.--We walked in the afternoon over the commons
+overlooking the sea, and among the shady lanes of this well-wooded
+country.
+
+We came on a group of about twelve or thirteen reapers taking their
+evening meal of enormous loaves of brown bread, basins of butter, and
+kegs of cider.
+
+M. Roussell, the farmer in whose service they were, was sitting among
+them. He was an old friend and constituent of Tocqueville, and for thirty
+years was Maire of Tocqueville. He has recently resigned. He rose and
+walked with us to his house.
+
+'I was required,' he said, 'to support the prefect's candidate for the
+_Conseil général_. No such proposition was ever made to me before. I
+could not submit to it. The prefect has been unusually busy of late. The
+schoolmaster has been required to send in a list of the peasants whose
+children, on the plea of poverty, receive gratuitous education. The
+children of those who do not vote with the prefect are to have it no
+longer.'
+
+I asked what were the wages of labour.
+
+'Three francs and half a day,' he said, 'during the harvest, with
+food--which includes cider. In ordinary times one franc a day with food,
+or a franc and a half without food.'
+
+'It seems then,' I said, 'that you can feed a man for half a franc a
+day?'
+
+'He can feed himself,' said M. Roussell, 'for that, but I cannot, or for
+double that money.'
+
+The day labourer is generally hired only for one day. A new bargain is
+made every day.
+
+The house was not uncomfortable, but very untidy. There are no ricks,
+everything is stored in large barns, where it is safe from weather, but
+terribly exposed to vermin.
+
+A bright-complexioned servant-girl was in the kitchen preparing an
+enormous bowl of soup, of which bread, potatoes, and onions were the
+chief solid ingredients.
+
+'Roussell,' said Beaumont, 'is superior to his class. In general they are
+bad politicians. It is seldom difficult to get their votes for the
+nominee of the prefect. They dislike to vote for anyone whom they know,
+especially if he be a gentleman, or be supported by the gentry. Such a
+candidate excites their democratic envy and suspicion. But the prefect is
+an abstraction. They have never seen him, they have seldom heard of his
+name or of that of his candidate, and therefore they vote for him.
+
+'Lately, however, in some of my communes, the peasants have adapted a new
+practice, that of electing peasants. I suspect that the Government is not
+displeased.
+
+'The presence of such members will throw discredit on the _Conseils
+généraux_, and, if they get there, on the _Corps législatif,_ much to the
+pleasure of our democratic master, and they will be easily bribed or
+frightened. Besides which the fifteen francs a day will be a fortune to
+them, and they will be terrified by the threat of a dissolution. I do not
+think that even yet we have seen the worst of universal suffrage.'
+
+'What influence,' I asked, 'have the priests?'
+
+'In some parts of France,' said Beaumont, 'where the people are
+religious, as is the case here, much. Not much in the north-east, where
+there is little religion; and in the towns, where there is generally no
+religion, their patronage of a candidate would ruin him. I believe that
+nothing has so much contributed to Louis Napoleon's popularity with the
+_ouvriers_ as his quarrel with the Pope. You may infer the feelings of
+the lower classes in Paris from his cousin's conduct.'
+
+'I study Prince Napoleon,' said Ampère, 'with interest, for I believe
+that he will be the successor.'
+
+'If Louis Napoleon,' I said, 'were to be shot tomorrow, would not the
+little prince be proclaimed?'
+
+'Probably,' said Ampere, 'but with Jérôme for regent, and I doubt whether
+the regency would end by the little Napoleon IV. assuming the sceptre.
+
+'Louis Napoleon himself does not expect it. He often says that, in
+France, it is more than two hundred years since a sovereign has been
+succeeded by his son.
+
+'On the whole,' continued Ampère, 'I had rather have Jérôme than Louis
+Napoleon. He has more talent and less prudence. He would bring on the
+crisis sooner.
+
+'On the 31st of October, 1849,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'I was in
+Louis Napoleon's company, and he mentioned some matter on which he wished
+to know my husband's opinion. I could not give it. "It does not much
+signify," he answered, "for as I see M. de Tocqueville every day, I will
+talk to him about it myself." At that very time, the _ordonnance_
+dismissing M. de Tocqueville had been signed, and Louis Napoleon knew
+that he would probably never see him again.'
+
+'I do not,' said Ampere, 'give up the chance of a republic. I do not wish
+for one. It must be a very bad constitutional monarchy which I should not
+prefer to the best republic. My democratic illusions are gone. France and
+America have dispelled them: but it must be a very bad republic which I
+should not prefer to the best despotism. A republic is like a fever,
+violent and frightful, but not necessarily productive of organic
+mischief. A despotism is a consumption: it degrades and weakens, and
+perverts all the vital functions.
+
+'What is there now in France worth living for? I find people proud of our
+Italian campaign. Why should the French be proud that their master's
+soldiers have been successful in a war as to which they were not
+consulted; which, in fact, they disapproved, which was not made for their
+benefit, which was the most glaring proof of their servility and
+degradation? We knew before that our troops were better than the
+Austrians. What have we gained by the additional example of their
+superiority?
+
+'I fear,' I said, 'that a republic, at least such a republic as you are
+likely to have, would begin by some gross economical enormities--by the
+_droit au travail_, by the _impôt progressif sur la fortune présumtée_,
+by a paper currency made a legal tender without limitation of its
+amount.'
+
+'The last republic,' said Ampere, 'did some of these things, but very
+timidly and moderately. It gave to its paper a forced currency, but was
+so cautious in its issue, that it was not depreciated. It created the
+_ateliers nationaux,_ but it soon dissolved them, though at the expense
+of a civil war. Its worst fault was more political than economical: it
+was the 45 centimes, that is to say, the sudden increase by 45 per cent,
+of the direct taxes. It never recovered that blow. Of all its acts it
+is the one which is best recollected. The Provisional Government is known
+in the provinces as "ces gredins des quarante-cinq centimes." The
+business of a revolutionary government is to be popular. It ought to
+reduce taxation, meet its expenditure by loans, abolish octrois and
+prohibitions, and defer taxation until it has lasted long enough to be
+submitted to as a _fait accompli_.'
+
+'I fear,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'that our working classes are in a
+much worse frame of mind than they were in 1848. Socialist opinions--the
+doctrine that the profits of capitalists are so much taken fraudulently
+or oppressively from the wages of labourers, and that it is unjust that
+one man should have more of the means of happiness than another--are
+extending every day. The workpeople believe that the rich are their
+enemies and that the Emperor is their friend, and that he will join them
+in an attempt to get their fair share, that is, an equal share, of the
+property of the country--and I am not sure that they are mistaken.'
+
+'Nor am I,' said Beaumont '_Celui-ci_ fully sympathises with their
+feelings, and I do not think that he has intelligence enough to see the
+absurdity of their theories.'
+
+'You do not deny him,' I said, 'intelligence?'
+
+'Not,' said Beaumont, 'for some purposes, and to some extent, practical
+intelligence. His ends are bad, but he is often skilful in inventing and
+pertinacious in employing means for effecting those bad ends. But I
+deny him theoretic intelligence. I do not think that he has comprehension
+or patience to work out, or even to follow, a long train of reasoning;
+such a train as that by which economical errors and fallacies are
+detected.'
+
+'Are there strikes,' I asked, 'among your workmen?'
+
+'They are beginning,' said Beaumont. 'We have had one near us, and the
+authorities were afraid to interfere.'
+
+'I suppose,' I said, that they are illegal?'
+
+'They are illegal,' he answered, 'and I think that they ought to be so.
+They are always oppressive and tyrannical. The workman who does not join
+in a strike is made miserable. They are generally mischievous to
+the combined workmen themselves, and always to those of other trades.
+Your toleration of them appears to me one of the worst symptoms of your
+political state of health. It shows among your public men an ignorance or
+a cowardice, or a desire of ill-earned popularity, which is generally a
+precursor of a democratic revolution.'
+
+'It is certain,' said Ampère, 'that the masters are becoming afraid of
+their workmen. Péreire brings his from their residences to the Barrière
+Malesherbes in carriages. You are not actually insulted in the streets
+of Paris, but you are treated with rude neglect. A _fiacre_ likes to
+splash you, a _paveur_ to scatter you with mud. Louis Napoleon began with
+Chauvinism. He excited all the bad international passions of the
+multitude. He has now taken up Sansculotteism. Repulsed with scorn and
+disgust by the rich and the educated, he has thrown himself on the poor
+and ignorant The passions with which he likes to work are envy,
+malignity, and rapacity.
+
+'I do not believe that he feels them. He is what is called a good-natured
+man. That is to say, he likes to please everyone that he sees. But his
+selfishness is indescribable.
+
+'No public interest stands in the way of his slightest caprice. He often
+puts me in mind of Nero. With the same indifference to the welfare of
+others with which Nero amused himself by burning down Rome, he is amusing
+himself by pulling down Paris.'
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+ * * * * * *
+
+[We left Tocqueville on the following day with great regret The same
+party was never to meet again--the only survivors are Madame de Beaumont
+and myself and the Beaumonts' son, then a very intelligent boy of ten
+years old.
+
+One day my father and I visited the little green churchyard on a cliff
+near the sea where Tocqueville is buried. The tomb is a plain grey stone
+slab--on it a cross is cut in bas-relief, with these words only:--
+
+ICI REPOSE
+
+ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+NÉ 24 FEVRIER 1805. MORT 16 AVRIL 1859.
+
+My father laid a wreath of _immortelles_ on the tomb.--ED.]
+
+
+APPENDIX.
+
+MONTALEMBERT'S speech was afterwards published in the _Moniteur_ but with
+considerable alterations. In Mr. Senior's journal in 1854 (which has not
+been published), he says, under the date of April 26, I called on
+Montalembert and took him my report of his speech. He has promised to add
+to it any notes that it may require. "The printed report," he said, "is
+intentionally falsified. Before it was struck off I asked to see the
+proofs. I was told that, as such an application was new, the President of
+the Bureau would meet and decide on its admissibility. They decided that
+it could not be granted."'
+
+[The following is Mr. Senior's report, with M. de Montalembert's own
+corrections and additions in French.--ED.]
+
+At length Montalembert rose. He stood near the extreme right, with his
+side towards the tribune, and his face towards the centre gallery, in
+which I sat. His voice and delivery are so good, and the house was so
+silent, that I did not lose a word. I believe that the following report
+is a tolerably accurate abridgment of his speech.
+
+'Gentlemen, I must begin by expressing to you my deep gratitude for the
+attention which you have paid to this unhappy business. I am grieved at
+having occasioned the waste of so much public time. I am still more
+grieved at having been the occasion of division among my colleagues.'
+
+[_Note by Montalember_.--'J'aurais voulu faire plus qu'exprimer le
+regret: j'aurais voulu me prêter à tous les arrangements qui m'ont été
+suggérés par des voix amies pour mettre un terme à cette discussion. Je
+n'aurais reculé devant aucun sacrifice qui eût été compatible avec
+l'honneur. Mais vous comprenez tous que sous le coup d'une poursuite,
+d'un danger, je ne puis rien désavouer, rien rétracter, rien retirer de
+ce que j'ai écrit, de ce que j'ai pensé. Si j'agissais autrement il vous
+resterait un collègue absous, mais déshonoré et dont vous ne sauriez que
+faire.']
+
+'More than all I am grieved when I think of the time at which this has
+occurred. A time when we are engaged in an honourable and serious war--a
+war in which, with the great and faithful ally whom I have always
+desired, and the sympathy of all Europe, we are defending civilisation
+against an enemy, barbarous indeed, but so formidable as to require our
+undivided energy and our undivided attention.
+
+But you must recollect _when_ that letter was written. It was in last
+September, in profound peace, when our whole thoughts were employed, and
+were properly employed, on our internal affairs.
+
+'Aujourd'hui il en est autrement; l'état de guerre impose à tous les
+citoyens des devoirs spéciaux: il doit aussi imposer un certain frein à
+l'esprit de critique. Aucun Français, quel que soit sa foi politique, ne
+peut vouloir discréditer le pouvoir des dissidents, des mécontents, mais
+il n'y a plus d'émigrés, ni à l'intérieur, ni à l'extérieur.'
+
+[_Note by N.W. Senior._--This seems to be an allusion to a passage in
+Thiers's celebrated speech of the 17th of February, 1851. 'I1 ne faut
+émigrer, ni au dehors, ni au dedans.']
+
+['J'aurais su contenir les sentiments les plus passionés de mon âme,
+plutôt que de paraître affaiblir en quoi que ce soit la main qui porte
+l'épée et le drapeau de la France. Ce n'est pas toutefois que j'admette
+que toute liberté de parole ou de presse soit incompatible avec l'état de
+guerre. L'Angleterre a conservé toutes ses libertés en faisant la guerre
+aux plus redoutables ennemis: aujourd'hui encore l'opposition, d'accord
+avec le gouvernement sur la question extérieure, maintient les
+résistances et les critiques à l'intérieur. Et certes personne ne dira
+que l'Angleterre, pour avoir conservé la liberté de discussion la plus
+entière, n'ait pas déployé pour le moins autant de prévoyance et
+d'énergie que nous dans la conduite de la guerre où nous entrons. Il n'y
+a que les nations où la vie publique circule dans toutes les veines du
+corps social, qui sachent résister aux épreuves et aux chances d'une
+guerre prolongée. La liberté de la contradiction centuple le prix d'une
+libre adhésion; et à force de mettre une sourdine à toutes les émotions
+du pays, il faut prendre garde qu'on ne se trouve un jour dans
+l'impossibilité de faire vibrer les cordes les plus essentielles quand le
+moment des dangers et des sacrifices sera arrivé.']
+
+'I deeply regret the publication of that letter. But with that
+publication I repeat that I am utterly unconnected. I never sanctioned
+it, I never wished for it, I never even thought it possible. There are
+passages in the letter itself which I might modify if I were to re-write
+it, but it would rather be by adding to them than by taking from them.
+Two accusations have been directed against its substance. One that it is
+hostile to the Emperor; the other that it is hostile to this assembly. No
+one who knows my character, and knows my history, will believe that I can
+have intended to injure the Emperor. Our relations have been such as to
+make it impossible.
+
+['J'ai eu l'occasion de défendre le chef actuel de l'État dans des
+circonstances infiniment difficiles, et où rien n'était plus douteux que
+le succès. Je ne prétends pas l'avoir constitué par cela mon débiteur,
+car en le défendant, je ne voulais servir, comme toujours, que la
+justice, l'intérêt du pays, la liberté modérée qui se personnifiaient en
+lui à mes yeux, mais enfin, aux yeux du public il est mon obligé, et je
+ne suis pas le sien. Si j'avais eu la pensée d'offenser publiquement
+l'Empereur, et si j'y avais cédé, nous serions _quittes_. Or, je tiens
+beaucoup à ce que nous ne le soyons pas. Il n'y aurait pour moi ni
+honneur ni avantage à ce changement de position. Tous les hommes de bon
+goût, tous les coeurs délicats, me comprendront.']
+
+'It is equally impossible that I should have wished to offend this
+assembly. It contains men by whose sides I have fought the great battles
+of property and law. I love many of its members. I respect almost all. If
+I have offended any, it was done unconsciously. Again, it is said that
+the tone of my letter is violent. Expressions may be called violent by
+some which would be only called _passionnés_ by others. Now I admit that
+I am _passionné_. It is in my nature. I owe to that quality much of my
+merit, whatever that merit may be. Were I not _passionné_, I should not
+have been, during all my life, _la sentinelle perdue de la liberté_. I
+should not have thrown myself into every breach: sometimes braving the
+attacks of anarchy, sometimes heading the assault on tyranny, and
+sometimes fighting against the worst of all despotisms, the despotism
+that is based on democracy.'
+
+['Allons plus au fond, et vous reconnaîtrez que les opinions énoncées
+dans la lettre ne sont autres que celles toujours professées par moi.
+Elles peuvent toutes se ramener à une seule, à mon éloignement pour le
+pouvoir absolu. Je ne l'aime pas: je ne l'ai jamais aimé. Si j'ai tant
+combattu l'anarchie avant et après 1848, si j'ai suscité contre moi dans
+le parti démagogique ces haines virulentes qui durent encore et qui ne
+perdent jamais une occasion d'éclater contre moi, c'est parce que j'ai
+compris de bonne heure les affinités naturelles du despotisme et de la
+démocratie; c'est parce que j'ai prévu et prédit que la démocratie nous
+conduirait au pouvoir absolu. Oui, je crois, comme je l'ai dit, que le
+despotisme abaisse les caractères, les intelligences, les consciences.
+Oui, je déplore le système qui rend un seul homme tout-puissant et seul
+responsable des destinées d'une nation de 36 millions d'hommes; et trouve
+que cela ressemble trop au gouvernement russe, contre lequel nous allons
+en guerre, et trop peu au gouvernement anglais, dont nous prisons si haut
+l'alliance.']
+
+'I am told again, and the accusation is sanctioned by the _réquisitoire_
+of the Procureur-Général, that my letter is inconsistent with the
+fidelity which I have sworn to the Emperor and to the constitution. When
+a man swears fidelity to a sovereign and to a constitution, his oath
+engages him only as to matters within his own power. He swears not to
+conspire against them. He swears not to attempt to subvert them. He
+cannot swear to approve the acts of the sovereign, or the working of the
+constitution, for he cannot foresee what either of them will be. I have
+kept, and I shall keep, my oath to the Emperor and my oath to the
+constitution. I have not attempted, and I shall not attempt, to overthrow
+either of them. But my approbation of either of them does not depend on
+me. I accepted the _coup d'état_, comme vous l'avez tous fait, comme
+notre seule chance de salut dans les circonstances d'alors. I expected
+a Government _honnête et modéré_. I have been disappointed.'
+
+Here a violent exclamation ran through the assembly. Baroche rose and
+cried out, 'You hear him, gentlemen. He says that he expected honesty and
+moderation from the Government, and that he has been disappointed. I
+appeal to you, Mr. President, to decide whether we are to sit and listen
+to such infamies.'
+
+[Voix diverses:--'Expliquez vos paroles.' 'Retirez vos paroles.' M. de
+Montalembert.--'Je les maintiens et je les explique.']
+
+'I expected _un gouvernement honnête et modéré_. I have been
+disappointed. Its _honnêté_ may be judged by the confiscation of the
+Orleans property.'
+
+Here was another hubbub, and another protest of Baroche's.
+
+'What is going on before you,' continued Montalembert, 'is a sample of
+its moderation. It is now attempting in my person to introduce into our
+criminal law a new _délit_, "communication." Until now it was supposed
+that nothing was criminal until it was published. It was believed that a
+man might write his opinions and his reflections, and might exchange them
+with his friends; that nothing was libellous that was confidential. _Now_
+this Government holds a man responsible for every thought that an
+indiscreet or an incautious friend, or a concealed enemy, or a tool of
+power reveals. If it succeeds in this attempt, it will not rest satisfied
+with this victory over the remnant of our freedom. It is not in the
+nature of things that it should. A Government that will not tolerate
+censure must forbid discussion. You are now asked to put down writing.
+When that has been done, conversation will be attacked. Paris will
+resemble Rome under the successors of Augustus. Already this prosecution
+has produced a _malaise_ which I never felt or observed before. What will
+be the feelings of the nation when all that is around it is concealed,
+when every avenue by which light could penetrate is stopped; when we are
+exposed to all the undefined terrors and exaggerated dangers that
+accompany utter darkness? The misfortune of France, a national defect
+which makes the happiness enjoyed by England unattainable by us, is, that
+she is always oscillating between extremes; that she is constantly
+swinging from universal conquest to _la paix à tout prix_, from the
+desire of nothing but glory to the desire of nothing but wealth, from the
+wildest democracy to the most abject servility. Every new Government
+starts with a new principle. Every Government in a few years perishes by
+carrying that principle to an extreme. The First Republic was destroyed
+by the intemperance with which it trampled on every sort of tradition and
+authority, the First Empire by its abuse of victory and war, the
+Restoration by its exaggerated belief in divine right and legitimacy, the
+Royalty of July by its exaggerated reliance on purchased voters and
+Parliamentary majorities, the Second Republic by the conduct of its own
+Republicans. The danger to the Second Empire--its only internal danger,
+but I fear a fatal one--is its abuse of authority. With every phase of
+our sixty years' long revolution, we have a new superstition, a new
+_culte_. We are now required to become the worshippers of authority. I
+lament that with the new religion we have not new priests. Our public men
+would not be discredited by instantaneous apostasy from one political
+faith to another. I am grieved, gentlemen, if I offend you; though many
+of you are older in years than I am, not one probably is so old in public
+life. I may be addressing you for the last time, and I feel that my last
+words ought to contain all the warnings that I think will be useful to
+you. This assembly will soon end, as all its predecessors have ended. Its
+acts, its legislation, may perish with it, but its reputation, its fame,
+for good or for evil, will survive. Within a few minutes you will do an
+act by which that reputation will be seriously affected; by which it may
+be raised, by which it may be deeply, perhaps irrevocably, sunk. Your
+vote to-night will show whether you possess freedom, and whether you
+deserve it. As for myself, I care but little. A few months, or even
+years, of imprisonment are among the risks which every public man who
+does his duty in revolutionary times must encounter, and which the first
+men of the country have incurred, _soit en sortant des affaires, soit
+avant d'y entrer_. But whatever may be the effect of your vote on _my_
+person, whatever it may be on _your_ reputation, I trust that it is not
+in your power to inflict permanent injury on my country. Among you are
+some who lived through the Empire. They must remember that the soldiers
+of our glorious army cherished as fondly the recollection of its defeats
+as of its victories. They must see that the lessons which those defeats
+taught, and the feelings which they inspired, are now among the sources
+of our military strength. Your Emperor himself, in one of his earlier
+addresses, talked hopefully of the period when France would be capable of
+more liberty than he now thinks good for her, "Un jour," he exclaimed,
+"mon oeuvre sera couronnée par la liberté." I join in that hope. I look
+sanguinely towards the time when she will be worthy of the English
+constitution, and she will obtain it. Vous tenez le corps de la France,
+mais vous ne tenez pas son âme. Cette âme, aujourd'hui effrayée,
+engourdie, endormie, cette âme c'est la liberté. Elle se réveillera un
+jour et vous échappera. La certitude de ce réveil suffit pour consoler et
+fortifier ses vieux et fidèles soldats à traverser la nuit de l'épreuve.
+Cette liberté honnête et modérée, sage et sainte, j'y ai toujours cru, et
+j'y crois encore. Je l'ai toujours servie, toujours aimée, toujours
+invoquée, tantôt pour la religion, tantôt pour le pays; hier contre le
+socialisme, aujourd'hui contre un commencement de despotisme; et, quelle
+que soit votre décision, je me féliciterai toujours d'avoir eu cette
+occasion solennelle de la confesser encore une fois devant vous, et, s'il
+le faut, de souffrir un peu pour elle.'
+
+These concluding words were drowned in universal murmurs.
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Correspondence & Conversations of
+Alexis de Tocqueville with Nassau William Senior from 1834 to 1859, Vol. 2, by Alexis de Tocqueville
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 13333 ***
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Correspondence & Conversations of Alexis de
+Tocqueville with Nassau William Senior from 1834 to 1859, Vol. 2, by Alexis de Tocqueville
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
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+
+
+Title: Correspondence & Conversations of Alexis de Tocqueville with Nassau William Senior from 1834 to 1859, Vol. 2
+
+Author: Alexis de Tocqueville
+
+Release Date: August 30, 2004 [EBook #13333]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TOCQUEVILLE, VOL 2 ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by G. Graustein and PG Distributed Proofreaders. Produced
+from images provided by the Million Book Project.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+_CORRESPONDENCE & CONVERSATIONS OF_ ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE
+
+WITH NASSAU WILLIAM SENIOR
+
+FROM 1834 TO 1859
+
+
+EDITED BY
+
+M.C.M. SIMPSON
+
+
+_IN TWO VOLUMES VOLUME II_
+
+
+LONDON: HENRY S. KING & Co., 65 CORNHILL 1872
+
+
+ * * * * *
+
+CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME
+
+_Journal_ 1851-2.
+
+The army master of France
+Comparison with the 18th Brumaire
+Aggressive acts of the President
+Coup d'État planned for March 1852
+Socialism leads to despotism
+War necessary to maintain Louis Napoleon
+State prisoners on December 2
+Louis Napoleon's devotion to the Pope
+Latent Bonapartism of the French
+President's reception at Notre Dame
+Frank hypocrites
+Mischievous public men
+Extradition of Kossuth
+January 29, 1849
+Stunner's account of it contradicted
+The Second Napoleon a copy of the First
+Relies on Russian support
+Compulsory voting
+Life of a cavalry officer
+Victims of the Coup d'État
+
+
+_Letters in_ 1852-3.
+
+Effect of the Orleans confiscation on the English
+Firmness of Prussia
+Mr. Greg's writings
+Communication from Schwartzenberg
+New Reform Bill
+Democracy or aristocracy
+Reform Bill not wanted
+Twenty-five thousand men at Cherbourg
+Easier to understand Lord Derby than Lord John
+Preparations at Cherbourg a delusion
+Conversation with King Leopold
+No symptoms of aristocratic re-action in England
+England's democratic tendencies
+Idleness of young aristocrats
+Death of Protection
+Revolutions leading to masquerades
+Tory reforms
+Imperial marriage
+New Reform Bill a blunder
+
+_Journal in_ 1853.
+
+Prosperity in Paris
+Dangers incurred by overbuilding
+Discharged workmen effect Revolutions
+Probable monetary panic
+Empire can be firmly established only by a successful war
+Agents undermining the Empire
+Violence and corruption of the Government
+Growing unpopularity of Louis Napoleon
+Consequences of his death
+He probably will try the resource of war
+Conquest would establish his power
+War must produce humiliation or slavery to France
+Corruption is destroying the army and navy
+Emperor cannot tolerate opposition
+Will try a plebiscite
+
+_Letters in_ 1853.
+
+Blackstone a mere lawyer
+Feudal institutions in France and England
+Gentleman and Gentilhomme
+Life of seclusion
+Interference of police with letters
+Mrs. Crete's conversations at St. Cyr
+Great writers of the eighteenth century
+Political torpor unfavourable to intellectual product
+English not fond of generalities
+Curious archives at Tours
+Frightful picture they present
+Sufficient to account for the Revolution of 1789
+La Marck's memoir of Mirabeau
+Court would not trust Mirabeau
+The elder Mirabeau influenced by Revolution
+Revolution could not have been averted
+Works of David Hume
+Effect of intolerance of the press
+Honesty and shortsightedness of La Fayette
+Laws must be originated by philosophers
+Carried into effect by practical men
+Napoleon carried out laws
+Too fond of centralisation
+Country life destroyed by it
+Royer Collard
+Danton
+Madame Tallien
+Tocqueville independent of society
+Studious and regular life
+Influence of writers as compared with active politicians
+
+_Journal in_ 1854.
+
+Criticism of the Journals
+The speakers generally recognised
+Aware that they were being reported
+The Legitimists
+Necessity of Crimean War
+Probable management of it
+English view of the Fusion
+Bourbons desire Constitutional Government
+Socialists would prefer the Empire
+They rejoiced in the Orleans confiscation
+Empire might be secured by liberal institutions
+Policy of G.
+English new Reform Bill
+Dangers of universal suffrage
+Baraguay d'Hilliers and Randon
+Lent in the Provinces
+Chenonceaux
+Montalembert's speech
+Cinq Mars
+Appearance of prosperity
+_Petite culture_ in Touraine
+Tyranny more mischievous than civil war
+Centralisation of Louis XIV. a means of taxation
+Under Louis Napoleon, centralisation more powerful than ever
+Power of the Préfet
+Courts of Law tools of the Executive
+Préfet's candidate must succeed
+Empire could not sustain a defeat
+Loss of aristocracy in France
+Napoleon estranged Legitimists by the murder of the Duc d'Enghien
+Louis Philippe attempted to govern through the middle classes
+Temporary restoration of aristocratic power under the republic
+Overthrown by the second Empire
+Legitimists inferior to their ancestors
+Dulness of modern society and books
+Effects of competition
+
+_Letters in_ 1854-5.
+
+Tocqueville attends the Academy
+Proposed visit to Germany
+Return to France
+English adulation of Louis Napoleon
+Mismanagement of Crimean War
+Continental disparagement of England
+Necessity for a conscription in England
+Disastrous effects of the war for English aristocracy
+Peace premature
+
+_Journals in_ 1855.
+
+Effects of the Emperor going to the Crimea
+Prince Napoleon
+Discontent in England
+Disparagement of England
+Austria alone profited by Crimean War
+Despotism of Louis Napoleon consolidated by it
+Centralisation in Algeria
+Criticism of Mr. Senior's Article
+Places Louis Napoleon too high
+English alliances not dependent on the Empire
+Louis Napoleon will covet the Rhine
+Childish admiration of Emperor by British public
+Real friends of England are the friends of her institutions
+
+
+_Extracts from Mr. Senior's Article_.
+
+Description of political parties
+Imperialists
+Legitimists
+Orleanists
+Orleanist-Fusionists form the bulk of the Royalists
+Legitimists unfit for public life
+Republican party not to be despised
+Parliamentarians
+Desire only free institutions
+No public opinion expressed in the Provinces
+Power of Centralisation
+Increased under Louis Philippe
+Power of the Préfet
+Foreign policy of Louis Napoleon
+Of former French Sovereigns
+Invasion of Rome prepared in 1847
+Eastern question, a legacy from Louis Philippe
+Fault as an administrator
+Mismanagement of the war
+His Ministers mere clerks
+Free institutions may secure his throne
+English Alliance
+Russian influence
+Revolutions followed by despotism
+Lessons taught by history
+
+
+_Letters in_ 1855-6.
+
+Tocqueville burns his letter
+Conversation of May 28
+Amusing letters from the Army
+Enjoyment of home
+Fall of Sebastopol
+Cost of the war
+Russia dangerous to Europe
+How to restrain her
+Progress in the East
+No public excitement in France
+
+
+_Journal in 1856_.
+
+The 'Ancien Régime'
+Master of Paris, Master of France
+Opposition to Suez Canal
+Mischievous effect of English Opposition
+Expenditure under the Empire
+Effect of Opposition to the Suez Canal
+Tripartite Treaty
+'Friponnerie' of the Government
+Tripartite Treaty
+Suez Canal
+French floating batteries
+Fortifications of Malta
+Emperor's orders to Canrobert
+A campaign must be managed on the spot
+
+
+_Letters in_ 1856-7.
+
+The 'Ancien Régime'
+King 'Bomba'
+American Rebellion
+Lord Aberdeen on the Crimean War
+Eccentricities of English public men
+Remedy for rise in house-rent
+The rise produced by excessive public works
+Dulness of Paris
+Mr. Senior's Journal in Egypt
+Chinese war
+
+
+_Journal in_ 1857.
+
+Flatness of society in Paris
+Dexterity of Louis Napoleon
+Is maintained by the fear of the 'Rouges'
+Due de Nemours' letter
+Tocqueville disapproves of contingent promises
+Empire rests on the army and the people
+Slavery of the Press
+Public speaking in France
+English and French speakers
+American speakers
+Length of speeches
+French public men
+Lamartine
+Falloux
+Foreign French
+Narvaez and Kossuth
+French conversers
+Montalembert
+Monsieur, Madame, and Mademoiselle
+Tu and vous
+Feeling respecting heretics
+Prejudices of the Ancien Régime
+French poetry
+Fashion in Literature
+Montalembert's changes of opinion
+Increasing population of Paris
+Its dangerous character
+No right to relief
+Sudden influx of workmen
+Soldiers likely to side with the people
+Lamoricière's heroism
+June 1848
+French army
+National characteristics
+Change in French only apparent
+Martin's History of France
+He is a centraliser and an absolutist
+Secret police
+
+_Letters in_ 1857-8.
+
+Reception in England
+Indian Mutiny
+Financial question
+Unpopularity of England
+Law of Public Safety
+
+_Journal in_ 1858.
+
+Talleyrand as a writer
+English ignorance of French affairs
+Change of feeling respecting Louis Napoleon
+'Loi de sureté publique'
+Manner in which it has been carried out
+Deportation a slow death
+Influence of 'hommes de lettres'
+French army
+Russian army
+French navy
+Napoleon indifferent to the navy
+Mr. Senior's Athens journal
+Otho and Louis Napoleon
+Qualities which obtain influence
+Character of Louis Napoleon
+Tocqueville's comments on the above conversation
+Tocqueville on Novels
+Intellectual and moral inferiority of the age
+Education of French women
+'Messe d'une heure'
+Influence of Madame Récamier
+Duchesse de Dino
+
+_Letters in_ 1858-9.
+
+Failing health
+Mr. Senior's visit to Sir John Boileau
+Promise of Lord Stanley
+Character of Guizot
+Spectacle afforded by English Politics
+Tocqueville at Cannes
+Louis Napoleon's loss of popularity
+Death of Alexis de Tocqueville
+Grief it occasioned in England
+
+_Journal at Tocqueville in_ 1861.
+
+Madame de Tocqueville house at Valognes
+Chateau de Tocqueville
+Beaumont on Italian affairs
+Piedmontese unpopular with the lower classes
+Popular with the higher classes in Naples
+Influence of Orsini
+Subjection of the French
+Effect of Universal Suffrage
+Causes which may overthrow Louis Napoleon
+Popularity of a war with England
+Condition of the Roman people
+Different sorts of courage in different nations
+Destructiveness of war not found out at first
+Effect of service on conscript
+Expenditure of Louis Napoleon
+Forebodings of the Empress
+Prince Napoleon
+Ampère on Roman affairs
+Inquisition
+Infidelity
+Mortara affair
+Torpor of Roman Government
+Interference with marriages
+Ampère expects Piedmont to take possession of Rome
+Does not think that Naples will submit to Piedmont
+Wishes of Naples only negative
+Ampère's reading
+Execution of three generations
+Familiarity with death in 1793
+Sanson
+Public executioners
+The 'Chambre noire'
+Violation of correspondence
+Toleration of Ennui
+Prisoners of State
+M. and Madame de La Fayette
+Mirabeau and La Fayette
+Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette
+Evils of Democratic despotism
+Ignorance and indolence of 'La jeune France'
+Algeria a God-send
+Family life in France
+Moral effect of Primogeniture
+Descent of Title
+Shipwreck off Gatteville
+Ampère reads 'Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme'
+The modern Nouveau Riche
+Society under the Republic
+Madame Récamier
+Chateaubriand and Madame Mohl
+Ballanche
+Extensiveness of French literature
+French and English poetry
+The 'Misanthrope'
+Tocqueville's political career
+Under Louis Philippe in 1835
+Independence
+In 1839 and 1840
+Opposition to Guizot
+Inaction of Louis Philippe
+Tocqueville would not submit to be a minister without power
+Mistaken independence of party
+Could not court popularity
+Reform came too late
+Faults in the Constitution
+Defence of the Constitution
+Tocqueville wished for a double election of the President
+Centralisation useful to a usurper
+England in the American War
+Defence of England
+Politics of a farmer
+Wages in Normandy
+Evils of Universal Suffrage
+Influence of the clergy
+Prince Napoleon
+Constitutional monarchy preferable to a republic
+Republic preferable to a despotism
+Probable gross faults of a republic
+Evils of socialist opinions
+Mischievous effects of strikes
+Mistaken tolerance of them in England
+Tocqueville's tomb
+
+ * * * * *
+
+APPENDIX.
+
+Mr. Senior's report of M. de Montalembert's speech in 1854
+
+
+
+TOCQUEVILLE DURING THE EMPIRE
+
+FROM DECEMBER 23, 1851 TO APRIL 20, 1858.
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS
+
+PARIS, 1851-2.
+
+[The _coup d'état_ took place on the 2nd, and Mr. Senior reached Paris on
+the 21st of December.--ED.]
+
+
+_Paris, December_ 23, 1851.--I dined with Mrs. Grot and drank tea with
+the Tocquevilles.
+
+[1]'This,' said Tocqueville, 'is a new phase in our history. Every
+previous revolution has been made by a political party. This is the first
+time that the army has seized France, bound and gagged her, and laid her
+at the feet of its ruler.'
+
+'Was not the 18th fructidor,' I said, 'almost a parallel case? Then, as
+now, there was a quarrel between the executive and the legislature. The
+Directory, like Louis Napoleon, dismissed the ministers, in whom the
+legislature had confidence, and appointed its own tools in their places,
+denounced the legislature to the country, and flattered and corrupted the
+army. The legislature tried the usual tactics of parliamentary
+opposition, censured the Government, and refused the supplies. The
+Directory prepared a _coup d'état._ The legislature tried to obtain a
+military force, and failed; they planned an impeachment of the Directory,
+and found the existing law insufficient. They brought forward a new law
+defining the responsibility of the executive, and the night after they
+had begun to discuss it, their halls were occupied by a military force,
+and the members of the opposition were seized in the room in which they
+had met to denounce the treason of the Directory.'
+
+'So far,' he answered, 'the two events resemble one another. Each was a
+military attack on the legislature by the executive. But the Directors
+were the representatives of a party. The Councils and the greater part of
+the aristocracy, and the _bourgeoisie_, were Bonapartists; the lower
+orders were Republican, the army was merely an instrument; it conquered,
+not for itself, but for the Republican party.
+
+'The 18th brumaire was nearer to this--for that ended, as this has begun,
+in a military tyranny. But the 18th brumaire was almost as much a civil
+as a military revolution. A majority in the Councils was with Bonaparte.
+Louis Napoleon had not a real friend in the Assembly. All the educated
+classes supported the 18th brumaire; all the educated classes repudiate
+the 2nd of December. Bonaparte's Consular Chair was sustained by all the
+_élite_ of France. This man cannot obtain a decent supporter.
+Montalembert, Baroche, and Fould--an Ultramontane, a country lawyer, and
+a Jewish banker--are his most respectable associates. For a real parallel
+you must go back 1,800 years.'
+
+I said that some persons, for whose judgment I had the highest respect,
+seemed to treat it as a contest between two conspirators, the Assembly
+and the President, and to think the difference between his conduct and
+theirs to be that he struck first.
+
+'This,' said Tocqueville, 'I utterly deny. He, indeed, began to conspire
+from November 10, 1848. His direct instructions to Oudinot, and his
+letter to Ney, only a few months after his election, showed his
+determination not to submit to Parliamentary Government. Then followed
+his dismissal of Ministry after Ministry, until he had degraded
+the·office to a clerkship. Then came the semi-regal progress, then the
+reviews of Satory, the encouragement of treasonable cries, the selection
+for all the high appointments in the army of Paris of men whose infamous
+characters fitted them to be tools. Then he publicly insulted the
+Assembly at Dijon, and at last, in October, we knew that his plans were
+laid. It was then only that we began to think what were our means of
+defence, but that was no more a conspiracy than it is a conspiracy in
+travellers to look for their pistols when they see a band of robbers
+advancing.
+
+'M. Baze's proposition was absurd only because it was impracticable. It
+was a precaution against immediate danger, but if it had been voted, it
+could not have been executed. The army had already been so corrupted,
+that it would have disregarded the orders of the Assembly. I have often
+talked over our situation with Lamoricière and my other military friends.
+We saw what was coming as clearly as we now look back to it; but we had
+no means of preventing it.'
+
+'But was not your intended law of responsibility,' I said, 'an attack on
+your part?'
+
+'That law,' he said, 'was not ours. It was sent up to us by the _Conseil
+d'État_ which had been two years and a half employed on it, and ought to
+have sent it to us much sooner. We thought it dangerous--that is to say,
+we thought that, though quite right in itself, it would irritate the
+President, and that in our defenceless state it was unwise to do so. The
+_bureau_, therefore, to which it was referred refused to declare it
+urgent: a proof that it would not have passed with the clauses which,
+though reasonable, the President thought fit to disapprove. Our
+conspiracy was that of the lambs against the wolf.
+
+'Though I have said,' he continued, 'that he has been conspiring ever
+since his election, I do not believe that he intended to strike so soon.
+His plan was to wait till next March when the fears of May 1852 would be
+most intense. Two circumstances forced him on more rapidly. One was the
+candidature of the Prince de Joinville. He thought him the only dangerous
+competitor. The other was an agitation set on foot by the Legitimists in
+the _Conseils généraux_ for the repeal of the law of May 31. That law was
+his moral weapon against the Assembly, and he feared that if he delayed,
+it might be abolished without him.'
+
+'And how long,' I asked, 'will this tyranny last?'
+
+'It will last,' he answered, 'until it is unpopular with the mass of the
+people. At present the disapprobation is confined to the educated
+classes. We cannot bear to be deprived of the power of speaking or of
+writing. We cannot bear that the fate of France should depend on the
+selfishness, or the vanity, or the fears, or the caprice of one man, a
+foreigner by race and by education, and of a set of military ruffians and
+of infamous civilians, fit only to have formed the staff and the privy
+council of Catiline. We cannot bear that the people which carried the
+torch of Liberty through Europe should now be employed in quenching all
+its lights. But these are not the feelings of the multitude. Their insane
+fear of Socialism throws them headlong into the arms of despotism. As in
+Prussia, as in Hungary, as in Austria, as in Italy, so in France, the
+democrats have served the cause of the absolutists. May 1852 was a
+spectre constantly swelling as it drew nearer. But now that the weakness
+of the Red party has been proved, now that 10,000 of those who are
+supposed to be its most active members are to be sent to die of hunger
+and marsh fever in Cayenne, the people will regret the price at which
+their visionary enemy has been put down. Thirty-seven years of liberty
+have made a free press and free parliamentary discussion necessaries to
+us. If Louis Napoleon refuses them, he will be execrated as a tyrant. If
+he grants them, they must destroy him. We always criticise our rulers
+severely, often unjustly. It is impossible that so rash and wrong-headed
+a man surrounded, and always wishing to be surrounded, by men whose
+infamous character is their recommendation to him, should not commit
+blunders and follies without end. They will be exposed, perhaps
+exaggerated by the press, and from the tribune. As soon as he is
+discredited the army will turn against him. It sympathises with the
+people from which it has recently been separated and to which it is soon
+to return. It will never support an unpopular despot. I have no fears
+therefore for the ultimate destinies of my country. It seems to me that
+the Revolution of the 2nd of December is more dangerous to the rest of
+Europe than it is to us. That it ought to alarm England much more than
+France. _We_ shall get rid of Louis Napoleon in a few years, perhaps in a
+few months, but there is no saying how much mischief he may do in those
+years, or even in those months, to his neighbours.'
+
+'Surely,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'he will wish to remain at peace
+with England.'
+
+'I am not sure at all of that,' said Tocqueville. 'He cannot sit down a
+mere quiet administrator. He must do something to distract public
+attention; he must give us a substitute for the political excitement
+which has amused us during the last forty years. Great social
+improvements are uncertain, difficult, and slow; but glory may be
+obtained in a week. A war with England, at its beginning, is always
+popular. How many thousand volunteers would he have for a "pointe" on
+London?
+
+'The best that can happen to you is to be excluded from the councils of
+the great family of despots. Besides, what is to be done to amuse these
+400,000 bayonets, _his_ masters as well as ours? Crosses, promotions,
+honours, gratuities, are already showered on the army of Paris. It has
+already received a thing unheard of in our history--the honours and
+recompenses of a campaign for the butchery on the Boulevards. Will not
+the other armies demand their share of work and reward? As long as the
+civil war in the Provinces lasts they may be employed there. But it will
+soon be over. What is then to be done with them? Are they to be marched
+on Switzerland, or on Piedmont, or on Belgium? And will England quietly
+look on?'
+
+Our conversation was here interrupted by the entrance of the Abbé
+Gioberti, and of Sieur Capponi, a Sicilian.
+
+_Paris, December_ 31, 1851.--I dined with the Tocquevilles and met Mrs.
+Grote, Rivet, and Corcelle.
+
+'The gayest time,' said Tocqueville, 'that I ever passed was in the Quai
+d'Orsay. The _élite_ of France in education, in birth, and in talents,
+particularly in the talents of society, was collected within the walls of
+that barrack.
+
+'A long struggle was over, in which our part had not been timidly played;
+we had done our duty, we had gone through some perils, and we had some to
+encounter, and we were all in the high spirits which excitement and
+dangers shared with others, when not too formidable, create. From the
+courtyard in which we had been penned for a couple of hours, where the
+Duc de Broglie and I tore our chicken with our hands and teeth, we were
+transferred to a long sort of gallery, or garret, running along through
+the higher part of the building, a spare dormitory for the soldiers when
+the better rooms are filled. Those who chose to take the trouble went
+below, hired palliasses from the soldiers, and carried them up for
+themselves. I was too idle and lay on the floor in my cloak. Instead of
+sleeping we spent the night in shooting from palliasse to palliasse
+anecdotes, repartees, jokes, and pleasantries. "C'était un feu roulant,
+une pluie de bons mots." Things amused us in that state of excitement
+which sound flat when repeated.
+
+'I remember Kerrel, a man of great humour, exciting shouts of laughter by
+exclaiming, with great solemnity, as he looked round on the floor,
+strewed with mattresses and statesmen, and lighted by a couple of tallow
+candles, "Voilà donc où en est réduit ce fameux parti de l'ordre." Those
+who were kept _au secret_, deprived of mutual support, were in a very
+different state of mind; some were depressed, others were enraged. Bédeau
+was left alone for twenty-four hours; at last a man came and offered him
+some sugar. He flew at his throat and the poor turnkey ran off, fancying
+his prisoner was mad.'
+
+We talked of Louis Napoleon's devotion to the Pope.
+
+'It is of recent date,' said Corcelle. 'In January and February 1849 he
+was inclined to interfere in support of the Roman Republic against the
+Austrians. And when in April he resolved to move on Rome, it was not out
+of any love for the Pope. In fact, the Pope did not then wish for us. He
+told Corcelle that he hoped to be restored by General Zucchi, who
+commanded a body of Roman troops in the neighbourhood of Bologna. No
+one at that time believed the Republican party in Rome to be capable of a
+serious defence. Probably they would not have made one if they had not
+admitted Garibaldi and his band two days before we appeared before their
+gates.'
+
+I mentioned to Tocqueville Beaumont's opinion that France will again
+become a republic.
+
+'I will not venture,' he answered, 'to affirm, with respect to any form
+whatever of government, that we shall never adopt it; but I own that I
+see no prospect of a French republic within any assignable period. We
+are, indeed, less opposed to a republic now than we were in 1848. We have
+found that it does not imply war, or bankruptcy, or tyranny; but we still
+feel that it is not the government that suits us. This was apparent from
+the beginning. Louis Napoleon had the merit, or the luck, to discover,
+what few suspected, the latent Bonapartism of the nation. The 10th of
+December showed that the memory of the Emperor, vague and indefinite, but
+therefore the more imposing, still dwelt like an heroic legend in the
+imaginations of the peasantry. When Louis Napoleon's violence and folly
+have destroyed the charm with which he has worked, all eyes will turn,
+not towards a republic, but to Henri V.'
+
+'Was much money,' I asked, 'spent at his election?'
+
+'Very little,' answered Tocqueville. 'The ex-Duke of Brunswick lent him
+300,000 francs on a promise of assistance as soon as he should be able to
+afford it; and I suppose that we shall have to perform the promise, and
+to interfere to restore him to his duchy; but that was all that was
+spent. In fact he had no money of his own, and scarcely anyone, except
+the Duke, thought well enough of his prospects to lend him any. He used
+to sit in the Assembly silent and alone, pitied by some members and
+neglected by all. Silence, indeed, was necessary to his success.
+
+_Paris, January 2nd_, 1852.--I dined with Mrs. Grote and drank tea with
+the Tocquevilles.
+
+'What is your report,' they asked, 'of the President's reception in Notre
+Dame. We hear that it was cold.'
+
+'So,' I answered, 'it seemed to me.'
+
+'I am told,' said Tocqueville, 'that it was still colder on his road. He
+does not shine in public exhibitions. He does not belong to the highest
+class of hypocrites, who cheat by frankness and cordiality.'
+
+'Such,' I said, 'as Iago. It is a class of villains of which the
+specimens are not common.'
+
+'They are common enough with us,' said Tocqueville. 'We call them _faux
+bonshommes_. H. was an instance. He had passed a longish life with the
+character of a frank, open-hearted soldier. When he became Minister, the
+facts which he stated from the tribune appeared often strange, but coming
+from so honest a man we accepted them. One falsehood, however, after
+another was exposed, and at last we discovered that H. himself, with all
+his military bluntness and sincerity, was a most intrepid, unscrupulous
+liar.
+
+'What is the explanation,' he continued, 'of Kossuth's reception in
+England? I can understand enthusiasm for a democrat in America, but what
+claim had he to the sympathy of aristocratic England?'
+
+'Our aristocracy,' I answered, 'expressed no sympathy, and as to the
+mayors, and corporations, and public meetings, they looked upon him
+merely as an oppressed man, the champion of an oppressed country.'
+
+'I think,' said Tocqueville, 'that he has been the most mischievous man
+in Europe.'
+
+'More so,' I said, 'than Mazzini? More so than Lamartine?'
+
+At this instant Corcelle came in.
+
+'We are adjusting,' said Tocqueville, 'the palm of mischievousness.'
+
+'I am all for Lamartine,' answered Corcelle; 'without him the others
+would have been powerless.'
+
+'But,' I said, 'if Lamartine had never existed, would not the revolution
+of 1848 still have occurred?'
+
+'It would have certainly occurred' said Tocqueville; 'that is to say, the
+oligarchy of Louis Philippe would have come to an end, probably to a
+violent one, but it would have been something to have delayed it; and it
+cannot be denied that Lamartine's eloquence and courage saved us from
+great dangers during the Provisional Government. Kossuth's influence was
+purely mischievous. But for him, Austria might now be a constitutional
+empire, with Hungary for its most powerful member, a barrier against
+Russia instead of her slave.'
+
+'I must put in a word,' said Corcelle,[2] 'for Lord Palmerston. If
+Lamartine produced Kossuth, Lord Palmerston produced Lamartine and
+Mazzini and Charles Albert--in short, all the incendiaries whose folly
+and wickedness have ended in producing Louis Napoleon.'
+
+'Notwithstanding,' I said, 'your disapprobation of Kossuth, you joined us
+in preventing his extradition.'
+
+'We did,' answered Tocqueville. 'It was owing to the influence of Lord
+Normanby over the President. It was a fine _succès de tribune_. It gave
+your Government and ours an occasion to boast of their courage and of
+their generosity, but a more dangerous experiment was never made. You
+reckoned on the prudence and forbearance of Austria and Russia. Luckily,
+Nicholas and Nesselrode are prudent men, and luckily the Turks sent to
+St. Petersburg Fuad Effendi, an excellent diplomatist, a much better than
+Lamoricière or Lord Bloomfield. He refused to see either of them,
+disclaimed their advice or assistance, and addressed himself solely to
+the justice and generosity of the Emperor. He admitted that Russia was
+powerful enough to seize the refugees, but implored him not to set such
+an example, and--he committed nothing to paper. He left nothing, and took
+away nothing which could wound the pride of Nicholas; and thus he
+succeeded.
+
+'Two days after, came a long remonstrance from Lord Palmerston, which
+Lord Bloomfield was desired to read to Nesselrode, and leave with him. A
+man of the world, seeing that the thing was done, would have withheld an
+irritating document. But Bloomfield went with it to Nesselrode.
+Nesselrode would have nothing to say to it. "Mon Dieu!" he said, "we
+have given up all our demands; why tease us by trying to prove that we
+ought not to have made them?" Bloomfield said that his orders were
+precise. "Lisez donc," cried Nesselrode, "mais il sera très-ennuyeux."
+Before he had got half through Nesselrode interrupted him. "I have heard
+all this," he said, "from Lamoricière, only in half the number of words.
+Cannot you consider it as read?" Bloomfield, however, was inexorable.'
+
+I recurred to a subject on which I had talked to both of them before--the
+tumult of January 29, 1849.
+
+'George Sumner,' I said, 'assures me that it was a plot, concocted by
+Faucher and the President, to force the Assembly to fix a day for its
+dissolution, instead of continuing to sit until it should have completed
+the Constitution by framing the organic laws which, even on December 2
+last, were incomplete. He affirms that it was the model which was
+followed on December 2; that during the night the Palais Bourbon was
+surrounded by troops; that the members were allowed to enter, but were
+informed, not publicly, but one by one, that they were not to be allowed
+to separate until they had fixed, or agreed to fix, the day of their
+dissolution; and that under the pressure of military intimidation, the
+majority, which was opposed to such a dissolution, gave way and consented
+to the vote, which was actually carried two days after.'
+
+'No such proposition was made to me,' said Tocqueville, 'nor, as far as I
+know, to anybody else; but I own that I never understood January 29. It
+is certain that the Palais Bourbon, or at least its avenues, were taken
+possession of during the night; that there was a vast display of military
+force, and also of democratic force; that the two bodies remained _en
+face_ for some time, and that the crowd dispersed under the influence of
+a cold rain.'
+
+'I too,' said Corcelle, 'disbelieve Sumner's story. The question as to
+the time of dissolution depended on only a few votes, and though it is
+true that it was voted two days after, I never heard that the military
+demonstration of January 29 accelerated the vote. The explanation which
+has been made to me is one which I mentioned the other day, namely, that
+the President complained to Changarnier, who at that time commanded the
+army of Paris, that due weight seemed not to be given to his 6,000,000
+votes, and that the Assembly appeared inclined to consider him a
+subordinate power, instead of the _Chef d'État_, to whom, not to the
+Assembly, the nation had confided its destinies. In short, that the
+President indicated an intention to make a _coup d'etat_, and that the
+troops were assembled by Changarnier for the purpose of resisting it, if
+attempted, and at all events of intimidating the President by showing him
+how quickly a force could be collected for the defence of the Assembly.'
+
+_Sunday, January_ 4.--I dined with the Tocquevilles alone. The only
+guest, Mrs. Grote, who was to have accompanied me, being unwell.
+
+'So enormous,' said Tocqueville, 'are the advantages of Louis Napoleon's
+situation, that he may defy any ordinary enemy. He has, however, a most
+formidable one in himself. He is essentially a copyist. He can originate
+nothing; his opinions, his theories, his maxims, even his plots, all are
+borrowed, and from the most dangerous of models--from a man who, though
+he possessed genius and industry such as are not seen coupled, or indeed
+single, once in a thousand years, yet ruined himself by the extravagance
+of his attempts. It would be well for him if he would utterly forget all
+his uncle's history. He might then trust to his own sense, and to that of
+his advisers. It is true that neither the one nor the other would be a
+good guide, but either would probably lead him into fewer dangers than a
+blind imitation of what was done fifty years ago by a man very unlike
+himself, and in a state of society both in France and in the rest of
+Europe, very unlike that which now exists.'
+
+Lanjuinais and Madame B., a relation of the family, came in.
+
+Lanjuinais had been dining with Kissileff the Russian Minister. Louis
+Napoleon builds on Russian support, in consequence of the marriage of his
+cousin, the Prince de Lichtenstein, to the Emperor's daughter. He calls
+it an _alliance de famille_, and his organs the 'Constitutionnel' and the
+'Patrie' announced a fortnight ago that the Emperor had sent to him the
+Order of St. Andrew, which is given only to members of the Imperial
+family, and an autograph letter of congratulation on the _coup d'état_.
+
+Kissileff says that all this is false, that neither Order nor letter has
+been sent, but he has been trying in vain to get a newspaper to insert a
+denial. It will be denied, he is told, when the proper moment comes.
+
+'It is charming,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'to see the Emperor of
+Russia, like ourselves, forced to see his name usurped without redress.'
+
+Madame B. had just seen a friend who left his country-house, and came to
+Paris without voting, and told those who consulted him that, in the
+difficulties of the case, he thought abstaining was the safest course.
+Immediately after the poll was over the Prefect sent to arrest him for
+_malveillance_, and he congratulated himself upon being out of the way.
+
+One of Edward de Tocqueville's sons came in soon after; his brother, who
+is about seventeen, does duty as a private, has no servant, and cleans
+his own horse; and is delighted with his new life. That of our young
+cavalry officers is somewhat different. He did not hear of the _coup
+d'état_ till a week after it had happened.
+
+'Our regiments,' said Lanjuinais, 'are a kind of convents. The young men
+who enter them are as dead to the world, as indifferent to the events
+which interest the society which they have left, as if they were monks.
+This is what makes them such fit tools for a despot.'
+
+
+_Thursday, January 8, 1852_.--From Sir Henry Ellis's I went to
+Tocqueville's.
+
+[3]'In this darkness,' he said, 'when no one dares to print, and few to
+speak, though we know generally that atrocious acts of tyranny are
+perpetrated everyday, it is difficult to ascertain precise facts, so I
+will give you one. A young man named Hypolite Magin, a gentleman by birth
+and education, the author of a tragedy eminently successful called
+"Spartacus," was arrested on the 2nd of December. His friends were told
+not to be alarmed, that no harm was intended to him, but rather a
+kindness; that as his liberal opinions were known, he was shut up to
+prevent his compromising himself by some rash expression. He was sent to
+Fort Bicêtre, where the casemates, miserable damp vaults, have been used
+as a prison, into which about 3,000 political prisoners have been
+crammed. His friends became uneasy, not only at the sufferings which he
+must undergo in five weeks of such an imprisonment in such weather as
+this, but lest his health should be permanently injured. At length they
+found that he was there no longer: and how do you suppose that his
+imprisonment has ended? He is at this instant at sea in a convict ship on
+his way to Cayenne--untried, indeed unaccused--to die of fever, if he
+escape the horrors of the passage. Who can say how many similar cases
+there may be in this wholesale transportation? How many of those who are
+missing and are supposed to have died at the barricades, or on the
+Boulevards, may be among the transports, reserved for a more lingering
+death!'
+
+A proclamation to-day from the Prefect de Police orders all persons to
+erase from their houses the words 'Liberté,' 'Êgalité,' and 'Fraternité'
+on pain of being proceeded against _administrativement_.
+
+'There are,' said Tocqueville, 'now three forms of procedure:
+_judiciairement, militairement_ and _administrativement._ Under the first
+a man is tried before a court of law, and, if his crime be grave, is
+sentenced to one or two years' imprisonment. Under the second he is tried
+before a drumhead court-martial, and shot. Under the third, without any
+trial at all, he is transported to Cayenne or Algiers.'
+
+I left Paris next day.
+
+
+[Footnote 1: I was not able to resist retaining this conversation in the
+_Journals in France_.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 2: It must be remembered that M. de Corcelle is an ardent Roman
+Catholic.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 3: This conversation was also retained in the _Journals in
+France_.--ED.]
+
+
+
+CORRESPONDENCE.
+
+
+
+Kensington, January 5, 1852.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--A private messenger has just offered himself to me,
+a Mr. Esmeade, who will return in about a fortnight.
+
+The debate on Tuesday night on the Palmerston question was very
+satisfactory to the Government. Lord John's speech was very well
+received--Lord Palmerston's very ill; and though the constitution of the
+present Ministry is so decidedly unhealthy that it is dangerous to
+predict any length of life to it, yet it looks healthier than people
+expected. It may last out the Session.
+
+The feeling with respect to Louis Napoleon is stronger, and it tends more
+to unanimity every day. The Orleans confiscation has, I think, almost too
+much weight given to it. After his other crimes the mere robbery of a
+single family, ruffian-like as it is, is a slight addition.
+
+I breakfasted with V. yesterday. He assures me that it is false that a
+demand of twenty millions, or any other pecuniary demand whatever, has
+been made in Belgium. Nor has anything been said as to the demolition of
+any fortresses, except those which were agreed to be dismantled in 1832,
+and which are unimportant.
+
+The feeling of the people in Belgium is excellent.
+
+Mr. Banfield, who has just returned from the Prussian provinces, says the
+same with respect to them--and Bunsen assures me that his Government will
+perish rather than give up a foot of ground. I feel better hopes of the
+preservation of peace.
+
+Thiers and Duvergier de Hauranne are much _fêtés_, as will be the case
+with all the exiles.
+
+I have been reading Fiquelmont. He is deeply steeped in all the _bêtises_
+of the commercial, or rather the anti-commercial school; and holds that
+the benefit of commerce consists not, as might have been supposed, in the
+things which are imported, but in those which are exported.
+
+These follies, however, are not worth reading; but his constitutional
+theories--his belief, for instance, that Parliamentary Government is the
+curse of Europe--are curious.
+
+The last number of the 'Edinburgh Review' contains an article on Reform
+well worth reading. It is by Greg. He wrote an admirable article in, I
+think, the April number, on Alton Locke and the English Socialists, and
+has also written a book, which I began to-day, on the Creed of
+Christendom. I have long been anxious to get somebody to do what I have
+not time to do, to look impartially into the evidences of Christianity,
+and report the result. This book does it.
+
+Lord Normanby does not return to Paris, as you probably know. No
+explanation is given, but it is supposed to be in compliance with the
+President's wishes.
+
+I have just sent to the press for the 'Edinburgh Review,' an article on
+Tronson du Coudray[1] and the 18th fructidor, which you will see in the
+April number. The greater part of it was written this time last year at
+Sorrento.
+
+Gladstone has published a new Neapolitan pamphlet, which I will try to
+send you. It is said to demolish King Ferdinand.
+
+Kindest regards to Madame de Tocqueville. We hope that you will come to
+us as soon as it is safe.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+P.S. and very private.--I have seen a communication from Schwartzenberg
+to Russia and Prussia, of the 19th December, the doctrine of which is
+that Louis Napoleon has done a great service by putting down
+parliamentaryism. That in many respects he is less dangerous than the
+Orleans, or elder branch, because they have parliamentary leanings. That
+no alteration of the existing parties must be permitted--and that an
+attempt to assume an hereditary crown should be discouraged--but that
+while it shows no aggressive propensities the policy of the Continent
+ought to be to countenance him, and _isoler_ l'Angleterre, as a _foyer_
+of constitutional, that is to say, anarchical, principles.
+
+Bunsen tells me that in October his King was privately asked whether he
+was ready to destroy the Prussian Constitution--and that he peremptorily
+refused.
+
+Look at an article on the personal character of Louis Napoleon in the
+'Times' of Monday. It is by R----, much built out of my conversation and
+Z.'s letters.
+
+I have begged Mr. Esmeade to call on you--you will like him. He is a
+nephew of Sir John Moore.
+
+
+
+[2]Kensington, March 19, 1852.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--I was very glad to see your hand again--though
+there is little in French affairs on which liberals can write with
+pleasure.
+
+Ours are become very interesting. Lord John's declaration, at the meeting
+the other day in Chesham Place, that he shall introduce a larger reform,
+and surround himself with more advanced adherents, and Lord Derby's, on
+Monday, that he is opposed to all democratic innovation, appear to me to
+have changed the position of parties. The question at issue is no longer
+Free-trade or Protection. Protection is abandoned. It is dead, never to
+revive. Instead of it we are to fight for Democracy, or Aristocracy. I
+own that my sympathies are with Aristocracy: I prefer it to either
+Monarchy or Democracy. I know that it is incident to an aristocratic
+government that the highest places shall be filled by persons chosen not
+for their fitness but for their birth and connections, but I am ready to
+submit to this inconvenience for the sake of its freedom and stability.
+I had rather have Malmesbury at the Foreign Office, and Lord Derby first
+Lord of the Treasury, than Nesselrode or Metternich, appointed by a
+monarch, or Cobden or Bright, whom I suppose we should have under a
+republic. But above all, I am for the winning horse. If Democracy is to
+prevail I shall join its ranks, in the hope of making its victory less
+mischievous.
+
+I wish, however, that the contest had not been forced on. We were very
+well, before Lord John brought in his Reform Bill, which nobody called
+for, and I am not at all sure that we shall be as well after it has
+passed.
+
+As to the immediate prospects of the Ministry, the next three weeks may
+change much, but it seems probable that they will be forced to dissolve
+in April, or the beginning of May, that the new Parliament will meet in
+July, and that they will be turned out about the end of August. And that
+this time next year we shall be discussing Lord John's new Reform Bill.
+
+I doubt whether our fears of invasion are exaggerated. At this instant,
+without doubt, Louis Napoleon is thinking of nothing but the Empire; and
+is kind to Belgium, and pacific to Switzerland in the hope of our
+recognition.
+
+But I heard yesterday from Lord Hardinge that 25,000 men are at
+Cherbourg, and that 25,000 more are going there--and that a large sum is
+devoted to the navy. We know that he governs _en conspirateur_, and this
+is likely to extend to his foreign as well as his civil relations.
+
+I see a great deal of Thiers, who is very agreeable and very _triste_.
+'L'exil,' he says, 'est très-dur.' Rémusat seems to bear it more
+patiently. We hear that we are to have Cousin.
+
+What are your studies in the Bibliothèque Royale? I have begun to read
+Bastide, and intend to make the publication of my lectures on Political
+Economy my principal literary pursuit. I delivered the last on Monday.
+
+I shall pass the first fifteen days of April in Brussels, with my old
+friend Count Arrivabene, 7 Boulevard du Régent.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+
+March 25, 1852.
+
+I send you, my dear Senior, an introduction to Lamoricière. This letter
+will be short: you know that I do not write at any length by the post.
+
+It will contain nothing but thanks for your long and interesting letter
+brought by Rivet, who returned delighted with the English in general, and
+with you in particular.
+
+I see that the disturbed state of politics occasioned by Sir Robert
+Peel's policy, is passing away, and that your political world is again
+dividing itself into the two great sects, one of which tries to narrow,
+the other to extend, the area of political power--one of which tries
+to lift you into aristocracy, the other to depress you into democracy.
+
+The political game will be simpler. I can understand better the
+conservative policy of Lord Derby than the democratic one of Lord John
+Russell. As the friends of free-trade are more numerous than those of
+democracy, I think that it would have been easier to attack the
+Government on its commercial than on its political illiberality.
+
+Then in this great nation, called Europe, similar currents of opinions
+and feelings prevail, different as may be the institutions and characters
+of its different populations. We see over the whole continent so general
+and so irresistible a reaction against democracy, and even against
+liberty, that I cannot believe that it will stop short on our side of the
+Channel; and if the Whigs become Radical, I shall not be surprised at the
+permanence in England of a Tory Government allied to foreign despots.
+
+But I ought not to talk on such matters, for I live at the bottom of a
+well, seeing nothing, and regretting that it is not sufficiently closed
+above to prevent my hearing anything. Your visions of 25,000 troops at
+Cherbourg, to be followed by 25,000 more, are mere phantoms. There is
+nothing of the kind, and there will be nothing. I speak with knowledge,
+for I come from Cherbourg. I have been attending an extraordinary meeting
+of our _Conseil général_ on the subject of a projected railway. My
+reception touched and delighted me. I was unanimously, and certainly
+freely, elected president.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+Friday evening, April 17, 1852.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--My letter is not likely to be a very amusing one,
+for I begin it on the dullest occasion and in the dullest of towns,
+namely at Ostend, while waiting for the packet-boat which is to take me
+to London.
+
+A thousand thanks for your letter to Lamoricière. He was very kind to me,
+and I hope hereafter, in Paris or in London, to improve the acquaintance.
+
+I saw no other French in Brussels. The most interesting conversation that
+I had was with the King.
+
+I found him convinced that the decree annexing Belgium to France had been
+drawn up, and that it was the interference of Nicholas, and his
+expression of a determination not to suffer the existing temporal limits
+to be altered, that had occasioned it to be withdrawn. I am happy,
+however, to think, as you also appear to think, that your great man is
+now intent on peaceful triumphs.
+
+He would scarcely have created such a mass of speculative activity in
+France if he intended suddenly to check it by war. I hope that by the
+time Masters in Chancery are abolished, I shall find France intersected
+by a network of railroads and run from Paris to Marseilles in a day.
+
+I venture to differ from you as to the probable progress of reaction in
+England. I see no symptom of it; on the contrary, democracy seems to me
+to continue its triumphant march without a check. The Protectionists are
+in power, they take for their leader in the House of Commons a man
+without birth or connection, merely because he is a good speaker. This
+could not have been done even ten years ago. They bow to the popular will
+as to free-trade, and acknowledge that, even if they have a majority in
+the Houses of Lords and Commons, they will not venture to re-impose a
+Corn-law if the people do not ask for it. Never was such a homage paid to
+the world 'without doors.'
+
+Then Lord John says that he objects to the Ballot, because those who have
+no votes have a right to know how those who have votes use them.
+
+The example of the Continent will not affect us, or if it do affect us,
+will rather strengthen our democracy. We are not accustomed to copy, and
+shall treat the reaction in France, Austria, and Prussia rather as a
+warning than as a model.
+
+I suspect that Lord John, who, though not, I think, a very wise
+statesman, is a clever tactician, takes the same view that I do, and has
+selected Reform for his platform, believing it to be a strong one.
+
+We were delighted with Rivet, and hope that he will soon come again.
+Lamoricière tells me that he is going to take the waters of
+_Aix-la-Chapelle_, but, if his exile continues, will probably come to
+England next year.
+
+Kindest regards to Madame de Tocqueville.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+
+Kensington, April 30, 1852.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--A thousand thanks for your letter.[3] I saw M. de
+Lamoricière three times, and had a glimpse of Madame de L. who seemed
+very pleasing. I was delighted with his spirit and intelligence, but
+understand the criticism that he is _soldatesque_.
+
+I had a long and very interesting conversation with the King, and saw
+much of my excellent friends Arrivabene and Quetelet. But after all
+Brussels is not Paris. I was more than ever struck by the ugliness of the
+country and the provincialness of the society.
+
+I returned on April 18, sprained my ancle on the 19th, and have been on
+my back ever since. I have spent the time in looking through Fonfrède,
+who is a remarkable writer, and makes some remarkable prophecies, in
+finishing Grote's ninth and tenth volumes, in reading Kenrick's 'Ancient
+Egypt,' which is worth studying, and in reading through Horace, whom I
+find that I understand much better after my Roman experience.
+
+I differ from you as to the chances of reaction in this country. I
+believe that we are still travelling the road which you have so well
+mapped out, which leads to democracy. Our extreme _gauche_, which we call
+the Manchester School, employs its whole efforts in that direction. It
+has great energy, activity, and combination. The duties of Parliament and
+of Government have become so onerous, and the facing our democratic
+constituencies is so disagreeable, and an idle life of society,
+literature, art, and travelling has become so pleasant, that our younger
+aristocracy seem to be giving up politics, and hence you hear the
+universal complaint that there are no young men of promise in public
+life.
+
+The House of Commons is full of middle-aged lawyers, merchants,
+manufacturers, and country-gentlemen, who take to politics late in life,
+without the early special training which fitted for it the last
+generation.
+
+I fear that the time may come when to be in the House of Commons may be
+thought a bore, a somewhat vulgar spouting club, like the Marylebone
+Vestry, or the City of London Common Council.
+
+I do not know whether Lord Derby has gained much in the last four months,
+but Lord John has certainly lost. His Reform Bill was a very crude
+_gâchis,_ without principle, and I think very mischievous. I ventured to
+say nearly as much to Lord Lansdowne, who sat by my sofa for an hour on
+Sunday, and he did not take up its defence. Then his opposition to the
+present Ministry has been factious, and to punish him, he was left the
+other day in a minority of fifty per cent. People begin now to speculate
+on the possibility of Lord Derby's reconstructing his minority on rather
+a larger basis, and maintaining himself for three or four years; which,
+in these times, is a good old age for a Minister. One admirable result of
+these changes is the death of Protection. Those who defended it in
+opposition are found to abandon it now they are in power. So it has not a
+friend left.
+
+Pray send me word, by yourself or by Mrs. Grote, when you leave Paris. My
+vacation begins on May 8, but I shall not move unless I recover the use
+of my legs, nor then I think, if I find that you will be absent.
+
+Kindest regards to Madame de Tocqueville.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+
+Paris, November 13, 1852.
+
+I am unlucky, my dear Senior, about your letters of introduction. You
+know how much I have wished and tried to make the acquaintance of Lord
+and Lady Ashburton, but without success. I should also, I am sure, have
+had great pleasure in meeting Mr. Greg.
+
+This time I was prevented by ill health.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Two or three months ago, I wrote to you from the country a letter which
+was addressed to Kensington. Did you receive it? and if so, why have you
+not answered it?
+
+I wrote upon politics, but especially I asked you about yourselves, your
+occupations and projects, some questions to which I was very anxious to
+have answers. At any rate, do now what you ought to have done then--write
+to me.
+
+I do not now write about politics, because we do not talk, or at least
+write about them in France any more than in Naples; besides, such
+subjects are not suitable to an invalid.
+
+I will only tell you, as important and authentic pieces of information,
+that the new court ladies have taken to trains and little pages, and that
+the new courtiers hunt the stag with their master in the Forest of
+Fontainebleau in dresses of the time of Louis XIV. and cocked hats.
+
+Good-bye! Heaven preserve you from the mistakes which lead to
+revolutions, and from the revolutions which lead to masquerades. A
+thousand kind regards.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+London, December 4, 1852.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--Your letter of November 13 is, I think, the first
+that I have received from you since March.
+
+That which you addressed to me at Kensington, two months ago, did not
+reach me. I have written to you one or two; I do not know with what
+success.
+
+I grieve to hear of rheumatism and pleurisy. You say nothing of Madame de
+Tocqueville, whence I hope that I may infer that she, at least, is well.
+
+We have all been flourishing. We passed the vacation in Wales and
+Ireland, and brought back a curious journal,[4] which I hope to send or
+bring to you.
+
+I do not think that I shall venture to Paris at Christmas, though Ellice
+and Thiers are trying to persuade me. I have too vivid a recollection of
+the fog, cold, and dirt of last year; but I fully resolve to be with you
+at Easter--that is, about March 24.
+
+The present Government, with all its want of principle and truth, and
+with all its want of experience, is doing much better than I expected.
+
+The law reforms are far bolder than any that _my_ friends ever proposed,
+and the budget, which was brought forward last night, contains more that
+is good, and less that is bad, than was hoped or feared.
+
+Its worst portion is the abolition of half the malt tax, which leaves all
+the expense of collection undiminished, besides being a removal of a tax
+on a luxury which I do not wish to see cheaper. It is probable, however,
+that the doubling of the house tax will be rejected, in which case
+Disraeli will probably retain the malt tax, and the budget will sink into
+a commonplace one.
+
+The removal of certain burdens on navigation and the change in the income
+tax are thought good, and generally the Government has gained by the
+budget. I am now inclined to think that it may last for some months
+longer--perhaps for some years.
+
+In the meantime we are in a state of great prosperity: high wages, great
+accumulation of capital, low prices of consumable articles, and high
+prices of stocks and land.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+
+February 27, 1853.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--I profit by Sir H. Ellis's visit to write, not
+venturing to trust the post.
+
+We are grieved to hear that both you and Madame de Tocqueville have been
+suffering. _We_ have borne this disagreeable winter better than perhaps
+we had a right to expect; but still we have suffered.
+
+Mrs. Grote tells me that you rather complain that the English newspapers
+approve of the marriage;[5] a marriage which you all disapprove.
+
+The fact is that we like the marriage precisely because you dislike it.
+We are above all things desirous that the present tyranny should end as
+quickly as possible. It can end only by the general alienation of the
+French people from the tyrant; and every fault that he commits delights
+us, because it is a step towards his fall. To say the truth, I wonder
+that you do not take the same view, and rejoice over his follies as
+leading to his destruction.
+
+Our new Government is going on well as yet. As the Opposition has turned
+law reformers, we expect law reform to go on as rapidly as is consistent
+with the slowly-innovating temper of the English. Large measures
+respecting charities, education, secondary punishments, and the transfer
+of land are in preparation, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer is at
+work on the difficult--I suspect the insoluble--problem of an equitable
+income tax. I foresee, however, a rock ahead.
+
+This is reform of the constituencies. Lord John Russell, very sillily,
+promised two years ago a new Reform Bill.
+
+Still more sillily he introduced one last year, and was deservedly turned
+out for it.
+
+Still more sillily the present Government has accepted his
+responsibility, and is pledged to bring in a measure of reform next year.
+
+I have been trying to persuade them to pave the way by a Commission of
+Inquiry, being certain that the facts on which we ought to agitate are
+imperfectly known. But Lord John is unfavourable, and the other Ministers
+do not venture to control the leader of the House of Commons. There will,
+therefore, be no previous inquiry; at least only the indirect one which
+the Government can make for itself. The measure will be concocted in
+secrecy, will be found open to unforeseen objections; it will be thrown
+out in the House, and will excite no enthusiasm in the country. If the
+Government dissolve, the new Parliament will probably be still more
+opposed to it than the present Parliament will be; and the Government,
+being beaten again, will resign.
+
+Such is my prophecy.
+
+_Prenez en acte_, and we will talk it over in May 1854.
+
+I hope to be in Paris either for the Easter or for the Whitsun
+vacation--that is, either about the 24th of March or the 5th of May
+next--and I trust to find you and Madame de Tocqueville, if not quite
+flourishing, at least quite convalescent.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+[Footnote 1: Republished in the _Biographical Sketches_. Longmans:
+1863.--ED.]
+
+
+[Footnote 2: The letter to which this is an answer is not to be
+found,--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 3: This letter is not to be found.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Published in 1868.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 5: That of the Emperor.--ED.]
+
+
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS.
+
+_Paris, May_ 9,1853.--I drank tea with the Tocquevilles. Neither of them
+is well.
+
+In February they were caught, on their journey from Tocqueville to Paris,
+by the bitter weather of the beginning of that month. It produced
+rheumatism and then pleurisy with him, and inflammation of the bowels
+with her; and both are still suffering from the effects either of the
+disorder or of the remedies.
+
+In the summer Paris will be too hot and Tocqueville too damp. So they
+have taken a small house at St. Cyr, about a mile from Tours, where they
+hope for a tolerable climate, easy access to Paris, and the use of the
+fine library of the cathedral. He entered eagerly on the Eastern
+question, and agreed on all points with Faucher; admitted the folly and
+rashness of the French, but deplored the over-caution which had led us to
+refuse interference, at least effectual interference, and to allow
+Turkey to sink into virtual subservience to Russia.
+
+_Paris, Tuesday, May_ 17.--Tocqueville and I stood on my balcony, and
+looked along the Rue de Rivoli and the Place de la Concorde, swarming
+with equipages, and on the well-dressed crowds in the gardens below. From
+the height in which we were placed all those apparently small objects, in
+incessant movement, looked like a gigantic ant-hill disturbed.
+
+'I never,' said Tocqueville, 'have known Paris so animated or apparently
+so prosperous. Much is to be attributed to the saving of the four
+previous years. The parsimony of the Parisians ended in 1850; but the
+parsimony of the provinces, always great, and in unsettled times carried
+to actual avarice, lasted during the whole of the Republic. Commercial
+persons tell me that the arrival of capital which comes up for investment
+from the provinces deranges all their calculations. It is like the sudden
+burst of vegetation which you have seen during the last week. We have
+passed suddenly from winter to summer.
+
+'I own,' he continued, 'that it fills me with alarm. Among the
+innumerable schemes that are afloat, some must be ill-founded, some must
+be swelled beyond their proper dimensions, and some may be mere swindles.
+The city of Paris and the Government are spending 150,000,000_l_. in
+building in Paris. This is almost as much as the fortifications cost. It
+has always been said, and I believe with truth, that the revolutionary
+army of 1848 was mainly recruited from the 40,000 additional workmen whom
+the fortifications attracted from the country, and left without
+employment when they were finished. When this enormous extra-expenditure
+is over, when the Louvre, and the new rue de Rivoli, and the Halles, and
+the street that is to run from the Hôtel de Ville to the northern
+boundary of Paris, are completed--that is to say, when a city has been
+built out of public money in two or three years--what will become of the
+mass of discharged workmen?
+
+'What will become of those on the railways if they are suddenly stopped,
+as yours were in 1846? What will be the shock if the Crédit Foncier or
+the Crédit Mobilier fail, after having borrowed each its milliard?
+Everything seems to me to be preparing for one of your panics, and the
+Government has so identified itself with the state of prosperity and
+state of credit of the country that a panic must produce a revolution.
+The Government claims the merit of all that is good, and of course is
+held responsible for all that is bad. If we were to have a bad harvest,
+it would be laid to the charge of the Emperor.
+
+'Of course,' he continued, 'I do not desire the perpetuation of the
+present tyranny. Its duration as a dynasty I believe to be absolutely
+impossible, except in one improbable contingency--a successful war.
+
+'But though, I repeat, I do not desire or expect the permanence of the
+Empire, I do not wish for its immediate destruction, before we are
+prepared with a substitute. The agents which are undermining it are
+sufficiently powerful and sufficiently active to occasion its fall quite
+as soon as we ought to wish for that fall.'
+
+'And what,' I said, 'are those agents?'
+
+'The principal agents,' he answered, 'are violence in the provinces and
+corruption in Paris. Since the first outbreak there has not been much
+violence in Paris. You must have observed that freedom of speech is
+universal. In every private society, and even in every _café_ hatred or
+contempt of the Government are the main topics of conversation. We are
+too numerous to be attacked. But in the provinces you will find perfect
+silence. Anyone who whispers a word against the Emperor may be
+imprisoned, or perhaps transported. The prefects are empowered by one of
+the decrees made immediately after the _coup d'état_ to dissolve any
+Conseil communal in which there is the least appearance of disaffection,
+and to nominate three persons to administer the commune. In many cases
+this has been done, and I could point out to you several communes
+governed by the prefect's nominees who cannot read. In time, of course,
+tyranny will produce corruption; but it has not yet prevailed extensively
+in the country, and the cause which now tends to depopularise him _there_
+is arbitrary violence exercised against those whom his agents suppose to
+be their enemies.
+
+'On the other hand, what is ruining him in Paris is not violence, but
+corruption.
+
+'The French are not like the Americans; they have no sympathy with
+smartness. Nothing so much excites their disgust as _friponnerie_. The
+main cause that overthrew Louis Philippe was the belief that he and his
+were _fripons_--that the representatives bought the electors, that the
+Minister bought the representatives, and that the King bought the
+Minister.
+
+'Now, no corruption that ever prevailed in the worst periods of Louis
+XV., nothing that was done by La Pompadour or the Du Barry resembles what
+is going on now. Duchâtel, whose organs are not over-acute, tells me that
+he shudders at what is forced on his notice. The perfect absence of
+publicity, the silence of the press and of the tribune, and even of the
+bar--for no speeches, except on the most trivial subjects, are allowed to
+be reported--give full room for conversational exaggeration. Bad as
+things are, they are made still worse. Now this we cannot bear. It hurts
+our strongest passion--our vanity. We feel that we are _exploités_ by
+Persigny, Fould, and Abbattucci, and a swarm of other adventurers. The
+injury might be tolerated, but not the disgrace.
+
+'Every Government in France has a tendency to become unpopular as it
+continues. If you were to go down into the street, and inquire into the
+politics of the first hundred persons whom you met, you would find some
+Socialists, some Republicans, some Orleanists, &c., but you would find no
+Louis Napoleonists. Not a voice would utter his name without some
+expression of contempt or detestation, but principally of contempt.
+
+'If then things take their course--if no accident, such as a fever or a
+pistol-shot, cut him off--public indignation will spread from Paris to
+the country, his unpopularity will extend from the people to the army,
+and then the first street riot will be enough to overthrow him.'
+
+'And what power,' I said, 'will start up in his place?'
+
+'I trust,' answered Tocqueville, 'that the reins will be seized by the
+Senate. Those who have accepted seats in it excuse themselves by saying,
+"A time may come when we shall be wanted." Probably the Corps Législatif
+will join them; and it seems to me clear that the course which such
+bodies will take must be the proclamation of Henri V.'
+
+'But what,' I said, 'would be the consequences of the pistol-shot or the
+fever?'
+
+'The immediate consequence,' answered Tocqueville, 'would be the
+installation of his successor. Jérôme would go to the Tuileries as easily
+as Charles X. did, but it would precipitate the end. We might bear Louis
+Napoleon for four or five years, or Jérôme for four or five months.'
+
+'It has been thought possible,' I said, 'that in the event of the Jérôme
+dynasty being overset by a military revolution, it might be followed by a
+military usurpation; that Nero might be succeeded by Galba.'
+
+'That,' said Tocqueville, 'is one of the few things which I hold to be
+impossible. Nero may be followed by another attempt at a Republic, but if
+any individual is to succeed him it must be a prince. _Mere_ personal
+distinction, at least such as is within the bounds of real possibility,
+will not give the sceptre of France. It will be seized by no one who
+cannot pretend to an hereditary claim.
+
+'What I fear,' continued Tocqueville, 'is that when this man feels the
+ground crumbling under him, he will try the resource of war. It will be a
+most dangerous experiment. Defeat, or even the alternation of success and
+failure, which is the ordinary course of war, would be fatal to him; but
+brilliant success might, as I have said before, establish him. It would
+be playing double or quits. He is by nature a gambler. His
+self-confidence, his reliance, not only on himself, but on his fortune,
+exceeds even that of his uncle. He believes himself to have a great
+military genius. He certainly planned war a year ago. I do not believe
+that he has abandoned it now, though the general feeling of the country
+forces him to suspend it. That feeling, however, he might overcome; he
+might so contrive as to appear to be forced into hostilities; and such is
+the intoxicating effect of military glory, that the Government which
+would give us _that_ would be pardoned, whatever were its defects or its
+crimes.
+
+'It is your business, and that of Belgium, to put yourselves into such a
+state of defence as to force him to make his spring on Italy. There he
+can do you little harm. But to us Frenchmen the consequences of war
+_must_ be calamitous. If we fail, they are national loss and humiliation.
+If we succeed, they are slavery.'
+
+'Of course,' I said, 'the corruption that infects the civil service must
+in time extend to the army, and make it less fit for service.
+
+'Of course it must,' answered Tocqueville. 'It will extend still sooner
+to the navy? The _matériel_ of a force is more easily injured by jobbing
+than the _personnel_. And in the navy the _matériel_ is the principal.
+
+'Our naval strength has never been in proportion to our naval
+expenditure, and is likely to be less and less so every year, at least
+during every year of the _règne des fripons_.'
+
+_Tuesday, May_ 24.--I breakfasted with Sir Henry Ellis and then went to
+Tocqueville's.
+
+I found there an elderly man, who did not remain long.
+
+When he went, Tocqueville said, 'That is one of our provincial prefects.
+He has been describing to us the state of public feeling in the South.
+Contempt for the present Government, he tells us, is spreading there from
+its headquarters, Paris.
+
+'If the Corps Législatif is dissolved, he expects the Opposition to
+obtain a majority in the new House.
+
+'This,' continued Tocqueville, 'is a state of things with which Louis
+Napoleon is not fit to cope. Opposition makes him furious, particularly
+Parliamentary opposition. His first impulse will be to go a step further
+in imitation of his uncle, and abolish the Corps Législatif, as Napoleon
+did the Tribunat.
+
+'But nearly half a century of Parliamentary life has made the French of
+1853 as different from those of 1803 as the nephew is from his uncle.
+
+'He will scarcely risk another _coup d'état_; and the only legal mode of
+abolishing, or even modifying, the Corps Législatif is by a plébiscite
+submitted by ballot to universal suffrage.
+
+'Will he venture on this? And if he do venture, will he succeed? If he
+fail, will he not sink into a constitutional sovereign, controlled by an
+Assembly far more unmanageable than we deputies were, as the Ministers
+are excluded from it?'
+
+'Will he not rather,' I said, 'sink into an exile?'
+
+'That is my hope,' said Tocqueville, 'but I do not expect it quite so
+soon as Thiers does,'
+
+
+
+CORRESPONDENCE.
+
+St. Cyr, July 2, 1853.
+
+I am not going to talk to you, my dear Senior, about the Emperor, or the
+Empress, or any of the august members of the Imperial Family; nor of the
+Ministers, nor of any other public functionaries, because I am a
+well-disposed subject who does not wish that the perusal of his letters
+should give pain to his Government. I shall write to you upon an
+historical problem, and discuss with you events which happened five
+hundred years ago. There could not be a more innocent subject.
+
+I have followed your advice, and I have read, or rather re-read,
+Blackstone. I studied him twenty years ago. Each time he has made upon me
+the same impression. Now, as then, I have ventured to consider him (if
+one may say so without blasphemy) an inferior writer, without liberality
+of mind or depth of judgment; in short, a commentator and a lawyer, not
+what _we_ understand by the words _jurisconsulte_ and _publiciste_. He
+has, too, in a degree which is sometimes amusing, a mania for admiring
+all that was done in ancient times, and for attributing to them all that
+is good in his own. I am inclined to think that, if he had had to write,
+not on the institutions, but on the products of England, he would have
+discovered that beer was first made from grapes, and that the hop is a
+fruit of the vine--rather a degenerate product, it is true, of the wisdom
+of our ancestors, but as such worthy of respect. It is impossible to
+imagine an excess more opposite to that of his contemporaries in France,
+for whom it was enough that a thing was old for it to be bad. But enough
+of Blackstone; he must make way for what I really want to say to you.
+
+In comparing the feudal institutions in England in the period immediately
+after the conquest with those of France, you find between them, not only
+an analogy, but a perfect resemblance, much greater than Blackstone seems
+to think, or, at any rate, chooses to say. In reality, the system in the
+two countries is identical. In France, and over the whole Continent, this
+system produced a caste; in England, an aristocracy. How is it that the
+word _gentleman_, which in our language denotes a mere superiority of
+blood, with you is now used to express a certain social position, and
+amount of education, independent of birth; so that in two countries the
+same word, though the sound remains the same, has entirely changed its
+meaning? When did this revolution take place? How, and through what
+transitions? Have no books ever treated of this subject in England? Have
+none of your great writers, philosophers, politicians, or historians,
+ever noticed this characteristic and pregnant fact, tried to account for
+it, and to explain it?
+
+If I had the honour of a personal acquaintance with Mr. Macaulay, I
+should venture to write to ask him these questions. In the excellent
+history which he is now publishing he alludes to this fact, but he does
+not try to explain it. And yet, as I have said before, there is none more
+pregnant, nor containing within it so good an explanation of the
+difference between the history of England and that of the other feudal
+nations in Europe. If you should meet Mr. Macaulay, I beg you to ask him,
+with much respect, to solve these questions for me. But tell me what you
+yourself think, and if any other eminent writers have treated this
+subject.
+
+You must think me, my dear friend, very tiresome with all these questions
+and dissertations; but of what else can I speak? I pass here the life of
+a Benedictine monk, seeing absolutely no one, and writing whenever I am
+not walking. I expect this cloistered life to do a great deal of good
+both to my mind and body. Do not think that in my convent I forget my
+friends. My wife and I constantly talk of them, and especially of you and
+of our dear Mrs. Grote. I am reading your MSS.,[1] which interest and
+amuse me extremely. They are my relaxation. I have promised Beaumont to
+send them to him as soon as I have finished them.
+
+
+St. Cyr, December 8, 1853.
+
+I must absolutely write to you to-day, my dear Senior. I have long been
+wishing to do so, but have been deterred by the annoyance I feel at not
+being able to discuss with you a thousand subjects as interesting to you
+as they are to me, but which one cannot mention in a letter; for letters
+are now less secret than ever, and to insist upon writing politics to our
+friends is equivalent to their not hearing from us at all. But I may, at
+any rate, without making the police uneasy, assure you of the great
+pleasure with which we heard that you intended paying us a little visit
+next month.
+
+There is an excellent hotel at Tours, where you will find good
+apartments; for the rest, I hope that you will make our house your inn.
+We are near enough to Tours for me to walk there and back, and we
+regulate our clocks by the striking of theirs; so you see that it is
+difficult to be nearer.
+
+I think that it is a capital idea of yours to visit French Africa. The
+country is curious in itself, also on account of the contrasts afforded
+by the different populations which spread over the land without ever
+mixing.
+
+You will find them materials for some of those excellent and interesting
+articles which you write so well. When you come I shall be able to give
+you some useful information, for I have devoted much attention to
+Algiers. I have here a long report which I drew up for the Chamber in
+1846, which may give you some valuable ideas, though things have
+considerably changed since that time.
+
+Kind remembrances, &c.,
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+[The following are some more of Mrs. Grote's interesting notes. She
+preceded Mr. Senior at St. Cyr.--ED.]
+
+The notes relating to St. Cyr are memoranda of various conversations
+which I enjoyed during a stay of some ten days or so at Tours, in
+February 1854, with Monsieur Alexis de Tocqueville. I occupied an
+apartment in the hotel at Tours, and on almost every day passed some
+hours in the company of this interesting friend, who at this time lived
+at St. Cyr, in a commodious country-house having its garden, &c, which he
+rented. I drove out to dine there frequently, and M. de Tocqueville
+walked over on the intervening days and stayed an hour or two at the
+hotel with me talking incessantly.--H.G.
+
+_St. Cyr, February_ 13, 1854,--The French allow no author to have a claim
+to the highest rank unless he joins the perfection of style with the
+instructiveness of his matter. Only four first-rate writers in the
+eighteenth century--_grands écrivains, comme grands penseurs originaux;_
+these being Montesquieu, Voltaire, J.J. Rousseau, and Buffon. Helvetius
+not _en première ligne_, because his _forme_ was not up to the mark.
+Alexis himself is often hung up for days together, having the thoughts,
+yet not hitting off the 'phrases' in a way to satisfy his critical ear as
+to style.
+
+Thinks that when a man is capable of originating a _belle pensée_, he
+ought to be also capable of clothing that thought in felicitous language.
+
+Thinks that a torpid state of political life is unfavourable to
+intellectual product in general.
+
+I instanced the case of Louis XIV. as contradicting this. Not admitted by
+Tocqueville. The civil wars of Louis XIV.'s reign had engendered
+considerable activity in the minds of the educated class. This activity
+generated speculation and scientific inquiry in all the departments of
+human thoughts. Abstract ideas became the field on which thinkers
+occupied themselves. No _practical_ outlet under despotism, but a certain
+social fermentation nevertheless existing, and the want of making itself
+a vent impelled intellectual life and writings. I instanced Louis XV. 'At
+least,' I said, 'the torpor of political life was become yet more a
+habit,' 'Yes,' said Alexis, 'but then there was the principle of
+discontent very widely diffused, which was the germ of the revolution of
+1789. This restless, disaffected state of the national mind gave birth to
+some new forms of intellectual product, tending to rather more distinct
+practical results, which filtered down among the middle classes, and
+became the objects of their desires and projects.' Rousseau and Voltaire
+eminently serviceable in leading the public sentiment towards the middle
+of the eighteenth century.
+
+English writers and statesmen having always enjoyed the power of applying
+their minds to actual circumstances, and of appealing through a free
+press and free speech also to the public of their day, have never
+addressed themselves, as French philosophers did, to the cultivation of
+abstract speculations and general theories. Here and there a writer has
+been thrown, by his individual tastes and turn of thought, upon the study
+of political philosophy; but the Englishman, taken as a public writer,
+commonly addresses himself to practical legislation rather than to
+recondite studies or logical analysis and investigation of the relations
+between mankind and their regulations under authorised powers. Since Lord
+Bacon there have been few, excepting in our later times Mill, Bentham,
+and his disciples, who have explored the metaphysics of jurisprudence and
+moral science in England. Hume dealt in the philosophic treatment of
+political subjects, but did not work them up into anything like a
+coherent system. English are not fond of generalities, but get on by
+their instincts, bit by bit, as need arises.
+
+Alexis thinks that the writers of the period antecedent to the revolution
+of 1789 were quite as much _thrown up by_ the condition of public
+sentiment as they were the exciters of it. Nothing _comprehensive_, in
+matters of social arrangement, can be effected under a state of things
+like that of England; so easy there for a peculiar grievance to get
+heard, so easy for a local or class interest to obtain redress against
+any form of injustice, that legislation _must_ be 'patching.' Next to
+impossible to reorganise a community without a revolution.
+
+Alexis has been at work for about a year in _rummaging_ amid archives,
+partly in those of the capital, partly in those of the Touraine. In this
+last town a complete collection is contained of the records of the old
+'Intendance,' under which several provinces were governed. Nothing short
+of a continuous and laborious poring over the details of Government
+furnished by these invaluable _paperasses_ could possibly enable a
+student of the past century to frame to himself any clear conception of
+the working of the social relations and authorities in old France. There
+exists no such tableau. The manners of the higher classes and their daily
+life and habits are well portrayed in heaps of memoirs, and even pretty
+well understood by our contemporaries. But the whole structure of
+society, in its relations with the authorised agents of supreme power,
+including the pressure of those secondary obligations arising out of
+_coutumes du pays_, is so little understood as to be scarcely available
+to a general comprehension of the old French world before 1789.
+
+Alexis says that the reason why the great upheaving of that period has
+never been to this day sufficiently appreciated, never sufficiently
+explained, is because the actual living hideousness of the social details
+and relations of that period, seen from the points of view of a
+penetrating contemporary looker-on, has never yet been depicted in
+true colours and with minute particulars. After having dived into the
+social history of that century, as I have stated, his conviction is that
+it was impossible that the revolution of 1789 should _not_ burst out.
+Cause and effect were never more irrevocably associated than in this
+terrible case. Nothing but the compulsory idleness and obscurity into
+which Alexis has been thrown since December 1851 would have put even him
+upon the researches in question. Few perhaps could have addressed
+themselves to the task with such remarkable powers of interpretation, and
+with such talents for exploring the connection between thought and action
+as he is endowed with. Also he is singularly exempt from aristocratical
+prejudices, and quite capable of sympathising with popular feeling,
+though naturally not partial to democracy.
+
+_February_ 15.--De Tocqueville came down in close carriage and sat an
+hour and a half by fireside. Weather horrible. Talked of La Marck's book
+on Mirabeau;[2] said that the line Mirabeau pursued was perfectly well
+known to Frenchmen prior to the appearance of La Marck's book; but that
+the actual details were of course a new revelation, and highly valued
+accordingly. Asked what we thought of it in England. I told him the
+leading impression made by the book was the clear perception of the
+impossibility of effecting any good or coming to terms in any manner of
+way of the revolutionary leaders with such a Court. That we also had long
+suspected Mirabeau of being what he was now proved to have been--a man
+who, imbued though he was with the spirit of revolutionary action and the
+conviction of the rightfulness of demanding prodigious changes, yet who
+would willingly have directed the monarch in a method of warding off the
+terrible consequences of the storm, and who would, if the Court had
+confided to his hands the task of conciliating the popular feelings, have
+perhaps preserved the forms of monarchy while affording the requisite
+concessions to the national demands. But the Court was so steeped in the
+old sentiment of divine right, and moreover so distrustful of Mirabeau's
+honour and sagacity (the more so as he was insatiable in his pecuniary
+requisitions), that they would never place their cause frankly in his
+hands, nor indeed in anyone else's who was capable of discerning their
+best interests. Lafayette was regarded as an enemy almost (and was
+'jaloused' by Mirabeau as being so popular) on account of his popular
+sympathies. De Tocqueville said that so diffused was the spirit of
+revolution at the period preceding the convocation of the États-généraux,
+that the elder Mirabeau, who was a very clever and original-minded man,
+though strongly tinctured with the old feudal prejudices, nevertheless
+let the fact be seen in the clearest manner in his own writings. He wrote
+many tracts on public topics, and De Tocqueville says that the tone in
+which Mirabeau (_père_) handles these proves that he was perfectly
+cognisant of the universal spread of revolutionary opinions, and even in
+some degree influenced by them in his own person. Mirabeau (the son) was
+so aware of the absolute necessity of proclaiming himself emancipated
+from the old feudalities, that, among other extravagances of his conduct,
+he started as a shopkeeper at Marseilles for some time, by way of
+fraternizing with the _bourgeoisie; affichéing_ his liberalism. De
+Tocqueville quoted Napoleon as saying in one of his conversations at St.
+Helena that he had been a spectator _from a window_ of the scene at the
+Tuileries, on the famous August 10, 1792, and that it was his conviction
+(Napoleon's) that, even at that stage, the revolution might have been
+averted--at least, the furious character of it might have been turned
+aside--by judicious modes of negotiation on the part of the King's
+advisers. De Tocqueville does not concur in Napoleon's opinion.
+'Cahiers,' published 1789, contain the whole body of instructions
+supplied to their respective delegates by the _trois états (clergé,
+noblesse, et Tiers État_), on assembling in convocation. Of this entire
+and voluminous collection (which is deposited in the archives of France)
+three volumes of extracts are to be bought which were a kind of _rédigé_
+of the larger body of documents. In these three volumes De Tocqueville
+mentioned, one may trace the course of the public sentiment with perfect
+clearness. Each class demanded a large instalment of constitutional
+securities; the nobles perhaps demanded the largest amount of all the
+three. Nothing could be more thoroughgoing than the requisitions which
+the body of the _noblesse_ charged their delegates to enforce in the
+Assembly of the États-généraux--'égalisations des charges (taxation),
+responsabilité des ministres, indépendance des tribunaux, liberté de la
+personne, garantie de la propriété contre la couronne,' a balance-sheet
+annually of the public expenses and public revenue, and, in fact, all the
+salient privileges necessary in order to enfranchise a community weary of
+despotism. The clergy asked for what they wanted with equal resolution,
+and the _bourgeoisie_ likewise; but what the nobles were instructed to
+demand was the boldest of all. We talked of the letters of the writers of
+the eighteenth century, and of the correspondence of various eminent men
+and women with David Hume, which Mr. Hill Burton has published in a
+supplementary volume in addition to those comprised in his life of David
+Hume, and which I have with me. I said that the works of Hume being
+freely printed and circulated caused great pleasure to the French men of
+letters, mingled with envy at the facility enjoyed by the Englishman of
+publishing anything he chose; the French writers being debarred, owing to
+the importunity of the clergy with Louis XV., from publishing freely
+their works in France, and only managing to get themselves printed by
+employing printers at the Hague, Amsterdam, and other towns beyond the
+limits of the kingdom. To my surprise, De Tocqueville replied that this
+disability, so far from proving disadvantageous to the _esprits forts_ of
+the period, and the encyclopaedic school, was a source of gain to them in
+every respect. Every book or tract which bore the stamp of being printed
+at the Hague or elsewhere, _out of France_, was speedily caught up and
+devoured. It was a passport to success. Everyone knowing that, since it
+was printed there, it must be of a nature to give offence to the ruling
+powers, and especially to the priesthood, and as such, all who were
+imbued with the new opinions were sure to run after books bearing this
+certificate of merit. De Tocqueville said that the _savans_ of 1760-1789
+would not have printed in France, had they been free to do so, at the
+period immediately preceding the accession of Louis XVI.
+
+Talked of Lafayette: said he was as great as pure, good intentions and
+noble instincts could make a man; but that he was _d'un esprit médiocre_,
+and utterly at a loss how to turn affairs to profit at critical
+junctures--never knew what was coming, no political foresight. Mistake in
+putting Louis Philippe on the throne _sans garantie_ in 1830; misled by
+his own disinterested character to think better of public men than he
+ought to have done. Great personal integrity shown by Lafayette during
+the Empire, and under the Restoration: not to be cajoled by any monarch.
+
+_February_ 16.--The current fallacy of Napoleon having made the important
+alterations in the laws of France. All the eminent new enactments
+originated in the Constituent Assembly, only that they set to work in
+such sledgehammer fashion, that the carrying out their work became
+extremely troublesome and difficult. Too abstract in their notions to
+estimate difficulties of detail in changing the framework of
+jurisprudence. De Tocqueville said philosophers must always originate
+laws, but men used to active practical life ought to undertake to direct
+the transition from old to new arrangements. The Constituent Assembly did
+prodigious things in the way of clearing the ground of past abominations.
+Napoleon had the talent of making their work take effect; understood
+administrative science, but rendered the centralising principle far too
+predominant, in the view to consolidate his own power afterwards. France
+has felt this, to her cost, ever since.
+
+Habit formerly (i.e. 300 years back) as prevalent in France as it is in
+England of gentlemen of moderate fortune residing wholly or by far the
+greater part of the year on their estates. They ceased to do so from
+the time when the sovereign took from them all local authority, from the
+fifteenth century or so. The French country-houses were excessively
+thickly dotted over the land even up to the year 1600; quantities pulled
+down after that period. Country life becoming flat after the gentlemen
+ceased to be of importance in their political relations with their
+districts, they gave up rural habits and took to living in the provincial
+towns.
+
+De Tocqueville had many conversations with M. Royer Collard respecting
+the events of 1789. Difficult to get much out of men of our period
+relative to their own early manhood. His own father (now 82) much less
+capable of communicating details of former _régime_ than might have been
+supposed. Because, says De Tocqueville, youths of eighteen to twenty
+hardly ever possess the faculty or the inclination to note social
+peculiarities. They accept what they find going, and scarcely give a
+thought to the contemplation of what is familiar to them and of every
+day's experience. Royer Collard was a man of superior mind: had a great
+deal to relate. De Tocqueville used to pump him whenever an opportunity
+occurred. Knew Danton well, used to discuss political affairs with him.
+When revolution was fairly launched, saw him occasionally. Danton was
+venal to the last degree; received money from the Court over and over
+again; 'agitated,' and was again sopped by the agents of Marie
+Antoinette. When matters grew formidable (in 1791) Royer Collard was
+himself induced to become an agent or go-between of the Court for buying
+up Danton. He sought an opportunity, and after some prefatory
+conversations Royer Collard led Danton to the point. 'No,' said Danton,
+'I cannot listen to any such suggestions now. Times are altered. It is
+too late. 'Nous le détrônerons et puis nous le tuerons,' added he in an
+emphatic tone. Royer Collard of course gave up the hope of succeeding.
+
+Danton's passion for a young girl, whom he married, became his ruin.
+While he was honeymooning it by some river's margin, Robespierre got the
+upper hand in the Assembly, and caused him to be seized--_mis en
+jugement_--and soon afterwards guillotined. The woman did not know, it is
+affirmed, that it was Danton who set the massacres of 1792 agoing; she
+thought him a good-hearted man. He set all his personal enemies free out
+of their prisons prior to the commencement of the massacres; wishing to
+be able to boast of having spared his enemies, as a proof that he was
+actuated by no ignoble vengeance, but only by a patriotic impulse. He
+was a low, mean-souled fanatic, who had no clear conception of what he
+was aiming at, but who delighted in the horrid excitement prevailing
+around him. It was Tallien who had the chief share in the deposition of
+Robespierre and the transactions of the 9th thermidor. Madame Tallien was
+then in prison, and going to be executed in a few days (she was not yet
+married to Tallien then). She wrote, by stealth of course, a few emphatic
+words, with a toothpick and soot wetted, to Tallien which nerved him to
+the conflict, and she was saved. Talleyrand told De Tocqueville she was
+beyond everything captivating, beautiful, and interesting. She afterwards
+became the mistress of Barras, and finally married the Prince de Chimay.
+
+De Tocqueville has been at Voré, Helvetius' château in La Perche--a fine
+place, and Helvetius lived _en seigneur_ there. A grand-daughter of
+Helvetius married M. de Rochambeau, uncle, by mother's side, of Alexis:
+so that the great-grandchildren are De Tocqueville's first cousins.
+
+In the 'Souvenirs' of M. Berryer (_père_) he describes the scene of the
+9th thermidor, in which he was actively concerned in the interest of the
+Convention, and saw Robespierre borne past him with his shattered jaw
+along the Quai Pelletier. Also went to the terrace of the Tuileries
+gardens to assure himself that Robespierre was really executed the next
+day; heard the execrations and shouts which attended his last moments,
+but did not stay to witness them. Release of the Duchess of St. Aignan,
+under sentence of death, by his father.
+
+_February_ 18.--A. de Tocqueville came to see me, and we walked out for
+half-an-hour. He said he had now spent over eight months in a seclusion
+such as he had never experienced in his whole life. That, partly his
+own debilitated health, partly the impaired state of his wife's general
+powers (nervous system inclusive), partly the extreme aversion he felt
+for public affairs and the topics of the day connected with politics; all
+these considerations had determined him upon withdrawing himself from
+society for a certain space, and _that_ to a considerable distance from
+all his friends and relations. A physician, also of widely extended fame
+(Dr. Brittonneau), happening to reside close to where they have lodged
+themselves, formed an additional link in the chain of motives for
+settling themselves at Tours. M. de Tocqueville had some misgivings at
+first as to whether, after passing twenty years in active public life,
+and in the frequent society of men who occupied the most distinguished
+position in the political world, as well as of others not less eminent in
+that of letters; whether, he said, the monotony and stillness of his new
+mode of life would not be too much for his spirits and render his mind
+indolent and depressed. 'But,' said he, 'I have been agreeably reassured.
+I have come to regard society as a thing which I can perfectly well do
+without. I desire nothing better than to occupy myself, as I have been
+doing, with the composition of a work which I am in hopes will travel
+over somewhat other than beaten ground. I have found many materials for
+my purpose in this spot, and the pursuit has got hold of me to a degree
+which renders intellectual labour a source of pleasure; and I prosecute
+it steadily, unless when my health is out of order; which, happily, does
+not occur so frequently since the last three or four months. My wife's
+company serves to encourage me in my work, and to cheer me in every
+respect, since an entire sympathy subsists between us, as you know; we
+seem to require no addition, and our lives revolve in the most inflexible
+routine possible. I rise at half-past five, and work seriously till
+half-past nine; then dress for _déjeûner_ at ten. I commonly walk
+half-an-hour afterwards, and then set to on some other study--usually of
+late in the German language--till two P.M., when I go out again and walk
+for two hours, if weather allows. In the evenings I read to amuse myself,
+often reading aloud to Madame de Tocqueville, and go to bed at ten P.M.
+regularly every night.'
+
+'Sometimes,' said De Tocqueville, 'I reflect on the difference which may
+be discerned between the amount of what a man can effect by even the most
+strenuous and well-directed efforts, whether as a public servant or as a
+leading man in political life, and what a writer of impressive books has
+it in his power to effect. It is true that a man of talent and courage
+may acquire a creditable position, may exercise great influence over
+other individuals engaged in the same career, and may enjoy a certain
+measure of triumphant success in cases where he can put out his strength.
+At the same time it strikes me that the best of these exaggerates
+immensely the amount of good which he has been able to effect. I look
+back upon prodigiously vivid passages in various public men's lives, in
+this century, with a melancholy reflection of how little influence their
+magnificent efforts have really exercised over the march of human
+affairs. A man is apt to believe he has done great things when his
+hearers and contemporaries are strongly affected, either by a powerful
+speech, or an animated address, or an act of opportune courage, or the
+like. But, if we investigate the positive amount of what the individual
+has effected in the way of bettering or advancing the general interests
+of mankind, by personal exertion on the public stage, I regret to say I
+can find hardly an instance of more than a transient, though beneficial,
+flash of excitement produced on the public mind. I do not here speak of
+men invested with great power--princes, prime ministers, popes, generals
+and the like. Of course _they_ produce lasting traces of their _power_,
+whether it be for good or evil; and, indeed, _individuals_ have on their
+side considerable power to work _mischief_, though not often to work
+good. I begin to think that a man not invested with a considerable amount
+of political _power_ can do but little good by slaving at the oar of
+independent political action. Now, on the contrary, what a vast effect a
+_writer_ can produce, when he possesses the requisite knowledge and
+endowments! In his cabinet, his thoughts collected, his ideas well
+arranged, he may hope to imprint indelible traces on the line of human
+progress. What orator, what brilliant patriot at the tribune, could ever
+effect the extensive fermentation in a whole nation's sentiments achieved
+by Voltaire and Jean Jacques?
+
+'I have certainly seen reason to change some of my views on social facts,
+as well as some reasonings founded on imperfect observation. But the
+_fond_ of my opinions can never undergo a change--certain irrevocable
+maxims and propositions _must_ constitute the basis of thinking minds.
+How such changes can come about as I have lived to see in some men's
+states of opinion is to me incomprehensible. Lafayette was foolish enough
+to give his support to certain conspiracies--certainly to that of
+Béfort's, in Alsace. What folly! to seek to upset a despotism by the
+agency of the _soldiery_, in the nineteenth century!'
+
+H. GROTE.
+
+[Footnote 1: Mr. Senior's Journals.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 2: See _Royal and Republican France_, by H. Reeve Esq. vol.
+i.--ED.]
+
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS WITH MR. SENIOR.
+
+_St. Cyr, Tuesday, February_ 21, 1854.[1]--On the 20th I left Paris for
+Le Trésorier, a country-house in the village of St. Cyr, near Tours,
+which the Tocquevilles have been inhabiting for some months. It stands in
+a large enclosure of about fifteen acres, of which about ten are orchard
+and vineyard, and the remainder are occupied by the house, stables, and a
+large garden. The house has a great deal of accommodation, and they pay
+for it, imperfectly furnished, 3,000 francs a year, and keep up the
+garden, which costs about 500 francs more, being one man at one and
+a-half francs a day.
+
+This is considered dear; but the sheltered position of the house, looking
+south, and protected by a hill to the north-east, induced the
+Tocquevilles to pay for it about 1,000 francs more than its market value.
+
+I will throw together the conversations of February 22 and 23. They began
+by my giving to him a general account of the opinions of my friends in
+Paris.
+
+'I believe,' said Tocqueville, 'that I should have found out many of your
+interlocutors without your naming them. I am sure that I should Thiers,
+Duvergier, Broglie, and Rivet; perhaps Faucher--certainly Cousin. I
+translate into French what you make them say, and hear them speak. I
+recognise Dumon and Lavergne, but I should not have discovered them. The
+conversation of neither of them has the marked, peculiar flavour that
+distinguishes that of the others. You must recollect, however, that some
+of your friends knew, and most of the others must have suspected, that
+you were taking notes. Thiers speaks evidently for the purpose of being
+reported. To be sure that shows what are the opinions that men wish to be
+supposed to entertain, and they often betray what they think that they
+conceal. Still it must be admitted that you had not always the natural
+man.' 'I am sorry,' he added, 'that you have not penetrated more into the
+salons of the Legitimists. You have never got further than a Fusionist.
+The Legitimists are not the Russians that Thiers describes them. Still
+less do they desire to see Henri V. restored by foreign intervention.
+They and their cause have suffered too bitterly for having committed
+that crime, or that fault, for them to be capable of repeating it. They
+are anti-national so far as not to rejoice in any victories obtained by
+France under this man's guidance. But I cannot believe that they would
+rejoice in her defeat. They have been so injured in their fortunes and
+their influence, have been so long an oppressed caste--excluded from
+power, and even from sympathy--that they have acquired the faults of
+slaves--have become timid and frivolous, or bitter.
+
+'They have ceased to be anxious about anything but to be let alone. But
+they are a large, a rich, and comparatively well-educated body. Your
+picture is incomplete without them, _et il sera toujours très-difficile
+de gouverner sans eux._[2]
+
+I quite agree,' he continued, 'with Thiers as to the necessity of this
+war. Your interests may be more immediate and greater, but ours are very
+great. When I say ours, I mean those of France as a country that is
+resolved to enjoy constitutional government. I am not sure that if Russia
+were to become mistress of the Continent she would not allow France to
+continue a quasi-independent despotism under her protectorate. But she
+will never willingly allow us to lie powerful and free.
+
+'I sympathise, too, with Thiers's fears as to the result. I do not
+believe that Napoleon himself, with all his energy, and all his
+diligence, and all his intelligence, would have thought it possible to
+conduct a great war to which his Minister of War was opposed. A man who
+has no heart in his business will neglect it, or do it imperfectly. His
+first step would have been to dismiss St.-Arnaud. Then, look at the other
+two on whose skill and energy we have to depend. One is Ducos, Minister
+of Marine, a man of mere commonplace talents and character. The other is
+Binneau, Minister of Finance, somewhat inferior to Ducos. Binneau ought
+to provide resources. He ought to check the preposterous waste of the
+Court. He has not intelligence enough to do the one, or courage enough to
+attempt the other. The real Prime Minister is without doubt Louis
+Napoleon himself. But he is not a man of business. He does not understand
+details. He may order certain things to be done, but he will not be able
+to ascertain whether the proper means have been taken. He does not know
+indeed what these means are. He does not trust those who do. A war which
+would have tasked all the powers of Napoleon, and of Napoleon's Ministers
+and generals, is to be carried on without any master-mind to direct it,
+or any good instruments to execute it. I fear some great disaster.
+
+'Such a disaster might throw,' he continued, 'this man from the eminence
+on which he is balanced, not rooted. It might produce a popular outbreak,
+of which the anarchical party might take advantage. Or, what is perhaps
+more to be feared, it might frighten Louis Napoleon into a change of
+policy. He is quite capable of turning short round--giving up
+everything--key of the Grotto, protectorate of the orthodox, even the
+Dardanelles and the Bosphorus--to Nicholas, and asking to be repaid by
+the Rhine.
+
+'I cannot escape from the _cauchemar_ that a couple of years hence France
+and England may be at war. Nicholas's expectations have been deceived,
+but his plan was not unskilfully laid. He had a fair right to conjecture
+that you would think the dangers of this alliance such as to be even
+greater than those of allowing him to obtain his protectorate.
+
+'In deciding otherwise, you have taken the brave and the magnanimous
+course. I hope that it may prove the successful one.
+
+'I am sorry,' continued Tocqueville, 'to see the language of your
+newspapers as to the fusion. I did not choose to take part in it. I hate
+to have anything to do with pretenders. But as a mere measure of
+precaution it is a wise one. It decides what shall be the conduct of the
+Royalist party in the event--not an improbable one--of France being
+suddenly left without a ruler.
+
+'Your unmeasured praise of Louis Napoleon and your unmeasured abuse of
+the Bourbons are, to a certain degree, the interference in our politics
+which you professedly disclaim. I admit the anti-English prejudices
+of the Bourbons, and I admit that they are not likely to be abated by
+your alliance with a Bonaparte. But the opinions of a constitutional
+sovereign do not, like those of a despot, decide the conduct of his
+country. The country is anxious for peace, and, above all, peace with
+you--for more than peace, for mutual good-feeling. The Bourbons cannot
+return except with a constitution. It has become the tradition of the
+family, it is their title to the throne. There is not a _vieille
+marquise_ in the Faubourg St.-Germain who believes in divine right.
+
+'The higher classes in France are Bourbonists because they are
+Constitutionalists, because they believe that constitutional monarchy is
+the government best suited to France, and that the Bourbons offer us the
+fairest chance of it.
+
+'Among the middle classes there is without doubt much inclination for the
+social equality of a Republic. But they are alarmed at its instability;
+they have never known one live for more than a year or two, or die except
+in convulsions.
+
+'As for the lower classes, the country people think little about
+politics, the sensible portion of the artizans care about nothing but
+cheap and regular work; the others are Socialists, and, next to the
+government of a Rouge Assembly, wish for that of a Rouge despot.'
+
+'In London,' I said, 'a few weeks ago I came across a French Socialist,
+not indeed of the lower orders--for he was a Professor of
+Mathematics--but participating in their feelings. "I prefer," he said, "a
+Bonaparte to a Bourbon--a Bonaparte must rely on the people, one can
+always get something out of him." "What have you got," I asked, "from
+this man?" "A great deal," he answered. "We got the Orleans
+confiscation--that was a great step. _Il portait attente à la propriété_.
+Then he represents the power and majesty of the people. He is like the
+people, above all law. _Les Bourbons nous chicanaient._"'
+
+'That was the true faith of a Rouge,' said Tocqueville 'If this man,' he
+added, 'had any self-control, if he would allow us a very moderate degree
+of liberty, he might enjoy a reign--probably found a dynasty. He had
+everything in his favour; the prestige of his name, the acquiescence of
+Europe, the dread of the Socialists, and the contempt felt for the
+Republicans. We were tired of Louis Philippe. We remembered the _branche
+aînée_ only to dislike it, and the Assembly only to despise it. We never
+shall be loyal subjects, but we might have been discontented ones, with
+as much moderation as is in our nature.'
+
+'What is the _nuance_,' I said, 'of G----?'
+
+'G----,' answered Tocqueville, 'is an honest man, uncorrupt and
+public-spirited; he is a clear, logical, but bitter speaker; his words
+fall from the tribune like drops of gall. He has great perspicacity, but
+rather a narrow range. His vision is neither distant nor comprehensive.
+He wears a pair of blinkers, which allow him to see only what he looks
+straight at--and that is the English Constitution. For what is to the
+right and to the left he has no eyes, and unhappily what is to the right
+and to the left is France.
+
+'Then he has a strong will, perfect self-reliance, and the most restless
+activity. All these qualities give him great influence. He led the
+_centre gauche_ into most of its errors. H---- used to say, "If you
+want to know what I shall do, ask G----."
+
+'Among the secondary causes of February 1848 he stands prominent. He
+planned the banquets. Such demonstrations are safe in England. He
+inferred, according to his usual mode of reasoning, that they would not
+be dangerous in France. He forgot that in England there is an aristocracy
+that leads, and even controls, the people.
+
+'I am alarmed,' he continued, 'by your Reform Bill. Your new six-pound
+franchise must, I suppose, double the constituencies; it is a further
+step to universal suffrage, the most fatal and the least remediable of
+institutions.[3]
+
+'While you preserve your aristocracy, you will preserve your freedom; if
+that goes, you will fall into the worst of tyrannies, that of a despot,
+appointed and controlled, so far as he is controlled at all, by a
+mob.'[4]
+
+Madame de Tocqueville asked me if I had seen the Empress.
+
+'No,' I said, 'but Mrs. Senior has, and thinks her beautiful.'
+
+'She is much more so,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'than her portraits.
+Her face in perfect repose gets long, and there is a little drooping
+about the corners of the mouth. This has a bad effect when she is
+serious, as everyone is when sitting for a picture, but disappears as
+soon as she speaks. I remember dining in company with her at the
+President's--I sat next to him--she was nearly opposite, and close to her
+a lady who was much admired. I said to the President, looking towards
+Mademoiselle de Montigo, "Really I think that she is far the prettier of
+the two." He gazed at her for an instant, and said, "I quite agree with
+you; she is charming." It may be a _bon ménage_'
+
+'To come back,' I said, 'to our Eastern question. What is Baraguay
+d'Hilliers?'
+
+'A _brouillon_,' said Tocqueville. 'He is the most impracticable man in
+France. His vanity, his ill-temper, and his jealousy make him quarrel
+with everybody with whom he comes in contact. In the interest of our
+alliance you should get him recalled.'
+
+'What sort of man,' I asked, 'shall I find General Randon?'
+
+'Very intelligent,' said Tocqueville. 'He was to have had the command of
+the Roman army when Oudinot gave it up; but, just as he was going, it was
+discovered that he was a Protestant. He was not so accommodating as one
+of our generals during the Restoration. He also was a Protestant. The Duc
+d'Angoulême one day said to him, "Vous êtes protestant, général?" The
+poor man answered in some alarm, for he knew the Duke's
+ultra-Catholicism, "Tout ce que vous voulez, monseigneur."'
+
+
+
+[Footnote 1: My conversations with M. de Tocqueville during this visit
+were written out after my return from Paris and sent to him. He returned
+them with the remarks which I have inserted.--N.W. SENIOR.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Le portrait va plus loin que ma pensée.--_A. de
+Tocqueville_. The picture expresses more than my idea.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Cela va plus loin que ma pensée. Je crois que le vote
+universel peut se concilier avec d'autres institutions, qui diminuerait
+le danger.--_A. de Tocqueville._
+
+This goes farther than my idea. I think that universal suffrage may be
+combined with other institutions, which would diminish the danger.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Cela aussi va plus loin que ma pensée. Je crois
+très-désirable le maintien des institutions aristocratiques en
+Angleterre. Mais je suis loín de dire que leur abolition mènerait
+nécessairement au despotisme, surtout si elles s'affaiblissaient peu à
+peu et n'étaient pas renversées par une révolution.--_A. de Tocqueville_.
+
+This also goes farther than my idea. I think the maintenance in England
+of aristocratic institutions very desirable. But I am far from saying
+that their abolition would necessarily lead to despotism, especially if
+their power were diminished gradually and without the shock of a
+revolution.]
+
+
+
+
+_To N.W. Senior, Esq._
+
+St. Cyr, March 18, 1854.
+
+Your letter was a real joy to us, my dear Senior. As you consent to be
+ill lodged, we offer to you with all our hearts the bachelor's room which
+you saw. You will find there only a bed, without curtains, and some very
+shabby furniture. But you will find hosts who will be charmed to have you
+and your MSS. I beg you not to forget the latter.
+
+My wife, as housekeeper, desires me to give you an important piece of
+advice. In the provinces, especially during Lent, it is difficult to get
+good meat on Fridays and Saturdays, and though you are a great sinner,
+she has no wish to force you to do penance, especially against your will,
+as that would take away all the merit. She advises you, therefore, to
+arrange to spend with us Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, and
+Thursday, and to avoid Friday and Saturday, and especially the whole of
+the Holy Week.
+
+Now you are provided with the necessary instructions. Choose your own
+day, and give us twenty-four hours' warning.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+St. Cyr, March 31, 1854.
+
+My dear Senior,--As you are willing to encounter hard meat and river
+fish, I have no objection to your new plan. I see in it even this
+advantage, that you will be able to tell us _de visu_ what went on in the
+Corps Législatif, which will greatly interest us.
+
+The condemnation of Montalembert seems to me to be certain; but I am no
+less curious to know how that honourable assembly will contrive to
+condemn a private letter which appeared in a foreign country, and which
+was probably published without the authorisation and against the will of
+the writer.
+
+It is a servile trick, which I should like to see played.
+
+Do not hesitate to postpone your visit if the sitting of the Corps
+Législatif should not take place on Monday.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS.
+
+I passed the 3rd and 4th of April in the Corps Législatif listening to
+the debate on the demand by the Government of permission to prosecute M.
+de Montalembert, a member of the Corps Législatif, for the publication of
+a letter to M. Dupin, which it treated as libellous. As it was supposed
+that M. de Montalembert's speech would be suppressed, I wrote as
+much of it as I could carry in my recollection; the only other
+vehicle--notes--not being allowed to be taken.[1] On the evening of the
+5th of April I left Paris for St. Cyr.
+
+[Footnote 1: See Appendix.]
+
+_St. Cyr, Thursday, April 6_, 1854.--I drove with Tocqueville to
+Chenonceaux, a château of the sixteenth century, about sixteen miles from
+Tours, on the Cher. I say _on_ the Cher, for such is literally its
+position. It is a habitable bridge, stretching across the water.
+
+The two first arches, which spring from the right bank of the river, and
+the piers which form their abutments, are about one hundred feet wide,
+and support a considerable house. The others support merely a gallery,
+called by our guide the ballroom of Catherine de Médicis, ending in a
+small theatre. The view from the windows of the river flowing through
+wooded meadows is beautiful and peculiar. Every window looks on the
+river; many rooms, as is the case with the gallery, look both up and down
+it. It must be a charming summer residence. The rooms still retain the
+furniture which was put into them by Diane de Poictiers and Catherine de
+Médicis; very curious and very uncomfortable; high narrow chairs, short
+sofas, many-footed tables, and diminutive mirrors. The sculptured
+pilasters, scrolls, bas-reliefs and tracery of the outside are not of
+fine workmanship, but are graceful and picturesque. The associations are
+interesting, beginning with Francis I. and ending with Rousseau, who
+spent there the autumn of 1746, as the guest of Madame Dupin, and wrote a
+comedy for its little theatre. The present proprietor, the Marquis de
+Villeneuve, is Madame Dupin's grandson.
+
+In the evening we read my report of the debate on Montalembert.
+
+'It is difficult,' said Tocqueville, 'to wish that so great a speech had
+been suppressed. But I am inclined to think that Montalembert's wiser
+course was to remain silent. What good will his speech do? It will not be
+published. Yours is probably the only report of it. So far as the public
+hears anything of it, the versions coming through an unfavourable medium
+will be misrepresentations. In a letter which I received from Paris
+this morning it is called virulent. It was of great importance that the
+minority against granting the consent should be large, and I have no
+doubt that this speech diminished it by twenty or thirty. It must have
+wounded many, frightened many, and afforded a pretext to many. Perhaps,
+however, it was not in human nature for such a speaker as Montalembert to
+resist the last opportunity of uttering bold truths in a French
+Assembly.'
+
+_Friday, April_ 7.--We drove to-day along the Loire to Langrais, about
+twelve miles below Tours.
+
+Here is a castle of the thirteenth century, consisting of two centre and
+two corner towers, and a curtain between them, terminating in a rocky
+promontory. Nothing can be more perfect than the masonry, or more elegant
+than the few ornaments. The outside is covered with marks of bullets,
+which appear to have rattled against it with little effect.
+
+On our return we visited the castles of Cinq Mars and Luynes. Langrais,
+Cinq Mars, and Luynes were all the property of Effiat, Marquis of Cinq
+Mars, who with De Thou conspired against Richelieu in the latter part of
+Louis XIII.'s reign, and was beheaded. The towers of Cinq Mars were, in
+the words of his sentence, 'rasées à la hauteur de l'infamie,' and remain
+now cut down to half their original height. Luynes stands finely,
+crowning a knoll overlooking the Loire. It is square, with twelve towers,
+two on each side and four in the corners, and a vast ditch, and must have
+been strong. Nearly a mile from it are the remains of a Roman aqueduct,
+of which about thirty piers and six perfect arches remain. It is of
+stone, except the arches, which have a mixture of brick. The peasants, by
+digging under the foundations, are rapidly destroying it. An old man told
+us that he had seen six or seven piers tumble. A little nearer to Tours
+is the Pile de Cinq Mars, a solid, nearly square tower of Roman brickwork
+more than ninety feet high, and about twelve feet by fourteen feet thick.
+On one side there appear to have been inscriptions or bas-reliefs. Ampère
+believes it to have been a Roman tomb; but the antiquaries are divided
+and perplexed. Being absolutely solid, it could not have been built for
+any use.
+
+I am struck during my walks and drives by the appearance of prosperity.
+The country about Tours is dotted with country-houses, quite as numerous
+as in any part of England. In St. Cyr alone there must be between twenty
+and thirty, and the houses of the peasants are far better than the best
+cottages of English labourers. Everyone seems to have attached to it a
+considerable piece of land, from ten acres to two, cultivated in vines,
+vegetables and fruit. These and green crops are nearly the only produce;
+there is very little grain. All the persons whom I met appeared to be
+healthy and well-clad. The soil and climate are good, and the proximity
+to Tours insures a market; but physical advantages are not enough to
+insure prosperity. The neighbourhood of Cork enjoys a good climate, soil,
+and market, but the inhabitants are not prosperous.
+
+After some discussion Tocqueville agreed with me in attributing the
+comfort of the Tourainese to the slowness with which population
+increases. In the commune of Tocqueville the births are only three to a
+marriage, but both Monsieur and Madame de Tocqueville think that the
+number of children here is still less. I scarcely meet any.
+
+Marriages are late, and very seldom take place until a house and a bit of
+ground and some capital have been inherited or accumulated. Touraine is
+the best specimen of the _petite culture_ that I have seen. The want of
+wood makes it objectionable as a summer residence.
+
+We are now suffering from heat. After eight in the morning it is too hot
+to walk along the naked glaring roads, yet this is only the first week in
+April.
+
+_Saturday, April_ 8.--The sun has been so scorching during our two last
+drives that we have given ourselves a holiday to-day, and only dawdled
+about Tours.
+
+We went first to the cathedral, which I never see without increased
+pleasure. Though nearly four hundred years passed from its commencement
+in the twelfth century to its completion in the fifteenth, the whole
+interior is as harmonious as if it had been finished by the artist who
+began it. I know nothing in Gothic architecture superior to the grandeur,
+richness, and yet lightness of the choir and eastern apse. Thence we
+went to St. Julien's, a fine old church of the thirteenth century,
+desecrated in the Revolution, but now under restoration.
+
+Thence to the Hôtel Gouin, a specimen of the purely domestic architecture
+of the fifteenth century, covered with elegant tracery and scroll-work in
+white marble. We ended with Plessis-les-Tours, Louis XI.'s castle, which
+stands on a flat, somewhat marshy, tongue of land stretching between the
+Loire and the Cher. All that remains is a small portion of one of the
+inner courts, probably a guard-room, and a cellar pointed out to us as
+the prison in which Louis XI kept Cardinal de la Balue for several years.
+The cellar itself is not bad for a prison of those days, but he is said
+to have passed his first year or two in a grated vault under the
+staircase, in which he could neither stand up nor lie at full length.
+
+'It is remarkable,' said Tocqueville, 'that the glorious reigns in French
+history, such as those of Louis Onze, Louis Quatorze, and Napoleon ended
+in the utmost misery and exhaustion, while the periods at which we are
+accustomed to look as those of disturbance and insecurity were those of
+comparative prosperity and progress. It seems as if tyranny were worse
+than civil war.'
+
+'And yet,' I said, 'the amount of revenue which these despots managed to
+squeeze out of France was never large. The taxation under Napoleon was
+much less than under Louis Philippe.'
+
+'Yes,' said Tocqueville, 'but it was the want of power to tax avowedly
+that led them into indirect modes of raising money, which were far more
+mischievous; just as our servants put us to more expense by their jobs
+than they would do if they simply robbed us to twice the amount of their
+indirect gains.
+
+'Louis XIV. destroyed all the municipal franchises of France, and paved
+the way for this centralized tyranny, not from any dislike of municipal
+elections, but merely in order to be able himself to sell the places
+which the citizens had been accustomed to grant.'
+
+_Sunday, April_ 9.--Another sultry day. I waited till the sun was low,
+and then sauntered by the side of the river with Tocqueville.
+
+'The worst faults of this Government,' said Tocqueville, 'are those which
+do not alarm the public.
+
+'It is depriving us of the local franchises and local self-government
+which we have extorted from the central power in a struggle of forty
+years. The Restoration and the Government of July were as absolute
+centralizers as Napoleon himself. The local power which they were forced
+to surrender they made over to the narrow pays légal, the privileged
+ten-pounders, who were then attempting to govern France. The Republic
+gave the name of Conseils-généraux to the people, and thus dethroned the
+notaires who had governed those assemblies when they represented only the
+_bourgeoisie_. The Republic made the maires elective. The Republic placed
+education in the hands of local authorities. Under its influence, the
+communes, the cantons, and the departments were becoming real
+administrative bodies. They are now mere geographical divisions. The
+préfet appoints the maires. The préfet appoints in every canton a
+commissaire de police--seldom a respectable man, as the office is not
+honourable. The gardes champêtres, who are our local police, are put
+under his control. The recteur, who was a sort of local Minister of
+Education in every department, is suppressed. His powers are transferred
+to the préfet. The préfet appoints, promotes, and dismisses all the
+masters of the _écoles primaires._ He has the power to convert the
+commune into a mere unorganised aggregation of individuals, by dismissing
+every communal functionary, and placing its concerns in the hands of his
+own nominees. There are many hundreds of communes that have been thus
+treated, and whose masters now are uneducated peasants. The préfet can
+dissolve the Conseil-général of his department and, although he cannot
+directly name its successors, he does so virtually.
+
+'No candidate for an elective office can succeed unless he is supported
+by the Government. The préfet can destroy the prosperity of every commune
+that displeases him. He can dismiss its functionaries, close its schools,
+obstruct its improvements, and withhold the assistance in money which the
+Government habitually gives to forward the public purposes of a commune.
+
+'The Courts of Law, both criminal and civil, are the tools of the
+Executive. The Government appoints the judges, the préfet provides the
+jury, and _la haute police_ acts without either.
+
+'All power of combination, even of mutual communication, except from
+mouth to mouth, is gone. The newspapers are suppressed or intimidated,
+the printers are the slaves of the préfet, as they lose their privilege
+if they offend; the secrecy of the post is habitually and avowedly
+violated; there are spies to watch and report conversation.
+
+'Every individual stands defenceless and insulated in the face of this
+unscrupulous Executive with its thousands of armed hands and its
+thousands of watching eyes. The only opposition that is ventured is the
+abstaining from voting. Whatever be the office, whatever be the man, the
+candidate of the préfet comes in; but if he is a man who would have been
+universally rejected in a state of freedom, the bolder electors show
+their indignation by their absence. I do not believe that, even with
+peace, and with the prosperity which usually accompanies peace, such a
+Government could long keep down such a country as France. Whether its
+existence would be prolonged by a successful war I will not decide.
+Perhaps it might be.
+
+'That it cannot carry on a war only moderately successful, or a war which
+from its difficulties and its distance may be generally believed to be
+ill managed, still less a war stained by some real disaster, seems to me
+certain--if anything in the future of France can be called certain.
+
+'The vast democratic sea on which the Empire floats is governed by
+currents and agitated by ground-swells, which the Government discovers
+only by their effects. It knows nothing of the passions which influence
+these great, apparently slumbering, masses; indeed it takes care, by
+stifling their expression, to prevent their being known. Universal
+suffrage is a detestable element of government, but it is a powerful
+revolutionary instrument'
+
+'But,' I said, 'the people will not have an opportunity of using that
+instrument. All the great elective bodies have some years before them.'
+
+'That is true,' said Tocqueville, 'and therefore their rage will break
+out in a more direct, and perhaps more formidable, form. Depend on it,
+this Government can exist, even for a time, only on the condition of
+brilliant, successful war, or prosperous peace. It is bound to be rapidly
+and clearly victorious. If it fail in this, it will sink--or perhaps, in
+its terrors and its struggles, it will catch at the other alternative,
+peace.
+
+'The French public is too ignorant to care much about Russian
+aggrandisement. So far as it fancies that the strength of Russia is the
+weakness of England, it is pleased with it. I am not sure that the most
+dishonourable peace with Nicholas would not give to Louis Napoleon an
+immediate popularity. I am sure that it would, if it were accompanied by
+any baits to the national vanity and cupidity; by the offer of Savoy for
+instance, or the Balearic Islands. And if you were to quarrel with us for
+accepting them, it would be easy to turn against you our old feelings of
+jealousy and hatred.'
+
+We saw vast columns of smoke on the other side of the river. Those whom
+we questioned believed them to arise from an intentional fire. Such fires
+are symptoms of popular discontent. They preceded the revolution of 1830.
+They have become frequent of late in this country.
+
+_Monday, April_ 10.--Tocqueville and I drove this morning to
+Azy-le-Rideau, another Francis I. château, on an island formed by the
+Indre. It is less beautifully situated than Chenonceaux; the river Indre
+is smaller and more sluggish than the Cher; the site of the castle is in
+a hollow, and the trees round it approach too near, and are the tall and
+closely planted poles which the French seem to admire. But the
+architecture, both in its outlines and in its details, is charming.
+It is of white stone, in this form, with two curtains and four
+towers. The whole outside and the ceilings and cornices within are
+covered with delicate arabesques.
+
+ O ______________ 0
+ | |______________| |
+ 0 \ | |
+ \ | |
+ \| |
+ | |
+ 0
+
+Like Chenonceaux, it escaped the revolution, and is now, with its
+furniture of the sixteenth century, the residence of the Marquis de
+Biancourt, descended from its ancient proprietors.
+
+As we sauntered over the gardens, our conversation turned on the old
+aristocracy of France.
+
+'The loss of our aristocracy,' said Tocqueville, 'is a misfortune from
+which we have not even begun to recover. The Legitimists are their
+territorial successors; they are the successors in their manners, in
+their loyalty, and in their prejudices of _caste_; but they are not their
+successors in cultivation, or intelligence, or energy, or, therefore, in
+influence. Between them and the _bourgeoisie_ is a chasm, which shows no
+tendency to close. Nothing but a common interest and a common pursuit
+will bring them together.
+
+'If the murder of the Duc d'Enghien had not made them recoil in terror
+and disgust from Napoleon, they might have perhaps been welded into one
+mass with his new aristocracy of services, talents, and wealth. They were
+ready to adhere to him during the Consulate. During the Restoration they
+were always at war with the _bourgeoisie_, and therefore with the
+constitution, on which the power of their enemies depended. When the
+result of that war was the defeat and expulsion of their leader, Charles
+X., their hostility extended from the _bourgeoisie_ and the constitution
+up to the Crown. Louis Philippe tried to govern by means of the middle
+classes alone. Perhaps it was inevitable that he should make the attempt.
+It certainly was inevitable that he should fail. The higher classes, and
+the lower classes, all equally offended, combined to overthrow him. Under
+the Republic they again took, to a certain extent, their place in the
+State. They led the country people, who came to the assistance of the
+Assembly in June 1848. The Republic was wise enough to impose no oaths.
+It did not require those who were willing to serve it to begin by openly
+disavowing their traditionary opinions and principles. The Legitimists
+took their places in the Conseils-généraux. They joined with the
+_bourgeoisie_ in local administration, the only means by which men of
+different classes can coalesce.
+
+'The socialist tendencies which are imputed to this Second Empire, the
+oath which it most imprudently imposes, its pretensions to form a dynasty
+and its assertion of the principle most abhorrent to them, elective
+monarchy, have thrown them back into disaffection. And I believe their
+disaffection to be one of our great dangers--a danger certainly increased
+by the Fusion. The principal object of the Fusion is to influence the
+army. The great terror of the army is division in itself. It will accept
+anything, give up anything, dare anything, to avoid civil war. Rather
+than be divided between the two branches, it would have adhered to the
+Empire. Now it can throw off the Bonapartes without occasioning a
+disputed succession.'
+
+'When you say,' I asked, 'that the Legitimists are not the successors of
+the old aristocracy in cultivation, intelligence, or energy, do you mean
+to ascribe to them positive or relative inferiority in these qualities?'
+
+'In energy,' answered Tocqueville, 'their deficiency is positive. They
+are ready to suffer for their cause, they are not ready to exert
+themselves for it. In intelligence and cultivation they are superior to
+any other class in France; but they are inferior to the English
+aristocracy, and they are inferior, as I said before, to their ancestors
+of the eighteenth century. There existed in the highest Parisian society
+towards the end of that century a comprehensiveness of curiosity and
+inquiry, a freedom of opinion, an independence, and soundness of
+judgment, never seen before or since. Its pursuits, its pleasures, its
+admirations, its vanities, were all intellectual. Look at the success of
+Hume. His manners were awkward; he was a heavy, though an instructive,
+converser; he spoke bad French; he would pass now for an intelligent
+bore. But such was the worship then paid to talents and
+knowledge--especially to knowledge, and talents employed on the
+destruction of prejudices--that Hume was, for years, the lion of all the
+salons of Paris. The fashionable beauties quarrelled for the fat
+philosopher. Nor was their admiration or affection put on, or even
+transitory. He retained some of them as intimate friends for life.
+If the brilliant talkers and writers of that time were to return to life,
+I do not believe that gas, or steam, or chloroform, or the electric
+telegraph, would so much astonish them as the dulness of modern society,
+and the mediocrity of modern books.'
+
+In the evening we discussed the new scheme of throwing open the service
+of India and of the Government offices to public competition.
+
+'We have followed,' said Tocqueville, 'that system to a great extent for
+many years. Our object was twofold. One was to depress the aristocracy of
+wealth, birth, and connexions. In this we have succeeded.
+
+The École Polytechnique, and the other schools in which the vacancies are
+given to those who pass the best examinations, are filled by youths
+belonging to the middle classes, who, undistracted by society, or
+amusement, or by any literary or scientific pursuits, except those
+immediately bearing on their examinations, beat their better-born
+competitors, who will not degrade themselves into the mere slaves of
+success in the _concours_. Our other object was to obtain the best public
+servants. In that we have failed. We have brought knowledge and ability
+to an average; diminished the number of incompetent _employés_, and
+reduced, almost to nothing, the number of distinguished ones. Continued
+application to a small number of subjects, and those always the same, not
+selected by the student, but imposed on him by the inflexible rule of the
+establishment, without reference to his tastes or to his powers, is as
+bad for the mind as the constant exercise of one set of muscles would be
+for the body.
+
+'We have a name for those who have been thus educated. They are called
+"polytechnisés." If you follow our example, you will increase your
+second-rates, and extinguish your first-rates; and what is perhaps a more
+important result, whether you consider it a good or an evil, you will
+make a large stride in the direction in which you have lately made so
+many--the removing the government and the administration of England from
+the hands of the higher classes into those of the middle and lower ones.'
+
+
+
+
+CORRESPONDENCE.
+
+
+Paris, Sunday, May 14, 1854.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--I write to you _in meditatione fugæ_. We start for
+England in an hour's time. The last news that I heard of you was the day
+before yesterday from Cousin. He read me your letter, which sounded to me
+like that of a man in not very bad health or hopes. I trust that the
+attack of which Madame de Tocqueville wrote to us has quite passed off.
+
+Thiers, who asked very anxiously after you to-day, is earnest that you
+should be present at the election on the 18th. The Academy, he said, is
+very jealous. _Vous serez très-mal vu_, if you do not come.
+
+You are at last going seriously to work in the war. By the end of the
+year you will have, military and naval, 700,000 men in arms.
+
+I wish that they were nearer to the enemy.
+
+Pray remember us most kindly to Madame de Tocqueville, and let us know
+where you go as soon as you are decided.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. Senior.
+
+
+St. Cyr, May 21, 1854.
+
+I followed the advice which you were commissioned to give me, my dear
+Senior. I have just been to Paris, but as I stayed there only twenty-four
+hours I have not brought back any distinct impressions.
+
+I saw only Academicians who talked about the Academy, and--who knew
+nothing of politics. It is true that such is now the case with everyone.
+Politics, which used to be transacted in open day, have now become a
+secret process into which none can penetrate except the two or three
+alchemists who are engaged in its preparation.
+
+You heard of course that after your little visit, which we enjoyed so
+much, I became very unwell, and my mind was only less affected than my
+body. I spent a month very much out of spirits and very much tired of
+myself. During the last eight or ten days I have felt much better. My
+visit to our friends the Beaumonts did me a great deal of good, and I owe
+a grudge to the Academy for forcing me to shorten it.
+
+I still intend to visit Germany, but the plan depends on the state of my
+health. When it is bad I am inclined to give up the journey, when I am
+better I take it up again and look forward to it with pleasure. On the
+whole I think that I shall go. But it is impossible for me to settle my
+route beforehand. Even if I were stronger it would be difficult, for such
+an expedition must always be uncertain.
+
+I am not going to Germany to see any place in particular, but intend to
+go hither and thither wherever I can find certain documents and people.
+
+I received yesterday a letter from our friend Ampère. He is still in
+Rome, still more and more enchanted with the place, and using every
+argument to induce us to spend there with him the winter of 1856. His
+descriptions are so attractive that we may very likely be persuaded,
+especially if we had any chance of meeting you there, for you are one of
+the people whose society always increases the happiness of life. However,
+we have plenty of time for talking over this plan.
+
+Adieu, dear Senior.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+Wildbad, September 19, 1854.
+
+You gave me great pleasure, my dear Senior, by making me acquainted with
+Sir George and Lady Theresa Lewis.
+
+I must really thank you sincerely for it, for the time passed with them
+has been the most agreeable part of our journey.
+
+You have no doubt heard of the mischance which has put a stop to our
+peregrinations: my wife was seized two months ago at Bonn by a violent
+attack of rheumatism. The waters of Wildbad were recommended to her, and
+she has been taking them for more than twenty-five days without
+experiencing any relief. We are promised that the effects will be felt
+afterwards; but these fine promises only half reassure us, and we shall
+set out again on our travels in very bad spirits.
+
+Our original intention was to spend the autumn in the North of Germany,
+but in Madame de Tocqueville's condition it is evident that there is
+nothing else to be done but to return home as fast as we can.
+
+We are somewhat consoled by the arrival of our common friend Ampère. He
+was returning from Italy, through Germany, and, hearing of our
+misfortune, he has come to look after us in these wild mountains of the
+Black Forest amidst which Wildbad is situated. He has been with us a
+week, and I hope that he will accompany us home.
+
+Our intention is to spend a month or six weeks with my father near
+Compiègne. Towards the first week in November we shall establish
+ourselves in Paris for the winter. We hope to see you there at the end of
+this year or the beginning of next.
+
+Ampère, my wife, and I constantly talk of you. If you could overhear us I
+think you would not be very much dissatisfied. They insist upon being
+very particularly remembered to you, and as for me I beg you to believe
+in my most sincere attachment.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+Compiègne, January 22, 1855.
+
+It was a long time since I had seen your handwriting, my dear Senior, and
+I was beginning to complain of you; your letter therefore was a double
+pleasure.
+
+I see that you have resumed your intention of visiting Algiers, and I am
+anxious that you should carry it into effect.
+
+I hope that we shall be in Paris when you pass through. We put off our
+departure from day to day; not that we are kept by the charms of our
+present abode; the house is too small for us and scantily furnished, but
+I find it such a favourable retreat for study, that I have great
+difficulty in tearing myself away from it.
+
+I hear, as you do, with great satisfaction of the mutual good feeling of
+our armies in the Crimea. It far exceeds my expectations.
+
+But I am not equally pleased with your management of the war. The English
+ought to know that what has passed and is passing there has sensibly
+diminished their moral force in Europe. It is an unpleasant truth, but I
+ought not to conceal it from you. I see proofs of it every day, and I
+have been struck by it peculiarly in a late visit to Paris, where I saw
+persons of every rank and of every shade of political opinion. The heroic
+courage of your soldiers was everywhere and unreservedly praised, but I
+found also a general belief that the importance of England as a military
+Power had been greatly exaggerated; that she is utterly devoid of
+military talent, which is shown as much in administration as in fighting;
+and that even in the most pressing circumstances she cannot raise a large
+army.
+
+Since I was a child I never heard such language. You are believed to be
+absolutely dependent on us; and in the midst of our intimacy I see rising
+a friendly contempt for you, which if our Governments quarrel, will make
+a war with you much easier than it has been since the fall of Napoleon.
+
+I grieve at all this, not only as endangering the English alliance,
+which, as you well know, I cherish, but as injuring the cause of liberty.
+
+I can pardon you for discrediting it by your adulation of our despotism,
+but I wish that you would not serve despotism more efficaciously by your
+own faults, and by the comparisons which they suggest.
+
+It seems also difficult to say what may not be the results of your long
+intimacy with such a Government as ours, and of the contact of the two
+armies. I doubt whether they will be useful to your aristocracy.
+
+Remember me to Lord Lansdowne and to the Lewises, who added such pleasure
+to our German tour.
+
+
+
+Compiègne, February 15, 1855.
+
+I conclude that this frightful weather is still keeping you in London, my
+dear Senior. I am comforted by the fact that I myself shall not reach
+Paris before the 28th.
+
+I do not wish to act the part of the pedagogue in the fable who preaches
+to people when his sermon can no longer be of any possible use, but I
+cannot help telling you that it is a great imprudence on your part to
+allow yourself to be caught in this way by the winter in England. What
+you now suffer from is only a trifling malady, but it may become a real
+illness if you persist in preferring pleasure to health. Pray think of
+this in the future and do not tempt the devil.
+
+I have not read the article to which you refer.[1]
+
+I can perfectly understand the reserve which was imposed upon you, and
+which you were forced to impose on yourself.
+
+I confess that I saw with great grief the sudden change in the
+expressions of the majority of the English, a year ago, respecting our
+Government. It was then ill consolidated, and in want of the splendid
+alliance which you offered to it. It was unnecessary that you should
+praise it, in order to keep it your friend. By doing so you sacrificed
+honourable opinions and tastes without a motive.
+
+Now things are changed. After you have lost your only army, and our
+master has made an alliance with Austria, which suits his feelings much
+better than yours did, he does not depend on you; you, to a certain
+extent, depend on him. Such being now the case, I can understand the
+English thinking it their duty to their country to say nothing that can
+offend the master of France. I can understand even their praising him; I
+reproach them only for having done so too soon, before it was necessary.
+
+I agree with you that England ought to be satisfied with being the
+greatest maritime Power, and ought not to aim at being also one of the
+greatest military Powers.
+
+But the feelings which I described to you as prevalent in France and in
+Germany, arose not from your want of an army of 500,000 men. They were
+excited by these two facts.
+
+First, by what was supposed (perhaps falsely) to be the bad military
+administration of your only army. Secondly, and much more, by your
+apparent inability to raise another army.
+
+According to continental notions, a nation which cannot raise as many
+troops as its wants require, loses our respect. It ceases, according to
+our notions, to be great or even to be patriotic. And I must confess
+that, considering how difficult it is to procure soldiers by voluntary
+enlistment, and how easily every nation can obtain them by other means, I
+do not see how you will be able to hold your high rank, unless your
+people will consent to something resembling a conscription.
+
+Dangerous as it is to speak of a foreign country, I venture to say that
+England is mistaken if she thinks that she can continue separated from
+the rest of the world, and preserve all her peculiar institutions
+uninfluenced by those which prevail over the whole of the Continent.
+
+In the period in which we live, and, still more, in the period which is
+approaching, no European nation can long remain absolutely dissimilar to
+all the others. I believe that a law existing over the whole Continent
+must in time influence the laws of Great Britain, notwithstanding the
+sea, and notwithstanding the habits and institutions, which, still more
+than the sea, have separated you from us, up to the present time.
+
+My prophecies may not be accomplished in our time; but I should not be
+sorry to deposit this letter with a notary, to be opened, and their truth
+or falsehood proved, fifty years hence.
+
+
+
+Compiègne, February 23, 1855.
+
+ ... My object in my last letter was not by any means, as you seem to
+think, to accuse _your aristocracy_ of having mismanaged the Crimean war.
+It has certainly been mismanaged, but who has been in fault?
+
+Indeed I know not, and if I did I should think at the same time that it
+would not be becoming in a foreigner to set himself up as a judge of the
+blunders of any other Government than his own.
+
+I thought that I had expressed myself clearly. At any rate what I wanted
+to say, if I did not say it, is, that the present events created in my
+opinion a new and great danger for your aristocracy, and that it will
+suffer severely from the rebound, if it does not make enormous efforts to
+show itself capable of repairing the past; and that it would be wrong to
+suppose that by fighting bravely on the field of battle it could retain
+the direction of the Government.
+
+I did not intend to say more than this.
+
+I will now add that if it persuades itself that it will easily get out of
+the difficulty by making peace, I think that it will find itself
+mistaken.
+
+Peace, after what has happened, may be a good thing for England in
+general, and useful to us, but I doubt whether it will be a gain for your
+aristocracy. I think that if Chatham could return to life he would agree
+with me, and would say that under the circumstances the remedy would not
+be peace but a more successful war.
+
+Kind regards, &c.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+[Footnote 1: An article in the _North British Review_, see p. 107.--ED.]
+
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS.
+
+_Paris, Hôtel Bedford.--Friday, March_ 2, 1855.--We slept on the 27th at
+Calais, on the 28th at Amiens, and reached this place last night.
+
+Tocqueville called on us this morning. We talked of the probability of
+Louis Napoleon's going to the Crimea.
+
+I said, 'that the report made by Lord John Russell, who talked the matter
+over with him, was, that he certainly had once intended to go, and had
+not given it up.'
+
+'I do not value,' said Tocqueville, 'Lord John's inferences from anything
+that he heard or saw in his audiences. All Louis Napoleon's words and
+looks, are, whether intentionally or not, misleading. Now that his having
+direct issue seems out of the question, and that the deeper and deeper
+discredit into which the heir presumptive is falling, seems to put _him_
+out of the question too, we are looking to this journey with great alarm.
+We feel that, for the present, his life is necessary to us, and we feel
+that it would be exposed to many hazards. He ought to incur some military
+risks, if he is present at a battle or an assault, and his courage and
+his fatalism, will lead him to many which he ought to avoid. But it is
+disease rather than bullets that we fear. He will have to travel hard,
+and to be exposed, under exciting circumstances, to a climate which is
+not a safe one even to the strong.'
+
+'But,' I said, 'he will not be exposed to it long. I have heard thirty,
+or at most forty, days proposed as the length of his absence.'
+
+'Who can say that?' answered Tocqueville. 'If he goes there, he must stay
+there until Sebastopol falls. It will not do for him to leave Paris in
+order merely to look at the works, pat the generals on the back,
+compliment the army, and leave it in the trenches. Unless his journey
+produces some great success--in short, unless it gives us Sebastopol--it
+will be considered a failure; and a failure he cannot afford. I repeat
+that he must stay there till Sebastopol falls. But that may be months.
+And what may months bring forth in such a country as France? In such a
+city as Paris? In such times as these? Then he cannot safely leave his
+cousin--Jérôme Plon swears that he will not go, and I do not see how he
+can be taken by force.'
+
+'I do not understand,' I said, 'Jerôme's conduct. It seemed as if he had
+the ball at his feet. The _rôle_ of an heir is the easiest in the world.
+He has only to behave decently in order to be popular.'
+
+'Jérôme's chances,' answered Tocqueville, 'of the popularity which is to
+be obtained by decent behaviour were over long before he became an heir.
+His talents are considerable, but he has no principles, and no good
+sense. He is Corsican to the bone. I watched him among his Montagnards in
+the Constituent.
+
+'Nothing could be more perverse than his votes, nor more offensive than
+his speeches. He is unfit to conciliate the sensible portion of society,
+and naturally throws himself into the arms of those who are waiting to
+receive him--the violent, the rapacious, and the anarchical: this gives
+him at least some adherents.'
+
+'What do you hear,' I asked, 'of his conduct in the East?'
+
+'I hear,' said Tocqueville, 'that he showed want, not so much of courage,
+as of temper and of subordination. He would not obey orders; he would not
+even transmit them, so that Canrobert was forced to communicate directly
+with the officers of Napoleon's division, and at last required him to
+take sick leave, or to submit to a court-martial.'
+
+'I thought,' I said, 'that he was really ill.'
+
+'That is not the general opinion,' said Tocqueville. 'He showed himself
+at a ball directly after his return, with no outward symptoms of ill
+health.'
+
+The conversation turned on English politics.
+
+'So many of my friendships,' said Tocqueville, 'and so many of my
+sympathies, are English, that what is passing _in_ your country, and
+_respecting_ your country, gives me great pain, and greater anxiety. To
+us, whom unhappily experience has rendered sensitive of approaching
+storms, your last six months have a frightfully revolutionary appearance.
+
+'There is with you, as there was with us in 1847, a general _malaise_ in
+the midst of general prosperity. Your people seem, as was the case with
+ours, to have become tired of their public men, and to be losing faith in
+their institutions. What else do these complaints of what is called "the
+system" mean? When you complain that the Government patronage is bartered
+for political support, that the dunces of a family are selected for the
+public service, and selected expressly because they could not get on in
+an open profession; that as their places are a sort of property, they are
+promoted only by seniority, and never dismissed for any, except for some
+moral, delinquency; that therefore the seniors in all your departments
+are old men, whose original dulness has been cherished by a life without
+the stimulus of hope or fear, you describe a vessel which seems to have
+become too crazy to endure anything but the calmest sea and the most
+favourable winds. You have tried its sea-worthiness in one department,
+your military organisation, and you find that it literally falls to
+pieces. You are incapable of managing a line of operations extending only
+seven miles from its base. The next storm may attack your Colonial
+Administration. Will that stand any better? Altogether your machinery
+seems throughout out of gear. If you set to work actively and fearlessly,
+without reference to private interests, or to private expectations, or to
+private feelings, to repair, remove and replace, you may escape our
+misfortunes; but I see no proofs that you are sufficiently bold, or
+indeed that you are sufficiently alarmed. Then as to what is passing
+here. A year ago we probably overrated your military power. I believe
+that now we most mischievously underrate it. A year ago nothing alarmed
+us more than a whisper of the chance of a war with England. We talk of
+one now with great composure. We believe that it would not be difficult
+to throw 100,000 men upon your shores, and we believe that half that
+number would walk over England or Ireland. You are mistaken if you think
+that these opinions will die away of themselves, or will be eradicated by
+anything but some decisive military success. I do not agree with those
+who think that it is your interest that Russia should submit while
+Sebastopol stands. You might save money and men by a speedy peace, but
+you would not regain your reputation. If you are caught by a peace before
+you have an opportunity of doing so, I advise you to let it be on your
+part an armed peace. Prepare yourselves for a new struggle with a new
+enemy, and let your preparations be, not only as effective as you can
+make them, but also as notorious.'[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Note inserted by M de Tocqueville in my Journal, after
+reading the preceding conversation.
+
+'J'ai entendu universellement louer sans restriction le courage héroïque
+de vos soldats, mais en même temps j'ai trouvé répandu cette croyance,
+qu'on s'était trompé de l'importance de l'Angleterre dans le monde, comme
+puissance militaire proprement dite, qui consiste autant à _administrer_
+la guerre qu'à combattre, et surtout qu'il lui était impossible, ce qu'on
+ne croyait pas jusque là, d'élever de grandes armées, même dans les cas
+les plus pressants. Je n'avais rien entendu de pareil depuis mon enfance.
+On vous croit absolument dans notre dépendance, et du sein de la grande
+inimité qui règne entre les deux peuples, je vois naître des idées qui,
+le jour où nos deux gouvernements cesseront d'être d'accord, nous
+précipiteront dans la guerre contre vous, beaucoup plus facilement que
+cela n'eut pu avoir lieu depuis la chute du premier Empire. Cela
+m'afflige, et pour l'avenir de Alliance anglaise (dont vous savez que j'ai
+toujours été un grand partisan), et non moins aussi, je l'avoue, pour la
+cause de vos institutions libres. Ce qui se passe n'est pas de nature à
+la relever dans notre esprit. Je vous pardonnerais de déconsidérer vos
+principes par les louanges dont vous accablez le gouvernement absolu qui
+règne en France, mais je voudrais du moins que vous ne le fissiez pas
+d'une manière encore plus efficace par vos propres fautes, et par la
+comparaison qu'elles suggèrent. Il me semble, du reste, bien difficile
+de dire ce qui résultera pour vous même du contact intime et prolongé
+avec notre gouvernement, et surtout de l'action commune et du mélange
+des deux armées. J'en doute, je vous l'avouerai, que l'aristocratie
+anglaise s'en trouve bien, et quoique A B ait entonné l'autre jour une
+véritable hymne en l'honneur de celle ci, je ne crois pas que ce qui
+passe soit de nature à rendre ces chances plus grandes dans l'avenir'--_A
+de Tocqueville_.
+
+'I heard universal and unqualified praise of the heroic courage of your
+soldiers, but at the same time I found spread abroad the persuasion that
+the importance of England had been overrated as a military Power properly
+so called--a Power which consists in administering as much as in
+fighting; and above all, that it was impossible (and this had never
+before been believed), for her to raise large armies, even under the most
+pressing circumstances. I never heard anything like it since my
+childhood. You are supposed to be entirely dependent upon us, and from
+the midst of the great intimacy which subsists between the two countries,
+I see springing up ideas which, on the day when our two Governments cease
+to be of one mind, will precipitate our country into a war against you,
+much more easily than has been possible since the fall of the first
+Empire. This grieves me, both on account of the duration of the English
+Alliance (of which you know that I have always been a great partisan),
+and no less, I own, for the sake of your free institutions. Passing
+events are not calculated to raise them in our estimation. I forgive you
+for discrediting your principles by the praise which you lavish on the
+absolute government which reigns in France, but I would have you at least
+not to do so in a still more efficacious manner by your own blunders and
+by the comparisons which they suggest. It seems to me, however, very
+difficult to predict the result to yourselves of the long and intimate
+contact with, our Government, and, above all, of the united action and
+amalgamation of the two armies. I own that I doubt its having a good
+effect on the future of the English aristocracy, and although A.B. struck
+up the other day a real hymn in its praise, I do not think that present
+events are of a nature to increase its chance in the future.']
+
+
+
+_Paris, Saturday, March_ 3.--Tocqueville called on us soon after
+breakfast.
+
+We talked of the loss and gain of Europe by the war. We agreed that
+Russia and England have both lost by it. Russia probably the most in
+power, England in reputation. That Prussia, though commercially a gainer,
+is humiliated and irritated by the superiority claimed by Austria and
+conceded to her.
+
+'You cannot,' said Tocqueville, 'estimate the opinions of Germany without
+going there. There is a general feeling among the smaller Powers of
+internal insecurity and external weakness, and Austria is looked up to as
+the supporter of order against the revolutionists, and of Germany against
+Russia. Austria alone has profited by the general calamities. Without
+actually drawing the sword she has possession of the Principalities, she
+has thrust down Prussia into the second rank, she has emancipated herself
+from Russia, she has become the ally of France and of England, and even
+of her old enemy Piedmont, she is safe in Italy. Poland and Hungary are
+still her difficulties, and very great ones, but as her general strength
+increases, she can better deal with them.'
+
+'Has not France, I said, 'been also a gainer, by becoming head of the
+coalition against Russia?'
+
+'Whatever we have gained,' answered Tocqueville, 'has been dearly
+purchased, so far as it has consolidated this despotism. For a whole year
+we have felt that the life, and even the reign, of Louis Napoleon was
+necessary to us. They will continue necessary to us during the remainder
+of the war. We are acquiring habits of obedience, almost of resignation.
+His popularity has not increased. He and his court are as much shunned by
+the educated classes as they were three years ago; we still repeat "que
+ça ne peut pas durer," but we repeat it with less conviction.'
+
+We passed the spring in Algeria, and returned to Paris the latter part of
+May.
+
+_Paris, May 26,_1855.--After breakfast I went to the Institut.
+
+M. Passy read to us a long paper on the Art of Government. He spoke so
+low and so monotonously that no one attended. I sat next to Tocqueville,
+and, as it was not decent to talk, we conversed a little in writing. He
+had been reading my Algiers Journal, and thus commented upon it:--
+
+'Il y a tout un côté, particulièrement curieux, de l'Algérie, qui vous a
+échappé parce que vous n'avez pu ou voulu vous imposer l'ennui de causer
+souvent avec les colons, et que ce côté-là ne se voit pas en parlant
+avec les gouvernants; c'est l'abus de la centralisation. L'Afrique peut
+être considérée comme le tableau le plus complet et le plus
+extraordinaire des vices de ce système.
+
+'Je suis convaincu que seul, sans les Arabes, le soleil, le désert, et la
+fièvre, il suffirait pour nous empêcher de coloniser. Tout ce que la
+centralisation laisse entrevoir de défauts, de ridicules et absurdités,
+d'oppression, de paperasseries en France, est grossi en Afrique au
+centuple. C'est comme un pou vu dans un microscope.'
+
+'J'ai causé,' I answered, 'avec Vialar et avec mon hôte aux eaux
+ferrugineuses. Mais ils ne se sont pas plaints de la centralisation.'
+
+'Ils ne se sont pas plaints,' he answered, 'du mot que, peut-être, ils ne
+connaissaient pas. Mais si vous les aviez fait entrer dans les détails de
+l'administration publique, ou même de leurs affaires privées, vous auriez
+vu que le colon est plus gêné dans tous ses mouvements, et plus _gouverné
+pour son plus grand bien_ que vous ne l'avez été quand il s'est agi de
+votre passeport.
+
+'Violar faisait allusion à cela quand il vous a dit que les chemins
+manquaient parce que le Gouvernement ne voulait pas laisser les gouvernés
+s'en mêler.'[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: 'One whole side, and that a very curious one, of Algeria,
+has escaped you, because you could not, or would not, inflict on yourself
+the bore of talking frequently with the colonists, and this side cannot
+be seen in conversing with officials--it is the abuse of centralisation.
+Africa may be considered as the most complete and most extraordinary
+picture of the vices of this system. I am convinced that it alone,
+without the Arabs, the sun, the desert and the fever, would be enough to
+prevent us from colonising. All the defects of centralisation, its
+oppressions, its faults, its absurdities, its endless documents, which
+are dimly perceived in France, become one hundred times bigger in Africa.
+It is like a louse in a microscope.'
+
+'I conversed,' I answered, 'with Violar and with my landlord at the
+mineral waters, and they did not complain of centralisation.' 'They did
+not complain,' he answered, 'of the word, which perhaps is unknown to
+them. But if you had made them enter into the details of the public
+administration, or even of their own private affairs, you would have seen
+that the colonist is more confined in all his movements, and more
+_governed, for his good_, than you were with regard to your passport.
+
+'This is what Violar meant when he told you that roads were wanting,
+because the Government would not permit its subjects to interfere in
+making them.']
+
+
+
+_Monday, May_ 28.--Tocqueville called on me.
+
+I asked him for criticisms on my article on the State of the Continent in
+the 'North British Review' of February 1855.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: See p. 107.]
+
+'Of course,' I said, 'it must be full of blunders. No one who writes on
+the politics of a foreign country can avoid them. I want your help to
+correct a few of them.'
+
+'Since you ask me,' he answered, 'for a candid criticism, I will give you
+one. I accuse you rather of misappreciation than of misstatement. First
+with respect to Louis Napoleon. After having described accurately, in the
+beginning of your paper, his unscrupulous, systematic oppression, you end
+by saying that, after all, you place him high among our sovereigns.'
+
+'You must recollect,' I answered, 'that the article was written for the
+"Edinburgh Review," the organ of our Government, edited by Lord
+Clarendon's brother-in-law--and that the editor thought its criticisms of
+Louis Napoleon so severe, that after having printed it, he was afraid to
+publish it. I went quite as far as I prudently could. I accused him, as
+you admit, of unscrupulous oppression, of ignorance of the feelings of
+the people, of being an idle administrator, of being unacquainted with
+business himself, and not employing those who understand it, of being
+impatient of contradiction, of refusing advice and punishing censure--in
+short, I have praised nothing but his foreign policy--and I have
+mentioned two errors in that.'
+
+'But I have a graver accusation to bring against you,' replied
+Tocqueville. 'You couple as events mutually dependent the continuance of
+the Imperial Government and the continuance of the Anglo-Gallic Alliance.
+I believe this opinion not only to be untrue, but to be the reverse of
+the truth. I believe the Empire and the Alliance to be not merely, not
+mutually dependent, but to be incompatible, except upon terms which you
+are resolved never to grant The Empire is essentially warlike--and war in
+the mind of a Bonaparte, and of the friends of a Bonaparte, means the
+Rhine. This war is merely a stepping stone. It is carried on for purposes
+in which the mass of the people of France take no interest. Up to the
+present time its burthens have been little felt, as it has been supported
+by loans, and the limits of the legal conscription have not been
+exceeded. But when the necessity comes for increased taxation and
+anticipated conscriptions, Louis Napoleon must have recourse to the real
+passions of the French _bourgeoisie_ and peasantry--the love of conquest,
+_et la haine de l'Anglais_. Don't fancy that such feelings are dead, they
+are scarcely asleep. They might be roused in a week, in a day, and they
+_will_ be roused as soon as he thinks that they are wanted.
+
+'What do you suppose was the effect in France of Louis Napoleon's triumph
+in England?
+
+'Those who know England attributed it to the ignorance and childishness
+of the multitude. Those who thought that the shouts of the mob had any
+real meaning either hung down their heads in shame at the
+self-degradation of a great nation, or attributed them to fear. The
+latter was the general feeling. "Il faut," said all our lower classes,
+"que ces gens-là aient grande peur de nous."
+
+'You accuse, in the second place, all the Royalist parties of dislike of
+England.
+
+'Do you suppose that you are more popular with the others? That the
+Republicans love your aristocracy, or the Imperialists your freedom? The
+real friends of England are the friends of her institutions. They are
+the body, small perhaps numerically, and now beaten down, of those who
+adore Constitutional Liberty. They have maintained the mutual good
+feeling between France and England against the passions of the
+Republicans and the prejudices of the Legitimists. I trust, as you trust,
+that this good feeling is to continue, but it is on precisely opposite
+grounds. My hopes are founded, not on the permanence, but on the want of
+permanence, of the Empire. I do not believe that a great nation will be
+long led by its tail instead of by its head. My only fear is, that the
+overthrow of this tyranny may not take place early enough to save us from
+war with England, which I believe to be the inevitable consequence of its
+duration.'
+
+We left Paris soon after this conversation.
+
+[The following are a few extracts from the article in the 'North British
+Review.'--ED.]
+
+'The principal parties into which the educated society of Paris is
+divided, are the Imperialists, Royalists, Republicans, and
+Parliamentarians.
+
+'The Royalists maybe again subdivided into Orleanists, Legitimists, and
+Fusionists; and the Fusionists into Orleanist-Fusionists, and
+Legitimist-Fusionists.
+
+'The Imperialists do not require to be described. They form a small party
+in the salons of Paris, and much the largest party in the provinces.
+
+'Those who are Royalists without being Fusionists are also comparatively
+insignificant in numbers. There are a very few Legitimists who pay to the
+elder branch the unreasoning worship of superstition; who adore Henri
+V. not as a means but as an end; who pray for his reign, not for their
+own interests, not for the interests of France, but for his own sake; who
+believe that he derives his title from God, and that when the proper time
+comes God will restore him; and that to subject his claims to the
+smallest compromise--to admit, for instance, as the Fusionists do, that
+Louis Philippe was really a king, and that the reign of Henri V. did not
+begin the instant that Charles X. expired--would be a sinful contempt
+of Divine right, which might deprive his cause of Divine assistance.
+
+'There are also a very few Orleanists who, with a strange confusion of
+ideas, do not perceive that a title founded solely on a revolution was
+destroyed by a revolution; that if the will of the people was sufficient
+to exclude the descendants of Charles X., it also could exclude the
+descendants of Louis Philippe; and that the hereditary claims of the
+Comte de Paris cannot be urged except on the condition of admitting the
+preferable claims of the Comte de Chambord.
+
+'The bulk, then, of the Royalists are Fusionists; but though all the
+Fusionists agree in believing that the only government that can be
+permanent in France is a monarchy, and that the only monarchy that can be
+permanent is one depending on hereditary succession; though they agree in
+believing that neither of the Bourbon branches is strong enough to seize
+the throne, and that each of them is strong enough to exclude the other,
+yet between the Orleanist-Fusionists and the Legitimist-Fusionists the
+separation is as marked and the mutual hatred as bitter, as those which
+divide the most hostile parties in England.
+
+'The Orleanist-Fusionists are generally _roturiers_. They feel towards
+the _noblesse_ the hatred which has accumulated during twelve centuries
+of past oppression and the resentment excited by present insolence. Of
+all the noble families of France the most noble is that of Bourbon. The
+head of that house has always called himself _le premier gentilhomme de
+France_. The Bourbons therefore suffer, and in an exaggerated degree,
+the odium which weighs down the caste to which they belong. It was this
+odium, this detestation of privilege and precedence and exclusiveness,
+or, as it is sometimes called, this love of equality, which raised the
+barricades of 1830. It was to flatter these feelings that Louis Philippe
+sent his sons to the public schools and to the National Guard, and tried
+to establish his Government on the narrow foundation of the
+_bourgeoisie_. Louis Philippe and one or two of the members of his
+family, succeeded in obtaining some personal popularity, but it was only
+in the comparatively small class, the _pays légal_, with which they
+shared the emoluments of Government, and it was not sufficient to raise a
+single hand in their defence when the masses, whom the Court could not
+bribe or caress, rose against it. The Orleanist-Fusionists are
+Bourbonists only from calculation. They wish for the Comte de Paris for
+their king, not from any affection for him or for his family, but because
+they think that such an arrangement offers to France the best chance of
+a stable Government in some degree under popular control: and they are
+ready to tolerate the intermediate reign of Henri V. as an evil, but one
+which must be endured as a means of obtaining something else, not very
+good in itself but less objectionable to them than a Bonapartist dynasty
+or a Republic.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+'The Legitimists have been so injured in fortune and in influence, they
+have been so long an oppressed caste, excluded from power, and even from
+sympathy, that they have acquired the faults of slaves, have become
+timid, or frivolous, or bitter. Their long retirement from public life
+has made them unfit for it. The older members of the party have forgotten
+its habits and its duties, the younger ones have never learnt them. Their
+long absence from the Chambers and from the departmental and municipal
+councils, from the central and from the local government of France, has
+deprived them of all aptitude for business. The bulk of them are
+worshippers of wealth, or ease, or pleasure, or safety. The only
+unselfish feeling which they cherish is attachment to their hereditary
+sovereign. They revere Henri V. as the ruler pointed out to them by
+Providence: they love him as the representative of Charles X. the
+champion of their order, who died in exile for having attempted to
+restore to them the Government of France. They hope that on his
+restoration the _canaille_ of lawyers, and _littérateurs_, and
+adventurers, who have trampled on the _gentilshommes_ ever since 1830,
+will be turned down to their proper places, and that ancient descent will
+again be the passport to the high offices of the State and to the society
+of the Sovereign. The advent of Henri V., which to the Orleanist branch
+of the Fusionists is a painful means, is to the Legitimist branch a
+desirable end. The succession of the Comte de Paris, to which the
+Orleanists look with hope, is foreseen by the Legitimists with
+misgivings. The Fusionist party is in fact kept together not by common
+sympathies but by common antipathies; each branch of it hates or
+distrusts the idol of the other, but they co-operate because each
+branch hates still more bitterly, and distrusts still more deeply, the
+Imperialists and the Republicans.
+
+'Among the educated classes there are few Republicans, using that word to
+designate those who actually wish to see France a republic. There are
+indeed, many who regret the social equality of the republic, the times
+when plebeian birth was an aid in the struggle for power, and a
+journeyman mason could be a serious candidate for the Presidentship, but
+they are alarmed at its instability. They have never known a republic
+live for more than a few years, or die except in convulsions. The
+Republican party, however, though small, is not to be despised. It is
+skilful, determined, and united. And the Socialists and the Communists,
+whom we have omitted in our enumeration as not belonging to the educated
+classes, would supply the Republican leaders with an army which has more
+than once become master of Paris.
+
+'The only party that remains to be described is that to which we have
+given the name of Parliamentarians. Under this designation--a designation
+that we must admit that we have invented ourselves--we include those who
+are distinguished from the Imperialists by their desire for a
+parliamentary form of government; and from the Republicans, by their
+willingness that that government should be regal; and from the Royalists,
+by their willingness that it should be republican. In this class are
+included many of the wisest and of the honestest men in France. The only
+species of rule to which they are irreconcilably opposed is despotism. No
+conduct on the part of Louis Napoleon would conciliate a sincere
+Orleanist, or Legitimist, or Fusionist, or Republican. The anti-regal
+prejudices of the last, and the loyalty of the other three, must force
+them to oppose a Bonapartist dynasty, whatever might be the conduct of
+the reigning emperor. But if Louis Napoleon should ever think the time,
+to which he professes to look forward, arrived--if he should ever grant
+to France, or accept from her, institutions really constitutional;
+institutions, under which the will of the nation, freely expressed by a
+free press and by freely chosen representatives, should control and
+direct the conduct of her governor--the Parliamentarians would eagerly
+rally round him. On the same conditions they would support with equal
+readiness Henri V. or the Comte de Paris, a president elected by the
+people, or a president nominated by an Assembly. They are the friends of
+liberty, whatever be the form in which she may present herself.'
+
+ * * * * *
+
+'Although our author visits the Provinces, his work contains no report of
+their political feelings. The explanation probably is, that he found no
+expression of it The despotism under which France is now suffering is
+little felt in the capital. It shows itself principally in the subdued
+tone of the debates, if debates they can be called, of the Corps
+Législatif, and the inanity of the newspapers. Conversation is as free in
+Paris as it was under the Republic. Public opinion would not support the
+Government in an attempt to silence the salons of Paris. But Paris
+possesses a public opinion, because it possesses one or two thousand
+highly educated men whose great amusement, we might say whose great
+business, is to converse, to criticise the acts of their rulers, and to
+pronounce decisions which float from circle to circle, till they reach
+the workshop, and even the barrack. In the provinces there are no such
+centres of intelligence and discussion, and, therefore, on political
+subjects, there is no public opinion. The consequence is, that the action
+of the Government is there really despotic; and it employs its
+irresistible power in tearing from the departmental and communal
+authorities all the local franchises and local self-government which they
+had extorted from the central power in a struggle of forty years.
+
+'Centralisation, though it is generally disclaimed by every party that is
+in opposition, is so powerful an instrument that every Monarchical
+Government which has ruled France since 1789 has maintained, and even
+tried to extend it.
+
+'The Restoration, and the Government of July, were as absolute
+centralisers as Napoleon himself. The local power which they were forced
+to surrender they made over to the narrow _pays légal_, the privileged
+ten-pounders, who were then attempting to govern France. The Republic
+gave the election of the _Conseils généraux_ to the people, and thus
+dethroned the notaries who governed those assemblies when they
+represented only the _bourgeoisie_. The Republic made the Maires
+elective; the Republic placed education in the hands of the local
+authorities. Under its influence the communes, the cantons, and the
+departments were becoming real administrative bodies. They are now
+geographical divisions. The Préfet appoints the Maires; the Préfet
+appoints in every canton a Commissaire de Police, seldom a respectable
+man, as the office is not honourable; the Gardes champêtres, who are the
+local police, are put under his control; the Recteur, who was a sort of
+local Minister of Education in every department, is suppressed; his
+powers are transferred to the Préfet; the Préfet appoints, promotes, and
+dismisses all the masters of the _écoles primaires_. The Préfet can
+destroy the prosperity of every commune that displeases him. He can
+displace the functionaries, close its schools, obstruct its public works,
+and withhold the money which the Government habitually gives in aid of
+local improvement. He can convert it, indeed, into a mere unorganised
+aggregation of individuals, by dismissing every communal functionary, and
+placing its concerns in the hands of his own nominees. There are many
+hundreds of communes that have been thus treated, and whose masters are
+now uneducated peasants. The Préfet can dissolve the _Conseil général_ of
+his department, and although he cannot actually name their successors, he
+does so virtually. No candidate for an elective office can succeed unless
+he is supported by the Government. The Courts of law, criminal and civil,
+are the tools of the executive. The Government appoints the judges, the
+Préfet provides the jury, and _la Haute Police_ acts without either. All
+power of combination, even of mutual communication, except from mouth to
+mouth, is gone. The newspapers are suppressed or intimidated, the
+printers are the slaves of the Préfet, as they lose their privilege if
+they offend; the secrecy of the post is habitually and avowedly violated;
+there are spies in every country town to watch and report conversation;
+every individual stands defenceless and insulated, in the face of this
+unscrupulous executive, with its thousands of armed hands and its
+thousands of watching eyes. The only opposition that is ventured is the
+abstaining from voting. Whatever be the office, and whatever be the man,
+the candidate of the Préfet comes in; but if he is a man who would have
+been unanimously rejected in a state of freedom, the bolder electors show
+their indignation by their absence.
+
+'In such a state of society the traveller can learn little. Even those
+who rule it, know little of the feelings of their subjects. The vast
+democratic sea on which the Empire floats is influenced by currents, and
+agitated by ground swells which the Government discovers only by their
+effects. It knows nothing of the passions which influence these great
+apparently slumbering masses. Indeed, it takes care, by stifling their
+expression, to prevent their being known.
+
+'We disapprove in many respects of the manner in which Louis Napoleon
+employs his power, as we disapprove in all respects of the means by which
+he seized it; but, on the whole, we place him high among the sovereigns
+of France. As respects his foreign policy we put him at the very top. The
+foreign policy of the rulers of mankind, whether they be kings, or
+ministers, or senates, or demagogues, is generally so hateful, and at the
+same time so contemptible, so grasping, so irritable, so unscrupulous,
+and so oppressive--so much dictated by ambition, by antipathy and by
+vanity, so selfish, often so petty in its objects, and so regardless of
+human misery in its means, that a sovereign who behaves to other nations
+with merely the honesty and justice and forbearance which are usual
+between man and man, deserves the praise of exalted virtue. The
+sovereigns of France have probably been as good as the average of
+sovereigns. Placed indeed at the head of the first nation of the
+Continent, they have probably been better; but how atrocious has been
+their conduct towards their neighbour! If we go back no further than to
+the Restoration, we find Louis XVIII. forming the Holy Alliance, and
+attacking Spain without a shadow of provocation, for the avowed purpose
+of crushing her liberties and giving absolute power to the most
+detestable of modern tyrants. We find Charles X. invading a dependence
+of his ally, the Sultan, and confiscating a province to revenge a tap on
+the face given by the Bey of Algiers to a French consul. We find Louis
+Philippe breaking the most solemn engagements with almost wanton
+faithlessness; renouncing all extension of territory in Africa and then
+conquering a country larger than France--a country occupied by tribes who
+never were the subjects of the Sultan or of the Bey, and who could be
+robbed of their independence only by wholesale and systematic massacre;
+we find him joining England, Spain, and Portugal in the Quadruple
+Alliance, and deserting them as soon as the time of action had arrived;
+joining Russia, Prussia, Austria and England, in the arrangement of the
+Eastern question, on the avowed basis that the integrity of the Ottoman
+empire should be preserved, and then attempting to rob it of Egypt. We
+find him running the risk of a war with America, because she demanded,
+too unceremoniously, the payment of a just debt, and with England because
+she complained of the ill-treatment of a missionary. We find him trying
+to ruin the commerce of Switzerland because the Diet arrested a French
+spy, and deposing Queen Pomare because she interfered with the sale of
+French brandies; and, as his last act, eluding an express promise by a
+miserable verbal equivocation, and sowing the seeds of a future war of
+succession in order to get for one of his sons an advantageous
+establishment in Spain.
+
+'The greatest blot in the foreign policy of Louis Napoleon is the
+invasion of Rome, and for that he is scarcely responsible. It was
+originally planned by Louis Philippe and Rossi. The expedition which
+sailed from Toulon in 1849 was prepared in 1847. It was despatched in the
+first six months of his presidency, in obedience to a vote of the
+Assembly, when the Assembly was still the ruler of France; and Louis
+Napoleon's celebrated letter to Ney was an attempt, not, perhaps
+constitutional or prudent, but well-intentioned, to obtain for the Roman
+people liberal and secular institutions instead of ecclesiastical
+tyranny.
+
+'His other mistake was the attempt to enforce on Turkey the capitulations
+of 1740, and to revive pretentions of the Latins in Jerusalem which had
+slept for more than a century. This, again, was a legacy from Louis
+Philippe. It was Louis Philippe who claimed a right to restore the dome,
+or the portico, we forget which, of the Holy Sepulchre, and to insult the
+Greeks by rebuilding it in the Latin instead of the Byzantine form. Louis
+Napoleon has the merit, rare in private life, and almost unknown among
+princes, of having frankly and unreservedly withdrawn his demands, though
+supported by treaty, as soon as he found that they could not be conceded
+without danger to the conceding party.
+
+'With these exceptions, his management of the foreign relations of France
+has been faultless. To England he has been honest and confiding, to
+Russia conciliatory but firm, to Austria kind and forbearing, and he has
+treated Prussia with, perhaps, more consideration than that semi-Russian
+Court and childishly false and cunning king deserved. He has been
+assailed by every form of temptation, through his hopes and through his
+fears, and has remained faithful and disinterested. Such conduct deserves
+the admiration with which England has repaid it.
+
+'We cannot praise him as an administrator. He is indolent and
+procrastinating. He hates details, and therefore does not understand
+them. When he has given an order he does not see to its execution;
+indeed, he cannot, for he does not know how it ought to be executed. He
+directed a fleet to be prepared to co-operate with us in the Baltic in
+the spring. Ducos, his Minister of Marine, assured him that it was ready.
+The time came, and not a ship was rigged or manned. He asked us to
+suspend the expedition for a couple of months. We refused, and sailed
+without the French squadron. If the Russians had ventured out, and we
+either had beaten them single-handed, or been repulsed for want of the
+promised assistance, the effect on France would have been frightful. We
+have reason to believe that it was only in the middle of February that he
+made up his mind to send an army to Bulgaria. They arrived by driblets,
+without any plan of operations, and it was not until August that their
+battering train left Toulon. It ought to have reached Sebastopol in May.
+In time, however, he must see the necessity of either becoming an active
+man of business himself, or of ministering, like other sovereigns,
+through his Ministers. Up to the present time many causes have concurred
+to occasion him to endeavour to be his own Minister, and to treat those
+to whom he gives that name as mere clerks. He is jealous and suspicious,
+fond of power, and impatient of contradiction. With the exception of
+Drouyn de l'Huys, the eminent men of France, her statesmen and her
+generals, stand aloof from him. Those who are not in exile have retired
+from public life, and offer neither assistance nor advice. Advice,
+indeed, he refuses, and, what is still more useful than advice, censure,
+he punishes.
+
+'But the war, though it must last longer, and cost, more in men and in
+money than it would have done if it were managed with more intelligence
+and activity, must end favourably. Ill managed as it has been by
+France, it has been worse managed by Russia. It is impossible that that
+semi-barbarous empire, with its scarcely sane autocrat, its corrupt
+administration, its disordered finances, and its heterogeneous
+populations, should ultimately triumph over the two most powerful nations
+of Europe, flanked by Austria, and disposing of the fanatical valour of
+Turkey. If Louis Napoleon pleases the vanity of France by military glory,
+and rewards her exertions by a triumphant peace; if he employs his
+absolute power in promoting her prosperity by further relaxing the
+fetters which encumber her industry; if he takes advantage of the
+popularity which a successful war, an honourable peace, and internal
+prosperity must confer on him, to give to her a little real liberty and a
+little real self-government; if he gradually subsides from a [Greek:
+_Týrannos_] to a [Greek: _Basileús_]; if he allows some liberty of the
+press, some liberty of election, some liberty of discussion, and some
+liberty of decision; he may pass the remainder of his agitated life in
+the tranquil exercise of limited, but great and secure power, the ally of
+England, and the benefactor of France.
+
+'If this expectation should be realised--and we repeat, that among many
+contingencies it appears to us to be the least improbable--it affords to
+Europe the best hope of undisturbed peace and progressive civilisation
+and prosperity. An alliance with England was one of the favourite dreams
+of the first Napoleon. He believed, and with reason, that England and
+France united could dictate to all Europe. But in this respect, as indeed
+in all others, his purposes were selfish. Being master of France, he
+wished France to be mistress of the world. All that he gave to France was
+power, all that he required from Europe was submission. The objects for
+which he desired our co-operation were precisely those which we wished to
+defeat. The friendship from which we recoiled in disgust, almost in
+terror, was turned into unrelenting hatred; and in the long struggle
+which followed, each party felt that its safety depended on the total
+ruin of the other.
+
+'The alliance which the uncle desired as a means of oppressing Europe,
+the nephew seeks for the purpose of setting her free. The heavy continued
+weight of Russia has, ever since the death of Alexander, kept down all
+energy and independence of action, and even of thought, on the Continent.
+She has been the patron of every tyrant, the protector of every abuse,
+the enemy of every improvement. It was at her instigation that the
+Congress of Verona decreed the enslavement of Spain, and that in the
+conferences of Leybach it was determined to stifle liberty in Italy.
+Every court on the Continent is cursed with a Russian party; and woe be
+to the Sovereign and to the Minister who is not at its head: all the
+resources of Russian influence and of Russian corruption are lavished to
+render his people rebellious and his administration unsuccessful. From
+this _peine forte et dure_ we believe that Europe will now be relieved;
+and if the people or the sovereigns of the Continent, particularly those
+of Germany and Italy, make a tolerable use of the freedom from foreign
+dictation which the weakness of Russia will give to them, we look forward
+to an indefinite course of prosperity and improvement. Unhappily,
+experience, however, forbids us to be sanguine. Forty years ago, an
+event, such as we are now contemplating, occurred. A Power which had
+deprived the Continent of the power of independent action fell, and for
+several years had no successor. Germany and Italy recalled or
+re-established their sovereigns, and entrusted them with power such as
+they had never possessed before. How they used it may be inferred from
+the general outbreak of 1848. A popular indignation, such as could have
+been excited only by long years of folly, stupidity, and tyranny, swept
+away or shook every throne from Berlin to Palermo. The people was
+everywhere for some months triumphant; and its abuse of power produced a
+reaction which restored or introduced despotism in every kingdom except
+Prussia and Piedmont, and even in Prussia gave to the King power
+sufficient to enable him, up to the present moment, to maintain a policy,
+mischievous to the interests, disgusting to the sympathies, and injurious
+to the honour of his people. But while the Anglo-Gallic alliance
+continues, the Continent will be defended from the worst of all evils,
+the prevention of domestic improvement, and the aggravation of domestic
+disturbance, by foreign intervention. That alliance has already preserved
+the liberty of Piedmont. If it had been established sooner, it might have
+preserved that of Hesse, and have saved Europe from the revolting
+spectacle of the constitutional resistance of a whole people against an
+usurping tyrant and a profligate minister crushed by brutal, undisguised
+violence.
+
+'We repeat that we are not sanguine, that we do not expect the tranquil,
+uninterrupted progress which would be the result of the timely concession
+on the part of the sovereigns, and of the forbearance and moderation on
+the part of their subjects, which, if they could profit by the lessons of
+history, would be adopted by both parties. The only lesson, indeed, which
+history teaches is, that she teaches none either to subjects or to
+sovereigns. But we do trust that when the ruler and his people are
+allowed to settle their own affairs between one another, they will come
+from time to time to coarse and imperfect, but useful arrangements of
+their differences. Rational liberty may advance slowly and unequally; it
+may sometimes be arrested, it may sometimes be forced back, but its march
+in every decennial period will be perceptible. Like an oak which has
+grown up among storms, its durability will be in proportion to the
+slowness of its progress.'
+
+
+
+CORRESPONDENCE.
+
+Tocqueville, June 30, 1855.
+
+I have only just arrived here, my dear Senior, after wandering for nearly
+a month from friend to friend all through the Touraine and the Maine. As
+you may think, I am, on returning home after so long an absence,
+overpowered with trifling business. I cannot, therefore, comply to-day
+with your request and write to you the letter you ask for: I will write
+it after much thought and at length. The subject is well worthy of the
+trouble. Shall I at the same time send back to you the conversation which
+I have corrected, and in what way? The post would be very unsafe and
+expensive. Give me, therefore, your instructions on this point. But above
+all, give us news of yourselves and of all our friends.
+
+My wife has borne the journey better than I expected, and the delight we
+feel in finding ourselves here once more will completely restore her.
+
+This delight is really very great and in proportion to the annoyance of
+wandering about as we have done for three years without ever finding a
+place which entirely suited us.
+
+As to public news, I have heard none since I left Paris. The only spot
+which a single ray of light can ever reach is Paris. All the rest is in
+profound darkness. If you hear anything important, pray tell me.
+
+Adieu, dear Senior. Remember me to Mrs. and Miss Senior, and believe in
+our long and very sincere affection,
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+Tocqueville, July 25, 1855.
+
+I wrote to you yesterday, my dear Senior, a long letter according to my
+promise.
+
+But when I read it over I felt that it was absurd to send such a letter
+by the post, especially to a foreigner, and I burnt it.
+
+Since the assault of the 18th,[1] the interference of the police in
+private correspondence has become more active. Many of my friends as well
+as I myself have perceived it. More letters have been kept back and more
+have been stopped. Two of mine have been lost. You may remember that two
+letters from me failed to reach you, three years ago. The danger is
+greater in the country, where handwritings are known, than in Paris. You
+advise me to put my letters into a cover directed to your Embassy, which
+will forward them. But this is no security. If a letter be suspected, it
+is easy to open and re-seal it, and still easier simply to suppress it.
+
+And, in fact, after all, you have lost little. I wrote to you only what I
+have a hundred times said to you. We have lived so much together, and
+with such perfect mutual confidence, that it is difficult for either of
+us to say anything new to the other.
+
+Besides, on reading over again, with attention, your note of our last
+conversation,[2] I have nothing to alter. All that I could do would be to
+develope a little more my opinions, and to support them by additional
+arguments. I feel more and more their truth, and that the progress
+of events will confirm them much more than any reasonings of mine can do.
+
+We are annoyed and disturbed, having the house full of workmen. I am
+trying to warm it by hot air, and am forced to bore through very old and
+very thick walls; but we shall be repaid by being able to live here
+during the winter.
+
+I am amusing myself with the letters which our young soldiers in the
+East, peasants from this parish, write home to their families, and which
+are brought to me. This correspondence should be read in order to
+understand the singular character of the French peasant. It is strange to
+see the ease with which these men become accustomed to the risks of
+military life, to danger and to death, and yet how their hearts cling to
+their fields and to the occupations of country life. The horrors of war
+are described with simplicity, and almost with enjoyment. But in the
+midst of these accounts one finds such phrases as these: "What crop do
+you intend to sow in such a field next year?" "How is the mare?" "Has
+the cow a fine calf?" &c. No minds can be more versatile, and at the same
+time more constant. I have always thought that, after all, the peasantry
+were superior to all other classes in France. But these men are
+deplorably in want of knowledge and education, or rather the education to
+which they have been subjected for centuries past has taught them to make
+a bad use of their natural good qualities.
+
+It seems to me that Lord John's resignation will enable your Cabinet to
+stand, at least for some time. All that has passed in England since the
+beginning of the war grieves me deeply. Seen from a distance, your
+Constitution appears to me an admirable machine which is getting out of
+order, partly from the wearing out of its works, partly from the
+unskilfulness of its workers. Such a spectacle is useful to our
+Government.
+
+I asked you some questions, which you have not answered. Is Mrs. Grote
+returned from Germany? Is she well? Has she received my letter addressed
+to her at Heidelberg? The last question is always doubtful when one
+writes from France.
+
+I send you a letter from the Count de Fénelon, which I think will
+interest you. You will give it me back when we meet.
+
+I am very curious to know what you will think of Egypt; and I hope that
+we shall be established in Paris when you return.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+[Footnote 1: On the 18th June, 1855, the French and English made an
+unsuccessful assault on Sebastopol.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 2: That of the 28th May, 1855.--ED.]
+
+
+
+Tocqueville, September 19, 1855.
+
+
+Your letter, my dear Senior, of the 26th of August, has much interested
+me. I see that you are resolved on your great journey. I could say like
+Alexander, if the comparison were not too ambitious, that I should wish
+to be in your place if I were not in my own; but I cannot get satiated
+with the pleasure of being at home after so long an absence. Everything
+is pleasure in this country life, among my own fields. Even the solitude
+is charming; but were I anywhere else, I should envy you your tour.
+
+Everything in Egypt is curious: the past, the present, and the future. I
+hope to learn much from your Journal, which I trust that I shall have. We
+shall certainly meet you in Paris.
+
+The noise made by the fall of Sebastopol has echoed even to this distant
+corner of France. It is a glorious event, and has delighted every
+Frenchman of every party and of every opinion, for in these matters we
+are one man.
+
+I fear that the victory has been bought dearly. There is not a
+neighbouring village to which the war has not cost some of its children.
+But they bear it admirably. You know, that in war we show the best side
+of our character. If our civilians resembled our soldiers we should long
+ago have been masters of Europe.
+
+This war has never been popular, nor is it popular, yet we bear all its
+cost with a cheerfulness admirable when you consider the sorrows which it
+occasions, aggravated by the distress produced by the dearness of bread.
+If, instead of the Crimea, the seat of war had been the Rhine, with a
+definite purpose, the whole nation would have risen, as it has done
+before.
+
+But the object of the war is unintelligible to the people. They only know
+that France is at war, and must be made, at any price, to triumph.
+
+I must confess, that I myself, who understand the object for which all
+this blood is shed, and who approve that object, do not feel the interest
+which such great events ought to excite; for I do not expect a result
+equal to the sacrifice.
+
+I think, with you, that Russia is a great danger to Europe. I think so
+more strongly, because I have had peculiar opportunities of studying the
+real sources of her power, and because I believe these sources to be
+permanent, and entirely beyond the reach of foreign attack. (I have not
+time now to tell you why.) But I am deeply convinced that it is not by
+taking from her a town, or even a province, nor by diplomatic
+precautions, still less by placing sentinels along her frontier, that the
+Western Powers will permanently stop her progress.
+
+A temporary bulwark may be raised against her, but a mere accident may
+destroy it, or a change of alliances or a domestic policy may render it
+useless.
+
+I am convinced that Russia can be stopped only by raising before her
+powers created by the hatred which she inspires, whose vital and constant
+interest it shall be to keep themselves united and to keep her in. In
+other words, by the resurrection of Poland, and by the re-animation of
+Turkey.
+
+I do not believe that either of these means can now be adopted. The
+detestable jealousies and ambitions of the European nations resemble, as
+you say in your letter, nothing better than the quarrels of the Greeks in
+the face of Philip. Not one will sacrifice her passions or her objects.
+
+About a month ago I read some remarkable articles, which you perhaps have
+seen, in the German papers, on the progress which Russia is making in the
+extreme East. The writer seems to be a man of sense and well informed.
+
+It appears that during the last five years, Russia, profiting by the
+Chinese disturbances, has seized, not only the mouth of the Amoor, but a
+large territory in Mongolia, and has also gained a considerable portion
+of the tribes which inhabit it. You know that these tribes once overran
+all Asia, and have twice conquered China. The means have always been the
+same--some accident which, for an instant, has united these tribes in
+submission to the will of one man. Now, says the writer, very plausibly,
+the Czar may bring this about, and do what has been done by Genghis Khan,
+and, indeed, by others.
+
+If these designs are carried out, all Upper Asia will be at the mercy of
+a man, who, though the seat of his power be in Europe, can unite and
+close on one point the Mongols.
+
+I know more about Sir G. Lewis's book[1] than you do. I have read it
+through, and I do not say, as you do, that it must be a good book, but
+that it _is_ a good book. Pray say as much to Sir George when you see
+him, as a letter of mine to Lady Theresa on the subject may have
+miscarried.
+
+It is as necessary now for friends to write in duplicate from town to
+town, as it is if they are separated by the ocean and fear that the ship
+which carries their letters may be lost. I hear that our friend John Mill
+has lately published an excellent book. Is it true? at all events
+remember me to him.
+
+Adieu, my dear Senior. Do not forget us any more than we forget you.
+Kindest regards to Mrs. Senior, and Miss Senior, and Mrs. Grote.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+[Footnote 1: The work referred to was probably that on the _Early History
+of Rome_.--ED.]
+
+
+
+Paris, April 1, 1856.
+
+I write a few lines to you at Marseilles, my dear Senior, as you
+wished.[1] I hope that you will terminate your great journey as
+felicitously as you seem to me to have carried it on from the beginning.
+The undertaking appears to have been a complete success. I wish that it
+might induce you next year to cross over the ocean to America. I should
+be much interested in hearing and reading your remarks upon that society.
+But perhaps Mrs. Senior will not be so ready to start off again; so, that
+I may not involve myself in a quarrel with her, I will say no more on the
+subject.
+
+I am longing to see you, for beside our old and intimate friendship I
+shall be delighted to talk with such an interesting converser, and, above
+all, to find myself again in the company of (as Mrs. Grote calls you)
+'the boy.' You will find me, however, in all the vexations of correcting
+proofs and the other worries connected with bringing out a book.[2] It
+will not appear till the end of this month.
+
+I can tell you no more about politics than you may learn from the
+newspapers. Peace, though much desired has caused no public excitement
+The truth is that just now we are not _excitable_. As long as she remains
+in this condition France will not strike one of those blows by which she
+sometimes shakes Europe and overturns herself.
+
+Reeve has been and Milnes still is here. We have talked much of you with
+these two old friends. Good bye, or rather, thank God, _à bientôt_.
+
+A thousand kind remembrances to Mrs. Senior.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+[Footnote 1: Mr. Senior was on his return from Egypt.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 2: The _Ancien Régime_.]
+
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS.
+
+_Paris, May_ 16.--M. de Tocqueville has scarcely been visible since my
+return to Paris. Madame de Tocqueville has been absent. She returned
+yesterday, and they spent this evening with us.
+
+Tocqueville is full of his book, which is to appear in about a week. His
+days and nights are devoted to correcting the press and to writing
+notes--which he thought would be trifling, but which grow in length and
+importance.
+
+The object of the work is to account for the rapid progress of the
+Revolution, to point out the principal causes which enabled a few
+comparatively obscure men to overthrow in six weeks a Monarchy of many
+centuries.
+
+'I am inclined,' I said, 'to attribute the rapidity with which the old
+institutions of France fell, to the fact that there was no _lex loci_ in
+France. That the laws, or rather the customs, of the different provinces
+were dissimilar, and that nothing was defined. That as soon as the
+foundations or the limits of any power were examined, it crumbled to
+pieces; so that the Assembly became omnipotent in the absence of any
+authority with ascertained rights and jurisdiction.'
+
+'There is much truth in that,' answered Tocqueville, 'but there is also
+much truth in what looks like an opposite theory--namely, that the
+Monarchy fell because its power was too extensive and too absolute.
+Nothing is so favourable to revolution as centralisation, because whoever
+can seize the central point is obeyed down to the extremities. Now the
+centralisation of France under the old Monarchy, though not so complete
+as its Democratic and Imperial tyrants afterwards made it, was great.
+Power was concentrated in Paris and in the provincial capitals. The
+smaller towns and the agricultural population were unorganised and
+defenceless. The 14th of July revealed the terrible secret that the
+Master of Paris is the Master of France.'
+
+_Paris, May_ 18.--I spent the day at Athy, the country-seat of M.
+Lafosse,[1] who had been my companion in our Egyptian journey.
+
+'What do you hear,' I asked, 'of the Empress?'
+
+'Nothing,' he answered, 'but what is favourable; all her instincts and
+prejudices are good. Lesseps, who is nearly related to her, has many of
+her letters, written during the courtship, in which she speaks of her
+dear Louis with the utmost affection, and dwells on the hope that if ever
+she should become his wife, she may be able to induce him to liberalise
+his Government.'
+
+'And now,' he said, 'tell me what you heard in England about our Canal?'
+
+'I heard nothing,' I answered, 'except from Maclean. He told me that he
+thought that the Maritime Canal, if supplied from the sea, would become
+stagnant and unwholesome, and gradually fill. That that plan was formed
+when the levels of the two seas were supposed to differ, so that there
+would be a constant current.
+
+'"Now that the equality of their levels has been ascertained," he said to
+me, "the only mode of obtaining a current is to employ the Nile instead
+of the sea." "But can the Nile spare the water?" I asked. "Certainly,"
+he answered. "An hour a day of the water from the Nile, even when at its
+lowest, would be ample." "And what do the other engineers say?" I asked.
+"Randall," he replied, "agrees with me. The others are at present for the
+salt water. But we are to meet in time and discuss it thoroughly."'
+
+'It is not the opinion of the engineers,' answered Lafosse, 'that I want,
+but that of the politicians.
+
+'We are told that Lord Palmerston threatens to prevent it as long as he
+is Minister. This makes us very angry. We think that we perceive in his
+opposition his old hatred of France and of everything that France
+supports or even favours--feelings which we hoped the Alliance had cured.
+
+'The matter,' he continued, 'was to have been brought before the
+Congress. Buol had promised to Nigrelli to do so, and Cavour to Lesseps
+and Paleocapa. But after the occupation of Italy, and the Belgian press,
+and the rights of Neutrals had been introduced, the Congress got
+impatient, and it was thought inexpedient to ask them to attend to
+another episodical matter. The Emperor, however, did something. He asked
+Ali Pasha, the Turkish Minister, what were the Sultan's views. "They
+will be governed," said Ali Pasha, "in a great measure by those of his
+allies." "As one of them," said the Emperor, "I am most anxious for its
+success." "In that case," replied Ali Pasha, "the Sultan can have no
+objection to it in principle, though he may wish to annex to his firman
+some conditions--for instance, as to the occupation of the forts at each
+end by a mixed garrison of Turks and Egyptians." The Emperor then turned
+to Lord Clarendon. "What are your views," he asked, "as to the Suez
+Canal?" "It is a grave matter," answered Lord Clarendon, "and one on
+which I have no instructions. But I believe it to be impracticable."
+"Well," replied the Emperor, "but supposing for the sake of the argument,
+that it is practicable, what are your intentions?" "I cannot but think,"
+answered Lord Clarendon, "that any new channel of commerce must be
+beneficial to England. The real difficulty is the influence which the
+Canal may have in the relations of Egypt and Turkey." "If that be the
+only obstacle," replied the Emperor, "there is not much in it, for Ali
+Pasha has just told me that if _we_ make no objection the Sultan makes
+none. We cannot be more Turkish than the Turk."'
+
+'I am most anxious,' added Lafosse, 'that this stupid opposition of yours
+should come to an end. Trifling as the matter may seem, it endangers the
+cordiality of the Alliance. The people of England, who do not know how
+jealous and _passionnés_ we are, cannot estimate the mistrust and the
+irritation which it excites. That an enterprise on which the French,
+wisely or foolishly, have set their hearts, should be stopped by the
+caprice of a wrong-headed Englishman, hurts our vanity; and everything
+that hurts our vanity offends us much more than what injures our serious
+interests.
+
+'If the engineers and the capitalists decide in favour of the scheme, you
+will have to yield at last. You had much better do so now, when you can
+do it with a good grace. Do not let your acquiescence be extorted.'
+
+
+[Footnote 1: M. Lafosse died many years ago. He was a friend of M. de
+Lesseps, by whom he and Mr. Senior were invited to join the expedition to
+Egypt--ED.]
+
+
+_Paris, May_ 19.--After breakfast I spent a couple of hours with Cousin.
+
+'You have been in England,' he said, 'since you left Egypt. What is the
+news as to our Canal? Will Palmerston let us have it? You must stay a few
+weeks in Paris to estimate the effect of your opposition to it. We
+consider Palmerston's conduct as a proof that his hatred of France is
+unabated, and the acquiescence of the rest of your Cabinet as a proof
+that, now we are no longer necessary to you, now that we have destroyed
+for you the maritime power of Russia, you are indifferent to our
+friendship.
+
+'I know nothing myself as to the merits of the Canal. I distrust Lesseps
+and everything that he undertakes. He has much talent and too much
+activity, but they only lead him and his friends into scrapes. I daresay
+that the Canal is one, and that it will ruin its shareholders; but as I
+am anxious we should not quarrel with England, I am most anxious that
+this silly subject of dispute should be removed.'
+
+'Louis Napoleon,' he continued, 'professed to wish that you should allow
+the Sultan to give his consent; but I doubt whether he is sincere. I am
+not sure that he is not pleased at seeing the Parisians occupied by
+something besides his own doings, especially as it promotes the national
+dislike of England. Now that the war is over we want an object. He tries
+to give us one by launching us into enormous speculations. He is trying
+to make us English; to give us a taste for great and hazardous
+undertakings, leading to great gains, great losses, profuse expenditure,
+and sudden fortunes and failures. Such things suit _you_; they do not
+suit _us_. Our habits are economical and prudent, perhaps timid. We like
+the petty commerce of commission and detail, we prefer domestic
+manufactures to factories, we like to grow moderately rich by small
+profits, small expenditure, and constant accumulation. We hate the
+_nouveaux riches_, and scarcely wish to be among them. The progress for
+which we wish is political progress--not within, for there we are
+satisfied to oscillate, and shall be most happy if in 1860 we find
+ourselves where we were in 1820--but without. I believe that our master's
+_sortie_ against Belgium was a pilot balloon. He wished to see what
+amount of opposition he had to fear from you, and from Belgium, and how
+far we should support him. He has found the two former greater than he
+expected. I am not sure that he is dissatisfied with the last.'
+
+I spent the morning at H.'s. He too attacked me about the Canal.
+
+'Do entreat,' he said, 'your public men to overrule their ill-conditioned
+colleague. I told you a year ago, the mischief that you were doing, but I
+do not think that you believed me. You may find too late that I was
+right.'
+
+I repeated to him Ellice's opinion that the commerce of England would not
+use the canal.
+
+'I have heard that,' he said, 'from Ellice himself, but I differ from
+him. I agree with him, indeed, that your sailing vessels will not use the
+canal, but I believe that a few years hence you will have no purely
+sailing vessels, except for the small coasting trade. Every large ship
+will have a propeller; and with propellers, to be employed occasionally,
+and sails for ordinary use, the Mediterranean and the Red Sea are very
+manageable. I believe that the canal will be useful, and particularly
+to you. But whatever be the real merits of the scheme, for God's sake let
+it be tried. Do not treat us like children, and say, "We know better what
+is good for you than you do yourselves. You shall not make your canal
+because you would lose money by it."'
+
+'What did you hear,' I said, 'about the Congress?'
+
+'I heard,' he answered, 'that Clarendon was very good, and was the best,
+and that Walewski was very bad, and was the worst.'
+
+'Can you tell me,' I said, 'the real history of the Tripartite Treaty?'
+
+'I can,' he answered. 'There was an old engagement between the three
+Powers, entered into last spring, that if they succeeded in the war, they
+would unite to force Russia to perform any conditions to which she might
+submit.
+
+'This engagement had been allowed to sleep; I will not say that it was
+forgotten, but no one seemed disposed to revert to it. But after the
+twenty-second Protocol, when Piedmont was allowed to threaten Austria,
+and neither England nor France defended her, Buol got alarmed. He feared
+that Austria might be left exposed to the vengeance of Russia on the
+north and east, and to that of the Italian Liberals on the South. An
+alliance with France and England, though only for a specified purpose, at
+least would relieve Austria from the appearance of insulation. She would
+be able to talk of the two greatest Powers in Europe as her allies, and
+would thus acquire a moral force which might save her from attack. He
+recalled, therefore, the old engagement to the recollection of Clarendon
+and Louis Napoleon, and summoned them to fulfil it. I do not believe that
+either of them was pleased. But the engagement was formal, and its
+performance, though open to misconstruction, and intended by Austria to
+be misconstrued, was attended by some advantages, though different ones,
+to France and to England. So both your Government and ours complied.'
+
+_Tuesday, May 20_.--The Tocquevilles and Rivet drank tea with us.
+
+I mentioned to Tocqueville the subject of my conversations with Cousin
+and H.
+
+'I agree with Cousin,' he said. 'The attempt to turn our national
+activity into speculation and commerce has often been made, but has never
+had any permanent success. The men who make these sudden fortunes are not
+happy, for they are always suspected of _friponnerie_, and the Government
+to which they belong is suspected of _friponnerie_. Still less happy are
+those who have attempted to make them, and have failed. And those who
+have not been able even to make the attempt are envious and sulky. So
+that the whole world becomes suspicious and dissatisfied.
+
+'And even if it were universal, mere material prosperity is not enough
+for us. Our Government must give us something more: must gratify our
+ambition, or, at least, our vanity.'
+
+'The Government,' said Rivet, 'has been making a desperate plunge in
+order to escape from the accusation of _friponnerie_. It has denounced in
+the "Moniteur" the _faiseurs_; it has dismissed a poor _aide-de-camp_ of
+Jérôme's for doing what everybody has been doing ever since the _coup
+d'état_. When Ponsard's comedy, which was known to be a furious satire on
+the _agioteurs_, was first played, Louis Napoleon took the whole
+orchestra and pit stalls, and filled them with people instructed to
+applaud every allusion to the _faiseurs_. And he himself stood in his
+box, his body almost out of it, clapping most energetically every attack
+on them.'
+
+'At the same time,' I said, 'has he not forced the Orleans Company and
+the Lyons Company to buy the Grand Central at much more than its worth?
+And was not that done in order to enable certain _faiseurs_ to realise
+their gains?'
+
+'He has forced the Orleans Company,' said Rivet, 'to buy up, or rather to
+amalgamate the Grand Central; but I will not say at more than its value.
+The amount to be paid is to depend on the comparative earnings of the
+different lines, for two years before and two years after the purchase.'
+
+'But,' I said, 'is it not true, first, that the Orleans Company was
+unwilling to make the purchase? and, secondly, that thereupon the Grand
+Central shares rose much in the market?'
+
+'Both these facts,' answered Rivet, 'are true.'
+
+'Do you believe,' I said to Tocqueville, 'H.'s history of the Tripartite
+Treaty?'
+
+'I do,' he answered. 'I do not think that at the time when it was made we
+liked it. It suited you, who wish to preserve the _statu quo_ in Europe,
+which keeps us your inferiors, or, at least, not your superiors. _You_
+have nothing to gain by a change. We have. The _statu quo_ does not suit
+us. The Tripartite Treaty is a sort of chain--not a heavy one, or a
+strong one--but one which we should not have put on if we could have
+avoided it.'
+
+'Do you agree,' I asked Tocqueville, 'with Lafosse, Cousin, and H. as to
+the effect in Paris of our opposition to the Suez Canal?'
+
+'I agree,' he answered, 'in every word that they have said. There is
+nothing that has done you so much mischief in France, and indeed in
+Europe.
+
+'I am no engineer; I should be sorry to pronounce a decided opinion as to
+the feasibility or the utility of the canal; but your opposition makes us
+believe that it is practicable.'
+
+'Those among us,' I answered, 'who fear it, sometimes found their fear on
+grounds unconnected with its practicability. They say that it is a
+political, not a commercial, scheme. That the object is to give to French
+engineers and French shareholders a strip of land separating Egypt from
+Syria, and increasing the French interest in Egypt.'
+
+'What is the value,' answered Tocqueville, 'of a strip of land in the
+desert where no one can live? And why are the shareholders to be French?
+The Greeks, the Syrians, the Dalmatians, the Italians, and the Sicilians
+are the people who will use the canal, if anybody uses it. They will form
+the bulk of the shareholders, if shareholders there are.
+
+'My strong suspicion is, that if you had not opposed it, there never
+would have been any shareholders, and that if you now withdraw your
+opposition, and let the scheme go on until calls are made, the
+subscribers, who are ready enough with their names as patriotic
+manifestations against you as long as no money is to be paid, will
+withdraw _en masse_ from an undertaking which, at the very best, is a
+most hazardous one.
+
+'As to our influence in Egypt, your journal shows that it is a pet
+project of the Viceroy. He hopes to get money and fame from it. You
+_imitate_ both his covetousness and his vanity, and throw him for support
+upon us.'
+
+
+_Paris, May_ 21--The Tocquevilles and Chrzanowski[1] drank tea with us.
+
+We talked of the French iron floating batteries.
+
+'I saw one at Cherbourg,' said Tocqueville, 'and talked much with her
+commander. He was not in good spirits about his vessel, and feared some
+great disaster. However, she did well at Kinburn.'
+
+'She suffered little at Kinburn,' said Chrzanowski, 'because she ventured
+little. She did not approach the batteries nearer than 600 metres. At
+that distance there is little risk and little service. To knock down a
+wall two metres thick from a distance of 600 metres would require at
+least 300 blows. How far her own iron sides would have withstood at that
+distance the fire of heavy guns I will not attempt to say, as I never saw
+her. The best material to resist shot is lead. It contracts over the ball
+and crushes it.'
+
+'Kinburn, however,' said Tocqueville, 'surrendered to our floating
+batteries.'
+
+'Kinburn surrendered,' said Chrzanowski, 'because you landed 10,000 men,
+and occupied the isthmus which connects Kinburn with the main land. The
+garrison saw that they were invested, and had no hope of relief. They
+were not Quixotic enough, or heroic enough, to prolong a hopeless
+resistance. Scarcely any garrison does so.'
+
+We talked of Malta; and I said that Malta was the only great
+fortification which I had seen totally unprovided with earth-works.
+
+'The stone,' said Chrzanowski, 'is soft and will not splinter.'
+
+'I was struck,' I said, 'with the lightness of the armament; the largest
+guns that I saw, except some recently placed in Fort St. Elmo, were
+twenty-four pounders.'
+
+'For land defence,' he answered, 'twenty-four pounders are serviceable
+guns. They are manageable and act with great effect within the short
+distance within which they are generally used. It is against ships that
+large guns are wanted. A very large ball or shell is wasted on the
+trenches, but may sink a ship. The great strength of the land defences of
+Malta arises from the nature of the ground on which Valetta and Floriana
+are built, indeed of which the whole island consists. It is a rock
+generally bare or covered with only a few inches of earth. Approaches
+could not be dug in it. It would be necessary to bring earth or sand in
+ships, and to make the trenches with sand-bags or gabions.'
+
+I asked him if he had read Louis Napoleon's orders to Canrobert,
+published in Bazancourt's book?
+
+'I have,' he answered. 'They show a depth of ignorance and a depth of
+conceit, compared to which even Thiers is modest and skilful. Canrobert
+is not a great general, but he is not a man to whom a civilian, who
+never saw a shot fired, ought to give lectures on what he calls "the
+great principles" or "the absolute principles of war." He seems to have
+taken the correspondence between Napoleon and Joseph for his model,
+forgetting that Canrobert is to him what Napoleon was to Joseph. Then he
+applies his principles as absurdly as he enunciates them. Thus he orders
+Canrobert to send a fleet carrying 25,000 men to the breach at Aboutcha,
+to land 3,000 of them, to send them three leagues up the country, and not
+to land any more, until those first sent have established themselves
+beyond the defile of Agen. Of course those 3,000 men would be useless if
+the enemy were _not_ in force, or destroyed if they _were_ in force. To
+send on a small body and not to support them is the grossest of faults.
+It is the fault which you committed at the Redan, when the men who had
+got on to the works were left by you for an hour unsupported, instead of
+reinforcements being poured in after them as quickly as they could be
+sent.
+
+'In fact,' he continued, 'the horrible and mutual blunders of that
+campaign arose from its being managed by the two Emperors from Paris and
+from St. Petersburg, Nicholas and Alexander were our best friends. Louis
+Napoleon was our worst enemy.
+
+'There is nothing which ought to be so much left to the discretion of
+those on the spot as war. Even a commander-in-chief actually present in a
+field of battle can do little after the action, if it be really a great
+one, has once begun.
+
+'If we suppose 80,000 men to be engaged on each side, each line will
+extend at least three miles. Supposing the general to be in the centre,
+it will take an _aide-de-camp_ ten minutes to gallop to him from one of
+the wings, and ten minutes to gallop back. But in twenty minutes all may
+be altered.'
+
+
+[Footnote 1: 'Chrzanowski has passed thirty years fighting against or for
+the Russians. He began military life in 1811 as a sous lieutenant of
+artillery in the Polish corps which was attached to the French army. With
+that army he served during the march to Moscow, and the retreat. At the
+peace, what remained of his corps became a part of the army of the
+kingdom of Poland. He had attained the rank of major in that army when
+the insurrection on the accession of Nicholas broke out. About one
+hundred officers belonging to the staff of the properly Russian army were
+implicated, or supposed to be implicated, in that insurrection, and were
+dismissed, and their places were supplied from the army of the kingdom of
+Poland. Among those so transferred to the Russian army was Chrzanowski.
+He was attached to the staff of Wittgenstein, and afterwards of Marshal
+Diebitsch, in the Turkish campaigns of 1828 and 1829. In 1830 he took
+part with his countrymen in the insurrection against the Muscovites, and
+quitted Poland when it was finally absorbed in the Russian Empire. A few
+years after a quarrel was brewing between England and Russia. Muscovite
+agents were stirring up Persia and Affghanistan against us, and it was
+thought that we might have to oppose them on the shores of the Black Sea.
+Chrzanowski was attached to the British Embassy at Constantinople and was
+employed for some years in ascertaining what assistance Turkey, both in
+Europe and in Asia, could afford to us. In 1849 he was selected by
+Charles Albert to command the army of the kingdom of Sardinia.
+
+'That army was constituted on the Prussian system, which makes every man
+serve, and no man a soldier. It was, in fact, a militia. The men were
+enlisted for only fourteen months, at the end of that time they were sent
+home, and were recalled when they were wanted, having forgotten their
+military training and acquired the habits of cottiers and artisans. They
+had scarcely any officers, or even _sous_ officers, that knew anything of
+their business. The drill sergeants required to be drilled. The generals,
+and indeed the greater part of the officers, were divided into hostile
+factions--Absolutists, Rouges, Constitutional Liberals, and even
+Austrians--for at that time, in the exaggerated terror occasioned by the
+revolutions of 1848, Austria and Russia were looked up to by the greater
+part of the noblesse of the Continent as the supporters of order against
+Mazzini, Kossuth, Ledru Rollin, and Palmerston. The Absolutists and the
+Austrians made common cause, whereas the Rouges or Mazzinists were
+bitterest against the Constitutional Liberals. Such an army, even if
+there had been no treason, could not have withstood a disciplined enemy.
+When it fell a victim to its own defects, and to the treachery of
+Ramorino, Chrzanowski retired to Paris.'--(_Extracted from Mr. Senior's
+article in the 'North British Review.'_)
+
+Chrzanowski died several years ago.--ED.]
+
+
+
+CORRESPONDENCE.
+
+Kensington, August 20, 1856.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--A few weeks after my return to London your book
+reached me--of course from the time that I got it, I employed all my
+leisure in reading it.
+
+Nothing, even of yours, has, I think, so much instructed and delighted
+me. Much of it, perhaps, was not quite so new to me as to many others; as
+I had had the privilege of hearing it from you--but even the views which
+were familiar to me in their outline were made almost new by their
+details.
+
+It is painful to think how difficult it is to create a Constitutional
+Government, and how difficult to preserve one, and, what is the same, how
+easy to destroy one.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Mrs. Senior is going to Wales and to Ireland, where I join her, after
+having paid a long-promised visit to Lord Aberdeen.
+
+I like the conversation of retired statesmen, and he is one of our
+wisest. Thiers has just left us. I spent two evenings with him, but on
+the first he was engrossed by Lord Clarendon, and on the second by the
+Duc d'Aumale and by Lord Palmerston. They were curious _rapprochements_,
+at least the first and third. It was the first meeting of Palmerston and
+Duc d'Aumale. I am very much pleased with the latter. He is sensible,
+well informed, and unaffected.
+
+Kindest regards, &c.
+
+A.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+Tocqueville, September 4, 1856.
+
+I have read, my dear Senior, your letter with great pleasure. Your
+criticism delights me, for I rely on your judgment and on your sincerity.
+I am charmed that you have found in my book more than you had learned
+from our conversations, on my view of our history. We have known one
+another so long, we have conversed so much and so unreservedly, that it
+is difficult for either of us to write anything that the other will think
+new. I was afraid that what may appear original to the public might seem
+trite to you.
+
+The Reeves have been with us; we have passed together an agreeable
+fortnight. I had charged Reeve to bring you, whether you would or not.
+Did he make the attempt? I am sure that you would have enjoyed your
+visit, and we should have rejoiced to have under our roof two such old
+friends as you and Reeve.
+
+I am glad that you have printed your article; pray try to send it to me.
+
+It seems that you intend this winter to anchor in Rome. It increases my
+regret that I cannot be there. It is out of the question. My wife's
+health and mine are so much improved that the journey is not necessary,
+and business of all kinds keeps us at home. If you push on to Naples, you
+will, perhaps, enjoy the absence of the rascally king whom you and I
+found there five years ago. I applaud the virtuous indignation of the
+English against this little despot, and their sympathy with the unhappy
+wretches whom he detains arbitrarily to die slowly in his prisons, which,
+though not placed in the African deserts or the marshes of Cayenne, are
+bad enough. The interest which your great nation takes in the cause of
+humanity and liberty, even when that cause suffers in another country,
+delights me. What I regret is that your generous indignation is directed
+against so petty a tyrant.
+
+I must say that America is a _puer robustus_. Yet I cannot desire, as
+many persons do, its dismemberment. Such an event would inflict a great
+wound on the whole human race; for it would introduce war into a great
+continent from whence it has been banished for more than a century.
+
+The breaking up of the American Union will be a solemn moment in the
+history of the world. I never met an American who did not feel this, and
+I believe that it will not be rashly or easily undertaken. There will,
+before actual rupture, be always a last interval, in which one or both
+parties will draw back. Has not this occurred twice?
+
+Adieu, dear Senior. Do not be long without letting us hear from you, and
+remember us affectionately to Mrs. Senior and to your daughter.
+
+
+
+Ashton House, near Phoenix Park, Dublin, September 26, 1856.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--Your letter found me at Haddo House, Aberdeenshire,
+where we have been spending a fortnight with Lord Aberdeen.
+
+It has been very interesting. Lord Aberdeen is one of our wisest
+statesmen.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+I found Lord Aberdeen deprecating the war, notwithstanding its success,
+utterly incredulous as to the aggressive intentions attributed to
+Nicholas, and in fact throwing the blame of the war on Lord Stratford
+and, to a certain degree, on Louis Napoleon.
+
+I found him also much disturbed by our Naples demonstration, believing it
+to be an unwarranted interference with an independent Government.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Ever yours,
+
+A.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+Tocqueville, November 2, 1856.
+
+I am grateful to you, my dear Senior, for your kindness in telling me
+what I most wished to hear. The judgments of such men as those with whom
+you have been living, while they delight me, impose on me the duty of
+unrelaxed efforts.
+
+Your fortnight at Lord Aberdeen's amused me exceedingly, and not the
+least amusing part were the eccentricities of A.B.
+
+There is one point in which the English seem to me to differ from
+ourselves, and, indeed, from all other nations, so widely that they form
+almost a distinct species of men. There is often scarcely any connection
+between what they say and what they do.
+
+No people carry so far, especially when speaking in public, violence of
+language, outrageousness of theories, and extravagance in the inference
+drawn from those theories. Thus your A.B. says that the Irish have not
+shot half enough landlords. Yet no people act with more moderation. A
+quarter of what is said in England at a public meeting, or even round a
+dinner-table, without anything being done or intended to be done, would
+in France announce violence, which would almost always be more furious
+than the language had been.
+
+We Frenchmen are not so different from our antipodes as we are from a
+nation, partly our own progeny, which is separated from us by only a
+large ditch.
+
+I wonder whether you have heard how our illustrious master is relieving
+the working-people from the constant rise of house-rent. When they are
+turned out of their lodgings he re-establishes them by force; if they are
+distrained on for non-payment of rent, he will not allow the tribunals to
+treat the distress as legal. What think you, as a political economist, of
+this form of outdoor relief?
+
+What makes the thing amusing is, that the Government which uses this
+violent mode of lodging the working classes, is the very same Government
+which, by its mad public works, by drawing to Paris suddenly a hundred
+thousand workmen, and by destroying suddenly ten thousand houses, has
+created the deficiency of habitations. It seems, however, that the
+systematic intimidation and oppression of the rich in favour of the poor,
+is every day becoming more and more one of the principles of our
+Government.
+
+I read yesterday a circular from the prefect of La Sarthe, a public
+document, stuck up on the church-doors and in the market-places, which,
+after urging the landed proprietors of the department to assess
+themselves for the relief of the poor, adds, that their insensibility
+becomes more odious when it is remembered that for many years they have
+been growing rich by the rise of prices, which is spreading misery among
+the lower orders.
+
+The real character of our Government, its frightful mixture of socialism
+and despotism, was never better shown.
+
+I have said enough to prevent your getting my letter. If it _should_
+escape the rogue who manages our post-office, let me know as soon as you
+can.
+
+Kindest remembrances,
+
+A. DE. TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+Tocqueville, February 11, 1857.
+
+I must ask you, my dear Senior, to tell me yourself how you have borne
+this long winter. I suppose that it has been the same in England as in
+Normandy, for the two climates are alike.
+
+Here we have been buried for ten or twelve days under a foot of snow, and
+it froze hard during the whole time. How has your larynx endured this
+trial? I assure you that we take great interest in that larynx of yours.
+Give us therefore some news of it.
+
+Your letter gave us fresh pleasure by announcing your intention of
+passing April and May in Paris. We shall certainly be there at the same
+time, and perhaps before. I hope that we shall see you continually. We
+are, you know, among the very many people who delight in your society;
+besides, we have an excellent right to your friendship.
+
+I am looking forward with great pleasure to your Egypt. What I already
+know of that country leads me to think that of all your reminiscences it
+will afford the most novelty and interest.
+
+I do not think that your visit to Paris will be a very valuable addition
+to your journals. If I may judge by the letters which I receive thence,
+society there has never been flatter, nor more insipid, nor more entirely
+without any dominant idea. I need not tell you that your opinion of our
+statesmen is the same as that which prevails in Paris, but it is of such
+an ancient date, and is so obvious, that it cannot give rise to
+interesting discussions.
+
+A-propos of statesmen, we cannot understand how a man who made, _inter
+pocula_, the speech of ---- on his travels can remain in a government. I
+think that even ours, though so long-suffering towards its agents, could
+not tolerate anything similar even if it should secretly approve.
+Absolute power has its limits. The Prince de Ligne, in a discourse which
+you have doubtless read, seems to me to have described it in one word by
+saying that it was the speech of a _gamin_.
+
+I am, however, ungrateful to criticise it, for I own that it amused me
+extremely, and that I thought that Morny especially was drawn from life;
+but I think that if I had the honour of being Her Britannic Majesty's
+Prime Minister, I should not have laughed so heartily. How could so
+clever a man be guilty of such eccentricities?
+
+In my last letter to our excellent friend Mrs. Grote, I ventured to say
+that there was one person who wrote even worse than I did, and that it
+was you. Your last letter has filled me with remorse, for I could
+actually read it, and even without trouble. I beg, therefore, to make an
+_amende honorable_, and envy you your power of advancing towards
+perfection.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+I still think of paying a little visit to England in June. Adieu, dear
+Senior. Do not be angry with me for not writing on politics. Indeed I
+could tell you nothing, for I know nothing, and besides, just now
+politics are not to be treated by Frenchmen, _in letters_.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+Tocqueville, March 8, 1857.
+
+I still write to you, my dear Senior, from hence. We cannot tear
+ourselves away from the charms of our retreat, or from a thousand little
+employments. We shall scarcely reach Paris, therefore, before you. You
+will, therefore, yourself bring me the remainder of your curious journal.
+What I have already seen makes me most anxious to read the rest. I have
+never read anything which gave me more valuable information on Egypt
+and Oriental politics in general. As soon as I possibly can, I look
+forward to continuing its perusal.
+
+The papers tell us that your Ministry has been beaten on the Chinese War.
+It seems to me to have been an ill-chosen battle-field. The war was,
+perhaps, somewhat wantonly begun, and very roughly managed; but the
+fault lay with distant and subordinate agents. Now that it has begun, no
+Cabinet can avoid carrying it on vigorously. The existing Ministry will
+do as well for this as any other. As there is no line of policy to be
+changed, the upsetting is merely to put in the people who are now
+out.
+
+If the Ministry falls, the man least to be pitied will be our friend
+Lewis. He will go out after having obtained a brilliant triumph on his
+own ground, and he will enjoy the good fortune, rare to public men, of
+quitting power greater than he was when he took it, and with the enviable
+reputation of owing his greatness, not merely to his talents, but also to
+the respect and the confidence which he has universally inspired.
+
+All this delights me; for I feel towards him, and towards all his family,
+a true friendship.
+
+To return to China.
+
+It seems to me that the relations between that country and Europe are
+changed, and dangerously changed.
+
+Till now, Europe has had to deal only with a Chinese government--the most
+wretched of governments. Now you will find opposed to you a people; and a
+people, however miserable and corrupt, is invincible on its own
+territory, if it be supported and impelled by common and violent
+passions.
+
+Yet I should be sorry to die before I have seen China open to the eyes as
+well as to the arms of Europe.
+
+Do you believe in a dissolution? If so, when?
+
+A thousand regards to Mrs. Grote, to the great historian, to the Reeves,
+and generally to all who are kind enough to remember my existence.
+
+I delight in the prospect of meeting you in Paris; yet I fear that you
+will find it dull. All that I hear from the great town shows me that
+never, at least during the last two hundred years, has intellectual life
+been less active.
+
+If there be talent in the official circles, it is not the talent of
+conversation, and among those who formerly possessed that talent, there
+is so much torpidity, such want of interest on public affairs, such
+ignorance as to what is passing, and so little wish to hear about it,
+that no one, I am told, knows what to talk about or to take interest in.
+Your conversation, however, is so agreeable and stimulating that it is
+capable of reanimating the dead. Come and try to work this miracle.
+
+A thousand remembrances.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS.
+
+
+_Paris, Hotel Bedford, April_ 9, 1857.--We reached this place last night.
+
+The Tocquevilles are in our hotel. I went to them in the evening.
+
+Tocqueville asked me how long I intended to remain.
+
+'Four weeks,' I answered.
+
+'I do not think,' he replied, 'that you will be able to do so. Paris has
+become so dull that no one will voluntarily spend a month here. The
+change which five years have produced is marvellous.
+
+'We have lost our interest not only in public affairs, but in all serious
+matters.'
+
+'You will return then to the social habits of Louis Quinze,' I said. 'You
+were as despotically governed then as you are now; and yet the _salons_
+of Madame Geoffrin were amusing.'
+
+'We may do so in time,' he answered, 'but that time is to come. At
+present we talk of nothing but the Bourse. The conversation of our
+_salons_ resembles more that of the time of Law, than that of the time of
+Marmontel.'
+
+I spent the evening at Lamartine's. There were few people there, and the
+conversation was certainly dull enough to justify Tocqueville's fears.
+
+
+_April_ 10.--Tocqueville drank tea with us.
+
+We talked of the Empress, and of the possibility of her being Regent of
+France.
+
+'That supposes,' I said, 'first, that _Celui-ci_ holds his power until
+his death; and, secondly, that his son will succeed him.'
+
+'I expect both events,' answered Tocqueville. 'It is impossible to deny
+that Louis Napoleon has shown great dexterity and tact. His system of
+government is detestable if we suppose the welfare of France to be his
+object; but skilful if its aim be merely the preservation of his own
+power.
+
+'Such being his purpose, he has committed no great faults. Wonderful,
+almost incredible, as his elevation is, it has not intoxicated him.'
+
+'It has not intoxicated him,' I answered, 'because he was prepared for
+it--he always expected it.'
+
+'He could scarcely,' replied Tocqueville, 'have really and soberly
+expected it until 1848.
+
+'Boulogne and Strasbourg were the struggles of a desperate man, who
+staked merely a life of poverty, obscurity, and exile. Even if either of
+them had succeeded, the success could not have been permanent. A
+surprise, if it had thrown him upon the throne, could not have kept him
+there. Even after 1848, though the Bourbons were discredited, we should
+not have tolerated a Bonaparte if we had not lost all our self-possession
+in our terror of the Rouges. That terror created him, that terror
+supports him; and habit, and the dread of the bloodshed and distress, and
+the unknown chances of a revolution, will, I think, maintain him during
+his life.
+
+'The same feelings will give the succession to his heir. Whether the heir
+will keep it, is a different question.'
+
+_Sunday, April_ 12.--Tocqueville drank tea with us. I asked him if he had
+seen the Due de Nemours' letter.
+
+'I have not seen it,' he answered. 'In fact, I have not wished to see it.
+I disapprove of the Fusionists, and the anti-Fusionists, and the
+Legitimists, and the Orleanists-in short, of all the parties who are
+forming plans of action in events which may not happen, or may not
+happen in my time, or may be accompanied by circumstances rendering those
+plans absurd, or mischievous, or impracticable,'
+
+'But though you have not read the letter,' I said, 'you know generally
+what are its contents.'
+
+'Of course I do,' he replied. 'And I cannot blame the Comte de Chambord
+for doing what I do myself--for refusing to bind himself in
+contingencies, and to disgust his friends in the hope of conciliating his
+enemies.'
+
+'Do you believe,' I asked, 'that the mere promise of a Constitution would
+offend the Legitimists?'
+
+'I do not think,' he answered, 'that they would object to a Constitution
+giving them what they would consider their fair share of power and
+influence.
+
+'Under Louis Philippe they had neither, but it was in a great measure
+their own fault.
+
+'They have neither under this Government, for its principle is to rest on
+the army and on the people, and to ignore the existence of the educated
+classes.
+
+'You see _that_ in its management of the press. 'Montalembert, or Guizot,
+or Falloux, or I may publish what we like. We are not read by the soldier
+or by the _proletaire_.[1] But the newspaper press is subject to a
+slavery to which it was never reduced before. The system was first
+elaborated in Austria, and I daresay will be copied by all the
+Continental autocrats, for no inventions travel so quickly as despotic
+ones.
+
+'The public _avertissements_ are comparatively unimportant. Before a
+journal gets one of those its suppression has probably been decided on.
+Every day there are communications between the literary police and the
+different editors. Such or such a line of argument is altogether
+forbidden, another is allowed to be used to a certain extent. Some
+subjects are tabooed, others are to be treated partially.
+
+'As the mental food of the lower orders is supplied by the newspapers,
+this paternal Government takes care that it shall not be too exciting.'
+
+[Footnote 1: The lowest class.--ED.]
+
+
+_Paris, Monday, April_ 13.--Tocqueville, Jobez, Marcet, St.-Hilaire,[1]
+Charles Sumner, and Lord Granville breakfasted with us.
+
+The conversation turned on public speaking.
+
+'Very few indeed of our speakers,' said Tocqueville, 'have ever ventured
+to improvise: Barrot could do it. We have told him sometimes that a
+speech must be answered immediately; and when he objected that he had
+nothing to say, we used to insist, and to assure him that as soon as he
+was in the tribune, the ideas and the words would come; and so they did.
+I have known him go on under such circumstances for an hour; of course
+neither the matter nor the form could be first rate, but they were
+sufficient.'
+
+'In fact,' said Lord Granville, 'much of what is called improvisation is
+mere recollection. A man who has to speak night after night, gets on most
+subjects a set of thoughts, and even of expressions, which naturally pour
+in on him as soon as his argument touches the train which leads to them.
+
+'One of our eminent speakers,' he continued, 'Lord Grey, is perhaps best
+when he has not had time to prepare himself. He is so full of knowledge
+and of inferences, that he has always enough ready to make an excellent
+speech. When he prepares himself, there is _too_ much; he gives the House
+more facts and more deductions than it can digest.'
+
+'Do you agree with me,' I asked, 'in thinking that Lord Melbourne was
+best when he improvised?'
+
+'I agree with you,' answered Lord Granville, 'that his set speeches were
+cold and affected. He was natural only when he was quite careless, or
+when he was much excited, and then he was admirable.'
+
+'Did not Thiers improvise?' I asked.
+
+'Never,' answered Tocqueville. 'He prepared himself most carefully. So
+did Guizot. We see from the "Revue rétrospective" that he even prepared
+his replies. His long experience enabled him to foresee what he should
+have to answer. Pasquier used to bring his speech ready written. It lay
+on the desk before him, but he never looked at it.'
+
+'That seems to me,' I said, 'very difficult. It is like swimming with
+corks. One would be always tempted to look down on the paper.'
+
+'It is almost equally difficult,' said Tocqueville, 'to make a speech of
+which the words are prepared. There is a struggle between the invention
+and the memory. You trust thoroughly to neither, and therefore are not
+served thoroughly by either.'
+
+'Yet that,' said Marcet, 'is what our Swiss pastors are required to do.
+They are forbidden to read, and forbidden to extemporise, and by practice
+they speak from memory--some well, all tolerably.'
+
+'Brougham,' said Lord Granville, 'used to introduce his most elaborately
+prepared passages by a slight hesitation. When he seemed to pause in
+search of thoughts, or of words, we knew that he had a sentence ready cut
+and dried.'
+
+'Who,' I asked Sumner, 'are your best speakers in America?'
+
+'The best,' he said, 'is Seward; after him perhaps comes Winthrop.'
+
+'I should have thought it difficult,' I said, 'to speak well in the
+Senate, to only fifty or at most sixty members.'
+
+'You do not speak,' answered Sumner, 'to the Senators. You do not think
+of them. You know that their minds are made up. Except as to mere
+executive questions, such as the approval of a public functionary, or the
+acceptance or modification of a treaty, every senator comes in pledged to
+a given, or to an assumed, set of opinions and measures. You speak to the
+public. You speak in order that 500,000 copies of what you say, as was
+the case with my last speech, may be scattered over the whole Union.'
+
+'That,' I said, 'must much affect the character of your oratory. A speech
+meant to be read must be a different thing from one meant to be heard.
+Your speeches must in fact be pamphlets, and that I suppose accounts for
+their length.'
+
+'That is true,' replied Sumner. 'But when you hear that we speak for a
+day, or for two days, or, as I have sometimes done, for three days, you
+must remember that our days are days of only three hours each.'
+
+'How long,' I asked, 'was your last speech?'
+
+'About five hours,' he answered. 'Three hours the first day and two hours
+the second.'
+
+'That,' I said, 'is not beyond our remotest limit. Brougham indeed, on
+the amendment of the law, spoke for six hours, during the greater part of
+the time to an audience of three. The House was filled with fog, and
+there is an H.B. which represents him gesticulating in the obscurity and
+the solitude.'
+
+'He,' said Lord Granville, 'put his speech on the Reform Bill at the
+top.'
+
+'The speech,' I said, 'at the end of which he knelt to implore the Peers
+to pass the bill, and found it difficult to rise.'
+
+[Footnote 1: Barthélemy de St-Hilaire is now Thiers' private secretary
+and right hand.--ED.]
+
+
+_Tuesday, April_ 14.--Z., Sumner, Lord Granville, Tocqueville, M.
+Circourt, St.-Hilaire, and Corcelle breakfasted with us.
+
+The conversation took the same turn as yesterday.
+
+'May I venture,' said Lord Granville to Z., 'to ask whom of your
+opponents you feared the most?'
+
+'Beyond all comparison,' answered Z., 'Thiers.'
+
+'Was not D.' I asked, 'very formidable?'
+
+'Certainly,' said Z. 'But he had not the wit, or the _entraînement_ of
+Thiers. His sentences were like his action. He had only one gesture,
+raising and sinking his right arm, and every time that right arm fell, it
+accompanied a sentence adding a link to a chain of argument, massive and
+well tempered, without a particle of dross, which coiled round his
+adversary like a boa constrictor.'
+
+'And yet,' said M., 'he was always languid and embarrassed at starting;
+it took him ten minutes to get _en train_.'
+
+'That defect,' said Lord Granville, 'belonged to many of our good
+speakers--to Charles Fox--to Lord Holland. Indeed Fox required the
+excitement of serious business to become fluent. He never made a
+tolerable after-dinner speech.'
+
+'Among the peculiarities of D.,' said M., 'are his perfect tact and
+discretion in the tribune, and his awkwardness in ordinary life. In
+public and in private he is two different men.'
+
+'It is impossible,' said Tocqueville, 'to deny that D. was great in a
+deliberative body, but his real scene of action is the bar. He was only
+_among_ the best speakers in the Constituent Assembly. He is _the_
+greatest advocate at the bar.'
+
+'Although,' said M----, 'at the bar, where he represents only his client,
+one of the elements of his parliamentary success, his high moral
+character, does not assist him. Do you remember how, on the debate of
+the Roman expedition, he annihilated by one sentence Jules Favre who had
+ventured to assail him? "Les injures," he said, "sont comme les corps
+pesants, dont la force dépend de la hauteur d'où ils tombent."'
+
+'One man,' said Z., 'who enjoys a great European reputation, I could
+never think of as a serious adversary, that is Lamartine.
+
+'He appeared to me to treat the sad realities of political life as
+materials out of which he could compose strange and picturesque scenes,
+or draw food for his imagination and his vanity. He seemed always to be
+saying to himself: "How will the future dramatist or poet, or painter,
+represent this event, and what will be my part in the picture, or in the
+poem, or on the stage?"
+
+'_Il cherchait toujours à poser_.--He could give pleasure, he could give
+pain--he could amuse, and he could irritate,--but he seldom could
+persuade, and he never could convince. Even before the gate of the Hôtel
+de Ville, the most brilliant hour of his life, he owed his success rather
+to his tall figure, his fine features, attractive as well as commanding,
+his voice, his action--in short, to the assemblage of qualities which the
+Greeks called [Greek: hupokrisis] than to his eloquence.'
+
+'Was not,' I said, 'his contrast between the red flag and the tricolor
+eloquent?'
+
+'It was a fine bit of imagery,' said Z., 'and admirably adapted to the
+occasion. I do not deny to him the power of saying fine things--perhaps
+fine speeches, but he never made a _good_ speech--a speech which it was
+difficult to answer.'
+
+'If anyone,' he continued, 'ever takes the trouble to look into our
+Parliamentary debates, Lamartine will hold a higher comparative rank than
+he is really entitled to. Most of us were too busy to correct the reports
+for the "Moniteur." Lamartine not only corrected them but inserted whole
+passages.'
+
+'He inserted,' said M, 'not only passages but facts. Such as
+"_applaudissements_," "_vive émotion," "hilarité_," often when the speech
+had been received in silence, or unattended to.'
+
+'I remember,' said Corcelle, 'an insertion of that kind in the report of
+a speech which was never delivered. It was during the Restoration, when
+written speeches were read, and sometimes were sent to the "Moniteur" in
+anticipation of their being read. Such had been the case with respect to
+the speech in question. The intended orator had inserted, like Lamartine,
+"_vifs applaudissements," "profonde sensation_," and other notices of the
+effect of his speech. The House adjourned unexpectedly before it was
+delivered, and he forgot to withdraw the report.'
+
+'Could a man like Lord Althorp,' I asked, 'whom it was painful to hear,
+hold his place as leader of a French Assembly?'
+
+'Impossible,' said Tocqueville, 'unless he were a soldier. We tolerate
+from a man who has almost necessarily been deprived of a careful
+education much clumsiness and awkwardness of elocution. Soult did not
+speak much better than the Duke of Wellington, but he was listened to. He
+had, like the Duke, an air of command which imposed.'
+
+'Was there,' I said, 'any personal quarrel between Soult and Thiers?'
+
+'Certainly there was,' said Z., 'a little one. I will not say that Soult
+was in Spain a successful commander, or an agreeable colleague, or an
+obedient subordinate, but whenever things went wrong there, Soult was the
+man whom the Emperor sent thither to put them to rights. Great as Thiers
+may be as a military critic, I venture to put him below Napoleon.'
+
+'I have been reading,' I said, 'Falloux's reception speech, and was
+disappointed by it.'
+
+'In his speech and Brifault's,' said Circourt, 'you may compare the
+present declamatory style and that of thirty years ago. Brifault has, or
+attempts to have, the _légèreté_ and the prettiness of the Restoration.
+Falloux is _grandiose_ and emphatic, as we all are now.'
+
+'Falloux,' said Z., 'made an excellent speech the first time that he
+addressed the Chamber of Deputies. The next time he was not so
+successful, and after that he ceased to be listened to.
+
+'But in the Constituent Assembly, and indeed in the Legislative, he
+acquired an ascendency. In those Assemblies, great moral qualities and a
+high social position were rarer than they were among the Deputies, and in
+the dangers of the country they were more wanted. Falloux possesses them
+all. He is honest and brave, and in his province employs liberally and
+usefully a large fortune.'
+
+'Were those the merits,' I asked, 'which opened to him the doors of the
+Academy?'
+
+'Certainly,' answered Z. 'As a man of letters he is nothing, as a
+statesman not much. We elected him in honour of his courage and his
+honesty, and perhaps with some regard to his fortune. We are the only
+independent body left, and we value in a candidate no quality more than
+independence.'
+
+'I am told,' I said, 'that Falloux is now an ultra-Legitimist.'
+
+'That is not true,' said Z. 'He is a Legitimist, but a liberal one. He
+would tolerate no Government, whatever were its other claims, that was
+not constitutional.'
+
+'Your Academic ceremonies,' I said 'seem to me not very well imagined.
+There is something _fade_, almost ridiculous, in the literary minuet in
+which the _récipiendaire_ and the receiver are trotted out to show their
+paces to each other and to the Academy. The new member extolling the
+predecessor of whom he is the unworthy successor, the old member lauding
+his new colleague to his face, and assuring him that he, too, is one of
+the ornaments of the Society.'
+
+'Particularly,' said ----, 'when, as was the case the other day, it is
+notorious that neither of them has any real respect for the idol which he
+is forced to crown. Then the political innuendoes, the under-currents of
+censure of the present conveyed in praise of the past, become tiresome
+after we have listened to them for five years. We long to hear people
+talk frankly and directly, instead of saying one thing for the mere
+purpose of showing that they are thinking of another thing. The Emperor
+revenged himself on Falloux by his antithesis: "_que le désordre les
+avait uni, et que l'ordre les avait séparé_.'"
+
+'How did Falloux reply to it?' I asked.
+
+'Feebly,' said ----. 'He muttered something about _l'ordre_ having no
+firmer adherent than himself. In these formal audiences our great man has
+the advantage. He has his _mot_ ready prepared, and you cannot discuss
+with him.'
+
+We talked of the French spoken by foreigners. 'The best,' said Circourt,
+'is that of the Swedes and Russians, the worst that of the Germans.'
+
+'Louis Philippe,' said Z., 'used to maintain that the best test of a
+man's general talents was his power of speaking foreign languages. It was
+an opinion that flattered his vanity, for he spoke like a native French,
+Italian, English, and German.'
+
+'It is scarcely possible,' said Tocqueville, 'for a man to be original in
+any language but his own; in all others he is forced to say what he can,
+and that is generally something that he recollects.'
+
+'I was much struck by that,' said Z., 'when conversing with Narvaez. He
+had been talking sensibly but rather dully in French, I begged him to
+talk Spanish, which I understand though I cannot speak. The whole man was
+changed. It was as if a curtain had been drawn up from between us.
+Instead of hammering at commonplaces, he became pointed, and spirited,
+and eloquent.'
+
+'Is he an educated man?' I asked.
+
+'For a Spaniard,' answered Z., 'yes. He has the quickness, the finesse,
+and the elegance of mind and of manner which belong to the South. The
+want of book-learning contributes to his originality.'
+
+'The most wonderful speaker in a foreign language,' said Sumner, 'was
+Kossuth. He must have been between forty and fifty before he heard an
+English word. Yet he spoke it fluently, eloquently, and even
+idiomatically. He would have made his fortune among us as a stump-orator.'
+
+
+
+_Tuesday, April_ 28.--Tocqueville drank tea with us.
+
+We talked rather of people than of things.
+
+'Circourt,' said Tocqueville, 'is my dictionary. When I wish to know what
+has been done or what has been said on any occasion, I go to Circourt. He
+draws out one of the drawers in his capacious head, and finds there all
+that I want arranged and ticketed.
+
+'One of the merits of his talk, as it is of his character, is its
+conscientiousness. He has the truthfulness of a thorough gentleman, and
+his affections are as strong as his hatreds. I do not believe he would
+sacrifice a friend even to a good story, and where is there another man
+of whom that can be said?'
+
+'What think you of Mrs. T-----?' I inquired.
+
+'I like her too,' he replied, 'but less than I do Circourt. She has
+considerable talent, but she thinks and reads only to converse. She has
+no originality, no convictions. She says what she thinks that she can say
+well; like a person writing a dialogue or an exercise. Whether the
+opinion which she expresses be right or wrong, or the story that she
+tells be true or false, is no concern of hers, provided it be _bien
+dit_.'
+
+'The fault of her conversation,' I said, 'seems to me to be, that while
+she is repeating one sentence she is thinking of the next, and that while
+you are speaking to her, she is considering what is to be her next topic.
+I have noticed this fault in other very fluent conversers. They are so
+intent on the future that they neglect the present.'
+
+'It is rather a French than an English fault,' said Tocqueville. 'The
+English have more curiosity and less vanity, than we have; more desire to
+hear and less anxiety to shine. They are often, therefore, better
+_causeurs_ than we are. _Le grand talent pour le silence_, or, in other
+words, the power of listening which has been imputed to them, is a great
+conversational virtue. I do not believe that it was said ironically or
+epigrammatically. The man who bestowed that praise knew how rare a merit
+silence is.'
+
+'May we not owe that merit,' I asked, 'to our bad French? We shine most
+when we listen.'
+
+'A great talker,' I continued, 'Montalembert, is to breakfast with us.
+Whom shall I ask to meet him?'
+
+'Not me,' said Tocqueville, 'unless you will accept me as one of the
+chorus. I will not take a _premier rôle_, or any prominent _rôle_, in a
+piece in which he is to act. I like his society; that is, I like to sit
+silent and hear him talk, and I admire his talents; and we have the
+strong bond of common hatreds, though perhaps we hate on different, or
+even opposite grounds, and I do not wish for a dispute with him, of
+which, if I say anything, I shall be in danger. If we differed on only
+one subject, instead of differing, as we do, on all but one, he would
+pick out that single subject to attack me on. I am not sure that even as
+host you will be safe. He is more acute in detecting points of opposition
+than most men are in finding subjects of agreement. He avoids meeting you
+on friendly or even on neutral ground. He chooses to have a combat _en
+champ clos_.
+
+'Take care,' he added, 'and do not have too many _sommités._ They watch
+one another, are conscious that they are watched, and a coldness creeps
+over the table.'
+
+'We had two pleasant breakfasts,' I said, 'a fortnight ago. You were
+leader of the band at one, Z. at the other, and the rest left the stage
+free to the great actor.'
+
+'As for me,' he answered, 'I often shut myself up, particularly after
+dinner, or during dinner if it be long. The process of digestion, little,
+as I can eat, seems to oppress me.
+
+'Z. is always charming. He has an _aplomb_, an ease, a _verve_ arising
+from his security that whatever he says will interest and amuse. He is a
+perfect specimen of an ex-statesman, _homme de lettres_, and _père de
+famille_, falling back on literature and the domestic affections. As for
+me, I have intervals of _sauvagerie_, or rather the times when I am not
+_sauvage_ are the intervals. I have many, perhaps too many, acquaintances
+whom I like, and a very few friends whom I love, and a host of relations.
+I easily tire of Paris, and long to fly to the fields and woods and
+seashore of my province.'
+
+We passed to the language of conversation.
+
+'There are three words,' said Tocqueville, 'which you have lost, and
+which I wonder how you do without,--Monsieur, Madame, and Mademoiselle.
+You are forced always to substitute the name. They are so mixed in all
+our forms that half of what we say would appear abrupt or blunt without
+them.
+
+'Then the _tutoyer_ is a _nuance_ that you want. When husband and wife
+are talking together they pass insensibly, twenty times perhaps in an
+hour, from the _vous_ to the _tu_. When matters of business or of serious
+discussion are introduced, indeed whenever the affections are not
+concerned, it is _vous_. With the least _soupçon_ of tenderness the _tu_
+returns.'
+
+'Yet,' I said, 'you never use the _tu_ before a third person.'
+
+'Never,' he answered, 'in good company. Among the _bourgeoisie_ always.
+It is odd that an aristocratic form, so easily learned, should not have
+been adopted by all who pretend to be gentry. I remember being present
+when an Englishman and his wife, much accustomed to good French society,
+but unacquainted with this _nuance_, were laboriously _tutoyering_ each
+other. I relieved them much by assuring them that it was not merely
+unnecessary, but objectionable.'
+
+
+_May_ 2.--Tocqueville dined with us.
+
+A lady at the _table d'hôte_ was full of a sermon which she had heard at
+the Madeleine. The preacher said, sinking his voice to an audible
+whisper, 'I will tell you a secret, but it must go no farther. There is
+more religion among the Protestants than with us, they are better
+acquainted with the Bible, and make more use of their reading: we have
+much to learn from them.'
+
+I asked Tocqueville, when we were in our own room, as to the feelings of
+the religious world in France with respect to heretics.
+
+'The religious laity,' he answered, 'have probably little opinion on the
+subject. They suppose the heretic to be less favourably situated than
+themselves, but do not waste much thought upon him. The ignorant priests
+of course consign him to perdition. The better instructed think, like
+Protestants, that error is dangerous only so far as it influences
+practice.
+
+'Dr. Bretonneau, at Tours, was one of the best men that I have known, but
+an unbeliever. The archbishop tried in his last illness to reconcile him
+to the Church: Bretonneau died as he had lived. But the archbishop, when
+lamenting to me his death, expressed his own conviction that so excellent
+a soul could not perish.
+
+'You recollect the duchesse in St.-Simon, who, on the death of a sinner
+of illustrious race, said, "On me dira ce qu'on voudra, on ne me
+persuadera pas que Dieu n'y regarde deux fois avant de damner un homme de
+sa qualité." The archbishop's feeling was the same, only changing
+_qualité_ into virtue.
+
+'There is something amusing,' he continued, 'when, separated as we are
+from it by such a chasm, we look back on the prejudices of the _Ancien
+Régime_. An old lady once said to me, "I have been reading with great
+satisfaction the genealogies which prove that Jesus Christ descended from
+David. Ça montre que notre Seigneur était Gentilhomme."'
+
+'We are somewhat ashamed,' I said, 'in general of Jewish blood, yet the
+Lévis boast of their descent from the Hebrew Levi.'
+
+'They are proud of it,' said Tocqueville, 'because they make themselves
+out to be cousins of the Blessed Virgin. They have a picture in which a
+Duc de Lévi stands bareheaded before the Virgin. "Couvrez-vous donc, mon
+cousin," she says. "C'est pour ma commodité," he answers.'
+
+The conversation passed to literature.
+
+'I am glad,' said Tocqueville, 'to find that, imperfect as my knowledge
+of English is, I can feel the difference in styles.'
+
+'I feel strongly,' I said, 'the difference in French styles in prose, but
+little in poetry.'
+
+'The fact is,' said Tocqueville, 'that the only French poetry, except
+that of Racine, that is worth reading is the light poetry. I do not think
+that I could now read Lamartine, though thirty years ago he delighted
+me.'
+
+'The French taste,' I said, 'in English poetry differs from ours. You
+read Ossian and the "Night Thoughts."'
+
+'As for Ossian,' he answered, 'he does not seem to have been ever popular
+in England. But the frequent reference to the "Night Thoughts," in the
+books and letters of the last century, shows that the poem was then in
+everybody's memory. Foreigners are in fact provincials. They take up
+fashions of literature as country people do fashions of dress, when the
+capital has left them off. When I was young you probably had ceased to be
+familiar with Richardson. We knew him by heart. We used to weep over the
+Lady Clementina, whom I dare say Miss Senior never heard of.
+
+'During the first Empire, we of the old _régime_ abandoned Paris, as we
+do now, and for the same reasons. We used to live in our châteaux, where
+I remember as a boy hearing Sir Charles Grandison and Fielding read
+aloud. A new novel was then an event. Madame Cottin was much more
+celebrated than George Sand is now. For all her books were read, and by
+everybody. Notwithstanding the great merits of George Sand's style, her
+plots and her characters are so exaggerated and so unnatural, and her
+morality is so perverted, that we have ceased to read her.'
+
+We talked of Montalembert, and I mentioned his _sortie_ the other day
+against the clergy.
+
+'I can guess pretty well,' said Tocqueville, 'what he said to you, for it
+probably was a _résumé_ of his article in the "Correspondant." Like most
+men accustomed to public speaking, he repeats himself. He is as honest
+perhaps as a man who is very _passionné_ can be; but his oscillations are
+from one extreme to another. Immediately after the _coup d'état,_ when he
+believed Louis Napoleon to be Ultramontane, he was as servile as his
+great enemy the "Univers" is now. "Ce sont les nuances qui se querellent,
+non les couleurs;" and between him and the "Univers" there is only a
+_nuance_. The Bishop of Agen has oscillated like him, but began at the
+other end. The other day the Bishop made a most servile address to the
+Emperor. He had formerly been a furious anti-Bonapartist. "How is it
+possible," said Montalembert, "that a man can rush so completely from one
+opinion to another? On the 4th of December in 1851 this same Bishop
+denounced the _coup d'état_ with such violence that the President sent me
+to the Nuncio to request his interference. Now he is on his knees before
+him. Such changes can scarcely be honest." Montalembert does not see that
+the only difference between them is that they have trod in opposite
+directions the very same path.'
+
+
+_Thursday, May_ 5.--Tocqueville and I dined with M. and Madame de Bourke,
+and met there General Dumas and Ary Scheffer.
+
+We talked of Delaroche's pictures, and Scheffer agreed with me in
+preferring the smaller ones. He thought that Delaroche improved up to the
+time of his death, and preferred his Moses, and Drowned Martyr, painted
+in 1853 and 1855, to the other large ones, and his Girondins, finished in
+1856, to the earlier small ones.
+
+We passed on to the increased and increasing population of Paris.
+
+'The population of Paris,' I said, 'is only half that of London, while
+that of the British Islands is not three-fourths that of France. If you
+were to double the population of Paris, therefore, it would still be
+proportionally less than that of London.'
+
+'That is true,' said Tocqueville, 'but yet there are many circumstances
+connected with the Parisian population each of which renders it more
+dangerous than the London one. In the first place, there is the absence
+of any right to relief. The English workman knows that neither he nor his
+family can starve. The Frenchman becomes anxious as soon as his
+employment is irregular, and desperate when it fails. The English workmen
+are unacquainted with arms, and have no leaders with military experience.
+The bulk of the Frenchmen have served, many of them are veterans in civil
+war, and they have commanders skilled in street-fighting. The English
+workmen have been gradually attracted to London by a real and permanent
+demand for their labour. They have wives and children. At least 100,000
+men have been added to the working population of Paris since the _coup
+d'état._ They are young men in the vigour of their strength and passions,
+unrestrained by wives or families. They have been drawn hither suddenly
+and artificially by the demolition and reconstruction of half the town,
+by the enormous local expenditure of the Government, and by the fifty
+millions spent in keeping the price of bread in Paris unnaturally low.
+The 40,000 men collected in Paris by the construction of the
+fortifications are supposed to have mainly contributed to the revolution
+of 1848. What is to be expected from this addition of 100,000? Then the
+repressive force is differently constituted and differently animated. In
+England you have an army which has chosen arms as a profession, which
+never thinks of any other employment, and indeed is fit for no other, and
+never expects any provision except its pay and its pension. The French
+soldier, ever since 1789, is a citizen. He serves his six years because
+the law and the colonel force him to do so, but he counts the days until
+he can return to his province, his cottage, and his field. He sympathises
+with the passions of the people. In the terrible days of June, the army
+withstood the cries, the blessings, the imprecations and the seductions
+of the mob, only because they had the National Guards by their side.
+Their presence was a guarantee that the cause was just. The National
+Guards never fought before as they did in those days. Yet at the Château
+d'Eau, the miraculous heroism and the miraculous good luck of Lamoricière
+were necessary to keep them together. If he had not exposed himself as no
+man ever did, and escaped as no man ever did, they would have been
+broken.'
+
+'I was there,' said Scheffer, 'when his fourth horse was killed under
+him. As the horse was sinking he drew his feet out of the stirrups and
+came to the ground without falling; but his cigar dropped from his mouth.
+He picked it up, and went on with the order which he was giving to an
+_aide-de-camp._
+
+'I saw that,' said Tocqueville. 'He had placed himself immediately behind
+a cannon in front of the Château d'Eau which fired down the Boulevard du
+Temple. A murderous fire from the windows in a corner of the Rue du
+Temple killed all the artillerymen. The instant that Lamoricière placed
+himself behind it, I thought that I saw what would happen. I implored him
+to get behind some shelter, or at least not to pose as a mark.
+"Recollect," I said, "that if you go on in this way you must be killed
+before the day is over-and where shall we all be?"'
+
+'"I see the danger of what I am doing," he answered, "and I dislike it as
+much as you can do; but it is necessary. The National Guards are shaking;
+if they break, the Line follows. I must set an example that everyone can
+see and can understand. This is not a time for taking precautions. If _I_
+were to shelter myself, _they_ would run."'
+
+'How does Lamoricière,' I asked, 'bear exile and inactivity in Brussels?'
+
+'Very ill,' said Scheffer. 'He feels that he has compromised the
+happiness of his wife, whom he married not long before the _coup
+d'état._'
+
+'Changarnier at Malins, who lives alone and has only himself to care for,
+supports it much better.'
+
+Tocqueville and I walked home together.
+
+'Scheffer,' he said, 'did not tell all that happened at the Château
+d'Eau. Men seldom do when they fight over their battles.'
+
+'The insurgents by burrowing through walls had got into a house in the
+rear of our position. They manned the windows, and suddenly fired down on
+us from a point whence no danger had been feared. This caused a panic
+among the National Guards, a force of course peculiarly subject to
+panics. They turned and ran back 250 yards along the Boulevard St.
+Martin, carrying with them the Line and Lamoricière himself. He
+endeavoured to stop them by outcries, and by gesticulations, and indeed
+by force. He gave to one man who was trying to run by him a blow with his
+fist, so well meant and well directed that it broke his collar bone.'
+
+'At length he stopped them, re-formed them, and said: "Now you shall
+march, I at your head, and the drummer beating the charge, as if you were
+on parade, up to that house." They did so. After a few discharges, which
+miraculously missed Lamoricière, the men in the house deserted it.'
+
+'What were you doing at the Château d'Eau?' I asked.
+
+'We were marching,' he said, 'with infantry and artillery on the
+Boulevard du Temple, across which there was a succession of barricades,
+which it was necessary to take one by one.
+
+'As we advanced in the middle, our sappers and miners got into the houses
+on each side, broke through the party walls, and killed the men at the
+windows.'
+
+'Those three days,' he continued, 'impress strongly on my mind the
+dangers of our present state.'
+
+'It is of no use to take up pavements and straighten streets, and pierce
+Paris by long military roads, and loop-hole the barracks, if the
+Executive cannot depend on the army. Ditches and bastions are of no use
+if the garrison will not man them.'
+
+'The new law of recruitment, however, may produce a great change. Instead
+of 80,000 conscripts, 120,000 are to be taken each year. This is about
+all that are fit for service. They are required to serve for only two
+years. If the change ended there our army would be still more a militia
+than it is now. It would be the Prussian Landwehr. But those entitled to
+their discharge are to be enticed by higher pay, promotions, bounties,
+and retiring pensions--in short, by all means of seduction, to re-enter
+for long periods, for ten, or fifteen, or perhaps twenty years. It is
+hoped that thus a permanent regular army may be formed, with an _esprit
+de corps_ of its own, unsympathising with the people, and ready to keep
+it down; and such will, I believe, be the result. But it will take nine
+or ten years to produce such an army--and the dangers that I fear are
+immediate.'
+
+'What are the motives,' I asked, 'for the changes as to the conscription,
+the increase of numbers, and the diminution of the time of service?'
+
+'They are parts,' he answered, 'of the system. The French peasant, and
+indeed the _ouvrier_, dislikes the service. The proportion of conscripts
+who will re-enlist is small. Therefore the whole number must be large.
+The country must be bribed to submit to this by the shortness of the
+term. The conscript army will be sacrificed to what is to be the regular
+army. It will be young and ill-trained.'
+
+'But your new regular army,' I said, 'will be more formidable to the
+enemy than your present force.'
+
+'I am not sure of that,' he answered. 'The merit of the French army was
+the impetuosity of its attack, the "furia Francese," as the Italians
+called it. Young troops have more of this quality than veterans. The
+Maison du Roi, whose charge at Steenkirk Macaulay has so well described,
+consisted of boys of eighteen.'
+
+'I am re-editing,' I said, 'my old articles. Among them is one written in
+1841 on the National Character of France, England, and America,[1] as
+displayed towards foreign nations. I have not much to change in what I
+have said of England or of America. As they have increased in strength
+they have both become still more arrogant, unjust, and shameless.
+
+'England has perhaps become a little more prudent America a little less
+so. But France seems to me to be altered. I described her as a soldier
+with all the faults of that unsocial character. As ambitious, rapacious,
+eager for nothing but military glory and territorial aggrandisement. She
+seems now to have become moderate and pacific, and to be devoted rather
+to the arts of peace than to those of war.'
+
+'France _is_ changed,' answered Tocqueville, 'and when compared with the
+France of Louis XIV., or of Napoleon, was already changed when you wrote,
+though the war-cry raised for political purposes in 1840 deceived
+you. At the same time, I will not deny that military glory would, more
+than any other merit, even _now_ strengthen a Government, and that
+military humiliation would inevitably destroy one. Nor must you overrate
+the unpopularity of the last war. Only a few even of the higher classes
+understood its motives. "Que diable veut cette guerre?" said my country
+neighbour to me; "si c'était contre les Anglais--mais _avec_ les Anglais,
+et pour le Grand Turc, qu'est-ce que cela peut signifier?" But when they
+saw that it cost only men, that they were not invaded or overtaxed, and
+that prices rose, they got reconciled to it.
+
+'It was only the speculators of Paris that were tired of it. And if,
+instead of the Crimea, we had fought near our own frontiers, or for some
+visible purpose, all our military passions, bad and good, would have
+broken out.'
+
+[Footnote 1: This article is republished in the _Historical and
+Philosophical Essays_. Longmans: 1865.--ED.]
+
+
+_Wednesday, May_ 13.--Tocqueville came in after breakfast, and I walked
+with him in the shade of the green walls or arcades of the Tuileries
+chestnuts.
+
+We talked of the Montijos, which led our conversation to Mérimée and V.
+
+'Both of them,' said Tocqueville, 'were the friends of
+Countess Montijo, the mother.
+
+'V. was among the last persons who knew Eugénie as Countess Théba. He
+escorted her to the Tuileries the very evening of her marriage. There he
+took his leave of her. "You are now," he said, "placed so high that I can
+only admire you from below." And I do not believe that they have met
+since.
+
+'Mérimée took a less sentimental view of the change. He acknowledged his
+Empress in his former plaything, subsided from a sort of stepfather into
+a courtier, and so rose to honour and wealth, while V. is satisfied to
+remain an ex-professor and _un homme de lettres_.'
+
+ * * * * *
+
+We met Henri Martin, and I asked Tocqueville what he thought of his
+History.
+
+'It has the merit of selling,' he said, 'which cannot be said of any
+other History of France. Martin is laborious and conscientious, and does
+not tell a story ill; but he is a partisan and is always biassed by his
+own likings and dislikings. He belongs to the class of theorists,
+unfortunately not a small one, whose political _beau idéal_ is the
+absence of all control over the will of the people-who are opposed
+therefore to an hereditary monarchy-to a permanent President--to a
+permanent magistracy-to an established Church--in short, to all
+privileged classes, bodies, or institutions. Equality, not liberty or
+security, is their object. They are centralisers and absolutists. A
+despotic Assembly elected by universal suffrage, sitting at most for a
+year, governing, like the Convention, through its committees, or a single
+despot, appointed for a week, and not re-eligible, is the sort of ruler
+that they would prefer. The last five years have perhaps disgusted Martin
+with his Asiatic democracy, but his earlier volumes are coloured
+throughout by his prejudices against all systems implying a division of
+power, and independent authorities controlling and balancing one
+another.'
+
+We talked of the Secret Police.
+
+'It has lately,' said Tocqueville, 'been unusually troublesome, or rather
+it has been troublesome to a class of persons whom it seldom ventures to
+molest. A friend of mine, M. Sauvaire Barthélemy, one of Louis Philippe's
+peers, was standing at the door of his hotel reading a letter. A
+gentleman in plain clothes addressed him, announced himself as an _agent
+de police_, and asked him if the letter which he was reading was
+political. "No," said Barthélemy, "you may see it. It is a _billet de
+mariage." "I am directed," said the agent, "to request you to get into
+this carriage." They got in and drove to Mazas. There Barthélemy was
+shown into a neat room with iron bars to the windows, and ordered to
+wait. After some time Louis Pietri, the Préfet de Police, arrived.
+
+'"I am grieved," he said, "at giving you so much trouble, but I have been
+commanded to see you in this place, and to inform you that the Emperor
+cannot bear that a man in your high position should systematically
+misrepresent him.
+
+'"L'Empereur fait tout ce qu'il peut pour le bonheur de la France, et il
+n'entend pas supporter une opposition aussi constante et aussi violente.
+Effectivement il ne veut pas d'opposition. Voulez-vous le tenir pour
+dit, Monsieur, et recevoir de nouveau mes excuses du dérangement que j'ai
+dû vous causer? Pour le présent vous êtes libre."'
+
+
+[Mr. Senior left Paris on the next day.
+
+M. de Tocqueville paid his promised visit to England in June, and was
+received with a perfect ovation.--ED.]
+
+
+
+CORRESPONDENCE.
+
+London, July 10, 1857.
+
+I was too ill, my dear friend, to go to you yesterday. Dr. Ferguson tells
+me that I have been doing too much, and prescribes perfect rest.
+
+I have already read half your journal of 1857. It is very curious; but I
+am glad that you have disguised me.
+
+It is terrible to be in London, and to see so little of you; but the
+force of circumstances is greater than the force of wishes.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+Tocqueville, August 6, 1857.
+
+You may already have had news of me through some of our common friends,
+my dear Senior, but I wish, besides, to give you some myself, and to
+thank you again for the kind welcome I received from you and in your
+house during my stay in London.
+
+I regret only that I was unable to be more with you, and that, in spite
+of myself, I was drawn into a whirlpool which carried me away and
+prevented me from following my inclinations.
+
+I have returned, however, full of gratitude for the marks of
+consideration and affection showered upon me in England. I shall never
+forget them.
+
+I found my wife already installed here, and in good health; and I have
+resumed my busy and peaceful life with a delight which does honour to my
+wisdom. For I had been so spoiled in England that I might have been
+afraid of finding my retreat too much out of the way and too quiet. But
+nothing of the sort has happened. The excitement of the past month
+appears to have added charms to the present.
+
+Nevertheless, I have not yet set to work again, but I am full of good
+resolutions, which I hope to execute as soon as I have completely
+returned to my usual habits. These first days have been devoted to
+putting everything into its regular order.
+
+In France we are almost as much interested as you in England in the
+affairs of India. Everyone, even in the country, asks me for news of what
+is going on there.
+
+There is a natural disposition to exaggerate the evil and to believe that
+your dominion is overturned. For my part, I am waiting with the utmost
+and most painful anxiety for the development of the drama, for no good
+can possibly result from it; and there is not one civilised nation in the
+world that ought to rejoice in seeing India escape from the hands of
+Europeans in order to fall back into a state of anarchy and barbarism
+worse than before its conquest.
+
+I am quite sure that you will conquer. But it is a serious business.
+
+A military insurrection is the worst of all insurrections, at least in
+the beginning. You have to deal with barbarians, but they possess the
+arms of civilised people given to them by yourselves.
+
+My wife, who has preserved her English heart, is particularly affected by
+the spectacle which Bengal at present affords.
+
+If you have any more particular news than is to be found in the
+newspapers, you will give us great pleasure by communicating them.
+
+Remember me to Mrs. and Miss Senior, and to your daughter-in-law.
+
+My wife sends many kind regards to them, as well as to you.
+
+Adieu, dear Senior. Believe in my sincere affection.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+P.S.--I fancy that the first effect of the Indian affair will be to draw
+still closer the alliance between England and France.
+
+
+Tocqueville, November 15, 1857.
+
+I am somewhat angry with you, my dear Senior, for not having yet given us
+your news.[1] It is treating our friendship unfairly, I have not written
+to you because I doubted your following exactly your intended route, but
+I will write to you at Athens, as I think that you must now be there. If
+you have followed your itinerary your travels must have been most
+interesting to you, and they will be equally curious to us. I conclude
+that you only passed quickly through the Principalities in following the
+course of the Danube. I, however, had depended on you for furnishing me
+with clear ideas of a country which is at present so interesting to
+Europe, and which I think is destined to play an important part in the
+future. And what say you of our friends the Turks? Was it worth while to
+spend so much money and to shed so much blood in order to retain in
+Europe savages who are ill disguised as civilised men? I am impatient to
+talk to you, and almost equally so to read you.
+
+I shall have little to tell you. I have not stirred from home since I
+left England, and am leading the life of a gentleman-farmer; a life which
+pleases me more and more every day, and would really make me happy, if my
+wife were not suffering from an obstinate neuralgic affection in the
+face. I fear that she may have to go to some mineral waters, which she
+would be sorry to do; for, as you know, she hates travelling, and does no
+justice to the reputation for wandering possessed by the English race.
+
+I can tell you nothing on politics which you will not find in the
+newspapers. The great question at present for all civilised Governments
+seems to be the financial. The crisis from which America and England are
+suffering will probably extend everywhere. As for India, you are out, not
+perhaps of your difficulties, but of your greatest dangers. This affair,
+and that of the Crimea, show how little sympathy there is for England
+abroad. There was everything to interest us in your success--similarity
+of race, of religion, and of civilisation. Your loss of India could have
+served no cause but that of barbarism. Yet I venture to affirm that the
+whole Continent, though it detested the cruelties of your enemies, did
+not wish you to triumph.
+
+Much of this is, without doubt, to be attributed to the evil passions
+which make men always desire the fall of the prosperous and the strong.
+But much belongs to a less dishonourable cause--to the conviction of all
+nations that England considers them only with reference to her own
+greatness; that she has less sympathy than any other modern nation; that
+she never notices what passes among foreigners, what they think, feel,
+suffer, or do, but with relation to the use which England can make of
+their actions, their sufferings, their feelings, or their thoughts; and
+that when she seems most to care for them she really cares only for
+herself. All this is exaggerated, but not without truth.
+
+Kindest regards from us both to you and to Mrs. Senior.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+[Footnote 1: Mr. Senior was at this time in the East.--ED.]
+
+
+
+Tocqueville, February 10, 1858.
+
+I was delighted, my dear Senior, to receive a letter from you dated
+Marseilles. You are right in remaining till the spring in the South. We
+trust to meet you in Paris in March.
+
+I say no more, for I cannot write to you on what would most interest
+you--French politics. Much is to be said on them; but you will understand
+my silence if you study our new Law of Public Safety, and remember who is
+the new Home Minister.[1] For the first time in French history has such a
+post been filled by a general--and what a general!
+
+I defer, therefore, until we meet, the expression of feelings and
+opinions which cannot be safely transmitted through the post, and only
+repeat how eager I am for our meeting.
+
+Kind regards to Mrs. Senior.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+[Footnote 1: General Espinasse.]
+
+
+Tocqueville, February 21, 1858.
+
+I received your letters with great pleasure, my dear Senior, and I think
+with still greater satisfaction that I shall soon be able to see you.
+
+I shall probably arrive in Paris, with my wife, at about the same time as
+you will, that is to say, about the 19th of next month. I should have
+gone earlier if I were not occupied in planting and sowing, for I am
+doing a little farming to my great amusement.
+
+I am delighted that you intend again to take up your quarters at the
+Hôtel Bedford, as I intend also to stay there if I can find apartments.
+
+I hope that we shall be good neighbours and see each other as frequently
+as such old friends ought to do. _A bientôt!_
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+[Mr. Senior ran over to England for a few weeks instead of remaining in
+Paris. The meeting between the two friends did not, therefore, take place
+till April.--ED.]
+
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS.
+
+_Paris, Saturday, April_ 17, 1858.--We had a discussion at the Institut
+to-day as to a bust to fill a niche in the anteroom. Rossi was proposed.
+His political merits were admitted, but he was placed low as to his
+literary claims as an economist and a jurist. Dupin suggested Talleyrand,
+which was received with a universal groan, and failed for want of a
+seconder. Ultimately the choice fell on Dumont.
+
+'Nothing that is published of Talleyrand's,' said Tocqueville to me as we
+walked home, 'has very great merit, nor indeed is much of it his own. He
+hated writing, let his reports and other state papers be drawn up by
+others, and merely retouched them. But in the archives of the _Affaires
+étrangères_ there is a large quarto volume containing his correspondence
+with Louis XVIII during the Congress of Vienna. Nothing can be more
+charming. The great European questions which were then in debate, the
+diplomatic and social gossip of Vienna, the contemporary literature--in
+short, all that one clever _homme du monde_ could find to interest and
+amuse another, are treated with wit, brilliancy, and gaiety, supported by
+profound good sense. When that volume is published his bust will be
+placed here by acclamation.'
+
+_Monday, April_ 19.--I dined with Lanjuinais, and met Tocqueville, Rivet,
+Dufaure, Corcelle, Freslon, and one or two others.
+
+They attacked me about the change of sentiment in England with respect to
+Louis Napoleon.
+
+'While he was useful to you,' they said, 'you steadily refused to admit
+that he was a tyrant, or even an usurper. You chose to disbelieve in the
+3,000 men, women, and children massacred on the Boulevards of Paris--in
+the 20,000 poisoned by jungle fever in Cayenne--in the 25,000 who have
+died of malaria, exposure, and bad food, working in gangs on the roads
+and in the marshes of the Metidja and Lambressa.'
+
+'We did not _choose_', I answered, 'to disbelieve any thing. We were
+simply ignorant. _I_ knew all these facts, because I have passed a part
+of every year since 1847 in Paris; because I walked along the Boulevards
+on the 20th of December 1851, and saw the walls of every house, from the
+Bastille to the Madeleine, covered with the marks of musket-balls;
+because I heard in every society of the thousands who had been massacred,
+and of the tens of thousands who had been _déportés_; but the untravelled
+English, and even the travelled English, except the few who live in
+France among the French, knew nothing of all this. Your press tells
+nothing. The nine millions of votes given to Louis Napoleon seemed to
+prove his popularity, and therefore the improbability of the tyranny of
+which he was accused by his enemies. _I_ knew that those nine millions of
+votes were extorted, or stolen by violence or fraud. But the English
+people did not know it. They accepted his election as the will of the
+nation, and though they might wonder at your choice, did not presume to
+blame it.'
+
+'The time,' they answered, 'at which light broke in upon you is
+suspicious. Up to the 14th of January 1858 the oppression under which
+thirty-four millions of people within twenty-four miles of your coast,
+with whom you are in constant intercourse, was unknown to you. Their
+ruler insults you, and you instantly discover that he is an usurper and a
+tyrant. This looks as if the insult, and the insult alone, opened your
+eyes.'
+
+'What opened our eyes,' I answered, 'was not the insult but the _loi de
+sûreté publique_. It was the first public act which showed to England the
+nature of your Government.
+
+'When we found, erected in every department, a revolutionary tribunal,
+empowered to banish and transport without trial; when we found a rude
+soldier made Home Minister, and the country divided into five districts
+to be each governed by a marshal, we saw at once that France was under a
+violent military despotism. Until that law was passed the surface was
+smooth. There was nothing in the appearance of France to show to a
+stranger that she was not governed by a Monarch, practically, indeed,
+absolute, but governing as many absolute Monarchs have done, mildly and
+usefully.
+
+'Of course we might have found out the truth sooner if we had inquired.
+And perhaps we ought to have inquired. We busy ourselves about our own
+affairs, and neglect too much those of other countries. In that sense
+you have a right to say that we chose to be ignorant, since our conduct
+was such as necessarily to make us ignorant. But it was not because Louis
+Napoleon was our ally that we chose to be ignorant, but because we
+habitually turn our eyes from the domestic affairs of the Continent, as
+things in which we have seldom a right to interfere, and in which, when
+we do interfere, we do more harm than good.'
+
+We talked of the manner in which the _loi de sûreté publique_ has been
+carried out. And I mentioned 600 as the number of those who had suffered
+under it, as acknowledged to me by Blanchard in the beginning of March.
+
+'It is much greater now,' said Lanjuinais. 'Berryer on his return from
+Italy, a week ago, slept in Marseilles. He was informed that more than
+900 persons had passed through Marseilles, _déportés_ under the new law
+to Algeria. They were of all classes: artisans and labourers mixed with
+men of the higher and middle classes. To these must be added those
+transported to Cayenne, who were sent by way of Havre. As for the number
+_expulsés_ and _internés_ there are no data.'
+
+'In the Department of Var, a man was found guilty in 1848 of joining in
+one of the revolutionary movements of that time. His complete innocence
+was soon proved; he was released, and has lived quietly on his little
+estate ever since. He was arrested under the new law and ordered to be
+_déporté_ to Algeria. His friends, in fact all his neighbours,
+remonstrated, and sent to Paris the proof that the original conviction
+was a mistake. "Qu'il aille tout de même," was Espinasse's answer.
+
+'In Calvados the Préfet, finding no one whom he could conscientiously
+arrest, took hold of one of the most respectable men in the department.
+"If," he said, "I had arrested a man against whom there was plausible
+ground for suspicion, he might have been transported. This man _must_ be
+released."'
+
+'Has he been released?' I asked.
+
+'I have not heard,' was the answer. 'In all probability he has been.'
+
+'In my department,' said Tocqueville, 'the _sous-préfet_, ordered by the
+Préfet to arrest somebody in the arrondissement, was in the same
+perplexity as the Préfet of Calvados. "I can find no fit person," he said
+to me. I believe that he reported the difficulty to the Préfet, and that
+the vacancy was supplied from some other arrondissement.
+
+'What makes this frightful,' he added, 'is that we now know that
+deportation is merely a slow death. Scarcely any of the victims of 1851
+and 1852 are living.'
+
+'I foretold that,' I said, 'at the time, as you will find if you look at
+my article on Lamartine, published in the "Edinburgh Review."'[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: See _Journals in France and Italy_.--ED.]
+
+
+_April_ 20.--We talked of the political influence in France of the
+_hommes de lettres_.
+
+'It began,' said Tocqueville, 'with the Restoration. Until that time we
+had sometimes, though very rarely, statesmen who became writers, but
+never writers who became statesmen,'
+
+'You had _hommes de lettres_,' I said, 'in the early Revolutionary
+Assemblies--Mirabeau for instance.'
+
+'Mirabeau,' he answered, 'is your best example, for Mirabeau, until he
+became a statesman, lived by his pen. Still I should scarcely call a man
+of his high birth and great expectations _un homme de lettres_. That
+appellation seems to belong to a man who owes his position in early life
+to literature. Such a man is Thiers, or Guizot, as opposed to such men as
+Gladstone, Lord John Russell, or Montalembert.'
+
+
+_Wednesday, April_ 21.--I dined with D. and met, among several others,
+Admiral Matthieu the Imperial Hydrographer, and a general whose name I
+did not catch. I talked to the general about the army.
+
+'We are increasing it,' he said, 'but not very materially. We are rather
+giving ourselves the means of a future rapid increase, than making an
+immediate augmentation. We are raising the number of men from 354,000 to
+392,400, in round numbers to 400,000; but the principal increase is in
+the _cadres_, the officers attached to each battalion. We have increased
+them by more than one third. So that if a war should break out we can
+instantly--that is to say in three months, increase our army to 600,000
+or even 700,000 men. Soldiers are never wanting in France, the difficulty
+always is to find officers.'
+
+'I hear,' I said, 'that you are making great improvements in your
+artillery.'
+
+'We are,' he answered. 'We are applying to it the principle of the Minié
+musket, and we are improving the material. We hope to make our guns as
+capable of resisting rapid and continued firing as well and as long as
+the English and the Swedish guns, which are the best in Europe, can do.
+And we find that we can throw a ball on the Minié principle with equal
+precision twice as far. This will double the force of all our batteries.'
+
+'Are _you_,' he asked me, 'among those who have taken shares in the
+Russian railways?'
+
+'No,' I said. 'They are the last that I wish to encourage.'
+
+'Englishmen or Frenchmen,' he answered, 'who help Russia to make
+railways, put me in mind of the Dutch who sold powder to their besiegers.
+
+'The thinness of her population--that is, the vast space over which it is
+scattered--alone prevents Russia from being the mistress of Europe. If
+her 64,000,000 were as concentrated as our 34,000,000 are, she would be
+irresistible. She loses always far more men in marching than in
+fighting.'
+
+'The events of the war,' I said, 'lead me to believe that the goodness of
+the Russian soldier is exaggerated. They were always beaten, often by
+inferior numbers.'
+
+'In the first place,' he answered, 'those who were beaten at Sebastopol
+were not the best Russian soldiers. They were short small men, generally
+drawn from the neighbouring provinces. The Russian Imperial Guards and
+the Russian Army in Poland are far superior to any that we encountered in
+the Crimea. In the second place, they were ill commanded. The
+improvements of weapons, of science and of discipline, have raised the
+privates of all the great military nations to about the same level.
+Success now depends on numbers and on generalship. With railways Russia
+will be able to bring quickly a preponderating force to any point on her
+frontier. Her officers are already good, and for money she can import the
+best generals; indeed, I do not see why she should not breed them. Russia
+is civilised enough to produce men of the highest military qualities.'
+
+I asked Admiral Matthieu about the naval preparations of France.
+
+'The "Moniteur,"' I said, 'denies that you are making any.'
+
+'The "Moniteur,"' he answered, 'does not tell the truth. We are
+augmenting largely, both the number and the efficacy of our fleet.
+
+'Four years ago, at the beginning of the Russian war, we resolved to
+build a steam fleet of 150 steam ships of different sizes for fighting,
+and 74 steam ships for the transfer service, and to carry fuel and
+stores. Though we set about this in the beginning, as we thought, of a
+long war, we have not allowed the peace to interrupt it. We are devoting
+to it sixty-five millions a year (2,600,000_l_.) of which from fifteen to
+seventeen millions are employed every year in building new ships, and
+from forty to forty-two in adding steam power to the old ones. We hope to
+finish this great work in fourteen years.'
+
+'What,' I asked, 'is the amount of your present fleet of steamers?'
+
+'We have thirty-three screws,' he answered, 'fifty-seven paddles, and
+sixty-two sailing vessels in commission, and seventy-three, mostly
+steamers, _en réserve_, as you would say, in ordinary.'
+
+'Manned by how many men?' I asked.
+
+'By twenty-five thousand sailors,' he answered, 'and eleven thousand
+marines. But our _inscription maritime_ would give us in a few months or
+less one hundred thousand more. Since the times of Louis XVI. the French
+Navy has never been so formidable, positively or relatively.'
+
+'How,' I asked, 'has your "Napoleon" succeeded?'
+
+'Admirably,' he answered. 'I have not seen the "Wellington," but she is a
+much finer ship than the Agamemnon. Her speed is wonderful. A month ago
+she left Toulon at seven in the morning, and reached Ajaccio by four in
+the evening. But the great improvement is in our men. Napoleon knew
+nothing and cared nothing about sailors. He took no care about their
+training, and often wasted them in land operations, for which landsmen
+would have done as well.
+
+'In 1814 he left Toulon absolutely unguarded, and sent all the sailors to
+join Augereau. You might have walked into it.
+
+'In 1810 or 1811 I was on board a French corvette which fought an action
+with an English vessel, the "Lively." We passed three times under her
+stern, and raked her each time. We ought to have cleared her decks. Not a
+shot touched her. The other day at Cherbourg I saw a broadside fired at a
+floating mark three cables off, the usual distance at which ships engage.
+Ten balls hit it, and we could see that all the others passed near enough
+to shake it by their wind.
+
+'A ship of eighty guns has now forty _canonniers_ and forty _maîtres de
+pièces_. All practical artillerymen, and even the able seamen, can point
+a gun. Nelson's manoeuvre of breaking the line could not be used against
+a French fleet, such as a French fleet is now. The leading ships would be
+destroyed one after another, by the concentrated fire. Formerly our
+officers dreaded a maritime war. They knew that defeat awaited them,
+possibly death. Now they are confident, and eager to try their hands.'
+
+In the evening L. took me into a corner, and we had a long conversation.
+
+He had been reading my 'Athens Journal.'
+
+'What struck me,' he said, 'in every page of it, was the resemblance of
+King Otho to Louis Napoleon.'
+
+'I see the resemblance,' I answered, 'but it is the resemblance of a
+dwarf to a giant.'
+
+'No,' he replied. 'Of a man five feet seven inches high to one five feet
+eleven inches. There are not more than four inches between them. There is
+the same cunning, the same coldness, the same vindictiveness, the same
+silence, the same perseverance, the same unscrupulousness, the same
+selfishness, the same anxiety to appear to do everything that is done,
+and above all, the same determination to destroy, or to seduce by
+corruption or by violence, every man and every institution favourable to
+liberty, independence, or self-government. In one respect Otho had the
+more difficult task. He found himself, in 1843, subject to a Constitution
+carefully framed under the advice of England for the express purpose of
+controlling him. He did not attempt to get rid of it by a _coup d'état_,
+or even to alter it, but cunningly and skilfully perverted it into an
+instrument of despotism. Louis Napoleon destroyed the Constitution which
+he found, and made a new one, copied from that which had been gradually
+elaborated by his uncle, which as a restraint is intentionally powerless
+and fraudulent.
+
+'A man,' he continued, 'may acquire influence either by possessing in a
+higher degree the qualities which belong to his country and to his time,
+or by possessing those in which they are deficient.
+
+'Wellington is an example of this first sort. His excellences were those
+of an Englishman carried almost to perfection.
+
+'Louis Napoleon belongs to the second. If his merits had been impetuous
+courage, rapidity of ideas, quickness of decision, frankness, versatility
+and resource, he would have been surrounded by his equals or his
+superiors. He predominated over those with whom he came in contact
+because he differed from them. Because he was calm, slow, reserved,
+silent, and persevering. Because he is a Dutchman, not a Frenchman.'
+
+'He seems,' I said, 'to have lost his calmness.'
+
+'Yes,' answered L. 'But under what a shock! And observe that though the
+greatest risk was encountered by _him_, the terror was greatest among his
+_entourage_. I do not believe that if he had been left to himself he
+would have lost his prudence or his self-possession. He did not for the
+first day. Passions are contagious. Everyone who approached him was
+agitated by terror and anger. His intrepidity and self-reliance, great as
+they are, were disturbed by the hubbub all round him. His great defects
+are three. First, his habit of self-contemplation. He belongs to the men
+whom the Germans call subjective, whose eye is always turned inwardly;
+who think only of themselves, of their own character, and of their own
+fortunes. Secondly, his jealousy of able men. He wishes to be what you
+called him, a giant, and as Nature has not made him positively tall, he
+tries to be comparatively so, by surrounding himself with dwarfs. His
+third defect is the disproportion of his wishes to his means. His desires
+are enormous. No power, no wealth, no expenditure would satisfy them.
+Even if he had his uncle's genius and his uncle's indefatigability, he
+would sink, as his uncle did, under the exorbitance of his attempts. As
+he is not a man of genius, or even a man of remarkable ability, as he is
+ignorant, uninventive and idle, you will see him flounder and fall from
+one failure to another.
+
+'During the three years that Drouyn de L'Huys was his minister he was
+intent on home affairs--on his marriage, on the Louvre, on the artillery,
+on his _bonnes fortunes_, and on the new delights of unbounded
+expenditure. He left foreign affairs altogether to his minister. When
+Drouyn de L'Huys left him, the road before him was plain--he had only to
+carry on the war. But when the war was over, the road ended; neither
+he nor Walewski nor any of his _entourage_ know anything of the country
+in which they are travelling. You see them wandering at hazard. Sometimes
+trying to find their way to Russia, sometimes to England. Making a treaty
+with Austria, then attempting to injure her, and failing; attempting to
+injure Turkey, and failing; bullying Naples, and failing; threatening
+Switzerland, threatening Belgium, and at last demanding from England an
+Alien Bill, which they ought to know to be incompatible with the laws and
+hateful to the feelings of the people.
+
+'He is not satisfied with seeing the country prosperous and respected
+abroad. He wants to dazzle. His policy, domestic and foreign, is a policy
+of vanity and ostentation--motives which mislead everyone both in private
+and in public life.
+
+'His great moral merits are kindness and sympathy. He is a faithful
+attached friend, and wishes to serve all who come near him.
+
+'His greatest moral fault is his ignorance of the difference between
+right and wrong; perhaps his natural insensibility to it, his want of the
+organs by which that difference is perceived--a defect which he inherits
+from his uncle.'
+
+'The uncle,' I said, 'had at least one moral sense--he could understand
+the difference between pecuniary honesty and dishonesty, a difference
+which this man seems not to see, or not to value.'
+
+'I agree with you,' said L. 'He cannot value it, or he would not look
+complacently on the peculation which surrounds him. Every six months some
+magnificent hotel rises in the Champs Élysées, built by a man who had
+nothing, and has been a minister for a year or two.'
+
+On my return I found Tocqueville with the ladies. I gave him an outline
+of what L. had said.
+
+'No one,' he said, 'knows Louis Napoleon better than L.'
+
+'My opportunities of judging him have been much fewer, but as far as they
+have gone, they lead to the same conclusions. L. perhaps has not dwelt
+enough on his indolence. Probably as he grows older, and the effects of
+his early habits tell on him, it increases. I am told that it is
+difficult to make him attend to business, that he prolongs audiences
+apparently to kill time.
+
+'One of the few of my acquaintances who go near him, was detained by him
+for an hour to answer questions about the members of the _Corps
+législatif_. Louis Napoleon inquired about their families, their
+fortunes, their previous histories. Nothing about their personal
+qualities. These are things that do not interest him. He supposes that
+men differ only in externals. "That the _fond_ is the same in everyone."'
+
+
+_April 26_.--Tocqueville spent the evening with us.
+
+We talked of Novels.
+
+'I read none,' he said, 'that end ill. Why should one voluntarily subject
+oneself to painful emotions? To emotions created by an imaginary cause
+and therefore impelling you to no action. I like vivid emotions, but I
+seek them in real life, in society, in travelling, in business, but above
+all in political business. There is no happiness comparable to political
+success, when your own excitement is justified by the magnitude of the
+questions at issue, and is doubled and redoubled by the sympathy of your
+supporters. Having enjoyed that, I am ashamed of being excited by the
+visionary sorrows of heroes and heroines.
+
+'I had a friend,' he continued, 'a Benedictine, who is now ninety-seven.
+He was, therefore, about thirteen when Louis XVI. began to reign. He is a
+man of talents and knowledge, has always lived in the world, has attended
+to all that he has seen and heard, and is still unimpaired in mind, and
+so strong in body that when I leave him he goes down to embrace me, after
+the fashion of the eighteenth century, at the bottom of his staircase.'
+
+'And what effect,' I asked, 'has the contemplation of seventy years of
+revolution produced in him? Does he look back, like Talleyrand, to the
+_ancien régime_ as a golden age?'
+
+'He admits,' said Tocqueville, 'the material superiority of our own age,
+but he believes that, intellectually and morally, we are far inferior to
+our grandfathers. And I agree with him. Those seventy years of revolution
+have destroyed our courage, our hopefulness, our self-reliance, our
+public spirit, and, as respects by far the majority of the higher
+classes, our passions, except the vulgarest and most selfish ones--vanity
+and covetousness. Even ambition seems extinct. The men who seek power,
+seek it not for itself, not as the means of doing good to their country,
+but as a means of getting money and flatterers.
+
+'It is remarkable,' he continued, 'that women whose influence is
+generally greatest under despotisms, have none now. They have lost it,
+partly in consequence of the gross vulgarity of our dominant passions,
+and partly from their own nullity. They are like London houses, all built
+and furnished on exactly the same model, and that a most uninteresting
+one. Whether a girl is bred up at home or in a convent, she has the same
+masters, gets a smattering of the same accomplishments, reads the same
+dull books, and contributes to society the same little contingent of
+superficial information.
+
+'When a young lady comes out I know beforehand how her mother and her
+aunts will describe her. "Elle a les goûts simples. Elle est pieuse. Elle
+aime la campagne. Elle aime la lecture. Elle n'aime pas le bal. Elle
+n'aime pas le monde, elle y ira seulement pour plaire à sa mère." I try
+sometimes to escape from these generalities, but there is nothing behind
+them.'
+
+'And how long,' I asked, 'does this simple, pious, retiring character
+last?'
+
+'Till the orange flowers of her wedding chaplet are withered,' he
+answered. 'In three months she goes to the _messe d'une heure_.'
+
+'What is the "messe d'une heure?"' I asked.
+
+'A priest,' he answered, 'must celebrate Mass fasting; and in strictness
+ought to do so before noon. But to accommodate fashionable ladies who
+cannot rise by noon, priests are found who will starve all the morning,
+and say Mass in the afternoon. It is an irregular proceeding, though
+winked at by the ecclesiastical authorities. Still to attend it is rather
+discreditable; it is a middle term between the highly meritorious
+practice of going to early Mass, and the scandalous one of never going at
+all.'
+
+'What was the education,' I asked, 'of women under the _ancien régime_?'
+
+'The convent,' he answered.
+
+'It must have been better,' I said, 'than the present education, since
+the women of that time were superior to ours.'
+
+'It was so far better,' he answered, 'that it did no harm. A girl at that
+time was taught nothing. She came from the convent a sheet of white
+paper. _Now_ her mind is a paper scribbled over with trash. The women of
+that time were thrown into a world far superior to ours, and with the
+sagacity, curiosity, and flexibility of French women, caught knowledge
+and tact and expression from the men.
+
+'I knew well,' he continued, 'Madame Récamier. Few traces of her former
+beauty then remained, but we were all her lovers and her slaves. The
+talent, labour, and skill which she wasted in her _salon_, would have
+gained and governed an empire. She was virtuous, if it be virtuous to
+persuade every one of a dozen men that you wish to favour him, though
+some circumstance always occurs to prevent your doing so. Every friend
+thought himself preferred. She governed us by little distinctions, by
+letting one man come five minutes before the others, or stay five minutes
+after. Just as Louis XIV. raised one courtier to the seventh heaven by
+giving him the _bougeoir_, and another by leaning on his arm, or taking
+his shirt from him.
+
+'She said little, but knew what each man's _fort_ was, and placed from
+time to time a _mot_ which led him to it. If anything were peculiarly
+well said, her face brightened. You saw that her attention was always
+active and always intelligent.
+
+'And yet I doubt whether she really enjoyed conversation. _Tenir salon_
+was to her a game, which she played well, and almost always successfully,
+but she must sometimes have been exhausted by the effort. Her _salon_ was
+perhaps pleasanter to us than it was to herself.
+
+'One of the last,' he continued, 'of that class of potentates was the
+Duchesse de Dino. Her early married life was active and brilliant, but
+not intellectually. It was not till about forty, when she had exhausted
+other excitements, that she took to _bel esprit._ But she performed her
+part as if she had been bred to it.'
+
+This was our last conversation. I left Paris the next day, and we never
+met again.
+
+
+
+
+CORRESPONDENCE.
+
+Tocqueville, June 30, 1858.
+
+I must complain, a little of your silence, my dear Senior. I hear that
+before you left Paris you suffered a great deal from your throat. Is it
+true, or have you recovered?
+
+I have not either much to boast of on the score of health since we
+parted. The illness which I had in Paris became still worse, and when I
+got a little better in that way I had a violent bronchial attack. I even
+began to spit blood, which had not happened to me for many years, and I
+am still almost reduced to silence. Still I am beginning to mend, and I
+hope, please God, to be able to _speak_ to my friends when they visit me.
+
+You are aware that I wished to induce my wife to accompany me to the
+South; but the length of the journey, the difficulties of transport, the
+heat, and indeed the state of my health, were reasons which she brought
+forward with so much force that we have remained here, and shall not
+leave till the end of September. We still hope that you and Miss Senior
+will join us the first week in that month. We shall be very happy to have
+you both with us. This is no compliment ... I hope soon to be able to
+enjoy more frequent communication with my English friends. A steamboat is
+about to run from Cherbourg to the coast of England. We shall then be
+able to visit each other as neighbours (_voisiner_).
+
+Between ourselves, I do not think that the events in England during the
+last six months are of a nature to raise the reputation of Parliamentary
+Government in the rest of the world. _A bientôt!_
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+Kensington, July 5, 1858.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--If I had written to you three days ago, I should
+have talked of the pleasure which my daughter and I expected from our
+visit to Tocqueville. But our plans are changed. Edward Ellice is going
+to pay a last visit to America, and has begged me to accompany him. He is
+a great proprietor in both America and Canada--knows everybody in both
+countries, and is besides a most able and interesting companion. So I
+have accepted the proposal, and start on the 30th of this month for
+Boston. We shall return in the beginning of November.
+
+I am _very_ sorry to lose the visit to Normandy, but I trust that it is
+only deferred.
+
+We are grieved to hear that neither you nor Madame de Tocqueville are as
+well as your friends could wish you to be.
+
+My _grippe_, after lasting for three months, has gradually subsided, and
+I look to the voyage to America as a cure for all remains of it.
+
+I have most punctually carried your remembrances to all the persons
+honoured by being inscribed on your card.
+
+Though I have often seen Gladstone, it has always been among many other
+persons, and he has been so full of talk, that I have never been able to
+allude to your subject. I mentioned it to Mrs. Gladstone on Saturday
+last: she said that there was not a person in all France whom her husband
+so much admired and venerated as you--therefore, if there was any
+appearance of neglect, it could have arisen only from hurry or mistake. I
+shall see him again on Thursday, when we are going all together to a
+rehearsal of Ristori's, and I will talk to him: we shall there be quiet.
+
+Things here are in a very odd state. The Government is supported by the
+Tories because it calls itself Tory, and by the Whigs and Radicals
+because it obeys them. On such terms it may last for an indefinite time.
+
+Kindest regards from us all to you both.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+9 Hyde Park Gate, Kensington, August 2, 1858.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--I ought, as you know, to be on the Atlantic by this
+time; but I was attacked, ten days ago, with lumbar neuralgia, which they
+are trying, literally, to rub away. If I am quite well on the 13th, I
+shall go on the 14th to America.
+
+I was attacked at Sir John Boileau's, where I spent some days with the
+Guizots, Mrs. Austin, and Stanley and Lord John Russell.
+
+Guizot is in excellent spirits, and, what is rare in an ex-premier,
+dwells more on the present and the future than on the past. Mrs. Austin
+is placid and discursive.
+
+Lord John seems to me well pleased with the present state of
+affairs--which he thinks, I believe with reason, will bring him back to
+power. He thinks that Malmesbury and Disraeli are doing well, and praises
+much the subordinates of the Government. Considering that no one believes
+Lord Derby to be wise, or Disraeli to be either wise or honest, it is
+marvellous that they get on as well as they do. The man who has risen
+most is Lord Stanley, and, as he has the inestimable advantage of youth,
+I believe him to be predestined to influence our fortunes long.
+
+The world, I think, is gradually coming over to an opinion, which, when I
+maintained it thirty years ago, was treated as a ridiculous paradox--that
+India is and always has been a great misfortune to us; and, that if it
+were possible to get quit of it, we should be richer and stronger.
+
+But it is clear that we are to keep it, at least for my life.
+
+Kindest regards from us all to you and Madame de Tocqueville.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+Tocqueville, August 21, 1858.
+
+My dear Senior,--I hear indirectly that you are extremely ill. Your
+letter told me only that you were suffering from neuralgia which you
+hoped to be rid of in a few days, but Mrs. Grote informs me that the
+malady continues and has even assumed a more serious character.
+
+If you could write or dictate a few lines to me, you would please me
+much.
+
+I am inconsolable for the failure of your American journey. I expected
+the most curious results from it I hoped that your journal would enable
+me once more to understand the present state of a country which has
+so changed since I saw it that I feel that I now know nothing of it. What
+a blessing, however, that you had not started! What would have become of
+you if the painful attack from which you are suffering had seized you
+2,000 miles away from home, and in the midst of that agitated society
+where no one has time to be ill or to think of those who are ill? It must
+be owned that Fortune has favoured you by sending you this illness just
+at the moment of your departure instead of ten days later.
+
+I have been much interested by your visit to Sir John Boileau. You saw
+there M. Guizot in one of his best lights. The energy with which he
+stands up under the pressure of age and of ill-fortune, and is not only
+resigned in his new situation, but as vigorous, as animated, and as
+cheerful as ever, shows a character admirably tempered and a pride which
+nothing will bend.
+
+I do not so well understand the cheerfulness of Lord John Russell. For
+the spectacle now exhibited by England, in which a party finds no
+difficulty in maintaining itself in power by carrying into practice ideas
+which it has always opposed, and by relying for support on its natural
+enemies, is not of a nature to raise the reputation of your institutions,
+or of your public men. I should have a great deal more to say to you on
+this and other subjects if I were not afraid of tiring you. I leave off,
+therefore, by assuring you that we are longing to hear of your recovery.
+Remembrances, &c.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+Cannes, December 12, 1858.
+
+I wish, my dear friend, to reassure you myself on the false reports which
+have been spread regarding my health. Far from finding myself worse than
+when we arrived, I am already much better.
+
+I am just now an invalid who takes his daily walks of two hours in the
+mountains after eating an excellent breakfast. I am not, however, well.
+If I were I should not long remain a citizen of Cannes.
+
+I have almost renounced the use of speech, and consequently the society
+of human beings; which is all the more sad as my wife, my sole companion,
+is herself very unwell, not dangerously, but enough to make me
+anxious. When I say my sole companion, I am wrong, for my eldest brother
+has had the kindness to shut himself up with us for a month.
+
+Adieu, dear Senior. A thousand kind remembrances from us to all your
+party.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+Cannes, March 15, 1859.
+
+You say, my dear Senior, in the letter which I have just received, that I
+like to hear from my friends, not to write to them. It is true that I
+delight in the letters of my friends, especially of my English friends;
+but it is a calumny to say that I do not like to answer them. It is true
+that I am in your debt: one great cause is, that a man who lives at
+Cannes knows nothing of what is passing. My solitary confinement, which
+is bad enough in every way, makes me a bad correspondent, by depressing
+my spirits and rendering every exertion painful.
+
+Mrs. Grote, in a very kind and interesting letter, which I received from
+her yesterday, says, that Lord Brougham, on his late arrival in London,
+gave a lamentable description of my health. If he confined himself to
+January, he was right. It is impossible to exaggerate my sufferings
+during that month. But, since that time, all has changed, as if from day
+to night, or rather from night to day. To talk now of what I was in
+January is like making a speech about the Spanish marriages.
+
+I am grieved to find that you have suffered so much this year from
+bronchitis. I fear that your larynx can scarcely endure an English
+winter. But it is very hard to be obliged to expatriate oneself every
+year. I fear, however, that such must be my fate for some winters to
+come, and the pain with which I anticipate it makes me sympathise more
+acutely with you.
+
+We know not, as yet, whether we are to have peace or war. Whichever it
+be, a mortal blow has struck the popularity of Louis Napoleon. What
+maintained him was the belief that he was the protector of our material
+interests: interests to which we now sacrifice all others. The events of
+the last month show, with the utmost vividness, that these very interests
+may be endangered by the arbitrary and irrational will of a despot. The
+feelings, therefore, which were his real support are now bitterly hostile
+to him.
+
+I feel, in short, that a considerable change in our Government is
+approaching.
+
+Even our poor _Corps législatif_, a week ago, refused to take into
+consideration the Budget, until it was informed whether it were to be a
+war budget or a peace budget. Great was the fury of those who represented
+the Government. They exclaimed that the Chamber misapprehended its
+jurisdiction, and that it had nothing to do with political questions. The
+Chamber, however, or rather its committee on the Budget, held its ground,
+and extorted from the Government some explanations.
+
+Adieu, my dear Senior. Say everything that is kind to the Grotes, the
+Reeves, the Lewises--in short, to all our common friends, and believe in
+the sincerity of my friendship.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+[This was M. de Tocqueville's last letter to Mr. Senior. He died on the
+16th of April.--ED.]
+
+
+
+Hotel Westminster, Rue de la Paix, April 25, 1859.
+
+My dear Madame de Tocqueville,--I was in the country, and it was only
+last Friday, as I was passing through London on my way to Paris, that I
+heard of the irreparable loss that we, indeed that France and Europe,
+have suffered.
+
+It cannot alleviate your distress to be told how universal and deep is
+the sympathy with it--quite as much in England as in France.
+
+It has thrown a gloom over society, not only over that portion which had
+the happiness and the honour of intimacy with M.A. de Tocqueville, but
+even of his acquaintances, and of those too whose acquaintance was only
+with his works.
+
+I have, as you know, been for about a year, the depositary of a large
+packet confided to me by M. de Tocqueville last spring. About six months
+ago he begged me to return it to him, in Paris, when I had a safe
+opportunity. No such opportunity offered itself, so that the packet
+remains in my library awaiting your orders.
+
+Since I began this letter I have been informed by M. de Corcelle that you
+are likely to be soon in Paris. I shall not venture to send it by the
+post, lest it should cross you on the road.
+
+I shall anxiously inquire as to your arrival, in the hope that you will
+allow one who most sincerely loved and admired your husband, morally and
+intellectually, to see you as soon as you feel yourself equal to it.
+
+Believe me, my dear Madame de Tocqueville, with the truest sympathy,
+yours most truly,
+
+NASSAU W. SENIOR.
+
+[Mr. Senior continued an active correspondence with Madame de
+Tocqueville, and we saw her whenever we were in Paris. Our long-promised
+visit to Tocqueville took place in 1861.--ED.]
+
+
+
+
+
+JOURNAL.
+
+_Tocqueville, Sunday, August_ 11, 1861.--We left Paris on Saturday
+evening, got to Valognes by the Cherbourg railway by six the next
+morning, and were furnished there with a good carriage and horses, which
+took us, and our servants and luggage, in three hours to Tocqueville.
+
+Valognes has been immortalised by Le Sage in Turcaret. It is a town of
+about 6,000 inhabitants, built of granite, and therefore little altered
+from what it was 200 years ago. Over many of the doors are the armorial
+bearings of the provincial nobility who made it a small winter capital:
+the practice is not wholly extinct. I asked who was the inhabitant of an
+imposing old house. 'M. de Néridoze,' answered our landlady, 'd'une
+très-haute noblesse.' I went over one in which Madame de Tocqueville
+thinks of passing the winter. It is of two stories. The ground floor
+given up to kitchen, laundry, and damp-looking servants' rooms; the first
+floor in this form:--
+
+[Illustration:]
+
+ Bedroom.
+ Door
+ Stairs Bedroom.
+
+Bedroom. Drawing-room. Dining-room. Hall. Bedroom.
+
+
+The longer side looks into the street, the shorter, which is to be Madame
+de Tocqueville's bedroom, into a small garden.
+
+_August_ 11.--At Tocqueville we find M. and Madame de Beaumont, their
+second son--a charming boy of ten years old, and Ampère.
+
+It is eleven years since I was here. Nothing has been done to the
+interior of the house. This is about the plan of ground floor.
+
+[Illustration:]
+
+ Offices
+ Tower
+ staircase Offices.
+
+Drawing-room. Billiard-room. Dining-room.
+ Hall.
+ Tower
+
+The first floor corresponds to the ground floor, except that on the
+western sides a passage runs, into which the library, which is over the
+drawing-room, and the bedrooms open. The second consists of garrets. My
+room is on the first floor of the eastern tower, with deep windows
+looking south and east. The room dedicated by Tocqueville to Ampère is
+above me. Creepers in great luxuriance cover the walls up to the first
+floor windows. The little park consists of from thirty to forty acres,
+well wooded and traversed by an avenue in this form, leading from the
+road to the front of the house.
+
+
+* * * * * * * * *
+
+* * * * * * * * *
+
+ * *
+
+ * *
+
+ * *
+
+ * *
+
+To the west the ground rises to a wild common commanding the sea, the
+lighthouses of Gatteville, Barfleur, La Hogue, and a green plain covered
+with woods and hedgerow trees, and studded with church towers and spires
+of the picturesque forms of the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth
+centuries. It has no grand features, except the sea and the rocky coast
+of the Cherbourg peninsula, but it is full of variety and beauty. I can
+understand Tocqueville's delight in the house and in the country. The
+weather is perfect; the thermometer in my bedroom, the walls of which are
+about six feet thick, is 71°, in the sun it is 80°; but there is a strong
+breeze.
+
+_August 12th._--Madame de Beaumont, my daughter, and Ampère drove, and
+Beaumont and I walked, to the coast about three miles and a half off. Our
+road ran through the gay wooded plain which I have described.
+
+We talked of Italian affairs.
+
+'Up to the annexation of Tuscany,' said Beaumont, 'I fully approve of all
+that has been done. Parma, Modena, and Tuscany were eager to join
+Piedmont. During the anxious interval of six months, while the decision
+of Louis Napoleon was doubtful, the conduct of the Tuscans was above all
+praise. Perhaps the general wish of the people of Romagna justified the
+Piedmontese in seizing it. Though there the difficult question as to the
+expediency of stripping the Pope of his temporal power rises.
+
+'Perhaps, too, the facility with which Sicily submitted was a
+justification. But I cannot pardon the seizure of Naples. It is clear to
+me that if the Neapolitans had been left to themselves they would have
+driven out the Garibaldians. Garibaldi himself felt this: nothing but a
+conviction of its necessity would have induced him to call for the
+assistance of the Piedmontese. I do not believe that in defiance of all
+international law-indeed in defiance of all international
+morality--Cavour would have given that assistance if the public opinion
+of Piedmont had allowed him to refuse it. And what is the consequence? A
+civil war which is laying waste the country. The Piedmontese call their
+adversaries brigands. There are without doubt among them men whose motive
+is plunder, but the great majority are in arms in defence of the
+independence of their country. They are no more brigands now than they
+were when they resisted King Joseph. The Piedmontese are as much
+foreigners to them as the French were: as much hated and as lawfully
+resisted. They may be conquered, they probably will be conquered. An
+ignorant corrupt population, inhabiting a small country, unsupported by
+its higher classes--its fleet, its fortresses, and all the machinery of
+its government, in the hands of its enemies--cannot permanently resist;
+but the war will be atrocious, and the more cruel on the part of Piedmont
+because it is unjust.'
+
+'You admit,' I said, 'that the higher classes side with Piedmont?'
+
+'I admit that,' he answered; 'but you must recollect how few they are in
+number, and how small is the influence which they exercise. In general, I
+detest universal suffrage, I detest democracy and everything belonging to
+it, but if it were possible to obtain honestly and truly the opinion of
+the people, I would ask it and obey it. I believe that it would be better
+to allow the Neapolitans, ignorant and debased as they are, to choose
+their own sovereign and their own form of government, than to let them be
+forced by years of violence to become the unwilling subjects of
+Piedmont.'
+
+'Do you believe,' I said, 'that it is possible to obtain through
+universal suffrage the honest and true opinion of a people?'
+
+'Not,' he answered, 'if the Government interferes. I believe that in
+Savoy not one person in fifty was in favour of annexation to France. But
+this is an extreme case.
+
+'The Bourbons are deservedly hated and despised by the Neapolitans, the
+Piedmontese are not despised, but are hated still more intensely. There
+is no native royal stock. The people are obviously unfit for a Republic.
+It would be as well, I think, to let them select a King as to impose one
+on them. The King whom Piedmont, without a shadow of right, is imposing
+on them is the one whom they most detest.'
+
+'If I go to Rome,' I asked, 'in the winter, whom shall I find there?'
+
+'I think,' he answered, 'that it will be the Piedmontese. The present
+state of things is full of personal danger to Louis Napoleon. As his
+policy is purely selfish, he will, at any sacrifice, put an end to it.
+That sacrifice may be the unity of Catholicism. The Pope, no longer a
+sovereign, will be under the influence of the Government in whose
+territory he resides, and the other Catholic Powers may follow the
+example of Greece and of Russia, and create each an independent Spiritual
+Government. It would be a new excitement for _Celui-ci_ to make himself
+Head of the Church.'
+
+'Assassinations,' I said, 'even when successful have seldom produced
+important and permanent effects, but Orsini's failure has influenced and
+is influencing the destinies of Europe.'
+
+'If I were an Italian liberal,' said Beaumont, 'I would erect a statue to
+him. The policy and almost the disposition of Louis Napoleon have been
+changed by the _attentat_. He has become as timid as he once was
+intrepid. He began by courting the Pope and the clergy. He despised the
+French assassins, who were few in number and unconnected, and who had
+proved their unskilfulness on Louis Philippe; but Orsini showed him that
+he had to elect between the Pope and the Austrians on one side, and the
+Carbonari on the other. He has chosen the alliance of the Carbonari. He
+has made himself their tool, and will continue to do so.
+
+'They are the only enemies whom he fears, at least for the present.
+
+'France is absolutely passive. The uneducated masses from whom he holds
+his power are utterly indifferent to liberty, and he has too much sense
+to irritate them by wanton oppression. They do not know that he is
+degrading the French character, they do not even feel that he is wasting
+the capital of France, they do not know that he is adding twenty millions
+every year to the national debt. They think of his loans merely as
+investments, and the more profligately extravagant are the terms and the
+amount, the better they like them.'
+
+'Ten years ago,' I said, 'the cry that I heard was, "Ça ne durera pas."'
+
+'That was my opinion,' he answered; 'indeed, it was the opinion of
+everybody. I thought the Duc de Broglie desponding when he gave it three
+years. We none of us believed that the love of liberty was dead in
+France.'
+
+'It is not,' I said, 'dead, for among the higher classes it still lives,
+and among the lower it never existed.'
+
+'Perhaps,' he answered, 'our great mistakes were that we miscalculated
+the courage of the educated classes, and the degree in which universal
+suffrage would throw power into the hands of the uneducated. Not a human
+being in my commune reads a newspaper or indeed reads anything: yet it
+contains 300 electors. In the towns there is some knowledge and some
+political feeling, but for political purposes they are carefully swamped
+by being joined to uneducated agricultural districts.
+
+'Still I think I might enter the _Corps législatif_ for our capital Le
+Mans. Perhaps at a general election twenty liberals might come in. But
+what good could they do? The opposition in the last session strengthened
+Louis Napoleon. It gave him the prestige of liberality and success.'
+
+'You think him, then,' I said, 'safe for the rest of his life?'
+
+'Nothing,' he answered, 'is safe in France, and the thing most unsafe is
+a Government. Our caprices are as violent as they are sudden. They
+resemble those of a half-tamed beast of prey, which licks its keeper's
+hand to-day, and may tear him to-morrow. But if his life be not so long
+as to enable the fruits of his follies to show themselves in their
+natural consequences--unsuccessful war, or defeated diplomacy, or
+bankruptcy, or heavily increased taxation--he may die in the Tuileries.
+
+'But I infer from his conduct that he thinks an insurrection against his
+tyranny possible, and that he is preparing to meet it by a popular war--
+that is to say, by a war with England.
+
+'I found my opinion not so much on the enormous maritime preparations, as
+on the long-continued systematic attempts to raise against England our
+old national enmity. All the provincial papers are in the hands of the
+Government. The constantly recurring topic of every one of them is, the
+perfidy and the malignity of England. She is described as opposing all
+our diplomacy, as resisting all our aggrandisement, as snarling and
+growling at our acquisition of Savoy, as threatening us if we accept
+Sardinia, as trying to drive the Pope from Rome because we protect him,
+as trying to separate the Danubian provinces because we wish to unite
+them, as preventing the Suez Canal because we proposed it--in short, on
+every occasion and in every part of the world as putting herself in our
+way. To these complaints, which are not without foundation, are added
+others of which our ignorant people do not see the absurdity. They are
+told that the enormous conscription, and the great naval expenditure, are
+rendered necessary by the aggressive armaments of England. That you are
+preparing to lay waste all our coasts, to burn our arsenals, to subsidise
+against us a new Coalition, and perhaps lead its armies again to Paris.
+
+'The Emperor's moderation, his love of England, and his love of peace,
+are said to be the only obstacles to, a violent rupture. But they are
+prepared for these obstacles at length giving way. "The Emperor," they
+are told, "is getting tired of his insolent, and hostile, and quarrelsome
+allies. He is getting tired of a peace which is more expensive than a
+war. Some day the cup will flow over. 'Il en finira avec eux,' will
+dictate a peace in London, will free the oppressed Irish nationality,
+will make England pay the expense of the war, and then having conquered
+the only enemy that France can fear, will let her enjoy, for the first
+time, real peace, a reduced conscription, and low taxation."
+
+'Such is the language of all the provincial papers and of all the
+provincial authorities, and it has its effect. There never was a time
+when a war with England would be so popular. He does not wish for one, he
+knows that it would be extremely dangerous, but he is accustomed to play
+for great stakes, and if submitting to any loss of his popularity, or to
+any limitation of his power is the alternative, he will run the risk. He
+keeps it, as his last card, in reserve, to be played only in extremity,
+but to be ready when that extremity has arrived.'
+
+_Tuesday, August_ 13.--We drove to La Prenelle, a church at the point of
+a high table-land running from Tocqueville towards the bay of La Hogue,
+and commanding nearly all the Cherbourg peninsula. On three sides of us
+was the sea, separated from us by a wooded, well-inhabited plain, whose
+churches rose among the trees, and containing the towns and lofty
+lighthouses of Gatteville, Barfleur, Vast, and La Hogue. We sat on the
+point from whence James II. saw the battle of La Hogue, and admired the
+courage of his English rebels.
+
+Ampère has spent much of his life in Rome, and is engaged on a work in
+which its history is to be illustrated by its monuments.
+
+We talked of the Roman people.
+
+'Nothing,' said Ampère, 'can be more degraded than the higher classes.
+With the exception of Antonelli, who is charming, full of knowledge,
+intelligence, and grace, and of the Duke of Sermoneta, who is almost
+equally distinguished, there is scarcely a noble of my acquaintance who
+has any merits, moral or intellectual.
+
+'They are surrounded by the finest ancient and modern art, and care
+nothing for it. The eminent men of every country visit Rome--the Romans
+avoid them for they have nothing to talk to them about.
+
+'Politics are of course unsafe, literature they have none. They never
+read. A cardinal told me something which I doubted, and I asked him where
+he had found it. "In certi libri," he answered.
+
+'Another, who has a fine old library, begged me to use it. "You will do
+the room good," he said. "No one has been there for years." Even scandal
+and gossip must be avoided under an Ecclesiastical Government.
+
+'They never ride, they never shoot, they never visit their estates, they
+give no parties; if it were not for the theatre and for their lawsuits
+they would sink into vegetable life.'
+
+'Sermoneta,' I said, 'told me that many of his lawsuits were hereditary,
+and would probably descend to his son.'
+
+'If Sermoneta,' said Ampère, 'with his positive intelligence and his
+comparative vigour, cannot get through them, what is to be expected from
+others? They have, however, one merit, one point of contact with the rest
+of the world--their hatred of their Government. They seem to perceive,
+not clearly, for they perceive nothing clearly, but they dimly see, that
+the want of liberty is a still greater misfortune to the higher classes
+than to the lower.
+
+'But the people are a fine race. Well led they will make excellent
+soldiers. They have the cruelty of their ancestors, perhaps I ought to
+say of their predecessors, but they have also their courage.'
+
+'They showed,' said Beaumont, 'courage in the defence of Rome, but
+courage behind walls is the commonest of all courages. No training could
+make the Spaniards stand against us in the open field, but they were
+heroes in Saragossa. The caprices of courage and cowardice are
+innumerable. The French have no moral courage, they cannot stand
+ridicule, they cannot encounter disapprobation, they bow before
+oppression; a French soldier condemned by a court-martial cries for mercy
+like a child. The same man in battle appears indifferent to death. The
+Spaniard runs away without shame, but submits to death when it is
+inevitable without terror. None of the prisoners taken on either side in
+the Spanish civil war asked for pardon.'
+
+'Indifference to life,' I said, 'and indifference to danger have little
+in common. General Fénelon told me that in Algeria he had more than once
+to preside at an execution. No Arab showed any fear. Once there were two
+men, one of whom was to be flogged, the other to be shot. A mistake was
+made and they were going to shoot the wrong man. It was found out in
+time, but neither of the men seemed to care about it; yet they
+would probably have run away in battle. The Chinese are not brave, but
+you can hire a man to be beheaded in your place.'
+
+'So,' said Ampère, 'you could always hire a substitute in our most
+murderous wars, when in the course of a year a regiment was killed twice
+over. It was hiring a man, not indeed to be beheaded, but to be shot for
+you.'
+
+'The destructiveness,' said Beaumont, 'of a war is only gradually known.
+It is found out soonest in the villages when the deaths of the conscripts
+are heard of, or are suspected from their never returning; but in the
+towns, from which the substitutes chiefly come, it may be long
+undiscovered. Nothing is known but what is officially published, and the
+Government lies with an audacity which seems always to succeed. If it
+stated the loss of men in a battle at one half of the real number, people
+would fancy that it ought to be doubled, and so come near to the truth;
+but it avows only one-tenth or only one-twentieth, and then the amount of
+falsehood is underestimated.'
+
+'Marshal Randon,' I said, 'told me that the whole loss in the Italian
+campaign was under 7,000 men.'
+
+'That is a good instance,' said Beaumont. 'It certainly was 50,000,
+perhaps 70,000. But I am guilty of a _délit_ in saying so, and you will
+be guilty of a _délit_ if you repeat what I have said. I remember the
+case of a man in a barber's shop in Tours, to whom the barber said that
+the harvest was bad. He repeated the information, and was punished by
+fine and imprisonment for having spread _des nouvelles alarmantes_. Truth
+is no excuse; in fact it is an aggravation, for the truer the news the
+more alarming.'
+
+'In time of peace,' I asked, 'what proportion of the conscripts return
+after their six years of service?'
+
+'About three-quarters,' answered Beaumont.
+
+'Then,' I said, 'as you take 100,000 conscripts every year even in peace,
+you lose 25,000 of your best young men every year?'
+
+'Certainly,' said Beaumont.
+
+'And are the 75,000 who return improved or deteriorated?' I asked.
+
+'Improved,' said Ampère; 'they are _dégourdis_, they are educated, they
+submit to authority, they know how to shift for themselves.'
+
+'Deteriorated,' said Beaumont. 'A garrison life destroys the habits of
+steady industry, it impairs skill. The returned conscript is more vicious
+and less honest than the peasant who has not left his village.'
+
+'And what was the loss,' I asked, 'in the late war?'
+
+'At least twice as great,' said Beaumont, 'as it is in peace. Half of
+those who were taken perished. The country would not have borne the
+prolongation of the Crimean War.'
+
+'These wars,' I said, 'were short and successful. A war with England can
+scarcely be short, and yet you think that he plans one?'
+
+'I think,' said Beaumont, 'that he plans one, but only in the event of
+his encountering any serious difficulty at home. You must not infer from
+the magnitude of his naval expenditure that he expects one.
+
+'You look at the expense of those preparations, and suppose that so great
+a sacrifice would not be made in order to meet an improbable emergency.
+But expense is no sacrifice to him. He likes it. He has the morbid
+taste for it which some tyrants have had for blood, which his uncle had
+for war. Then he is incapable of counting. When he lived at Arenenburg he
+used to give every old soldier who visited him an order on Viellard his
+treasurer for money. In general the chest was empty. Viellard used to
+remonstrate but without effect. The day perhaps after his orders had been
+dishonoured he gave new ones.'
+
+'Is it true,' I asked, 'that the civil list is a couple of years' income
+in debt?'
+
+I know nothing about it,' said Beaumont; 'in fact, nobody knows anything
+about anything, but it is highly probable. Everybody who asks for
+anything gets it, everybody is allowed to waste, everybody is allowed to
+rob, every folly of the Empress is complied with. Fould raised
+objections, and was dismissed.
+
+'She is said to have a room full of revolutionary relics: there is the
+bust of Marie Antoinette, the nose broken at one of the sacks of the
+Tuileries. There is a picture of Simon beating Louis XVII. Her poor child
+has been frightened by it, and she is always dwelling on the dangers of
+her position.'
+
+'So,' I said, 'did Queen Adelaide--William IV.'s Queen. From the passing
+of the Reform Bill she fully expected to die on the scaffold.'
+
+'There is more reason,' he answered, 'for the Empress's fears.'
+
+'Not,' I said, 'if she fears the scaffold. Judicial murder, at least in
+that form, is out of fashion. Cayenne and Lambressa are your guillotines,
+and the Empress is safe from them.'
+
+'But there are other modes of violent death,' he answered; 'from one of
+which she escaped almost by miracle.'
+
+'How did she behave,' I asked, 'at the _attentat?_'
+
+'Little is known,' he answered, 'except that the Emperor said to her, as
+he led her upstairs to her box: "Allons, il faut faire notre métier."'
+
+'Then she is disturbed by religious fears. The little prince has been
+taught to say to his father every morning: "Papa, ne faites pas de mal à
+mon parrain." The Pope was his godfather.'
+
+'If the Emperor dies, the real power will pass into the hands of Prince
+Napoleon. And very dangerous hands they will be. He has more talent than
+the Emperor, and longer views. Louis Napoleon is a revolutionist from
+selfishness. Prince Napoleon is selfish enough, but he has also passion.
+He detests everything that is venerable, everything that is established
+or legal.
+
+'There is little value now for property or for law, though the Government
+professes to respect them. What, will it be when the Government professes
+to hate them?'
+
+_Wednesday, August_ 14.--We talked at breakfast of Rome.
+
+'Is there,' said Beaumont to Ampère, 'still an Inquisition at Rome?'
+
+'There is,' said Ampère, 'but it is torpid. It punishes bad priests, but
+does little else.'
+
+'If a Roman,' I asked, 'were an avowed infidel, would it take notice of
+him?'
+
+'Probably not,' said Ampère, 'but his _curé_ might--not for his
+infidelity, but for his avowing it. The _curé_ who has always the powers
+of a _commissaire de police,_ might put him in prison if he went into a
+_café_ and publicly denied the Immaculate Conception, or if he neglected
+going to church or to confession: but the Inquisition no longer cares
+about opinions.'
+
+'Is there much infidelity,' I asked, 'in Rome?'
+
+'Much,' said Ampère, 'among the laity. The clergy do not actively
+disbelieve. They go through their functions without ever seriously
+inquiring whether what they have to teach be true or false. No persons
+were more annoyed by the Mortara[1] business than the clergy, with the
+exception of Antonelli. He hates and fears the man who set it on foot,
+the Archbishop of Bologna, and therefore was glad to see him expose
+himself, and lose all hope of the Secretaryship, but he took care to
+prevent the recurrence of such a scandal. He revived an old law
+prohibiting Jews from keeping Christian nurses. But he could scarcely
+order restitution. According to the Church it would have been giving the
+child to the Devil, and, what is worse, robbing God of him. The Pope's
+piety is selfish. His great object is his own salvation. He would not
+endanger that, to confer any benefit upon, or to avert any evil from
+Rome; or indeed from the whole world. This makes him difficult to
+negotiate with. If anything is proposed to him which his confessor
+affirms to be dangerous to his soul, he listens to no arguments. As for
+Mortara himself, he is a poor creature. A friend of mine went to see him
+in his convent. All that he could get from him was:
+
+'"Sono venuti i Carabinieri."
+
+'"And what did they do to you?"
+
+'"M' hanno portato quì."
+
+'"What more?"
+
+'"M' hanno dato pasticci; erano molto buoni."
+
+'What is most teasing,' continued Ampère, 'in the Roman Government is not
+so much its active oppression as its torpidity. It hates to act. An
+Englishman had with great difficulty obtained permission to light Rome
+with gas. He went to the Government in December, and told them that
+everything was ready, and that the gas would be lighted on the 1st of
+January.
+
+'"Could you not," they answered, "put it off till April?"
+
+'"But it is in winter," he replied; "that it is wanted. Every thing is
+ready. Why should we wait?"
+
+'"It is a new thing," they replied; "people will be frightened. It may
+have consequences. At least put it off till March."
+
+'"But they will be as much frightened in March," he replied.
+
+'"If it must be done," they said, "as a kindness to His Holiness and to
+us put it off till February."
+
+'There is, however, one sort of oppression which even we should find it
+difficult to tolerate.
+
+'A Monsignore has a young friend without money, but an excellent Catholic
+and an excellent politician, a fervid believer in the Immaculate
+Conception and in the excellence of the Papal Government. He wishes to
+reward such admirable opinions: but the Pope has little to give.
+Monsignore looks out for some young heiress, sends for her father,
+describes his pious and loyal _protégé_, and proposes marriage. Her
+father objects--says that his daughter cannot afford to marry a poor man,
+or that she does not wish to marry at all--or that he or she has some
+other preference.
+
+'Monsignore insists. He assures the father that what he is proposing is
+most favourable to the salvation of his daughter, that he suggests it
+principally for the benefit of her soul, and that the father's objections
+are inspired by the Evil One. The father breaks off the conversation and
+goes home. He finds that his daughter has disappeared. He returns furious
+to Monsignore, is received with the utmost politeness and is informed
+that his daughter is perfectly safe under the protection of a cardinal
+who himself did her the honour of fetching her in his gilded coach. "You
+have only," the Monsignore says, "to be reasonable, and she shall be
+returned to you."
+
+'The father flies to the cardinal.
+
+'The same politeness and the same answer.
+
+'"Do not oppose," he is told, "the will of the Pope, who, in this matter,
+seeks only your daughter's happiness here and hereafter. She is now with
+me. If you will give up your sinful obstinacy she shall be restored to
+you to-day. If not, it will be our duty to place her in a convent, where
+she will be taken the utmost care of, but she will not leave it except to
+marry the person whom His Holiness thinks most fitted to promote the
+welfare of her soul."
+
+'I have known several cases in which this attempt has been made. With
+such timid slaves as the Roman nobility it always succeeds.'
+
+[Footnote 1: The Jewish child who was taken away from his parents and
+converted.--ED.]
+
+
+_Thursday, August_ 15.--This is the fête of St. Louis--the great fête of
+Tocqueville. Madame de Tocqueville and Madame de Beaumont spent much of
+the morning in church.
+
+Beaumont and his son walked to the coast to bathe. Minnie, Ampère, and I
+strolled among the deep shady lanes of the plateau above the castle.
+Throughout Normandy the fields are small and are divided by mounds
+planted with trees. The farmhouses, and even the cottages, are built of
+primitive rock, granite, or old red sandstone. At a distance, peeping out
+of the trees that surround them, they look pretty, but they, have more
+than the usual French untidiness. The outhouses are roofless, the
+farmyards are full of pools and dung heaps, which often extend into the
+road; and the byroads themselves are quagmires when they do not consist
+of pointed stones. I was struck by the paucity of the children and the
+absence of new houses. The population of Normandy is diminishing.
+
+We conversed on the subject of Italy.
+
+'If we are in Rome next winter,' I asked, 'shall we find the French
+there?'
+
+'I think not,' said Ampère; 'I think that you will find only the
+Piedmontese.
+
+'Every day that Louis Napoleon holds Rome is a day of danger to him, a
+danger slight perhaps now, but serious if the occupation be prolonged.
+The Anti-papal party, and it includes almost all that are liberal and all
+that are energetic, are willing to give him time, but not an indefinite
+time. They are quiet only because they trust him. He is a magician who
+has sold himself to the Devil. The Devil is patient, but he will not be
+cheated. The Carbonari will support Louis Napoleon as long as he is doing
+their work, and will allow him to do it in his own way and to take his
+own time, as long as they believe he is doing it. But woe to him if they
+believe that he is deceiving them. I suspect that they are becoming
+impatient, and I suspect too, that he is becoming impatient. This quarrel
+between Mérode and Goyon is significative. I do not believe that Goyon
+used the words imputed to him. We shall probably keep Civita Vecchia, but
+we shall give up Rome to the Piedmontese.'
+
+'And will the Pope,' I asked, 'remain?'
+
+'Not this Pope,' said Ampère, 'but his successor. Nor do I see the great
+evil of the absence of the Pope from Rome. Popes have often been absent
+before, sometimes for long periods.'
+
+'Most of my French friends,' I said, 'are opposed to Italian Unity as
+mischievous to France.'
+
+'I do not believe,' he answered, 'in the submission of Naples to this
+Piedmontese dynasty, but I shall be delighted to see all Italy north of
+the Neapolitan territory united.
+
+'I do not think that we have anything to fear from the kingdom of Italy.
+It is as likely to be our friend as to be our enemy. But the Neapolitans,
+even if left to themselves, would not willingly give up their
+independence, and _Celui-ci_ is trying to prevent their doing so.'
+
+'What do _they_ wish,' I asked, 'and what does _he_ wish?'
+
+'I believe,' he answered, 'that _their_ wishes are only negative.
+
+'They do not wish to recall the Bourbons, and they are resolved not to
+keep the Piedmontese. _His_ wish I believe to be to put his cousin there.
+Prince Napoleon himself refused Tuscany. It is too small, but he would
+like Naples, and Louis Napoleon would be glad to get rid of him. What
+would England say?'
+
+'If we believed,' I said, 'in the duration of a Bonaparte dynasty in
+France, we should, of course, object to the creation of one in Naples.
+But if, as we think it probable, the Bonapartists have to quit France, I
+do not see few we should be injured by their occupying the throne of
+Naples.
+
+'I should object to them if I were a Neapolitan. All their instincts are
+despotic, democratic, and revolutionary. But even they are better than
+the late king was. What chance have the Murats?'
+
+'None,' said Ampère. 'They have spoiled their game, if they had a game,
+by their precipitation. The Emperor has disavowed them, the Neapolitans
+do not care for them. The Prince de Leuchtenberg, grandson of Eugène
+Beauharnais, has been talked of. He is well connected, related to many of
+the reigning families of the Continent, and is said to be intelligent and
+well educated.'
+
+'If Naples,' I said, 'is to be detached from the kingdom of Italy, Sicily
+ought to be detached from Naples. There is quite as much mutual
+antipathy.'
+
+'Would you like to take it?' he asked.
+
+'Heaven forbid!' I answered. 'It would be another Corfu on a larger
+scale. The better we governed them, the more they would hate us. The only
+chance for them is to have a king of their own.'
+
+_August_ 15.--In the evening Ampère read to us a comedy called 'Beatrix,'
+by a writer of some reputation, and a member of the Institut.
+
+It was very bad, full of exaggerated sentiments, forced situations, and
+the cant of philanthropic despotism.
+
+An actress visits the court of a German grand duke. He is absent. His
+mother, the duchess, receives her as an equal. The second son falls in
+love with her at first sight and wishes to marry her. She is inclined to
+consent, when another duchy falls in, the elder duke resigns to his
+brother, he becomes king, presses their marriage, his mother does not
+oppose, and thereupon Beatrix makes a speech, orders her horses, and
+drives off to act somewhere else.
+
+Ampère reads admirably, but no excellence of reading could make such
+absurdities endurable. It was written for Ristori, who acted Beatrix in
+French with success.
+
+
+_Friday, August_ 16.--We talked at breakfast of 1793.
+
+'It is difficult,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'to believe that the French
+of that day were our ancestors.'
+
+'They resembled you,' I said, 'only in two things: in military courage,
+and in political cowardice.'
+
+'They had,' she replied, 'perhaps more passive courage than we have.[1]
+My great-great-grandmother, my great-grandmother, and my great-aunt, were
+guillotined on the same day. My great-great-grandmother was ninety years
+old. When interrogated, she begged them to speak loud, as she was deaf.
+'Écrivez,' said Fouquier Tinville, 'que la citoyenne Noailles a conspiré
+sourdement contre la République.' They were dragged to the Place de la
+République in the same _tombereau_, and sat waiting their turn on the
+same bench.
+
+'My great-aunt was young and beautiful. The executioner, while fastening
+her to the plank, had a rose in his mouth. The Abbé de Noailles, who was
+below the scaffold, disguised, to give them, at the risk of his life, a
+sign of benediction, was asked how they looked.
+
+'"Comme si,' he said, 'elles allaient à la messe."'
+
+'The habit,' said Ampère, 'of seeing people die produces indifference
+even to one's own death. You see that among soldiers. You see it in
+epidemics. But this indifference, or, to use a more proper word, this
+resignation, helped to prolong the Reign of Terror. If the victims had
+resisted, if, like Madame du Barry, they had struggled with the
+executioner, it would have excited horror.'
+
+'The cries of even a pig,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'make it disagreeable
+to kill it.'
+
+'Sanson,' I said, 'long survived the Revolution; he made a fortune and
+lived in retirement at Versailles. A lady was run away with between
+Versailles and Paris. An elderly man, at considerable risk, stopped her
+horse. She was very grateful, but could not get from him his name. At
+last she traced him, and found that it was Sanson.'
+
+'Sanson,' said Beaumont, 'may have been an honest man. Whenever a place
+of _bourreau_ is vacant, there are thirty or forty candidates, and they
+always produce certificates of their extraordinary kindness and humanity.
+It seems to be the post most coveted by men eminent for their
+benevolence.'
+
+'How many have you?' I asked.
+
+'Eighty-six,' he answered. 'One for each department.'
+
+'And how many executions?'
+
+'About one hundred a year in all France.'
+
+'And what is the salary?'
+
+'Perhaps a couple of thousand francs a year.'
+
+'Really,' said Ampère, 'it is one of the best parts of the patronage of
+the Minister of the Interior. _M. le Bourreau_ gets more than a thousand
+francs for each operation.'
+
+'We pay by the piece,' I said, 'and find one operator enough for all
+England.'
+
+'A friend of mine,' said Beaumont, had a remarkably good Swiss servant.
+His education was far above his station, and we could not find what had
+been his birth or his canton.
+
+'Suddenly he became agitated and melancholy, and at last told my friend
+that he must leave him, and why. His father was the hereditary _bourreau_
+of a Swiss canton. To the office was attached an estate, to be forfeited
+if the office were refused. He had resolved to take neither, and, to
+avoid being solicited, had left his country and changed his name. But his
+family had traced him, had informed him of his father's death, and had
+implored him to accept the succession. He was the only son, and his
+mother and sisters would be ruined, if he allowed it to pass to the next
+in order of inheritance, a distant cousin. He had not been able to
+persist in his refusal.'
+
+'The husband of an acquaintance of mine,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'used
+to disappear for two or three hours every day. He would not tell her for
+what purpose. At last she found out that he was employed in the _chambre
+noire_, the department of the police by which letters passing through the
+post are opened. The duties were well paid, and she could not persuade
+him to give them up. They were on uneasy terms, when an accident threw a
+list of all the names of the _employés_ in the _chambre noire_, into the
+hands of an opposition editor, who published them in his newspaper.
+
+'She then separated from him.'
+
+'If the Post-office,' I said, 'were not a Government monopoly, if
+everyone had a right to send his letters in the way that he liked best,
+there would be some excuse. But the State compels you, under severe
+penalties, to use its couriers, undertaking, not tacitly but expressly,
+to respect the secrecy of your correspondence, and then systematically
+violates it.'
+
+'I should have said,' answered Ampère, 'not expressly but tacitly.'
+
+'No,' I replied; 'expressly. Guizot, when Minister for Foreign Affairs,
+proclaimed from the tribune, that in France the secrecy of correspondence
+was, under all circumstances, inviolable. This has never been officially
+contradicted.
+
+'The English Post-office enters into no such engagements. Any letters may
+be legally opened, under an order from a Secretary of State.'
+
+'Are prisoners in England,' asked Beaumont, 'allowed to correspond with
+their friends?'
+
+'I believe,' I answered, 'that their letters pass through the Governor's
+hands, and that he opens them, or not, at his discretion.'
+
+'Among the tortures,' said Ampère, 'which Continental despots delight to
+inflict on their state prisoners the privation of correspondence is one.'
+
+'In ordinary life,' I said, 'the educated endure inaction worse than the
+ignorant. A coachman sits for hours on his box without feeling _ennui_.
+If his master had to sit quiet all that time, inside the carriage, he
+would tear his hair from impatience.
+
+'But the educated seem to tolerate the inactivity of imprisonment better
+than their inferiors. We find that our ordinary malefactors cannot endure
+solitary imprisonment for more than a year--seldom indeed so long. The
+Italian prisoners whom I have known, Zucchi, Borsieri, Poerio,
+Gonfalonieri, and Pellico, endured imprisonment lasting from ten to
+seventeen years without much injury to mind or body.'
+
+'The spirit of Pellico,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'was broken. When
+released, he gave himself up to devotion and works of charity. Perhaps
+the humility, resignation, and submission of his book made it still
+more mischievous to the Austrian Government. The reader's indignation
+against those who could so trample on so unresisting a victim becomes
+fierce.'
+
+'If the Austrians,' I said, 'had been wise, they would have shot instead
+of imprisoning them. Their deaths would have been forgotten--their
+imprisonment has contributed much to the general odium which is
+destroying the Austrian Empire.'
+
+'It would have been wiser,' said Beaumont, 'but it would have been more
+merciful, and therefore it was not done. But you talk of all these men as
+solitarily imprisoned. Some of them had companions.'
+
+'Yes,' I said, 'but they complained that one permanent companion was
+worse than solitude. Gonfalonieri said, that one could not be in the same
+room, with the same man, a year without hating him.
+
+'One of the Neapolitan prisoners was chained for some time to a brigand.
+Afterwards the brigand was replaced by a gentleman. He complained
+bitterly of the change.
+
+'The brigand,' said Minnie, 'was his slave, the gentleman had a will of
+his own.'
+
+'How did M. de La Fayette,'[2] I asked Madame de Beaumont, 'bear his five
+years' imprisonment at Olmutz?'
+
+'His health,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'was good, but the miseries of his
+country and the sufferings of his wife made him very unhappy. When my
+grandmother came to him, it was two days before she had strength to tell
+him that all his and her family had perished. I was once at Olmutz, and
+saw the one room which they had inhabited. It was damp and dark. She
+asked to be allowed to leave it for a time for better medical treatment
+and change of air. It was granted only on the condition that she should
+never return. She refused. The rheumatic attacks which the state of the
+prison had produced, continued and increased: she was hopelessly ill when
+they were released--and died soon afterwards. The sense of wrong
+aggravated their sufferings, for their imprisonment was a gross and
+wanton violation of all law, international and municipal. My grandfather
+was not an Austrian subject; he had committed no offence against Austria.
+She seized him simply because he was a liberal, because his principles
+had made him the enemy of tyranny in America and in France; and because
+his birth and talents and reputation gave him influence. It was one of
+the brutal stupid acts of individual cruelty which characterise the
+Austrian despotism, and have done more to ruin it than a wider
+oppression--such a one, for instance, as ours, more mischievous, but more
+intelligent,--would have done.'
+
+'Freedom,' said Ampère, 'was offered to him on the mere condition of his
+not serving in the French army. At that time the Jacobins would have
+guillotined him, the Royalists would have forced duel after duel on him
+till they had killed him. It seemed impossible that he should ever be
+able to draw his sword for France. In fact he never _was_ able. America
+offered him an asylum, honours, land, everything that could console an
+exile. But he refused to give up the chance, remote as it was, of being
+useful to his country, and remained a prisoner till he was delivered by
+Napoleon.'
+
+'He firmly believed,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'that if the Royal Family
+would have taken refuge with his army in 1791 he could have saved them,
+and probably the Monarchy. His army was then in his hands, a few months
+after the Jacobins had corrupted it.'
+
+'Two men,' said Ampère, 'Mirabeau and La Fayette, could have saved the
+Monarchy, and were anxious to do so. But neither the King nor the Queen
+would trust them.
+
+'Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette are among the historical personages who
+have most influenced the destinies of the world. His dulness, torpidity
+and indecision, and her frivolity, narrow-minded prejudices and
+suspiciousness, are among the causes of our present calamities. They are
+among the causes of a state of things which has inflicted on
+us, and threatens to inflict on all Europe, the worst of all
+Governments--democratic despotism. A Government in which two wills only
+prevail--that of the ignorant, envious, ambitious, aggressive multitude,
+and that of the despot who, whatever be his natural disposition, is soon
+turned, by the intoxication of flattery and of universal power, into a
+capricious, fantastic, selfish participator in the worst passions of the
+worst portion of his subjects.'
+
+'Such a Government,' I said, 'may be called an anti-aristocracy. It
+excludes from power all those who are fit to exercise it.'
+
+'The consequence,' said Beaumont, 'is, that the qualities which fit men
+for power not being demanded, are not supplied. Our young men have no
+political knowledge or public spirit. Those who have a taste for the
+sciences cultivated in the military schools enter the army. The rest
+learn nothing.'
+
+'What do they do?' I asked.
+
+'How they pass their time,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'is a puzzle to me.
+They do not read, they do not go into society--I believe that they smoke
+and play at dominos, and ride and bet at steeple-chases.
+
+'Those who are on home service in the army are not much better. The time
+not spent in the routine of their profession is sluggishly and viciously
+wasted. Algeria has been a God-send to us. There our young men have real
+duties to perform, and real dangers to provide against and to encounter.
+My son, who left St. Cyr only eighteen months ago, is stationed at
+Thebessa, 300 miles in the interior. He belongs to a _bureau arabe_,
+consisting of a captain, a lieutenant, and himself, and about forty
+spahis. He has to act as a judge, as an engineer, to settle the frontier
+between the province of Constantine and Tunis--in short, to be one of a
+small ruling aristocracy. This is the school which has furnished, and is
+furnishing, our best generals and administrators.'
+
+We talked of the interior of French families.
+
+'The ties of relationship,' I said, 'seem to be stronger with you than
+they are with us. Cousinship with you is a strong bond, with us it is a
+weak one.'
+
+'The habit of living together,' said Beaumont, 'has perhaps much to do
+with the strength of our feelings of consanguinity. Our life is
+patriarchal. Grandfather, father, and grandson are often under the same
+roof. At the Grange[3] thirty of the family were sometimes assembled at
+dinner. With you, the sons go off, form separate establishments, see
+little of their parents, still less of their cousins, and become
+comparatively indifferent to them.'
+
+'I remember,' I said, 'the case of an heir apparent of seventy; his
+father was ninety-five. One day the young man was very grumpy. They tried
+to find out what was the matter with him; at last he broke out,
+"Everybody's father dies except mine."'
+
+'An acquaintance of mine,' said Beaumont, 'not a son, but a son-in-law,
+complained equally of the pertinacious longevity of his father-in-law.
+"Je n'ai pas cru," he said, "en me mariant, que j'épousais la fille du
+Père Éternel." Your primogeniture,' he continued, 'must be a great source
+of unfilial feelings. The eldest son of one of your great families is in
+the position of the heir apparent to a throne. His father's death is to
+give him suddenly rank, power, and wealth; and we know that royal heirs
+apparent are seldom affectionate sons. With us the fortunes are much
+smaller, they are equally divided, and the rank that descends to the son
+is nothing.'
+
+'What regulates,' I asked, 'the descent of titles?'
+
+'It is ill regulated,' said Beaumont 'Titles are now of such little value
+that scarcely anyone troubles himself to lay down rules about them.
+
+'In general, however, it is said, that all the sons of dukes and of
+marquises are counts. The sons of counts in some families all take the
+title of Count. There are, perhaps, thirty Beaumonts. Some call
+themselves marquises, some counts, some barons. I am, I believe, the only
+one of the family who has assumed no title. Alexis de Tocqueville took
+none, but his elder brother, during his father's life, called himself
+vicomte and his younger brother baron. Probably Alexis ought then to have
+called himself chevalier, and, on his father's death, baron. But, I
+repeat, the matter is too unimportant to be subject to any settled rules.
+Ancient descent is, with us, of great value, of far more than it is with
+you, but titles are worth nothing.'
+
+[Footnote 1: This incident is described in a little book published last
+year, the _Memoirs of Madame de Montaign_.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 2: M. de La Fayette was Madame de Beaumont's grandfather.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 3: The château of M. de La Fayette.--ED.]
+
+
+_Saturday, August_ 17.--We drove to the coast and ascended the lighthouse
+of Gatteville, 85 metres, or about 280 feet high. It stands in the middle
+of a coast fringed with frightful reefs, just enough under water to
+create no breakers, and a flat plain a couple of miles wide behind, so
+that the coast is not seen till you come close to it. In spite of many
+lighthouses and buoys, wrecks are frequent. A mysterious one occurred
+last February: the lighthouse watchman showed us the spot--a reef just
+below the lighthouse about two hundred yards from the shore.
+
+It was at noon--there was a heavy sea, but not a gale. He saw a large
+ship steer full on the reef. She struck, fell over on one side till her
+yards were in the water, righted herself, fell over on the other, parted
+in the middle, and broke up. It did not take five minutes, but during
+those five minutes there was the appearance of a violent struggle on
+board, and several shots were fired. From the papers which were washed
+ashore it appeared that she was from New York, bound for Havre, with a
+large cargo and eighty-seven passengers, principally returning emigrants.
+No passenger escaped, and only two of the crew: one was an Italian
+speaking no French, from whom they could get nothing; the other was an
+Englishman from Cardiff, speaking French, but almost obstinately
+uncommunicative. He said that he was below when the ship struck, that the
+captain had locked the passengers in the cabin, and that he knew nothing
+of the causes which had led the ship to go out of her course to run on
+this rock.
+
+The captain may have been drunk or mad. Or there may have been a mutiny
+on board, and those who got possession of the ship may have driven her on
+the coast, supposing that they could beach her, and ignorant of the
+interposed reefs, which, as I have said, are not betrayed by breakers.
+
+Our informant accounted for the loss of all, except two persons, by the
+heavy sea, the sharp reefs, and the blows received by those who tried to
+swim from the floating cargo. The two who escaped were much bruised.
+
+A man and woman were found tied to one another and tied to a spar. They
+seemed to have been killed by blows received from the rocks or from the
+floating wreck.
+
+In the evening Ampère read to us the 'Bourgeois Gentilhomme.' His reading
+is equal to any acting. It kept us all, for the first two acts, which are
+the most comic, in one constant roar of laughter.
+
+'The modern _nouveau riche,_ said Beaumont, 'has little resemblance to M.
+Jourdain. He talks of his horses and his carriages, builds a great hotel,
+and buys pictures. I have a neighbour of this kind; he drives
+four-in-hand over the bad roads of La Sarthe, visits with one carriage
+one day, and another the next. His jockey stands behind his cabriolet in
+top-boots, and his coachman wears a grand fur coat in summer. His own
+clothes are always new, sometimes in the most accurate type of a groom,
+sometimes in that of a dandy. His talk is of steeple-chases.'
+
+'And does he get on?' I asked.
+
+'Not in the least,' answered Beaumont. 'In England a _nouveau riche_ can
+get into Parliament, or help somebody else to get in, and political power
+levels all distinctions. Here, wealth gives no power: nothing, indeed,
+but office gives power. The only great men in the provinces are the
+_préfet_, the _sous-préfet_, and the _maire_. The only great man in Paris
+is a minister or a general. Wealth, therefore, unless accompanied by the
+social talents, which those who have made their fortunes have seldom had
+the leisure or the opportunity to acquire, leads to nothing. The women,
+too, of the _parvenus_ always drag them down. They seem to acquire
+the _tournure_ of society less easily than the men. Bastide, when
+Minister, did pretty well, but his wife used to sign her invitations
+"Femme Bastide."
+
+'Society,' he continued, 'under the Republic was animated. We had great
+interests to discuss, and strong feelings to express, but perhaps the
+excitement was too great. People seemed to be almost ashamed to amuse
+or to be amused when the welfare of France, her glory or her degradation,
+her freedom or her slavery, were, as the event has proved, at stake.'
+
+'I suppose,' I said to Ampère, 'that nothing has ever been better than
+the _salon_ of Madame Récamier?'
+
+'We must distinguish,' said Ampère. 'As great painters have many manners,
+so Madame Récamier had many _salons_. When I first knew her, in 1820, her
+habitual dinner-party consisted of her father, her husband, Ballanche,
+and myself. Both her father, M. Bernard, and her husband were agreeable
+men. Ballanche was charming.'
+
+'You believe,' I said, 'that Bernard was her father?' 'Certainly I do,'
+he replied. 'The suspicion that Récamier might be was founded chiefly on
+the strangeness of their conjugal relations. To this, I oppose her
+apparent love for M. Bernard, and I explain Récamier's conduct by his
+tastes. They were coarse, though he was a man of good manners. He never
+spent his evenings at home. He went where he could find more license.
+
+'Perhaps the most agreeable period was at that time of Chateaubriand's
+reign when he had ceased to exact a _tête-à-tête_, and Ballanche and I
+were admitted at four o'clock. The most illustrious of the _partie
+carrée_ was Chateaubriand, the most amusing Ballanche. My merit was that
+I was the youngest. Later in the evening Madame Mohl, Miss Clarke as she
+then was, was a great resource. She is a charming mixture of French
+vivacity and English originality, but I think that the French element
+predominates. Chateaubriand, always subject to _ennui_, delighted in her.
+He has adopted in his books some of the words which she coined. Her
+French is as original as the character of her mind, very good, but more
+of the last than of the present century.'
+
+'Was Chateaubriand himself,' I said, 'agreeable?'
+
+'Delightful,' said Ampère; 'très-entrain, très-facile à vivre, beaucoup
+d'imagination et de connaissances.'
+
+'Facile à vivre?' I said. 'I thought that his vanity had been _difficile
+et exigeante?_'
+
+'As a public man,' said Ampère, 'yes; and to a certain degree in general
+society. But in intimate society, when he was no longer "posing," he was
+charming. The charm, however, was rather intellectual than moral.
+
+'I remember his reading to us a part of his memoirs, in which he
+describes his early attachment to an English girl, his separation from
+her, and their meeting many years after when she asked his protection for
+her son. Miss Clarke was absorbed by the story. She wanted to know what
+became of the young man, what Chateaubriand had been able to do for him.
+Chateaubriand could answer only in generals: that he had done all that he
+could, that he had spoken to the Minister, and that he had no doubt that
+the young man got what he wanted. But it was evident that even if he had
+really attempted to do anything for the son of his old love, he had
+totally forgotten the result. I do not think that he was pleased at Miss
+Clarke's attention and sympathy being diverted from himself. Later still
+in Madame Récamier's life, when she had become blind, and Chateaubriand
+deaf, and Ballanche very infirm, the evenings were sad. I had to try to
+amuse persons who had become almost unamusable.'
+
+'How did Madame de Chateaubriand,' I asked, 'take the devotion of her
+husband to Madame Récamier?'
+
+'Philosophically,' answered Ampère. 'He would not have spent with her the
+hours that he passed at the Abbaye au bois. She was glad, probably, to
+know that they were not more dangerously employed.'
+
+'Could I read Chateaubriand?' I asked.
+
+'I doubt it,' said Ampère. 'His taste is not English.'
+
+'I _have_ read,' I said, 'and liked, his narrative of the manner in which
+he forced on the Spanish war of 1822. I thought it well written.'
+
+'It is, perhaps,' said Ampère, 'the best thing which he has written, as
+the intervention to restore Ferdinand, which he effected in spite of
+almost everybody, was perhaps the most important passage in his political
+life.
+
+'There is something revolting in an interference to crush the liberties
+of a foreign nation. But the expedition tended to maintain the Bourbons
+on the French throne, and, according to Chateaubriand's ideas, it was
+more important to support the principle of legitimacy than that of
+liberty. He expected, too, sillily enough, that Ferdinand would give a
+Constitution. It is certain, that, bad as the effects of that expedition
+were, Chateaubriand was always proud of it.'
+
+'What has Ballanche written?' I asked.
+
+'A dozen volumes,' he answered. 'Poetry, metaphysics, on all sorts of
+subjects, with pages of remarkable vigour and _finesse_, containing some
+of the best writing in the language, but too unequal and too desultory to
+be worth going through.'
+
+'How wonderfully extensive,' I said, 'is French literature! Here is a
+voluminous author, some of whose writings, you say, are among the best in
+the French language, yet his name, at least as an author, is scarcely
+known. He shines only by reflected light, and will live only because he
+attached himself to a remarkable man and to a remarkable woman.'
+
+'French literature,' said Ampère, 'is extensive, but yet inferior to
+yours. If I were forced to select a single literature and to read nothing
+else, I would take the English. In one of the most important departments,
+the only one which cannot be re-produced by translation--poetry--you
+beat us hollow. We are great only in the drama, and even there you are
+perhaps our superiors. We have no short poems comparable to the "Allegro"
+or to the "Penseroso," or to the "Country Churchyard."'
+
+'Tocqueville,' I said, 'told me that he did not think that he could
+now read Lamartine.'
+
+'Tocqueville,' said Ampère, 'could taste, like every man of genius, the
+very finest poetry, but he was not a lover of poetry. He could not read a
+hundred bad lines and think himself repaid by finding mixed with them ten
+good ones.'
+
+'Ingres,' said Beaumont, 'perhaps our greatest living painter, is one of
+the clever cultivated men who do not read. Somebody put the "Misanthrope"
+into his hands, "It is wonderfully clever," he said, when he returned it;
+"how odd it is that it should be so totally unknown."'
+
+'Let us read it to-night,' I said.
+
+'By all means,' said Madame de Tocqueville; 'though we know it by heart
+it will be new when read by M. Ampère.' Accordingly Ampère read it to us
+after dinner.
+
+'The tradition of the stage,' he said, 'is that Célimène was Molière's
+wife.'
+
+'She is made too young,' said Minnie. 'A girl of twenty has not her wit,
+or her knowledge of the world.'
+
+'The change of a word,' said Ampère, 'in two or three places would alter
+that. The feeblest characters are as usual the good ones. Philinte and
+Eliante.
+
+'Alceste is a grand mixture, perhaps the only one on the French stage, of
+the comic and the tragic; for in many of the scenes he rises far above
+comedy. His love is real impetuous passion. Talma delighted in playing
+him.'
+
+'The desert,' I said, 'into which he retires, was, I suppose, a distant
+country-house. Just such a place as Tocqueville.'
+
+'As Tocqueville,' said Beaumont, 'fifty years ago, without roads, ten
+days' journey from Paris, and depending for society on Valognes.'
+
+'As Tocqueville,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'when my mother-in-law
+first married. She spent in it a month and could never be induced to see
+it again.'
+
+'Whom,' I asked, 'did Célimène marry?'
+
+'Of course,' said Ampère, 'Alceste. Probably five years afterwards. By
+that time he must have got tired of his desert and she of her coquetry.'
+
+'We know,' I said, 'that Molière was always in love with his wife,
+notwithstanding her _légèrété_. What makes me think the tradition that
+Célimène was Mademoiselle[1] Molière true, is that Molière was certainly
+in love with Célimène. She is made as engaging as possible, and her worst
+faults do not rise above foibles. Her satire is good-natured. Arsinoé is
+her foil, introduced to show what real evil-speaking is.'
+
+'All the women,' said Ampère, 'are in love with Alceste, and they care
+about no one else. Célimène's satire of the others is scarcely
+good-natured. It is clear, at least, that they did not think so.'
+
+'If Célimène,' said Minnie, 'became Madame Alceste, he probably made her
+life a burthen with his jealousy.'
+
+'Of course he was jealous,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'for he was
+violently in love. There can scarcely be violent love without jealousy.'
+
+'At least,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'till people are married.
+
+'If a lover is cool enough to be without jealousy, he ought to pretend
+it.'
+
+
+[Footnote 1: Under the _ancien régime_ even the married actresses were
+called Mademoiselle.--ED.]
+
+
+_Sunday, August_ 18.--After breakfast when the ladies were gone to
+church, I talked over with Ampère and Beaumont Tocqueville's political
+career.
+
+'Why,' I asked, 'did he refuse the support of M. Molé in 1835? Why would
+he never take office under Louis Philippe? Why did he associate himself
+with the Gauche whom he despised, and oppose the Droit with whom he
+sympathised? Is the answer given by M. Guizot to a friend of mine who
+asked a nearly similar question, "Parce qu'il voulait être où je suis,"
+the true one?'
+
+'The answers to your first question,' said Beaumont, 'are two. In 1835
+Tocqueville was young and inexperienced. Like most young politicians, he
+thought that he ought to be an independent member, and to vote, on every
+occasion, according to his conscience, untrammelled by party connections.
+He afterwards found his mistake.
+
+'And, secondly, if he had chosen to submit to a leader, it would not have
+been Molé.
+
+'Molé represented a principle to which Guizot was then vehemently
+opposed, though he was afterwards its incarnation--the subservience of
+the Ministry and of the Parliament to the King. In that house of 450
+members, there were 220 placemen; 200 were the slaves of the King. They
+received from him their orders; from time to time, in obedience to those
+orders, they even opposed his Ministers.
+
+'This, however, seldom occurred, for the King contrived always to have a
+devoted majority in his Cabinet.
+
+'It was this that drove the Duc de Broglie from the Government and
+prevented his ever resuming office.
+
+'"I could not bear," he said to me, "to hear Sebastiani repeat, in every
+council and on every occasion, 'Ce que le Roi vient de dire est
+parfaitement juste.'" The only Ministers that ventured to have an opinion
+of their own were those of the 12th of May 1839, of which Dufaure,
+Villemain, and Passy were members, and that of the 1st of March 1840, of
+which Thiers was the leader; and Tocqueville supported them both.
+
+'When Guizot, who had maintained the principle of Ministerial and
+Parliamentary, in opposition to that of Monarchical Governments, with
+unequalled eloquence, vigour, and I may add violence, suddenly turned
+round and became the most servile member of the King's servile majority,
+Tocqueville fell back into opposition.
+
+'In general it is difficult to act with an opposition systematically and,
+at the same time, honestly. For the measures proposed by a Government
+are, for the most part, good. But, during the latter part of Louis
+Philippe's reign, it was easy, for the Government proposed merely to do
+nothing--either abroad or at home. I do not complain of the essence of M.
+Guizot's foreign policy, though there was a want of dignity in its forms.
+
+'There was nothing useful to be done, and, under such circumstances, all
+action would have been mischievous.
+
+'But at home _every_ thing was to be done. Our code required to be
+amended, our commerce and our industry, and our agriculture required to
+be freed, our municipal and commercial institutions were to be created,
+our taxation was to be revised, and, above all, our parliamentary
+system--under which, out of 36,000,000 of French, only 200,000 had votes,
+under which the Deputies bought a majority of the 200,000 electors, and
+the King bought a majority of the 450 deputies--required absolute
+reconstruction.
+
+'Louis Philippe would allow nothing to be done. If he could have
+prevented it we should not have had a railroad. He would not allow the
+most important of all, that to Marseilles, to be finished. He would not
+allow our monstrous centralisation, or our monstrous protective system,
+to be touched. The owners of forests were permitted to deprive us of
+cheap fuel, the owners of forges of cheap iron, the owners of factories
+of cheap clothing.
+
+'In some of this stupid inaction Guizot supported him conscientiously,
+for, like Thiers, he is ignorant of the first principles of political
+economy, but he knows too much the philosophy of Government not to have
+felt, on every other point, that the King was wrong.
+
+'If he supposed that Tocqueville wished to be in his place, on the
+conditions on which he held office, he was utterly mistaken.
+
+'Tocqueville was ambitious; he wished for power. So did I. We would
+gladly have been real Ministers, but nothing would have tempted us to be
+the slaves of the _pensée immuable_, or to sit in a Cabinet in which we
+were constantly out-voted, or to defend, as Guizot had to do in the
+Chamber, conduct which we had disapproved in the Council.
+
+'You ask why Tocqueville joined the Gauche whom he despised, against the
+Droit with whom he sympathised?
+
+'He voted with the Gauche only where he thought their votes right. Where
+he thought them wrong, as, for instance, in all that respected Algeria,
+he left them. They would have abandoned the country, and, when that
+could not be obtained, they tried to prevent the creation of the port.
+
+'Very early, however, in his parliamentary life, he had found that an
+independent member--a member who supporting no party is supported by no
+party---is useless. He allowed himself therefore to be considered a
+member of the Gauche; but I never could persuade him to be tolerably
+civil to them. Once, after I had been abusing him for his coldness to
+them, he shook hands with Romorantin, then looked towards me for my
+applause, but I doubt whether he ever shook hands with him again. In
+fact almost his only point of contact with them was their disapprobation
+of the inactivity of Louis Philippe. Many of them were Bonapartists like
+Abbatucci and Romorantin. Some were Socialists, some were Republicans;
+the majority of them wished to overthrow the Monarchy, and the minority
+looked forward with indifference to its fall.
+
+'They hated him as much as he did them, much more indeed, for his mind
+was not formed for hatred. They excluded him from almost all committees.'
+
+'Would it not have been wise in him,' I asked, 'to retire from the
+Chamber during the King's life, or at least until it contained a party
+with whom he could cordially act?'
+
+'Perhaps,' said Beaumont, 'that would have been the wisest course for
+him--and indeed for me. I entered the Chamber reluctantly. All my family
+were convinced that a political man not in the Chamber was nothing. So
+I let myself be persuaded. Tocqueville required no persuasion, he was
+anxious to get in, and when in it was difficult to persuade oneself to go
+out. We always hoped for a change. The King might die, or he might be
+forced--as he had been forced before--to submit to a liberal Ministry
+which might have been a temporary cure, or even to a Parliamentary reform
+which might have been a complete cure. Duchâtel, who is a better
+politician than Guizot, was superseding him in the confidence of the King
+and of the Chamber.
+
+'In fact, the liberal Ministry and Parliamentary reform did come at last,
+though not until it was too late to save the Monarchy.
+
+'If Tocqueville had retired in disgust from the Chamber of Deputies, he
+might not have been a member of the Constituent, or of the Legislative
+Assembly. This would have been a misfortune--though the shortness of the
+duration of the first, and the hostility of the President during the
+second, and also the state of his health, prevented his influencing the
+destinies of the Republic as much as his friends expected him to do, and
+indeed as he expected himself.'
+
+'I have often,' I said, 'wondered how you and Tocqueville, and the other
+eminent men who composed the committee for preparing the Constitution,
+could have made one incapable of duration, and also incapable of change.'
+
+'What,' he asked, 'are the principal faults which you find in the
+Constitution?'
+
+'First,' I said, 'that you gave to your President absolute authority over
+the army, the whole patronage of the most centralised and the most
+place-hunting country in the world, so that there was not one of your
+population of 36,000,000 whose interests he could not seriously affect;
+and, having thus armed him with irresistible power, you gave him the
+strongest possible motives to employ it against the Constitution by
+turning him out at the end of his four years, incapable of re-election,
+unpensioned and unprovided for, so that he must have gone from the Élysée
+Bourbon to a debtor's prison.
+
+'Next, that, intending your President to be the subordinate Minister of
+the Assembly, you gave him the same origin, and enabled him to say, "I
+represent the people as much as you do, indeed much more. They _all_
+voted for me, only a fraction of them voted for any one of you." Then
+that origin was the very worst that could possibly be selected, the votes
+of the uneducated multitude; you must have foreseen that they would give
+you a demagogue or a charlatan. The absence of a second Chamber, and the
+absence of a power of dissolution, are minor faults, but still serious
+ones. When the President and the Assembly differed, they were shut up
+together to fight it out without an umpire.'
+
+'That we gave the President too much power,' said Beaumont, 'the event
+has proved. But I do not see how, in the existing state of feeling in
+France, we could have given him less. The French have no self-reliance.
+They depend for everything on their administrators. The first revolution
+and the first empire destroyed all their local authorities and also their
+aristocracy. Local authorities may be gradually re-created, and an
+aristocracy may gradually arise, but till these things have been done the
+Executive must be strong.
+
+'If he had been re-eligible, our first President would virtually have
+been President for life. Having decided that his office should be
+temporary, we were forced to forbid his immediate re-election.
+
+'With respect to his being left unprovided for, no man who had filled the
+office decently would have been refused an ample provision on quitting
+it. As for this man, no provision that we could have made for him, if we
+had given him three or four millions a year, would have induced him to
+give up what he considered a throne which was his by descent. He swore to
+the Constitution with an _idée fixe _to destroy it. He attempted to do so
+on the 29th of January 1849, not two months after his election.
+
+'I agree with you that the fault of the Constitution was that it allowed
+the President to be chosen by universal suffrage; and that the fault of
+the people was that they elected a pretender to the throne, whose
+ambition, rashness, and faithlessness had been proved.
+
+'No new Constitution can work if the Executive conspires against it. But
+deliberating and acting in the midst of _émeutes_, with a Chamber and a
+population divided into half a dozen hostile factions, the two Royalist
+parties hating one another, the Bonapartists bent on destroying all
+freedom, and the Socialists all individual property, what could we do? My
+wish and Tocqueville's was to give the election to the Chamber. We found
+that out of 650 members we could not hope that our proposition would be
+supported by more than 200. You think that we ought to have proposed two
+Chambers. The great use of two Chambers is to strengthen the Executive
+by enabling it to play one against the other; but we felt that our
+Executive was dangerously strong, and we believed, I think truly, that a
+single Chamber would resist him better than two could do. The provision
+which required more than a bare majority for the revision of the
+Constitution was one of those which we borrowed from America. It had
+worked well there. In the general instability we wished to have one
+anchor, one mooring ring fixed. We did not choose that the whole
+framework of our Government should be capable of being suddenly destroyed
+by a majority of one, in a moment of excitement and perhaps by a
+parliamentary surprise.
+
+'With respect to your complaint that, there being no power of
+dissolution, there was no means of taking the opinion of the people, the
+answer is, that to give the President power of dissolution would have
+been to invite him to a _coup d'état._ With no Chamber to watch him, he
+would have been omnipotent.
+
+'I agree with you that the Constitution was a detestable one. But even
+now, looking back to the times, and to the conditions under which we made
+it, I do not think that it was in our power to make a good one.'
+
+'Tocqueville,' I said, 'told me that Cormenin was your Solon, that he
+brought a bit of constitution to you every morning, and that it was
+usually adopted.'[1]
+
+'Tocqueville's memory,' answered Beaumont, 'deceived him. Cormenin was
+our president. It is true that he brought a bit of constitution every
+morning. But it scarcely ever was adopted or capable of being adopted.
+It was in general bad in itself, or certain to be rejected by the
+Assembly. He wished to make the President a puppet. But he exercised over
+us a mischievous influence. He tried to revenge himself for our refusal
+of all his proposals by rendering our deliberations fruitless. And as
+the power of a president over a deliberative body is great, he often
+succeeded.
+
+'Many of our members were unaccustomed to public business and lost their
+tempers or their courage when opposed. The Abbé Lamennais proposed a
+double election of the president. But of thirty members, only four, among
+whom were Tocqueville and I, supported him. He left the committee and
+never returned to it. Tocqueville and I were anxious to introduce double
+election everywhere. It is the best palliative of universal suffrage.'
+
+'The double election,' I said, 'of the American President is nugatory.
+Every elector is chosen under a pledge to nominate a specified
+candidate.'
+
+'That is true,' said Beaumont, 'as to the President, but not as to the
+other functionaries thus elected. The senators chosen by double election
+are far superior to the representatives chosen by direct voting.
+
+'We proposed, too, to begin by establishing municipal institutions. We
+were utterly defeated. The love of centralisation is almost inherent in
+French politicians. They see the evil of local government--its stupidity,
+its corruption, its jobbing. They see the convenience of
+centralisation--the ease with which a centralised administration works.
+Feelings which are really democratic have reached those who fancy
+themselves aristocrats. We had scarcely a supporter.
+
+'We should perhaps have a few now, when experience has shown that
+centralisation is still more useful to an usurper than it is to a regular
+Government.'
+
+[Footnote 1: See Vol. I. p. 212.--ED.]
+
+
+_August_ 18.--We drove in the afternoon to the coast, and sat in the
+shade of the little ricks of sea-weed, gazing on an open sea as blue as
+the Mediterranean.
+
+We talked of America.
+
+'I can understand,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'the indignation of the
+North against you. It is, of course, excessive, but they had a right to
+expect you to be on their side in an anti-slavery war.'
+
+'They had no right,' I said, 'to expect from our Government anything but
+absolute neutrality.'
+
+'But you need not,' she replied, 'have been so eager to put the South on
+the footing of belligerents.'
+
+'On what other footing,' I asked, 'could we put them? On what other
+footing does the North put them? Have they ventured, or will they
+venture, to hang a single seceder?'
+
+'At least,' she said, 'you might have expressed more sympathy with the
+North?'
+
+'I think,' I answered, 'that we have expressed as much sympathy as it was
+possible to feel. We deplore the combat, we hold the South responsible
+for it, we think their capricious separation one of the most foolish and
+one of the most wicked acts that have ever been committed; we hope that
+the North will beat them, and we should bitterly regret their forcing
+themselves back into the Union on terms making slavery worse, if
+possible, than it is now. We wish the contest to end as quickly as
+possible: but we do not think that it can end by the North subjugating
+the Southerns and forcing them to be its subjects.
+
+'The best termination to which we look forward as possible, is that the
+North should beat the South, and then dictate its own terms of
+separation.
+
+'If they wish to go farther than this, if they wish us to love or to
+admire our Northern cousins in their political capacity, they wish for
+what is impossible.
+
+'We cannot forget that the Abolitionists have been always a small and
+discredited party; that the Cuba slave trade is mainly carried on from
+New York; that they have neglected the obligations formally entered
+into by them with us to co-operate in the suppression of the slave trade;
+that they have pertinaciously refused to allow us even to inquire into
+the right of slavers to use the American flag; that it is the capital of
+the North which feeds the slavery of the South; that the first act of the
+North, as soon as the secession of the South from Congress allowed it to
+do what it liked, was to enact a selfish protective tariff; that their
+treatment of us, from the time that they have felt strong enough to
+insult us, has been one unvaried series of threats, bullying, and injury;
+that they have refused to submit their claims on us to arbitration,
+driven out our ambassadors, seized by force on disputed territory, and
+threatened war on every pretence.'
+
+'It is true,' said Beaumont, 'that during the last twenty years American
+diplomacy has not been such as to inspire affection or respect But you
+must recollect that during all that time America has been governed by the
+South.'
+
+'It is true,' I said, 'that the presidents have generally been Southerns,
+but I am not aware that the North has ever disavowed their treatment of
+us. This is certain, that throughout the Union, insolence to England has
+been an American statesman's road to popularity.'
+
+
+_Monday., August _19.--We walked in the afternoon over the commons
+overlooking the sea, and among the shady lanes of this well-wooded
+country.
+
+We came on a group of about twelve or thirteen reapers taking their
+evening meal of enormous loaves of brown bread, basins of butter, and
+kegs of cider.
+
+M. Roussell, the farmer in whose service they were, was sitting among
+them. He was an old friend and constituent of Tocqueville, and for thirty
+years was Maire of Tocqueville. He has recently resigned. He rose and
+walked with us to his house.
+
+'I was required,' he said, 'to support the prefect's candidate for the
+_Conseil général_. No such proposition was ever made to me before. I
+could not submit to it. The prefect has been unusually busy of late. The
+schoolmaster has been required to send in a list of the peasants whose
+children, on the plea of poverty, receive gratuitous education. The
+children of those who do not vote with the prefect are to have it no
+longer.'
+
+I asked what were the wages of labour.
+
+'Three francs and half a day,' he said, 'during the harvest, with
+food--which includes cider. In ordinary times one franc a day with food,
+or a franc and a half without food.'
+
+'It seems then,' I said, 'that you can feed a man for half a franc a
+day?'
+
+'He can feed himself,' said M. Roussell, 'for that, but I cannot, or for
+double that money.'
+
+The day labourer is generally hired only for one day. A new bargain is
+made every day.
+
+The house was not uncomfortable, but very untidy. There are no ricks,
+everything is stored in large barns, where it is safe from weather, but
+terribly exposed to vermin.
+
+A bright-complexioned servant-girl was in the kitchen preparing an
+enormous bowl of soup, of which bread, potatoes, and onions were the
+chief solid ingredients.
+
+'Roussell,' said Beaumont, 'is superior to his class. In general they are
+bad politicians. It is seldom difficult to get their votes for the
+nominee of the prefect. They dislike to vote for anyone whom they know,
+especially if he be a gentleman, or be supported by the gentry. Such a
+candidate excites their democratic envy and suspicion. But the prefect is
+an abstraction. They have never seen him, they have seldom heard of his
+name or of that of his candidate, and therefore they vote for him.
+
+'Lately, however, in some of my communes, the peasants have adapted a new
+practice, that of electing peasants. I suspect that the Government is not
+displeased.
+
+'The presence of such members will throw discredit on the _Conseils
+généraux_, and, if they get there, on the _Corps législatif,_ much to the
+pleasure of our democratic master, and they will be easily bribed or
+frightened. Besides which the fifteen francs a day will be a fortune to
+them, and they will be terrified by the threat of a dissolution. I do not
+think that even yet we have seen the worst of universal suffrage.'
+
+'What influence,' I asked, 'have the priests?'
+
+'In some parts of France,' said Beaumont, 'where the people are
+religious, as is the case here, much. Not much in the north-east, where
+there is little religion; and in the towns, where there is generally no
+religion, their patronage of a candidate would ruin him. I believe that
+nothing has so much contributed to Louis Napoleon's popularity with the
+_ouvriers_ as his quarrel with the Pope. You may infer the feelings of
+the lower classes in Paris from his cousin's conduct.'
+
+'I study Prince Napoleon,' said Ampère, 'with interest, for I believe
+that he will be the successor.'
+
+'If Louis Napoleon,' I said, 'were to be shot tomorrow, would not the
+little prince be proclaimed?'
+
+'Probably,' said Ampere, 'but with Jérôme for regent, and I doubt whether
+the regency would end by the little Napoleon IV. assuming the sceptre.
+
+'Louis Napoleon himself does not expect it. He often says that, in
+France, it is more than two hundred years since a sovereign has been
+succeeded by his son.
+
+'On the whole,' continued Ampère, 'I had rather have Jérôme than Louis
+Napoleon. He has more talent and less prudence. He would bring on the
+crisis sooner.
+
+'On the 31st of October, 1849,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'I was in
+Louis Napoleon's company, and he mentioned some matter on which he wished
+to know my husband's opinion. I could not give it. "It does not much
+signify," he answered, "for as I see M. de Tocqueville every day, I will
+talk to him about it myself." At that very time, the _ordonnance_
+dismissing M. de Tocqueville had been signed, and Louis Napoleon knew
+that he would probably never see him again.'
+
+'I do not,' said Ampere, 'give up the chance of a republic. I do not wish
+for one. It must be a very bad constitutional monarchy which I should not
+prefer to the best republic. My democratic illusions are gone. France and
+America have dispelled them: but it must be a very bad republic which I
+should not prefer to the best despotism. A republic is like a fever,
+violent and frightful, but not necessarily productive of organic
+mischief. A despotism is a consumption: it degrades and weakens, and
+perverts all the vital functions.
+
+'What is there now in France worth living for? I find people proud of our
+Italian campaign. Why should the French be proud that their master's
+soldiers have been successful in a war as to which they were not
+consulted; which, in fact, they disapproved, which was not made for their
+benefit, which was the most glaring proof of their servility and
+degradation? We knew before that our troops were better than the
+Austrians. What have we gained by the additional example of their
+superiority?
+
+'I fear,' I said, 'that a republic, at least such a republic as you are
+likely to have, would begin by some gross economical enormities--by the
+_droit au travail_, by the _impôt progressif sur la fortune présumtée_,
+by a paper currency made a legal tender without limitation of its
+amount.'
+
+'The last republic,' said Ampere, 'did some of these things, but very
+timidly and moderately. It gave to its paper a forced currency, but was
+so cautious in its issue, that it was not depreciated. It created the
+_ateliers nationaux,_ but it soon dissolved them, though at the expense
+of a civil war. Its worst fault was more political than economical: it
+was the 45 centimes, that is to say, the sudden increase by 45 per cent,
+of the direct taxes. It never recovered that blow. Of all its acts it
+is the one which is best recollected. The Provisional Government is known
+in the provinces as "ces gredins des quarante-cinq centimes." The
+business of a revolutionary government is to be popular. It ought to
+reduce taxation, meet its expenditure by loans, abolish octrois and
+prohibitions, and defer taxation until it has lasted long enough to be
+submitted to as a _fait accompli_.'
+
+'I fear,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'that our working classes are in a
+much worse frame of mind than they were in 1848. Socialist opinions--the
+doctrine that the profits of capitalists are so much taken fraudulently
+or oppressively from the wages of labourers, and that it is unjust that
+one man should have more of the means of happiness than another--are
+extending every day. The workpeople believe that the rich are their
+enemies and that the Emperor is their friend, and that he will join them
+in an attempt to get their fair share, that is, an equal share, of the
+property of the country--and I am not sure that they are mistaken.'
+
+'Nor am I,' said Beaumont '_Celui-ci_ fully sympathises with their
+feelings, and I do not think that he has intelligence enough to see the
+absurdity of their theories.'
+
+'You do not deny him,' I said, 'intelligence?'
+
+'Not,' said Beaumont, 'for some purposes, and to some extent, practical
+intelligence. His ends are bad, but he is often skilful in inventing and
+pertinacious in employing means for effecting those bad ends. But I
+deny him theoretic intelligence. I do not think that he has comprehension
+or patience to work out, or even to follow, a long train of reasoning;
+such a train as that by which economical errors and fallacies are
+detected.'
+
+'Are there strikes,' I asked, 'among your workmen?'
+
+'They are beginning,' said Beaumont. 'We have had one near us, and the
+authorities were afraid to interfere.'
+
+'I suppose,' I said, that they are illegal?'
+
+'They are illegal,' he answered, 'and I think that they ought to be so.
+They are always oppressive and tyrannical. The workman who does not join
+in a strike is made miserable. They are generally mischievous to
+the combined workmen themselves, and always to those of other trades.
+Your toleration of them appears to me one of the worst symptoms of your
+political state of health. It shows among your public men an ignorance or
+a cowardice, or a desire of ill-earned popularity, which is generally a
+precursor of a democratic revolution.'
+
+'It is certain,' said Ampère, 'that the masters are becoming afraid of
+their workmen. Péreire brings his from their residences to the Barrière
+Malesherbes in carriages. You are not actually insulted in the streets
+of Paris, but you are treated with rude neglect. A _fiacre_ likes to
+splash you, a _paveur_ to scatter you with mud. Louis Napoleon began with
+Chauvinism. He excited all the bad international passions of the
+multitude. He has now taken up Sansculotteism. Repulsed with scorn and
+disgust by the rich and the educated, he has thrown himself on the poor
+and ignorant The passions with which he likes to work are envy,
+malignity, and rapacity.
+
+'I do not believe that he feels them. He is what is called a good-natured
+man. That is to say, he likes to please everyone that he sees. But his
+selfishness is indescribable.
+
+'No public interest stands in the way of his slightest caprice. He often
+puts me in mind of Nero. With the same indifference to the welfare of
+others with which Nero amused himself by burning down Rome, he is amusing
+himself by pulling down Paris.'
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+ * * * * * *
+
+[We left Tocqueville on the following day with great regret The same
+party was never to meet again--the only survivors are Madame de Beaumont
+and myself and the Beaumonts' son, then a very intelligent boy of ten
+years old.
+
+One day my father and I visited the little green churchyard on a cliff
+near the sea where Tocqueville is buried. The tomb is a plain grey stone
+slab--on it a cross is cut in bas-relief, with these words only:--
+
+ICI REPOSE
+
+ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+NÉ 24 FEVRIER 1805. MORT 16 AVRIL 1859.
+
+My father laid a wreath of _immortelles_ on the tomb.--ED.]
+
+
+APPENDIX.
+
+MONTALEMBERT'S speech was afterwards published in the _Moniteur_ but with
+considerable alterations. In Mr. Senior's journal in 1854 (which has not
+been published), he says, under the date of April 26, I called on
+Montalembert and took him my report of his speech. He has promised to add
+to it any notes that it may require. "The printed report," he said, "is
+intentionally falsified. Before it was struck off I asked to see the
+proofs. I was told that, as such an application was new, the President of
+the Bureau would meet and decide on its admissibility. They decided that
+it could not be granted."'
+
+[The following is Mr. Senior's report, with M. de Montalembert's own
+corrections and additions in French.--ED.]
+
+At length Montalembert rose. He stood near the extreme right, with his
+side towards the tribune, and his face towards the centre gallery, in
+which I sat. His voice and delivery are so good, and the house was so
+silent, that I did not lose a word. I believe that the following report
+is a tolerably accurate abridgment of his speech.
+
+'Gentlemen, I must begin by expressing to you my deep gratitude for the
+attention which you have paid to this unhappy business. I am grieved at
+having occasioned the waste of so much public time. I am still more
+grieved at having been the occasion of division among my colleagues.'
+
+[_Note by Montalember_.--'J'aurais voulu faire plus qu'exprimer le
+regret: j'aurais voulu me prêter à tous les arrangements qui m'ont été
+suggérés par des voix amies pour mettre un terme à cette discussion. Je
+n'aurais reculé devant aucun sacrifice qui eût été compatible avec
+l'honneur. Mais vous comprenez tous que sous le coup d'une poursuite,
+d'un danger, je ne puis rien désavouer, rien rétracter, rien retirer de
+ce que j'ai écrit, de ce que j'ai pensé. Si j'agissais autrement il vous
+resterait un collègue absous, mais déshonoré et dont vous ne sauriez que
+faire.']
+
+'More than all I am grieved when I think of the time at which this has
+occurred. A time when we are engaged in an honourable and serious war--a
+war in which, with the great and faithful ally whom I have always
+desired, and the sympathy of all Europe, we are defending civilisation
+against an enemy, barbarous indeed, but so formidable as to require our
+undivided energy and our undivided attention.
+
+But you must recollect _when_ that letter was written. It was in last
+September, in profound peace, when our whole thoughts were employed, and
+were properly employed, on our internal affairs.
+
+'Aujourd'hui il en est autrement; l'état de guerre impose à tous les
+citoyens des devoirs spéciaux: il doit aussi imposer un certain frein à
+l'esprit de critique. Aucun Français, quel que soit sa foi politique, ne
+peut vouloir discréditer le pouvoir des dissidents, des mécontents, mais
+il n'y a plus d'émigrés, ni à l'intérieur, ni à l'extérieur.'
+
+[_Note by N.W. Senior._--This seems to be an allusion to a passage in
+Thiers's celebrated speech of the 17th of February, 1851. 'I1 ne faut
+émigrer, ni au dehors, ni au dedans.']
+
+['J'aurais su contenir les sentiments les plus passionés de mon âme,
+plutôt que de paraître affaiblir en quoi que ce soit la main qui porte
+l'épée et le drapeau de la France. Ce n'est pas toutefois que j'admette
+que toute liberté de parole ou de presse soit incompatible avec l'état de
+guerre. L'Angleterre a conservé toutes ses libertés en faisant la guerre
+aux plus redoutables ennemis: aujourd'hui encore l'opposition, d'accord
+avec le gouvernement sur la question extérieure, maintient les
+résistances et les critiques à l'intérieur. Et certes personne ne dira
+que l'Angleterre, pour avoir conservé la liberté de discussion la plus
+entière, n'ait pas déployé pour le moins autant de prévoyance et
+d'énergie que nous dans la conduite de la guerre où nous entrons. Il n'y
+a que les nations où la vie publique circule dans toutes les veines du
+corps social, qui sachent résister aux épreuves et aux chances d'une
+guerre prolongée. La liberté de la contradiction centuple le prix d'une
+libre adhésion; et à force de mettre une sourdine à toutes les émotions
+du pays, il faut prendre garde qu'on ne se trouve un jour dans
+l'impossibilité de faire vibrer les cordes les plus essentielles quand le
+moment des dangers et des sacrifices sera arrivé.']
+
+'I deeply regret the publication of that letter. But with that
+publication I repeat that I am utterly unconnected. I never sanctioned
+it, I never wished for it, I never even thought it possible. There are
+passages in the letter itself which I might modify if I were to re-write
+it, but it would rather be by adding to them than by taking from them.
+Two accusations have been directed against its substance. One that it is
+hostile to the Emperor; the other that it is hostile to this assembly. No
+one who knows my character, and knows my history, will believe that I can
+have intended to injure the Emperor. Our relations have been such as to
+make it impossible.
+
+['J'ai eu l'occasion de défendre le chef actuel de l'État dans des
+circonstances infiniment difficiles, et où rien n'était plus douteux que
+le succès. Je ne prétends pas l'avoir constitué par cela mon débiteur,
+car en le défendant, je ne voulais servir, comme toujours, que la
+justice, l'intérêt du pays, la liberté modérée qui se personnifiaient en
+lui à mes yeux, mais enfin, aux yeux du public il est mon obligé, et je
+ne suis pas le sien. Si j'avais eu la pensée d'offenser publiquement
+l'Empereur, et si j'y avais cédé, nous serions _quittes_. Or, je tiens
+beaucoup à ce que nous ne le soyons pas. Il n'y aurait pour moi ni
+honneur ni avantage à ce changement de position. Tous les hommes de bon
+goût, tous les coeurs délicats, me comprendront.']
+
+'It is equally impossible that I should have wished to offend this
+assembly. It contains men by whose sides I have fought the great battles
+of property and law. I love many of its members. I respect almost all. If
+I have offended any, it was done unconsciously. Again, it is said that
+the tone of my letter is violent. Expressions may be called violent by
+some which would be only called _passionnés_ by others. Now I admit that
+I am _passionné_. It is in my nature. I owe to that quality much of my
+merit, whatever that merit may be. Were I not _passionné_, I should not
+have been, during all my life, _la sentinelle perdue de la liberté_. I
+should not have thrown myself into every breach: sometimes braving the
+attacks of anarchy, sometimes heading the assault on tyranny, and
+sometimes fighting against the worst of all despotisms, the despotism
+that is based on democracy.'
+
+['Allons plus au fond, et vous reconnaîtrez que les opinions énoncées
+dans la lettre ne sont autres que celles toujours professées par moi.
+Elles peuvent toutes se ramener à une seule, à mon éloignement pour le
+pouvoir absolu. Je ne l'aime pas: je ne l'ai jamais aimé. Si j'ai tant
+combattu l'anarchie avant et après 1848, si j'ai suscité contre moi dans
+le parti démagogique ces haines virulentes qui durent encore et qui ne
+perdent jamais une occasion d'éclater contre moi, c'est parce que j'ai
+compris de bonne heure les affinités naturelles du despotisme et de la
+démocratie; c'est parce que j'ai prévu et prédit que la démocratie nous
+conduirait au pouvoir absolu. Oui, je crois, comme je l'ai dit, que le
+despotisme abaisse les caractères, les intelligences, les consciences.
+Oui, je déplore le système qui rend un seul homme tout-puissant et seul
+responsable des destinées d'une nation de 36 millions d'hommes; et trouve
+que cela ressemble trop au gouvernement russe, contre lequel nous allons
+en guerre, et trop peu au gouvernement anglais, dont nous prisons si haut
+l'alliance.']
+
+'I am told again, and the accusation is sanctioned by the _réquisitoire_
+of the Procureur-Général, that my letter is inconsistent with the
+fidelity which I have sworn to the Emperor and to the constitution. When
+a man swears fidelity to a sovereign and to a constitution, his oath
+engages him only as to matters within his own power. He swears not to
+conspire against them. He swears not to attempt to subvert them. He
+cannot swear to approve the acts of the sovereign, or the working of the
+constitution, for he cannot foresee what either of them will be. I have
+kept, and I shall keep, my oath to the Emperor and my oath to the
+constitution. I have not attempted, and I shall not attempt, to overthrow
+either of them. But my approbation of either of them does not depend on
+me. I accepted the _coup d'état_, comme vous l'avez tous fait, comme
+notre seule chance de salut dans les circonstances d'alors. I expected
+a Government _honnête et modéré_. I have been disappointed.'
+
+Here a violent exclamation ran through the assembly. Baroche rose and
+cried out, 'You hear him, gentlemen. He says that he expected honesty and
+moderation from the Government, and that he has been disappointed. I
+appeal to you, Mr. President, to decide whether we are to sit and listen
+to such infamies.'
+
+[Voix diverses:--'Expliquez vos paroles.' 'Retirez vos paroles.' M. de
+Montalembert.--'Je les maintiens et je les explique.']
+
+'I expected _un gouvernement honnête et modéré_. I have been
+disappointed. Its _honnêté_ may be judged by the confiscation of the
+Orleans property.'
+
+Here was another hubbub, and another protest of Baroche's.
+
+'What is going on before you,' continued Montalembert, 'is a sample of
+its moderation. It is now attempting in my person to introduce into our
+criminal law a new _délit_, "communication." Until now it was supposed
+that nothing was criminal until it was published. It was believed that a
+man might write his opinions and his reflections, and might exchange them
+with his friends; that nothing was libellous that was confidential. _Now_
+this Government holds a man responsible for every thought that an
+indiscreet or an incautious friend, or a concealed enemy, or a tool of
+power reveals. If it succeeds in this attempt, it will not rest satisfied
+with this victory over the remnant of our freedom. It is not in the
+nature of things that it should. A Government that will not tolerate
+censure must forbid discussion. You are now asked to put down writing.
+When that has been done, conversation will be attacked. Paris will
+resemble Rome under the successors of Augustus. Already this prosecution
+has produced a _malaise_ which I never felt or observed before. What will
+be the feelings of the nation when all that is around it is concealed,
+when every avenue by which light could penetrate is stopped; when we are
+exposed to all the undefined terrors and exaggerated dangers that
+accompany utter darkness? The misfortune of France, a national defect
+which makes the happiness enjoyed by England unattainable by us, is, that
+she is always oscillating between extremes; that she is constantly
+swinging from universal conquest to _la paix à tout prix_, from the
+desire of nothing but glory to the desire of nothing but wealth, from the
+wildest democracy to the most abject servility. Every new Government
+starts with a new principle. Every Government in a few years perishes by
+carrying that principle to an extreme. The First Republic was destroyed
+by the intemperance with which it trampled on every sort of tradition and
+authority, the First Empire by its abuse of victory and war, the
+Restoration by its exaggerated belief in divine right and legitimacy, the
+Royalty of July by its exaggerated reliance on purchased voters and
+Parliamentary majorities, the Second Republic by the conduct of its own
+Republicans. The danger to the Second Empire--its only internal danger,
+but I fear a fatal one--is its abuse of authority. With every phase of
+our sixty years' long revolution, we have a new superstition, a new
+_culte_. We are now required to become the worshippers of authority. I
+lament that with the new religion we have not new priests. Our public men
+would not be discredited by instantaneous apostasy from one political
+faith to another. I am grieved, gentlemen, if I offend you; though many
+of you are older in years than I am, not one probably is so old in public
+life. I may be addressing you for the last time, and I feel that my last
+words ought to contain all the warnings that I think will be useful to
+you. This assembly will soon end, as all its predecessors have ended. Its
+acts, its legislation, may perish with it, but its reputation, its fame,
+for good or for evil, will survive. Within a few minutes you will do an
+act by which that reputation will be seriously affected; by which it may
+be raised, by which it may be deeply, perhaps irrevocably, sunk. Your
+vote to-night will show whether you possess freedom, and whether you
+deserve it. As for myself, I care but little. A few months, or even
+years, of imprisonment are among the risks which every public man who
+does his duty in revolutionary times must encounter, and which the first
+men of the country have incurred, _soit en sortant des affaires, soit
+avant d'y entrer_. But whatever may be the effect of your vote on _my_
+person, whatever it may be on _your_ reputation, I trust that it is not
+in your power to inflict permanent injury on my country. Among you are
+some who lived through the Empire. They must remember that the soldiers
+of our glorious army cherished as fondly the recollection of its defeats
+as of its victories. They must see that the lessons which those defeats
+taught, and the feelings which they inspired, are now among the sources
+of our military strength. Your Emperor himself, in one of his earlier
+addresses, talked hopefully of the period when France would be capable of
+more liberty than he now thinks good for her, "Un jour," he exclaimed,
+"mon oeuvre sera couronnée par la liberté." I join in that hope. I look
+sanguinely towards the time when she will be worthy of the English
+constitution, and she will obtain it. Vous tenez le corps de la France,
+mais vous ne tenez pas son âme. Cette âme, aujourd'hui effrayée,
+engourdie, endormie, cette âme c'est la liberté. Elle se réveillera un
+jour et vous échappera. La certitude de ce réveil suffit pour consoler et
+fortifier ses vieux et fidèles soldats à traverser la nuit de l'épreuve.
+Cette liberté honnête et modérée, sage et sainte, j'y ai toujours cru, et
+j'y crois encore. Je l'ai toujours servie, toujours aimée, toujours
+invoquée, tantôt pour la religion, tantôt pour le pays; hier contre le
+socialisme, aujourd'hui contre un commencement de despotisme; et, quelle
+que soit votre décision, je me féliciterai toujours d'avoir eu cette
+occasion solennelle de la confesser encore une fois devant vous, et, s'il
+le faut, de souffrir un peu pour elle.'
+
+These concluding words were drowned in universal murmurs.
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Correspondence & Conversations of
+Alexis de Tocqueville with Nassau William Senior from 1834 to 1859, Vol. 2, by Alexis de Tocqueville
+
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Correspondence & Conversations of Alexis de
+Tocqueville with Nassau William Senior from 1834 to 1859, Vol. 2, by Alexis de Tocqueville
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Correspondence & Conversations of Alexis de Tocqueville with Nassau William Senior from 1834 to 1859, Vol. 2
+
+Author: Alexis de Tocqueville
+
+Release Date: August 30, 2004 [EBook #13333]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TOCQUEVILLE, VOL 2 ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by G. Graustein and PG Distributed Proofreaders. Produced
+from images provided by the Million Book Project.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+_CORRESPONDENCE & CONVERSATIONS OF_ ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE
+
+WITH NASSAU WILLIAM SENIOR
+
+FROM 1834 TO 1859
+
+
+EDITED BY
+
+M.C.M. SIMPSON
+
+
+_IN TWO VOLUMES VOLUME II_
+
+
+LONDON: HENRY S. KING & Co., 65 CORNHILL 1872
+
+
+ * * * * *
+
+CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME
+
+_Journal_ 1851-2.
+
+The army master of France
+Comparison with the 18th Brumaire
+Aggressive acts of the President
+Coup d'Etat planned for March 1852
+Socialism leads to despotism
+War necessary to maintain Louis Napoleon
+State prisoners on December 2
+Louis Napoleon's devotion to the Pope
+Latent Bonapartism of the French
+President's reception at Notre Dame
+Frank hypocrites
+Mischievous public men
+Extradition of Kossuth
+January 29, 1849
+Stunner's account of it contradicted
+The Second Napoleon a copy of the First
+Relies on Russian support
+Compulsory voting
+Life of a cavalry officer
+Victims of the Coup d'Etat
+
+
+_Letters in_ 1852-3.
+
+Effect of the Orleans confiscation on the English
+Firmness of Prussia
+Mr. Greg's writings
+Communication from Schwartzenberg
+New Reform Bill
+Democracy or aristocracy
+Reform Bill not wanted
+Twenty-five thousand men at Cherbourg
+Easier to understand Lord Derby than Lord John
+Preparations at Cherbourg a delusion
+Conversation with King Leopold
+No symptoms of aristocratic re-action in England
+England's democratic tendencies
+Idleness of young aristocrats
+Death of Protection
+Revolutions leading to masquerades
+Tory reforms
+Imperial marriage
+New Reform Bill a blunder
+
+_Journal in_ 1853.
+
+Prosperity in Paris
+Dangers incurred by overbuilding
+Discharged workmen effect Revolutions
+Probable monetary panic
+Empire can be firmly established only by a successful war
+Agents undermining the Empire
+Violence and corruption of the Government
+Growing unpopularity of Louis Napoleon
+Consequences of his death
+He probably will try the resource of war
+Conquest would establish his power
+War must produce humiliation or slavery to France
+Corruption is destroying the army and navy
+Emperor cannot tolerate opposition
+Will try a plebiscite
+
+_Letters in_ 1853.
+
+Blackstone a mere lawyer
+Feudal institutions in France and England
+Gentleman and Gentilhomme
+Life of seclusion
+Interference of police with letters
+Mrs. Crete's conversations at St. Cyr
+Great writers of the eighteenth century
+Political torpor unfavourable to intellectual product
+English not fond of generalities
+Curious archives at Tours
+Frightful picture they present
+Sufficient to account for the Revolution of 1789
+La Marck's memoir of Mirabeau
+Court would not trust Mirabeau
+The elder Mirabeau influenced by Revolution
+Revolution could not have been averted
+Works of David Hume
+Effect of intolerance of the press
+Honesty and shortsightedness of La Fayette
+Laws must be originated by philosophers
+Carried into effect by practical men
+Napoleon carried out laws
+Too fond of centralisation
+Country life destroyed by it
+Royer Collard
+Danton
+Madame Tallien
+Tocqueville independent of society
+Studious and regular life
+Influence of writers as compared with active politicians
+
+_Journal in_ 1854.
+
+Criticism of the Journals
+The speakers generally recognised
+Aware that they were being reported
+The Legitimists
+Necessity of Crimean War
+Probable management of it
+English view of the Fusion
+Bourbons desire Constitutional Government
+Socialists would prefer the Empire
+They rejoiced in the Orleans confiscation
+Empire might be secured by liberal institutions
+Policy of G.
+English new Reform Bill
+Dangers of universal suffrage
+Baraguay d'Hilliers and Randon
+Lent in the Provinces
+Chenonceaux
+Montalembert's speech
+Cinq Mars
+Appearance of prosperity
+_Petite culture_ in Touraine
+Tyranny more mischievous than civil war
+Centralisation of Louis XIV. a means of taxation
+Under Louis Napoleon, centralisation more powerful than ever
+Power of the Prefet
+Courts of Law tools of the Executive
+Prefet's candidate must succeed
+Empire could not sustain a defeat
+Loss of aristocracy in France
+Napoleon estranged Legitimists by the murder of the Duc d'Enghien
+Louis Philippe attempted to govern through the middle classes
+Temporary restoration of aristocratic power under the republic
+Overthrown by the second Empire
+Legitimists inferior to their ancestors
+Dulness of modern society and books
+Effects of competition
+
+_Letters in_ 1854-5.
+
+Tocqueville attends the Academy
+Proposed visit to Germany
+Return to France
+English adulation of Louis Napoleon
+Mismanagement of Crimean War
+Continental disparagement of England
+Necessity for a conscription in England
+Disastrous effects of the war for English aristocracy
+Peace premature
+
+_Journals in_ 1855.
+
+Effects of the Emperor going to the Crimea
+Prince Napoleon
+Discontent in England
+Disparagement of England
+Austria alone profited by Crimean War
+Despotism of Louis Napoleon consolidated by it
+Centralisation in Algeria
+Criticism of Mr. Senior's Article
+Places Louis Napoleon too high
+English alliances not dependent on the Empire
+Louis Napoleon will covet the Rhine
+Childish admiration of Emperor by British public
+Real friends of England are the friends of her institutions
+
+
+_Extracts from Mr. Senior's Article_.
+
+Description of political parties
+Imperialists
+Legitimists
+Orleanists
+Orleanist-Fusionists form the bulk of the Royalists
+Legitimists unfit for public life
+Republican party not to be despised
+Parliamentarians
+Desire only free institutions
+No public opinion expressed in the Provinces
+Power of Centralisation
+Increased under Louis Philippe
+Power of the Prefet
+Foreign policy of Louis Napoleon
+Of former French Sovereigns
+Invasion of Rome prepared in 1847
+Eastern question, a legacy from Louis Philippe
+Fault as an administrator
+Mismanagement of the war
+His Ministers mere clerks
+Free institutions may secure his throne
+English Alliance
+Russian influence
+Revolutions followed by despotism
+Lessons taught by history
+
+
+_Letters in_ 1855-6.
+
+Tocqueville burns his letter
+Conversation of May 28
+Amusing letters from the Army
+Enjoyment of home
+Fall of Sebastopol
+Cost of the war
+Russia dangerous to Europe
+How to restrain her
+Progress in the East
+No public excitement in France
+
+
+_Journal in 1856_.
+
+The 'Ancien Regime'
+Master of Paris, Master of France
+Opposition to Suez Canal
+Mischievous effect of English Opposition
+Expenditure under the Empire
+Effect of Opposition to the Suez Canal
+Tripartite Treaty
+'Friponnerie' of the Government
+Tripartite Treaty
+Suez Canal
+French floating batteries
+Fortifications of Malta
+Emperor's orders to Canrobert
+A campaign must be managed on the spot
+
+
+_Letters in_ 1856-7.
+
+The 'Ancien Regime'
+King 'Bomba'
+American Rebellion
+Lord Aberdeen on the Crimean War
+Eccentricities of English public men
+Remedy for rise in house-rent
+The rise produced by excessive public works
+Dulness of Paris
+Mr. Senior's Journal in Egypt
+Chinese war
+
+
+_Journal in_ 1857.
+
+Flatness of society in Paris
+Dexterity of Louis Napoleon
+Is maintained by the fear of the 'Rouges'
+Due de Nemours' letter
+Tocqueville disapproves of contingent promises
+Empire rests on the army and the people
+Slavery of the Press
+Public speaking in France
+English and French speakers
+American speakers
+Length of speeches
+French public men
+Lamartine
+Falloux
+Foreign French
+Narvaez and Kossuth
+French conversers
+Montalembert
+Monsieur, Madame, and Mademoiselle
+Tu and vous
+Feeling respecting heretics
+Prejudices of the Ancien Regime
+French poetry
+Fashion in Literature
+Montalembert's changes of opinion
+Increasing population of Paris
+Its dangerous character
+No right to relief
+Sudden influx of workmen
+Soldiers likely to side with the people
+Lamoriciere's heroism
+June 1848
+French army
+National characteristics
+Change in French only apparent
+Martin's History of France
+He is a centraliser and an absolutist
+Secret police
+
+_Letters in_ 1857-8.
+
+Reception in England
+Indian Mutiny
+Financial question
+Unpopularity of England
+Law of Public Safety
+
+_Journal in_ 1858.
+
+Talleyrand as a writer
+English ignorance of French affairs
+Change of feeling respecting Louis Napoleon
+'Loi de surete publique'
+Manner in which it has been carried out
+Deportation a slow death
+Influence of 'hommes de lettres'
+French army
+Russian army
+French navy
+Napoleon indifferent to the navy
+Mr. Senior's Athens journal
+Otho and Louis Napoleon
+Qualities which obtain influence
+Character of Louis Napoleon
+Tocqueville's comments on the above conversation
+Tocqueville on Novels
+Intellectual and moral inferiority of the age
+Education of French women
+'Messe d'une heure'
+Influence of Madame Recamier
+Duchesse de Dino
+
+_Letters in_ 1858-9.
+
+Failing health
+Mr. Senior's visit to Sir John Boileau
+Promise of Lord Stanley
+Character of Guizot
+Spectacle afforded by English Politics
+Tocqueville at Cannes
+Louis Napoleon's loss of popularity
+Death of Alexis de Tocqueville
+Grief it occasioned in England
+
+_Journal at Tocqueville in_ 1861.
+
+Madame de Tocqueville house at Valognes
+Chateau de Tocqueville
+Beaumont on Italian affairs
+Piedmontese unpopular with the lower classes
+Popular with the higher classes in Naples
+Influence of Orsini
+Subjection of the French
+Effect of Universal Suffrage
+Causes which may overthrow Louis Napoleon
+Popularity of a war with England
+Condition of the Roman people
+Different sorts of courage in different nations
+Destructiveness of war not found out at first
+Effect of service on conscript
+Expenditure of Louis Napoleon
+Forebodings of the Empress
+Prince Napoleon
+Ampere on Roman affairs
+Inquisition
+Infidelity
+Mortara affair
+Torpor of Roman Government
+Interference with marriages
+Ampere expects Piedmont to take possession of Rome
+Does not think that Naples will submit to Piedmont
+Wishes of Naples only negative
+Ampere's reading
+Execution of three generations
+Familiarity with death in 1793
+Sanson
+Public executioners
+The 'Chambre noire'
+Violation of correspondence
+Toleration of Ennui
+Prisoners of State
+M. and Madame de La Fayette
+Mirabeau and La Fayette
+Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette
+Evils of Democratic despotism
+Ignorance and indolence of 'La jeune France'
+Algeria a God-send
+Family life in France
+Moral effect of Primogeniture
+Descent of Title
+Shipwreck off Gatteville
+Ampere reads 'Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme'
+The modern Nouveau Riche
+Society under the Republic
+Madame Recamier
+Chateaubriand and Madame Mohl
+Ballanche
+Extensiveness of French literature
+French and English poetry
+The 'Misanthrope'
+Tocqueville's political career
+Under Louis Philippe in 1835
+Independence
+In 1839 and 1840
+Opposition to Guizot
+Inaction of Louis Philippe
+Tocqueville would not submit to be a minister without power
+Mistaken independence of party
+Could not court popularity
+Reform came too late
+Faults in the Constitution
+Defence of the Constitution
+Tocqueville wished for a double election of the President
+Centralisation useful to a usurper
+England in the American War
+Defence of England
+Politics of a farmer
+Wages in Normandy
+Evils of Universal Suffrage
+Influence of the clergy
+Prince Napoleon
+Constitutional monarchy preferable to a republic
+Republic preferable to a despotism
+Probable gross faults of a republic
+Evils of socialist opinions
+Mischievous effects of strikes
+Mistaken tolerance of them in England
+Tocqueville's tomb
+
+ * * * * *
+
+APPENDIX.
+
+Mr. Senior's report of M. de Montalembert's speech in 1854
+
+
+
+TOCQUEVILLE DURING THE EMPIRE
+
+FROM DECEMBER 23, 1851 TO APRIL 20, 1858.
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS
+
+PARIS, 1851-2.
+
+[The _coup d'etat_ took place on the 2nd, and Mr. Senior reached Paris on
+the 21st of December.--ED.]
+
+
+_Paris, December_ 23, 1851.--I dined with Mrs. Grot and drank tea with
+the Tocquevilles.
+
+[1]'This,' said Tocqueville, 'is a new phase in our history. Every
+previous revolution has been made by a political party. This is the first
+time that the army has seized France, bound and gagged her, and laid her
+at the feet of its ruler.'
+
+'Was not the 18th fructidor,' I said, 'almost a parallel case? Then, as
+now, there was a quarrel between the executive and the legislature. The
+Directory, like Louis Napoleon, dismissed the ministers, in whom the
+legislature had confidence, and appointed its own tools in their places,
+denounced the legislature to the country, and flattered and corrupted the
+army. The legislature tried the usual tactics of parliamentary
+opposition, censured the Government, and refused the supplies. The
+Directory prepared a _coup d'etat._ The legislature tried to obtain a
+military force, and failed; they planned an impeachment of the Directory,
+and found the existing law insufficient. They brought forward a new law
+defining the responsibility of the executive, and the night after they
+had begun to discuss it, their halls were occupied by a military force,
+and the members of the opposition were seized in the room in which they
+had met to denounce the treason of the Directory.'
+
+'So far,' he answered, 'the two events resemble one another. Each was a
+military attack on the legislature by the executive. But the Directors
+were the representatives of a party. The Councils and the greater part of
+the aristocracy, and the _bourgeoisie_, were Bonapartists; the lower
+orders were Republican, the army was merely an instrument; it conquered,
+not for itself, but for the Republican party.
+
+'The 18th brumaire was nearer to this--for that ended, as this has begun,
+in a military tyranny. But the 18th brumaire was almost as much a civil
+as a military revolution. A majority in the Councils was with Bonaparte.
+Louis Napoleon had not a real friend in the Assembly. All the educated
+classes supported the 18th brumaire; all the educated classes repudiate
+the 2nd of December. Bonaparte's Consular Chair was sustained by all the
+_elite_ of France. This man cannot obtain a decent supporter.
+Montalembert, Baroche, and Fould--an Ultramontane, a country lawyer, and
+a Jewish banker--are his most respectable associates. For a real parallel
+you must go back 1,800 years.'
+
+I said that some persons, for whose judgment I had the highest respect,
+seemed to treat it as a contest between two conspirators, the Assembly
+and the President, and to think the difference between his conduct and
+theirs to be that he struck first.
+
+'This,' said Tocqueville, 'I utterly deny. He, indeed, began to conspire
+from November 10, 1848. His direct instructions to Oudinot, and his
+letter to Ney, only a few months after his election, showed his
+determination not to submit to Parliamentary Government. Then followed
+his dismissal of Ministry after Ministry, until he had degraded
+the.office to a clerkship. Then came the semi-regal progress, then the
+reviews of Satory, the encouragement of treasonable cries, the selection
+for all the high appointments in the army of Paris of men whose infamous
+characters fitted them to be tools. Then he publicly insulted the
+Assembly at Dijon, and at last, in October, we knew that his plans were
+laid. It was then only that we began to think what were our means of
+defence, but that was no more a conspiracy than it is a conspiracy in
+travellers to look for their pistols when they see a band of robbers
+advancing.
+
+'M. Baze's proposition was absurd only because it was impracticable. It
+was a precaution against immediate danger, but if it had been voted, it
+could not have been executed. The army had already been so corrupted,
+that it would have disregarded the orders of the Assembly. I have often
+talked over our situation with Lamoriciere and my other military friends.
+We saw what was coming as clearly as we now look back to it; but we had
+no means of preventing it.'
+
+'But was not your intended law of responsibility,' I said, 'an attack on
+your part?'
+
+'That law,' he said, 'was not ours. It was sent up to us by the _Conseil
+d'Etat_ which had been two years and a half employed on it, and ought to
+have sent it to us much sooner. We thought it dangerous--that is to say,
+we thought that, though quite right in itself, it would irritate the
+President, and that in our defenceless state it was unwise to do so. The
+_bureau_, therefore, to which it was referred refused to declare it
+urgent: a proof that it would not have passed with the clauses which,
+though reasonable, the President thought fit to disapprove. Our
+conspiracy was that of the lambs against the wolf.
+
+'Though I have said,' he continued, 'that he has been conspiring ever
+since his election, I do not believe that he intended to strike so soon.
+His plan was to wait till next March when the fears of May 1852 would be
+most intense. Two circumstances forced him on more rapidly. One was the
+candidature of the Prince de Joinville. He thought him the only dangerous
+competitor. The other was an agitation set on foot by the Legitimists in
+the _Conseils generaux_ for the repeal of the law of May 31. That law was
+his moral weapon against the Assembly, and he feared that if he delayed,
+it might be abolished without him.'
+
+'And how long,' I asked, 'will this tyranny last?'
+
+'It will last,' he answered, 'until it is unpopular with the mass of the
+people. At present the disapprobation is confined to the educated
+classes. We cannot bear to be deprived of the power of speaking or of
+writing. We cannot bear that the fate of France should depend on the
+selfishness, or the vanity, or the fears, or the caprice of one man, a
+foreigner by race and by education, and of a set of military ruffians and
+of infamous civilians, fit only to have formed the staff and the privy
+council of Catiline. We cannot bear that the people which carried the
+torch of Liberty through Europe should now be employed in quenching all
+its lights. But these are not the feelings of the multitude. Their insane
+fear of Socialism throws them headlong into the arms of despotism. As in
+Prussia, as in Hungary, as in Austria, as in Italy, so in France, the
+democrats have served the cause of the absolutists. May 1852 was a
+spectre constantly swelling as it drew nearer. But now that the weakness
+of the Red party has been proved, now that 10,000 of those who are
+supposed to be its most active members are to be sent to die of hunger
+and marsh fever in Cayenne, the people will regret the price at which
+their visionary enemy has been put down. Thirty-seven years of liberty
+have made a free press and free parliamentary discussion necessaries to
+us. If Louis Napoleon refuses them, he will be execrated as a tyrant. If
+he grants them, they must destroy him. We always criticise our rulers
+severely, often unjustly. It is impossible that so rash and wrong-headed
+a man surrounded, and always wishing to be surrounded, by men whose
+infamous character is their recommendation to him, should not commit
+blunders and follies without end. They will be exposed, perhaps
+exaggerated by the press, and from the tribune. As soon as he is
+discredited the army will turn against him. It sympathises with the
+people from which it has recently been separated and to which it is soon
+to return. It will never support an unpopular despot. I have no fears
+therefore for the ultimate destinies of my country. It seems to me that
+the Revolution of the 2nd of December is more dangerous to the rest of
+Europe than it is to us. That it ought to alarm England much more than
+France. _We_ shall get rid of Louis Napoleon in a few years, perhaps in a
+few months, but there is no saying how much mischief he may do in those
+years, or even in those months, to his neighbours.'
+
+'Surely,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'he will wish to remain at peace
+with England.'
+
+'I am not sure at all of that,' said Tocqueville. 'He cannot sit down a
+mere quiet administrator. He must do something to distract public
+attention; he must give us a substitute for the political excitement
+which has amused us during the last forty years. Great social
+improvements are uncertain, difficult, and slow; but glory may be
+obtained in a week. A war with England, at its beginning, is always
+popular. How many thousand volunteers would he have for a "pointe" on
+London?
+
+'The best that can happen to you is to be excluded from the councils of
+the great family of despots. Besides, what is to be done to amuse these
+400,000 bayonets, _his_ masters as well as ours? Crosses, promotions,
+honours, gratuities, are already showered on the army of Paris. It has
+already received a thing unheard of in our history--the honours and
+recompenses of a campaign for the butchery on the Boulevards. Will not
+the other armies demand their share of work and reward? As long as the
+civil war in the Provinces lasts they may be employed there. But it will
+soon be over. What is then to be done with them? Are they to be marched
+on Switzerland, or on Piedmont, or on Belgium? And will England quietly
+look on?'
+
+Our conversation was here interrupted by the entrance of the Abbe
+Gioberti, and of Sieur Capponi, a Sicilian.
+
+_Paris, December_ 31, 1851.--I dined with the Tocquevilles and met Mrs.
+Grote, Rivet, and Corcelle.
+
+'The gayest time,' said Tocqueville, 'that I ever passed was in the Quai
+d'Orsay. The _elite_ of France in education, in birth, and in talents,
+particularly in the talents of society, was collected within the walls of
+that barrack.
+
+'A long struggle was over, in which our part had not been timidly played;
+we had done our duty, we had gone through some perils, and we had some to
+encounter, and we were all in the high spirits which excitement and
+dangers shared with others, when not too formidable, create. From the
+courtyard in which we had been penned for a couple of hours, where the
+Duc de Broglie and I tore our chicken with our hands and teeth, we were
+transferred to a long sort of gallery, or garret, running along through
+the higher part of the building, a spare dormitory for the soldiers when
+the better rooms are filled. Those who chose to take the trouble went
+below, hired palliasses from the soldiers, and carried them up for
+themselves. I was too idle and lay on the floor in my cloak. Instead of
+sleeping we spent the night in shooting from palliasse to palliasse
+anecdotes, repartees, jokes, and pleasantries. "C'etait un feu roulant,
+une pluie de bons mots." Things amused us in that state of excitement
+which sound flat when repeated.
+
+'I remember Kerrel, a man of great humour, exciting shouts of laughter by
+exclaiming, with great solemnity, as he looked round on the floor,
+strewed with mattresses and statesmen, and lighted by a couple of tallow
+candles, "Voila donc ou en est reduit ce fameux parti de l'ordre." Those
+who were kept _au secret_, deprived of mutual support, were in a very
+different state of mind; some were depressed, others were enraged. Bedeau
+was left alone for twenty-four hours; at last a man came and offered him
+some sugar. He flew at his throat and the poor turnkey ran off, fancying
+his prisoner was mad.'
+
+We talked of Louis Napoleon's devotion to the Pope.
+
+'It is of recent date,' said Corcelle. 'In January and February 1849 he
+was inclined to interfere in support of the Roman Republic against the
+Austrians. And when in April he resolved to move on Rome, it was not out
+of any love for the Pope. In fact, the Pope did not then wish for us. He
+told Corcelle that he hoped to be restored by General Zucchi, who
+commanded a body of Roman troops in the neighbourhood of Bologna. No
+one at that time believed the Republican party in Rome to be capable of a
+serious defence. Probably they would not have made one if they had not
+admitted Garibaldi and his band two days before we appeared before their
+gates.'
+
+I mentioned to Tocqueville Beaumont's opinion that France will again
+become a republic.
+
+'I will not venture,' he answered, 'to affirm, with respect to any form
+whatever of government, that we shall never adopt it; but I own that I
+see no prospect of a French republic within any assignable period. We
+are, indeed, less opposed to a republic now than we were in 1848. We have
+found that it does not imply war, or bankruptcy, or tyranny; but we still
+feel that it is not the government that suits us. This was apparent from
+the beginning. Louis Napoleon had the merit, or the luck, to discover,
+what few suspected, the latent Bonapartism of the nation. The 10th of
+December showed that the memory of the Emperor, vague and indefinite, but
+therefore the more imposing, still dwelt like an heroic legend in the
+imaginations of the peasantry. When Louis Napoleon's violence and folly
+have destroyed the charm with which he has worked, all eyes will turn,
+not towards a republic, but to Henri V.'
+
+'Was much money,' I asked, 'spent at his election?'
+
+'Very little,' answered Tocqueville. 'The ex-Duke of Brunswick lent him
+300,000 francs on a promise of assistance as soon as he should be able to
+afford it; and I suppose that we shall have to perform the promise, and
+to interfere to restore him to his duchy; but that was all that was
+spent. In fact he had no money of his own, and scarcely anyone, except
+the Duke, thought well enough of his prospects to lend him any. He used
+to sit in the Assembly silent and alone, pitied by some members and
+neglected by all. Silence, indeed, was necessary to his success.
+
+_Paris, January 2nd_, 1852.--I dined with Mrs. Grote and drank tea with
+the Tocquevilles.
+
+'What is your report,' they asked, 'of the President's reception in Notre
+Dame. We hear that it was cold.'
+
+'So,' I answered, 'it seemed to me.'
+
+'I am told,' said Tocqueville, 'that it was still colder on his road. He
+does not shine in public exhibitions. He does not belong to the highest
+class of hypocrites, who cheat by frankness and cordiality.'
+
+'Such,' I said, 'as Iago. It is a class of villains of which the
+specimens are not common.'
+
+'They are common enough with us,' said Tocqueville. 'We call them _faux
+bonshommes_. H. was an instance. He had passed a longish life with the
+character of a frank, open-hearted soldier. When he became Minister, the
+facts which he stated from the tribune appeared often strange, but coming
+from so honest a man we accepted them. One falsehood, however, after
+another was exposed, and at last we discovered that H. himself, with all
+his military bluntness and sincerity, was a most intrepid, unscrupulous
+liar.
+
+'What is the explanation,' he continued, 'of Kossuth's reception in
+England? I can understand enthusiasm for a democrat in America, but what
+claim had he to the sympathy of aristocratic England?'
+
+'Our aristocracy,' I answered, 'expressed no sympathy, and as to the
+mayors, and corporations, and public meetings, they looked upon him
+merely as an oppressed man, the champion of an oppressed country.'
+
+'I think,' said Tocqueville, 'that he has been the most mischievous man
+in Europe.'
+
+'More so,' I said, 'than Mazzini? More so than Lamartine?'
+
+At this instant Corcelle came in.
+
+'We are adjusting,' said Tocqueville, 'the palm of mischievousness.'
+
+'I am all for Lamartine,' answered Corcelle; 'without him the others
+would have been powerless.'
+
+'But,' I said, 'if Lamartine had never existed, would not the revolution
+of 1848 still have occurred?'
+
+'It would have certainly occurred' said Tocqueville; 'that is to say, the
+oligarchy of Louis Philippe would have come to an end, probably to a
+violent one, but it would have been something to have delayed it; and it
+cannot be denied that Lamartine's eloquence and courage saved us from
+great dangers during the Provisional Government. Kossuth's influence was
+purely mischievous. But for him, Austria might now be a constitutional
+empire, with Hungary for its most powerful member, a barrier against
+Russia instead of her slave.'
+
+'I must put in a word,' said Corcelle,[2] 'for Lord Palmerston. If
+Lamartine produced Kossuth, Lord Palmerston produced Lamartine and
+Mazzini and Charles Albert--in short, all the incendiaries whose folly
+and wickedness have ended in producing Louis Napoleon.'
+
+'Notwithstanding,' I said, 'your disapprobation of Kossuth, you joined us
+in preventing his extradition.'
+
+'We did,' answered Tocqueville. 'It was owing to the influence of Lord
+Normanby over the President. It was a fine _succes de tribune_. It gave
+your Government and ours an occasion to boast of their courage and of
+their generosity, but a more dangerous experiment was never made. You
+reckoned on the prudence and forbearance of Austria and Russia. Luckily,
+Nicholas and Nesselrode are prudent men, and luckily the Turks sent to
+St. Petersburg Fuad Effendi, an excellent diplomatist, a much better than
+Lamoriciere or Lord Bloomfield. He refused to see either of them,
+disclaimed their advice or assistance, and addressed himself solely to
+the justice and generosity of the Emperor. He admitted that Russia was
+powerful enough to seize the refugees, but implored him not to set such
+an example, and--he committed nothing to paper. He left nothing, and took
+away nothing which could wound the pride of Nicholas; and thus he
+succeeded.
+
+'Two days after, came a long remonstrance from Lord Palmerston, which
+Lord Bloomfield was desired to read to Nesselrode, and leave with him. A
+man of the world, seeing that the thing was done, would have withheld an
+irritating document. But Bloomfield went with it to Nesselrode.
+Nesselrode would have nothing to say to it. "Mon Dieu!" he said, "we
+have given up all our demands; why tease us by trying to prove that we
+ought not to have made them?" Bloomfield said that his orders were
+precise. "Lisez donc," cried Nesselrode, "mais il sera tres-ennuyeux."
+Before he had got half through Nesselrode interrupted him. "I have heard
+all this," he said, "from Lamoriciere, only in half the number of words.
+Cannot you consider it as read?" Bloomfield, however, was inexorable.'
+
+I recurred to a subject on which I had talked to both of them before--the
+tumult of January 29, 1849.
+
+'George Sumner,' I said, 'assures me that it was a plot, concocted by
+Faucher and the President, to force the Assembly to fix a day for its
+dissolution, instead of continuing to sit until it should have completed
+the Constitution by framing the organic laws which, even on December 2
+last, were incomplete. He affirms that it was the model which was
+followed on December 2; that during the night the Palais Bourbon was
+surrounded by troops; that the members were allowed to enter, but were
+informed, not publicly, but one by one, that they were not to be allowed
+to separate until they had fixed, or agreed to fix, the day of their
+dissolution; and that under the pressure of military intimidation, the
+majority, which was opposed to such a dissolution, gave way and consented
+to the vote, which was actually carried two days after.'
+
+'No such proposition was made to me,' said Tocqueville, 'nor, as far as I
+know, to anybody else; but I own that I never understood January 29. It
+is certain that the Palais Bourbon, or at least its avenues, were taken
+possession of during the night; that there was a vast display of military
+force, and also of democratic force; that the two bodies remained _en
+face_ for some time, and that the crowd dispersed under the influence of
+a cold rain.'
+
+'I too,' said Corcelle, 'disbelieve Sumner's story. The question as to
+the time of dissolution depended on only a few votes, and though it is
+true that it was voted two days after, I never heard that the military
+demonstration of January 29 accelerated the vote. The explanation which
+has been made to me is one which I mentioned the other day, namely, that
+the President complained to Changarnier, who at that time commanded the
+army of Paris, that due weight seemed not to be given to his 6,000,000
+votes, and that the Assembly appeared inclined to consider him a
+subordinate power, instead of the _Chef d'Etat_, to whom, not to the
+Assembly, the nation had confided its destinies. In short, that the
+President indicated an intention to make a _coup d'etat_, and that the
+troops were assembled by Changarnier for the purpose of resisting it, if
+attempted, and at all events of intimidating the President by showing him
+how quickly a force could be collected for the defence of the Assembly.'
+
+_Sunday, January_ 4.--I dined with the Tocquevilles alone. The only
+guest, Mrs. Grote, who was to have accompanied me, being unwell.
+
+'So enormous,' said Tocqueville, 'are the advantages of Louis Napoleon's
+situation, that he may defy any ordinary enemy. He has, however, a most
+formidable one in himself. He is essentially a copyist. He can originate
+nothing; his opinions, his theories, his maxims, even his plots, all are
+borrowed, and from the most dangerous of models--from a man who, though
+he possessed genius and industry such as are not seen coupled, or indeed
+single, once in a thousand years, yet ruined himself by the extravagance
+of his attempts. It would be well for him if he would utterly forget all
+his uncle's history. He might then trust to his own sense, and to that of
+his advisers. It is true that neither the one nor the other would be a
+good guide, but either would probably lead him into fewer dangers than a
+blind imitation of what was done fifty years ago by a man very unlike
+himself, and in a state of society both in France and in the rest of
+Europe, very unlike that which now exists.'
+
+Lanjuinais and Madame B., a relation of the family, came in.
+
+Lanjuinais had been dining with Kissileff the Russian Minister. Louis
+Napoleon builds on Russian support, in consequence of the marriage of his
+cousin, the Prince de Lichtenstein, to the Emperor's daughter. He calls
+it an _alliance de famille_, and his organs the 'Constitutionnel' and the
+'Patrie' announced a fortnight ago that the Emperor had sent to him the
+Order of St. Andrew, which is given only to members of the Imperial
+family, and an autograph letter of congratulation on the _coup d'etat_.
+
+Kissileff says that all this is false, that neither Order nor letter has
+been sent, but he has been trying in vain to get a newspaper to insert a
+denial. It will be denied, he is told, when the proper moment comes.
+
+'It is charming,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'to see the Emperor of
+Russia, like ourselves, forced to see his name usurped without redress.'
+
+Madame B. had just seen a friend who left his country-house, and came to
+Paris without voting, and told those who consulted him that, in the
+difficulties of the case, he thought abstaining was the safest course.
+Immediately after the poll was over the Prefect sent to arrest him for
+_malveillance_, and he congratulated himself upon being out of the way.
+
+One of Edward de Tocqueville's sons came in soon after; his brother, who
+is about seventeen, does duty as a private, has no servant, and cleans
+his own horse; and is delighted with his new life. That of our young
+cavalry officers is somewhat different. He did not hear of the _coup
+d'etat_ till a week after it had happened.
+
+'Our regiments,' said Lanjuinais, 'are a kind of convents. The young men
+who enter them are as dead to the world, as indifferent to the events
+which interest the society which they have left, as if they were monks.
+This is what makes them such fit tools for a despot.'
+
+
+_Thursday, January 8, 1852_.--From Sir Henry Ellis's I went to
+Tocqueville's.
+
+[3]'In this darkness,' he said, 'when no one dares to print, and few to
+speak, though we know generally that atrocious acts of tyranny are
+perpetrated everyday, it is difficult to ascertain precise facts, so I
+will give you one. A young man named Hypolite Magin, a gentleman by birth
+and education, the author of a tragedy eminently successful called
+"Spartacus," was arrested on the 2nd of December. His friends were told
+not to be alarmed, that no harm was intended to him, but rather a
+kindness; that as his liberal opinions were known, he was shut up to
+prevent his compromising himself by some rash expression. He was sent to
+Fort Bicetre, where the casemates, miserable damp vaults, have been used
+as a prison, into which about 3,000 political prisoners have been
+crammed. His friends became uneasy, not only at the sufferings which he
+must undergo in five weeks of such an imprisonment in such weather as
+this, but lest his health should be permanently injured. At length they
+found that he was there no longer: and how do you suppose that his
+imprisonment has ended? He is at this instant at sea in a convict ship on
+his way to Cayenne--untried, indeed unaccused--to die of fever, if he
+escape the horrors of the passage. Who can say how many similar cases
+there may be in this wholesale transportation? How many of those who are
+missing and are supposed to have died at the barricades, or on the
+Boulevards, may be among the transports, reserved for a more lingering
+death!'
+
+A proclamation to-day from the Prefect de Police orders all persons to
+erase from their houses the words 'Liberte,' 'Egalite,' and 'Fraternite'
+on pain of being proceeded against _administrativement_.
+
+'There are,' said Tocqueville, 'now three forms of procedure:
+_judiciairement, militairement_ and _administrativement._ Under the first
+a man is tried before a court of law, and, if his crime be grave, is
+sentenced to one or two years' imprisonment. Under the second he is tried
+before a drumhead court-martial, and shot. Under the third, without any
+trial at all, he is transported to Cayenne or Algiers.'
+
+I left Paris next day.
+
+
+[Footnote 1: I was not able to resist retaining this conversation in the
+_Journals in France_.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 2: It must be remembered that M. de Corcelle is an ardent Roman
+Catholic.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 3: This conversation was also retained in the _Journals in
+France_.--ED.]
+
+
+
+CORRESPONDENCE.
+
+
+
+Kensington, January 5, 1852.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--A private messenger has just offered himself to me,
+a Mr. Esmeade, who will return in about a fortnight.
+
+The debate on Tuesday night on the Palmerston question was very
+satisfactory to the Government. Lord John's speech was very well
+received--Lord Palmerston's very ill; and though the constitution of the
+present Ministry is so decidedly unhealthy that it is dangerous to
+predict any length of life to it, yet it looks healthier than people
+expected. It may last out the Session.
+
+The feeling with respect to Louis Napoleon is stronger, and it tends more
+to unanimity every day. The Orleans confiscation has, I think, almost too
+much weight given to it. After his other crimes the mere robbery of a
+single family, ruffian-like as it is, is a slight addition.
+
+I breakfasted with V. yesterday. He assures me that it is false that a
+demand of twenty millions, or any other pecuniary demand whatever, has
+been made in Belgium. Nor has anything been said as to the demolition of
+any fortresses, except those which were agreed to be dismantled in 1832,
+and which are unimportant.
+
+The feeling of the people in Belgium is excellent.
+
+Mr. Banfield, who has just returned from the Prussian provinces, says the
+same with respect to them--and Bunsen assures me that his Government will
+perish rather than give up a foot of ground. I feel better hopes of the
+preservation of peace.
+
+Thiers and Duvergier de Hauranne are much _fetes_, as will be the case
+with all the exiles.
+
+I have been reading Fiquelmont. He is deeply steeped in all the _betises_
+of the commercial, or rather the anti-commercial school; and holds that
+the benefit of commerce consists not, as might have been supposed, in the
+things which are imported, but in those which are exported.
+
+These follies, however, are not worth reading; but his constitutional
+theories--his belief, for instance, that Parliamentary Government is the
+curse of Europe--are curious.
+
+The last number of the 'Edinburgh Review' contains an article on Reform
+well worth reading. It is by Greg. He wrote an admirable article in, I
+think, the April number, on Alton Locke and the English Socialists, and
+has also written a book, which I began to-day, on the Creed of
+Christendom. I have long been anxious to get somebody to do what I have
+not time to do, to look impartially into the evidences of Christianity,
+and report the result. This book does it.
+
+Lord Normanby does not return to Paris, as you probably know. No
+explanation is given, but it is supposed to be in compliance with the
+President's wishes.
+
+I have just sent to the press for the 'Edinburgh Review,' an article on
+Tronson du Coudray[1] and the 18th fructidor, which you will see in the
+April number. The greater part of it was written this time last year at
+Sorrento.
+
+Gladstone has published a new Neapolitan pamphlet, which I will try to
+send you. It is said to demolish King Ferdinand.
+
+Kindest regards to Madame de Tocqueville. We hope that you will come to
+us as soon as it is safe.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+P.S. and very private.--I have seen a communication from Schwartzenberg
+to Russia and Prussia, of the 19th December, the doctrine of which is
+that Louis Napoleon has done a great service by putting down
+parliamentaryism. That in many respects he is less dangerous than the
+Orleans, or elder branch, because they have parliamentary leanings. That
+no alteration of the existing parties must be permitted--and that an
+attempt to assume an hereditary crown should be discouraged--but that
+while it shows no aggressive propensities the policy of the Continent
+ought to be to countenance him, and _isoler_ l'Angleterre, as a _foyer_
+of constitutional, that is to say, anarchical, principles.
+
+Bunsen tells me that in October his King was privately asked whether he
+was ready to destroy the Prussian Constitution--and that he peremptorily
+refused.
+
+Look at an article on the personal character of Louis Napoleon in the
+'Times' of Monday. It is by R----, much built out of my conversation and
+Z.'s letters.
+
+I have begged Mr. Esmeade to call on you--you will like him. He is a
+nephew of Sir John Moore.
+
+
+
+[2]Kensington, March 19, 1852.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--I was very glad to see your hand again--though
+there is little in French affairs on which liberals can write with
+pleasure.
+
+Ours are become very interesting. Lord John's declaration, at the meeting
+the other day in Chesham Place, that he shall introduce a larger reform,
+and surround himself with more advanced adherents, and Lord Derby's, on
+Monday, that he is opposed to all democratic innovation, appear to me to
+have changed the position of parties. The question at issue is no longer
+Free-trade or Protection. Protection is abandoned. It is dead, never to
+revive. Instead of it we are to fight for Democracy, or Aristocracy. I
+own that my sympathies are with Aristocracy: I prefer it to either
+Monarchy or Democracy. I know that it is incident to an aristocratic
+government that the highest places shall be filled by persons chosen not
+for their fitness but for their birth and connections, but I am ready to
+submit to this inconvenience for the sake of its freedom and stability.
+I had rather have Malmesbury at the Foreign Office, and Lord Derby first
+Lord of the Treasury, than Nesselrode or Metternich, appointed by a
+monarch, or Cobden or Bright, whom I suppose we should have under a
+republic. But above all, I am for the winning horse. If Democracy is to
+prevail I shall join its ranks, in the hope of making its victory less
+mischievous.
+
+I wish, however, that the contest had not been forced on. We were very
+well, before Lord John brought in his Reform Bill, which nobody called
+for, and I am not at all sure that we shall be as well after it has
+passed.
+
+As to the immediate prospects of the Ministry, the next three weeks may
+change much, but it seems probable that they will be forced to dissolve
+in April, or the beginning of May, that the new Parliament will meet in
+July, and that they will be turned out about the end of August. And that
+this time next year we shall be discussing Lord John's new Reform Bill.
+
+I doubt whether our fears of invasion are exaggerated. At this instant,
+without doubt, Louis Napoleon is thinking of nothing but the Empire; and
+is kind to Belgium, and pacific to Switzerland in the hope of our
+recognition.
+
+But I heard yesterday from Lord Hardinge that 25,000 men are at
+Cherbourg, and that 25,000 more are going there--and that a large sum is
+devoted to the navy. We know that he governs _en conspirateur_, and this
+is likely to extend to his foreign as well as his civil relations.
+
+I see a great deal of Thiers, who is very agreeable and very _triste_.
+'L'exil,' he says, 'est tres-dur.' Remusat seems to bear it more
+patiently. We hear that we are to have Cousin.
+
+What are your studies in the Bibliotheque Royale? I have begun to read
+Bastide, and intend to make the publication of my lectures on Political
+Economy my principal literary pursuit. I delivered the last on Monday.
+
+I shall pass the first fifteen days of April in Brussels, with my old
+friend Count Arrivabene, 7 Boulevard du Regent.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+
+March 25, 1852.
+
+I send you, my dear Senior, an introduction to Lamoriciere. This letter
+will be short: you know that I do not write at any length by the post.
+
+It will contain nothing but thanks for your long and interesting letter
+brought by Rivet, who returned delighted with the English in general, and
+with you in particular.
+
+I see that the disturbed state of politics occasioned by Sir Robert
+Peel's policy, is passing away, and that your political world is again
+dividing itself into the two great sects, one of which tries to narrow,
+the other to extend, the area of political power--one of which tries
+to lift you into aristocracy, the other to depress you into democracy.
+
+The political game will be simpler. I can understand better the
+conservative policy of Lord Derby than the democratic one of Lord John
+Russell. As the friends of free-trade are more numerous than those of
+democracy, I think that it would have been easier to attack the
+Government on its commercial than on its political illiberality.
+
+Then in this great nation, called Europe, similar currents of opinions
+and feelings prevail, different as may be the institutions and characters
+of its different populations. We see over the whole continent so general
+and so irresistible a reaction against democracy, and even against
+liberty, that I cannot believe that it will stop short on our side of the
+Channel; and if the Whigs become Radical, I shall not be surprised at the
+permanence in England of a Tory Government allied to foreign despots.
+
+But I ought not to talk on such matters, for I live at the bottom of a
+well, seeing nothing, and regretting that it is not sufficiently closed
+above to prevent my hearing anything. Your visions of 25,000 troops at
+Cherbourg, to be followed by 25,000 more, are mere phantoms. There is
+nothing of the kind, and there will be nothing. I speak with knowledge,
+for I come from Cherbourg. I have been attending an extraordinary meeting
+of our _Conseil general_ on the subject of a projected railway. My
+reception touched and delighted me. I was unanimously, and certainly
+freely, elected president.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+Friday evening, April 17, 1852.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--My letter is not likely to be a very amusing one,
+for I begin it on the dullest occasion and in the dullest of towns,
+namely at Ostend, while waiting for the packet-boat which is to take me
+to London.
+
+A thousand thanks for your letter to Lamoriciere. He was very kind to me,
+and I hope hereafter, in Paris or in London, to improve the acquaintance.
+
+I saw no other French in Brussels. The most interesting conversation that
+I had was with the King.
+
+I found him convinced that the decree annexing Belgium to France had been
+drawn up, and that it was the interference of Nicholas, and his
+expression of a determination not to suffer the existing temporal limits
+to be altered, that had occasioned it to be withdrawn. I am happy,
+however, to think, as you also appear to think, that your great man is
+now intent on peaceful triumphs.
+
+He would scarcely have created such a mass of speculative activity in
+France if he intended suddenly to check it by war. I hope that by the
+time Masters in Chancery are abolished, I shall find France intersected
+by a network of railroads and run from Paris to Marseilles in a day.
+
+I venture to differ from you as to the probable progress of reaction in
+England. I see no symptom of it; on the contrary, democracy seems to me
+to continue its triumphant march without a check. The Protectionists are
+in power, they take for their leader in the House of Commons a man
+without birth or connection, merely because he is a good speaker. This
+could not have been done even ten years ago. They bow to the popular will
+as to free-trade, and acknowledge that, even if they have a majority in
+the Houses of Lords and Commons, they will not venture to re-impose a
+Corn-law if the people do not ask for it. Never was such a homage paid to
+the world 'without doors.'
+
+Then Lord John says that he objects to the Ballot, because those who have
+no votes have a right to know how those who have votes use them.
+
+The example of the Continent will not affect us, or if it do affect us,
+will rather strengthen our democracy. We are not accustomed to copy, and
+shall treat the reaction in France, Austria, and Prussia rather as a
+warning than as a model.
+
+I suspect that Lord John, who, though not, I think, a very wise
+statesman, is a clever tactician, takes the same view that I do, and has
+selected Reform for his platform, believing it to be a strong one.
+
+We were delighted with Rivet, and hope that he will soon come again.
+Lamoriciere tells me that he is going to take the waters of
+_Aix-la-Chapelle_, but, if his exile continues, will probably come to
+England next year.
+
+Kindest regards to Madame de Tocqueville.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+
+Kensington, April 30, 1852.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--A thousand thanks for your letter.[3] I saw M. de
+Lamoriciere three times, and had a glimpse of Madame de L. who seemed
+very pleasing. I was delighted with his spirit and intelligence, but
+understand the criticism that he is _soldatesque_.
+
+I had a long and very interesting conversation with the King, and saw
+much of my excellent friends Arrivabene and Quetelet. But after all
+Brussels is not Paris. I was more than ever struck by the ugliness of the
+country and the provincialness of the society.
+
+I returned on April 18, sprained my ancle on the 19th, and have been on
+my back ever since. I have spent the time in looking through Fonfrede,
+who is a remarkable writer, and makes some remarkable prophecies, in
+finishing Grote's ninth and tenth volumes, in reading Kenrick's 'Ancient
+Egypt,' which is worth studying, and in reading through Horace, whom I
+find that I understand much better after my Roman experience.
+
+I differ from you as to the chances of reaction in this country. I
+believe that we are still travelling the road which you have so well
+mapped out, which leads to democracy. Our extreme _gauche_, which we call
+the Manchester School, employs its whole efforts in that direction. It
+has great energy, activity, and combination. The duties of Parliament and
+of Government have become so onerous, and the facing our democratic
+constituencies is so disagreeable, and an idle life of society,
+literature, art, and travelling has become so pleasant, that our younger
+aristocracy seem to be giving up politics, and hence you hear the
+universal complaint that there are no young men of promise in public
+life.
+
+The House of Commons is full of middle-aged lawyers, merchants,
+manufacturers, and country-gentlemen, who take to politics late in life,
+without the early special training which fitted for it the last
+generation.
+
+I fear that the time may come when to be in the House of Commons may be
+thought a bore, a somewhat vulgar spouting club, like the Marylebone
+Vestry, or the City of London Common Council.
+
+I do not know whether Lord Derby has gained much in the last four months,
+but Lord John has certainly lost. His Reform Bill was a very crude
+_gachis,_ without principle, and I think very mischievous. I ventured to
+say nearly as much to Lord Lansdowne, who sat by my sofa for an hour on
+Sunday, and he did not take up its defence. Then his opposition to the
+present Ministry has been factious, and to punish him, he was left the
+other day in a minority of fifty per cent. People begin now to speculate
+on the possibility of Lord Derby's reconstructing his minority on rather
+a larger basis, and maintaining himself for three or four years; which,
+in these times, is a good old age for a Minister. One admirable result of
+these changes is the death of Protection. Those who defended it in
+opposition are found to abandon it now they are in power. So it has not a
+friend left.
+
+Pray send me word, by yourself or by Mrs. Grote, when you leave Paris. My
+vacation begins on May 8, but I shall not move unless I recover the use
+of my legs, nor then I think, if I find that you will be absent.
+
+Kindest regards to Madame de Tocqueville.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+
+Paris, November 13, 1852.
+
+I am unlucky, my dear Senior, about your letters of introduction. You
+know how much I have wished and tried to make the acquaintance of Lord
+and Lady Ashburton, but without success. I should also, I am sure, have
+had great pleasure in meeting Mr. Greg.
+
+This time I was prevented by ill health.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Two or three months ago, I wrote to you from the country a letter which
+was addressed to Kensington. Did you receive it? and if so, why have you
+not answered it?
+
+I wrote upon politics, but especially I asked you about yourselves, your
+occupations and projects, some questions to which I was very anxious to
+have answers. At any rate, do now what you ought to have done then--write
+to me.
+
+I do not now write about politics, because we do not talk, or at least
+write about them in France any more than in Naples; besides, such
+subjects are not suitable to an invalid.
+
+I will only tell you, as important and authentic pieces of information,
+that the new court ladies have taken to trains and little pages, and that
+the new courtiers hunt the stag with their master in the Forest of
+Fontainebleau in dresses of the time of Louis XIV. and cocked hats.
+
+Good-bye! Heaven preserve you from the mistakes which lead to
+revolutions, and from the revolutions which lead to masquerades. A
+thousand kind regards.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+London, December 4, 1852.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--Your letter of November 13 is, I think, the first
+that I have received from you since March.
+
+That which you addressed to me at Kensington, two months ago, did not
+reach me. I have written to you one or two; I do not know with what
+success.
+
+I grieve to hear of rheumatism and pleurisy. You say nothing of Madame de
+Tocqueville, whence I hope that I may infer that she, at least, is well.
+
+We have all been flourishing. We passed the vacation in Wales and
+Ireland, and brought back a curious journal,[4] which I hope to send or
+bring to you.
+
+I do not think that I shall venture to Paris at Christmas, though Ellice
+and Thiers are trying to persuade me. I have too vivid a recollection of
+the fog, cold, and dirt of last year; but I fully resolve to be with you
+at Easter--that is, about March 24.
+
+The present Government, with all its want of principle and truth, and
+with all its want of experience, is doing much better than I expected.
+
+The law reforms are far bolder than any that _my_ friends ever proposed,
+and the budget, which was brought forward last night, contains more that
+is good, and less that is bad, than was hoped or feared.
+
+Its worst portion is the abolition of half the malt tax, which leaves all
+the expense of collection undiminished, besides being a removal of a tax
+on a luxury which I do not wish to see cheaper. It is probable, however,
+that the doubling of the house tax will be rejected, in which case
+Disraeli will probably retain the malt tax, and the budget will sink into
+a commonplace one.
+
+The removal of certain burdens on navigation and the change in the income
+tax are thought good, and generally the Government has gained by the
+budget. I am now inclined to think that it may last for some months
+longer--perhaps for some years.
+
+In the meantime we are in a state of great prosperity: high wages, great
+accumulation of capital, low prices of consumable articles, and high
+prices of stocks and land.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+
+February 27, 1853.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--I profit by Sir H. Ellis's visit to write, not
+venturing to trust the post.
+
+We are grieved to hear that both you and Madame de Tocqueville have been
+suffering. _We_ have borne this disagreeable winter better than perhaps
+we had a right to expect; but still we have suffered.
+
+Mrs. Grote tells me that you rather complain that the English newspapers
+approve of the marriage;[5] a marriage which you all disapprove.
+
+The fact is that we like the marriage precisely because you dislike it.
+We are above all things desirous that the present tyranny should end as
+quickly as possible. It can end only by the general alienation of the
+French people from the tyrant; and every fault that he commits delights
+us, because it is a step towards his fall. To say the truth, I wonder
+that you do not take the same view, and rejoice over his follies as
+leading to his destruction.
+
+Our new Government is going on well as yet. As the Opposition has turned
+law reformers, we expect law reform to go on as rapidly as is consistent
+with the slowly-innovating temper of the English. Large measures
+respecting charities, education, secondary punishments, and the transfer
+of land are in preparation, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer is at
+work on the difficult--I suspect the insoluble--problem of an equitable
+income tax. I foresee, however, a rock ahead.
+
+This is reform of the constituencies. Lord John Russell, very sillily,
+promised two years ago a new Reform Bill.
+
+Still more sillily he introduced one last year, and was deservedly turned
+out for it.
+
+Still more sillily the present Government has accepted his
+responsibility, and is pledged to bring in a measure of reform next year.
+
+I have been trying to persuade them to pave the way by a Commission of
+Inquiry, being certain that the facts on which we ought to agitate are
+imperfectly known. But Lord John is unfavourable, and the other Ministers
+do not venture to control the leader of the House of Commons. There will,
+therefore, be no previous inquiry; at least only the indirect one which
+the Government can make for itself. The measure will be concocted in
+secrecy, will be found open to unforeseen objections; it will be thrown
+out in the House, and will excite no enthusiasm in the country. If the
+Government dissolve, the new Parliament will probably be still more
+opposed to it than the present Parliament will be; and the Government,
+being beaten again, will resign.
+
+Such is my prophecy.
+
+_Prenez en acte_, and we will talk it over in May 1854.
+
+I hope to be in Paris either for the Easter or for the Whitsun
+vacation--that is, either about the 24th of March or the 5th of May
+next--and I trust to find you and Madame de Tocqueville, if not quite
+flourishing, at least quite convalescent.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+[Footnote 1: Republished in the _Biographical Sketches_. Longmans:
+1863.--ED.]
+
+
+[Footnote 2: The letter to which this is an answer is not to be
+found,--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 3: This letter is not to be found.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Published in 1868.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 5: That of the Emperor.--ED.]
+
+
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS.
+
+_Paris, May_ 9,1853.--I drank tea with the Tocquevilles. Neither of them
+is well.
+
+In February they were caught, on their journey from Tocqueville to Paris,
+by the bitter weather of the beginning of that month. It produced
+rheumatism and then pleurisy with him, and inflammation of the bowels
+with her; and both are still suffering from the effects either of the
+disorder or of the remedies.
+
+In the summer Paris will be too hot and Tocqueville too damp. So they
+have taken a small house at St. Cyr, about a mile from Tours, where they
+hope for a tolerable climate, easy access to Paris, and the use of the
+fine library of the cathedral. He entered eagerly on the Eastern
+question, and agreed on all points with Faucher; admitted the folly and
+rashness of the French, but deplored the over-caution which had led us to
+refuse interference, at least effectual interference, and to allow
+Turkey to sink into virtual subservience to Russia.
+
+_Paris, Tuesday, May_ 17.--Tocqueville and I stood on my balcony, and
+looked along the Rue de Rivoli and the Place de la Concorde, swarming
+with equipages, and on the well-dressed crowds in the gardens below. From
+the height in which we were placed all those apparently small objects, in
+incessant movement, looked like a gigantic ant-hill disturbed.
+
+'I never,' said Tocqueville, 'have known Paris so animated or apparently
+so prosperous. Much is to be attributed to the saving of the four
+previous years. The parsimony of the Parisians ended in 1850; but the
+parsimony of the provinces, always great, and in unsettled times carried
+to actual avarice, lasted during the whole of the Republic. Commercial
+persons tell me that the arrival of capital which comes up for investment
+from the provinces deranges all their calculations. It is like the sudden
+burst of vegetation which you have seen during the last week. We have
+passed suddenly from winter to summer.
+
+'I own,' he continued, 'that it fills me with alarm. Among the
+innumerable schemes that are afloat, some must be ill-founded, some must
+be swelled beyond their proper dimensions, and some may be mere swindles.
+The city of Paris and the Government are spending 150,000,000_l_. in
+building in Paris. This is almost as much as the fortifications cost. It
+has always been said, and I believe with truth, that the revolutionary
+army of 1848 was mainly recruited from the 40,000 additional workmen whom
+the fortifications attracted from the country, and left without
+employment when they were finished. When this enormous extra-expenditure
+is over, when the Louvre, and the new rue de Rivoli, and the Halles, and
+the street that is to run from the Hotel de Ville to the northern
+boundary of Paris, are completed--that is to say, when a city has been
+built out of public money in two or three years--what will become of the
+mass of discharged workmen?
+
+'What will become of those on the railways if they are suddenly stopped,
+as yours were in 1846? What will be the shock if the Credit Foncier or
+the Credit Mobilier fail, after having borrowed each its milliard?
+Everything seems to me to be preparing for one of your panics, and the
+Government has so identified itself with the state of prosperity and
+state of credit of the country that a panic must produce a revolution.
+The Government claims the merit of all that is good, and of course is
+held responsible for all that is bad. If we were to have a bad harvest,
+it would be laid to the charge of the Emperor.
+
+'Of course,' he continued, 'I do not desire the perpetuation of the
+present tyranny. Its duration as a dynasty I believe to be absolutely
+impossible, except in one improbable contingency--a successful war.
+
+'But though, I repeat, I do not desire or expect the permanence of the
+Empire, I do not wish for its immediate destruction, before we are
+prepared with a substitute. The agents which are undermining it are
+sufficiently powerful and sufficiently active to occasion its fall quite
+as soon as we ought to wish for that fall.'
+
+'And what,' I said, 'are those agents?'
+
+'The principal agents,' he answered, 'are violence in the provinces and
+corruption in Paris. Since the first outbreak there has not been much
+violence in Paris. You must have observed that freedom of speech is
+universal. In every private society, and even in every _cafe_ hatred or
+contempt of the Government are the main topics of conversation. We are
+too numerous to be attacked. But in the provinces you will find perfect
+silence. Anyone who whispers a word against the Emperor may be
+imprisoned, or perhaps transported. The prefects are empowered by one of
+the decrees made immediately after the _coup d'etat_ to dissolve any
+Conseil communal in which there is the least appearance of disaffection,
+and to nominate three persons to administer the commune. In many cases
+this has been done, and I could point out to you several communes
+governed by the prefect's nominees who cannot read. In time, of course,
+tyranny will produce corruption; but it has not yet prevailed extensively
+in the country, and the cause which now tends to depopularise him _there_
+is arbitrary violence exercised against those whom his agents suppose to
+be their enemies.
+
+'On the other hand, what is ruining him in Paris is not violence, but
+corruption.
+
+'The French are not like the Americans; they have no sympathy with
+smartness. Nothing so much excites their disgust as _friponnerie_. The
+main cause that overthrew Louis Philippe was the belief that he and his
+were _fripons_--that the representatives bought the electors, that the
+Minister bought the representatives, and that the King bought the
+Minister.
+
+'Now, no corruption that ever prevailed in the worst periods of Louis
+XV., nothing that was done by La Pompadour or the Du Barry resembles what
+is going on now. Duchatel, whose organs are not over-acute, tells me that
+he shudders at what is forced on his notice. The perfect absence of
+publicity, the silence of the press and of the tribune, and even of the
+bar--for no speeches, except on the most trivial subjects, are allowed to
+be reported--give full room for conversational exaggeration. Bad as
+things are, they are made still worse. Now this we cannot bear. It hurts
+our strongest passion--our vanity. We feel that we are _exploites_ by
+Persigny, Fould, and Abbattucci, and a swarm of other adventurers. The
+injury might be tolerated, but not the disgrace.
+
+'Every Government in France has a tendency to become unpopular as it
+continues. If you were to go down into the street, and inquire into the
+politics of the first hundred persons whom you met, you would find some
+Socialists, some Republicans, some Orleanists, &c., but you would find no
+Louis Napoleonists. Not a voice would utter his name without some
+expression of contempt or detestation, but principally of contempt.
+
+'If then things take their course--if no accident, such as a fever or a
+pistol-shot, cut him off--public indignation will spread from Paris to
+the country, his unpopularity will extend from the people to the army,
+and then the first street riot will be enough to overthrow him.'
+
+'And what power,' I said, 'will start up in his place?'
+
+'I trust,' answered Tocqueville, 'that the reins will be seized by the
+Senate. Those who have accepted seats in it excuse themselves by saying,
+"A time may come when we shall be wanted." Probably the Corps Legislatif
+will join them; and it seems to me clear that the course which such
+bodies will take must be the proclamation of Henri V.'
+
+'But what,' I said, 'would be the consequences of the pistol-shot or the
+fever?'
+
+'The immediate consequence,' answered Tocqueville, 'would be the
+installation of his successor. Jerome would go to the Tuileries as easily
+as Charles X. did, but it would precipitate the end. We might bear Louis
+Napoleon for four or five years, or Jerome for four or five months.'
+
+'It has been thought possible,' I said, 'that in the event of the Jerome
+dynasty being overset by a military revolution, it might be followed by a
+military usurpation; that Nero might be succeeded by Galba.'
+
+'That,' said Tocqueville, 'is one of the few things which I hold to be
+impossible. Nero may be followed by another attempt at a Republic, but if
+any individual is to succeed him it must be a prince. _Mere_ personal
+distinction, at least such as is within the bounds of real possibility,
+will not give the sceptre of France. It will be seized by no one who
+cannot pretend to an hereditary claim.
+
+'What I fear,' continued Tocqueville, 'is that when this man feels the
+ground crumbling under him, he will try the resource of war. It will be a
+most dangerous experiment. Defeat, or even the alternation of success and
+failure, which is the ordinary course of war, would be fatal to him; but
+brilliant success might, as I have said before, establish him. It would
+be playing double or quits. He is by nature a gambler. His
+self-confidence, his reliance, not only on himself, but on his fortune,
+exceeds even that of his uncle. He believes himself to have a great
+military genius. He certainly planned war a year ago. I do not believe
+that he has abandoned it now, though the general feeling of the country
+forces him to suspend it. That feeling, however, he might overcome; he
+might so contrive as to appear to be forced into hostilities; and such is
+the intoxicating effect of military glory, that the Government which
+would give us _that_ would be pardoned, whatever were its defects or its
+crimes.
+
+'It is your business, and that of Belgium, to put yourselves into such a
+state of defence as to force him to make his spring on Italy. There he
+can do you little harm. But to us Frenchmen the consequences of war
+_must_ be calamitous. If we fail, they are national loss and humiliation.
+If we succeed, they are slavery.'
+
+'Of course,' I said, 'the corruption that infects the civil service must
+in time extend to the army, and make it less fit for service.
+
+'Of course it must,' answered Tocqueville. 'It will extend still sooner
+to the navy? The _materiel_ of a force is more easily injured by jobbing
+than the _personnel_. And in the navy the _materiel_ is the principal.
+
+'Our naval strength has never been in proportion to our naval
+expenditure, and is likely to be less and less so every year, at least
+during every year of the _regne des fripons_.'
+
+_Tuesday, May_ 24.--I breakfasted with Sir Henry Ellis and then went to
+Tocqueville's.
+
+I found there an elderly man, who did not remain long.
+
+When he went, Tocqueville said, 'That is one of our provincial prefects.
+He has been describing to us the state of public feeling in the South.
+Contempt for the present Government, he tells us, is spreading there from
+its headquarters, Paris.
+
+'If the Corps Legislatif is dissolved, he expects the Opposition to
+obtain a majority in the new House.
+
+'This,' continued Tocqueville, 'is a state of things with which Louis
+Napoleon is not fit to cope. Opposition makes him furious, particularly
+Parliamentary opposition. His first impulse will be to go a step further
+in imitation of his uncle, and abolish the Corps Legislatif, as Napoleon
+did the Tribunat.
+
+'But nearly half a century of Parliamentary life has made the French of
+1853 as different from those of 1803 as the nephew is from his uncle.
+
+'He will scarcely risk another _coup d'etat_; and the only legal mode of
+abolishing, or even modifying, the Corps Legislatif is by a plebiscite
+submitted by ballot to universal suffrage.
+
+'Will he venture on this? And if he do venture, will he succeed? If he
+fail, will he not sink into a constitutional sovereign, controlled by an
+Assembly far more unmanageable than we deputies were, as the Ministers
+are excluded from it?'
+
+'Will he not rather,' I said, 'sink into an exile?'
+
+'That is my hope,' said Tocqueville, 'but I do not expect it quite so
+soon as Thiers does,'
+
+
+
+CORRESPONDENCE.
+
+St. Cyr, July 2, 1853.
+
+I am not going to talk to you, my dear Senior, about the Emperor, or the
+Empress, or any of the august members of the Imperial Family; nor of the
+Ministers, nor of any other public functionaries, because I am a
+well-disposed subject who does not wish that the perusal of his letters
+should give pain to his Government. I shall write to you upon an
+historical problem, and discuss with you events which happened five
+hundred years ago. There could not be a more innocent subject.
+
+I have followed your advice, and I have read, or rather re-read,
+Blackstone. I studied him twenty years ago. Each time he has made upon me
+the same impression. Now, as then, I have ventured to consider him (if
+one may say so without blasphemy) an inferior writer, without liberality
+of mind or depth of judgment; in short, a commentator and a lawyer, not
+what _we_ understand by the words _jurisconsulte_ and _publiciste_. He
+has, too, in a degree which is sometimes amusing, a mania for admiring
+all that was done in ancient times, and for attributing to them all that
+is good in his own. I am inclined to think that, if he had had to write,
+not on the institutions, but on the products of England, he would have
+discovered that beer was first made from grapes, and that the hop is a
+fruit of the vine--rather a degenerate product, it is true, of the wisdom
+of our ancestors, but as such worthy of respect. It is impossible to
+imagine an excess more opposite to that of his contemporaries in France,
+for whom it was enough that a thing was old for it to be bad. But enough
+of Blackstone; he must make way for what I really want to say to you.
+
+In comparing the feudal institutions in England in the period immediately
+after the conquest with those of France, you find between them, not only
+an analogy, but a perfect resemblance, much greater than Blackstone seems
+to think, or, at any rate, chooses to say. In reality, the system in the
+two countries is identical. In France, and over the whole Continent, this
+system produced a caste; in England, an aristocracy. How is it that the
+word _gentleman_, which in our language denotes a mere superiority of
+blood, with you is now used to express a certain social position, and
+amount of education, independent of birth; so that in two countries the
+same word, though the sound remains the same, has entirely changed its
+meaning? When did this revolution take place? How, and through what
+transitions? Have no books ever treated of this subject in England? Have
+none of your great writers, philosophers, politicians, or historians,
+ever noticed this characteristic and pregnant fact, tried to account for
+it, and to explain it?
+
+If I had the honour of a personal acquaintance with Mr. Macaulay, I
+should venture to write to ask him these questions. In the excellent
+history which he is now publishing he alludes to this fact, but he does
+not try to explain it. And yet, as I have said before, there is none more
+pregnant, nor containing within it so good an explanation of the
+difference between the history of England and that of the other feudal
+nations in Europe. If you should meet Mr. Macaulay, I beg you to ask him,
+with much respect, to solve these questions for me. But tell me what you
+yourself think, and if any other eminent writers have treated this
+subject.
+
+You must think me, my dear friend, very tiresome with all these questions
+and dissertations; but of what else can I speak? I pass here the life of
+a Benedictine monk, seeing absolutely no one, and writing whenever I am
+not walking. I expect this cloistered life to do a great deal of good
+both to my mind and body. Do not think that in my convent I forget my
+friends. My wife and I constantly talk of them, and especially of you and
+of our dear Mrs. Grote. I am reading your MSS.,[1] which interest and
+amuse me extremely. They are my relaxation. I have promised Beaumont to
+send them to him as soon as I have finished them.
+
+
+St. Cyr, December 8, 1853.
+
+I must absolutely write to you to-day, my dear Senior. I have long been
+wishing to do so, but have been deterred by the annoyance I feel at not
+being able to discuss with you a thousand subjects as interesting to you
+as they are to me, but which one cannot mention in a letter; for letters
+are now less secret than ever, and to insist upon writing politics to our
+friends is equivalent to their not hearing from us at all. But I may, at
+any rate, without making the police uneasy, assure you of the great
+pleasure with which we heard that you intended paying us a little visit
+next month.
+
+There is an excellent hotel at Tours, where you will find good
+apartments; for the rest, I hope that you will make our house your inn.
+We are near enough to Tours for me to walk there and back, and we
+regulate our clocks by the striking of theirs; so you see that it is
+difficult to be nearer.
+
+I think that it is a capital idea of yours to visit French Africa. The
+country is curious in itself, also on account of the contrasts afforded
+by the different populations which spread over the land without ever
+mixing.
+
+You will find them materials for some of those excellent and interesting
+articles which you write so well. When you come I shall be able to give
+you some useful information, for I have devoted much attention to
+Algiers. I have here a long report which I drew up for the Chamber in
+1846, which may give you some valuable ideas, though things have
+considerably changed since that time.
+
+Kind remembrances, &c.,
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+[The following are some more of Mrs. Grote's interesting notes. She
+preceded Mr. Senior at St. Cyr.--ED.]
+
+The notes relating to St. Cyr are memoranda of various conversations
+which I enjoyed during a stay of some ten days or so at Tours, in
+February 1854, with Monsieur Alexis de Tocqueville. I occupied an
+apartment in the hotel at Tours, and on almost every day passed some
+hours in the company of this interesting friend, who at this time lived
+at St. Cyr, in a commodious country-house having its garden, &c, which he
+rented. I drove out to dine there frequently, and M. de Tocqueville
+walked over on the intervening days and stayed an hour or two at the
+hotel with me talking incessantly.--H.G.
+
+_St. Cyr, February_ 13, 1854,--The French allow no author to have a claim
+to the highest rank unless he joins the perfection of style with the
+instructiveness of his matter. Only four first-rate writers in the
+eighteenth century--_grands ecrivains, comme grands penseurs originaux;_
+these being Montesquieu, Voltaire, J.J. Rousseau, and Buffon. Helvetius
+not _en premiere ligne_, because his _forme_ was not up to the mark.
+Alexis himself is often hung up for days together, having the thoughts,
+yet not hitting off the 'phrases' in a way to satisfy his critical ear as
+to style.
+
+Thinks that when a man is capable of originating a _belle pensee_, he
+ought to be also capable of clothing that thought in felicitous language.
+
+Thinks that a torpid state of political life is unfavourable to
+intellectual product in general.
+
+I instanced the case of Louis XIV. as contradicting this. Not admitted by
+Tocqueville. The civil wars of Louis XIV.'s reign had engendered
+considerable activity in the minds of the educated class. This activity
+generated speculation and scientific inquiry in all the departments of
+human thoughts. Abstract ideas became the field on which thinkers
+occupied themselves. No _practical_ outlet under despotism, but a certain
+social fermentation nevertheless existing, and the want of making itself
+a vent impelled intellectual life and writings. I instanced Louis XV. 'At
+least,' I said, 'the torpor of political life was become yet more a
+habit,' 'Yes,' said Alexis, 'but then there was the principle of
+discontent very widely diffused, which was the germ of the revolution of
+1789. This restless, disaffected state of the national mind gave birth to
+some new forms of intellectual product, tending to rather more distinct
+practical results, which filtered down among the middle classes, and
+became the objects of their desires and projects.' Rousseau and Voltaire
+eminently serviceable in leading the public sentiment towards the middle
+of the eighteenth century.
+
+English writers and statesmen having always enjoyed the power of applying
+their minds to actual circumstances, and of appealing through a free
+press and free speech also to the public of their day, have never
+addressed themselves, as French philosophers did, to the cultivation of
+abstract speculations and general theories. Here and there a writer has
+been thrown, by his individual tastes and turn of thought, upon the study
+of political philosophy; but the Englishman, taken as a public writer,
+commonly addresses himself to practical legislation rather than to
+recondite studies or logical analysis and investigation of the relations
+between mankind and their regulations under authorised powers. Since Lord
+Bacon there have been few, excepting in our later times Mill, Bentham,
+and his disciples, who have explored the metaphysics of jurisprudence and
+moral science in England. Hume dealt in the philosophic treatment of
+political subjects, but did not work them up into anything like a
+coherent system. English are not fond of generalities, but get on by
+their instincts, bit by bit, as need arises.
+
+Alexis thinks that the writers of the period antecedent to the revolution
+of 1789 were quite as much _thrown up by_ the condition of public
+sentiment as they were the exciters of it. Nothing _comprehensive_, in
+matters of social arrangement, can be effected under a state of things
+like that of England; so easy there for a peculiar grievance to get
+heard, so easy for a local or class interest to obtain redress against
+any form of injustice, that legislation _must_ be 'patching.' Next to
+impossible to reorganise a community without a revolution.
+
+Alexis has been at work for about a year in _rummaging_ amid archives,
+partly in those of the capital, partly in those of the Touraine. In this
+last town a complete collection is contained of the records of the old
+'Intendance,' under which several provinces were governed. Nothing short
+of a continuous and laborious poring over the details of Government
+furnished by these invaluable _paperasses_ could possibly enable a
+student of the past century to frame to himself any clear conception of
+the working of the social relations and authorities in old France. There
+exists no such tableau. The manners of the higher classes and their daily
+life and habits are well portrayed in heaps of memoirs, and even pretty
+well understood by our contemporaries. But the whole structure of
+society, in its relations with the authorised agents of supreme power,
+including the pressure of those secondary obligations arising out of
+_coutumes du pays_, is so little understood as to be scarcely available
+to a general comprehension of the old French world before 1789.
+
+Alexis says that the reason why the great upheaving of that period has
+never been to this day sufficiently appreciated, never sufficiently
+explained, is because the actual living hideousness of the social details
+and relations of that period, seen from the points of view of a
+penetrating contemporary looker-on, has never yet been depicted in
+true colours and with minute particulars. After having dived into the
+social history of that century, as I have stated, his conviction is that
+it was impossible that the revolution of 1789 should _not_ burst out.
+Cause and effect were never more irrevocably associated than in this
+terrible case. Nothing but the compulsory idleness and obscurity into
+which Alexis has been thrown since December 1851 would have put even him
+upon the researches in question. Few perhaps could have addressed
+themselves to the task with such remarkable powers of interpretation, and
+with such talents for exploring the connection between thought and action
+as he is endowed with. Also he is singularly exempt from aristocratical
+prejudices, and quite capable of sympathising with popular feeling,
+though naturally not partial to democracy.
+
+_February_ 15.--De Tocqueville came down in close carriage and sat an
+hour and a half by fireside. Weather horrible. Talked of La Marck's book
+on Mirabeau;[2] said that the line Mirabeau pursued was perfectly well
+known to Frenchmen prior to the appearance of La Marck's book; but that
+the actual details were of course a new revelation, and highly valued
+accordingly. Asked what we thought of it in England. I told him the
+leading impression made by the book was the clear perception of the
+impossibility of effecting any good or coming to terms in any manner of
+way of the revolutionary leaders with such a Court. That we also had long
+suspected Mirabeau of being what he was now proved to have been--a man
+who, imbued though he was with the spirit of revolutionary action and the
+conviction of the rightfulness of demanding prodigious changes, yet who
+would willingly have directed the monarch in a method of warding off the
+terrible consequences of the storm, and who would, if the Court had
+confided to his hands the task of conciliating the popular feelings, have
+perhaps preserved the forms of monarchy while affording the requisite
+concessions to the national demands. But the Court was so steeped in the
+old sentiment of divine right, and moreover so distrustful of Mirabeau's
+honour and sagacity (the more so as he was insatiable in his pecuniary
+requisitions), that they would never place their cause frankly in his
+hands, nor indeed in anyone else's who was capable of discerning their
+best interests. Lafayette was regarded as an enemy almost (and was
+'jaloused' by Mirabeau as being so popular) on account of his popular
+sympathies. De Tocqueville said that so diffused was the spirit of
+revolution at the period preceding the convocation of the Etats-generaux,
+that the elder Mirabeau, who was a very clever and original-minded man,
+though strongly tinctured with the old feudal prejudices, nevertheless
+let the fact be seen in the clearest manner in his own writings. He wrote
+many tracts on public topics, and De Tocqueville says that the tone in
+which Mirabeau (_pere_) handles these proves that he was perfectly
+cognisant of the universal spread of revolutionary opinions, and even in
+some degree influenced by them in his own person. Mirabeau (the son) was
+so aware of the absolute necessity of proclaiming himself emancipated
+from the old feudalities, that, among other extravagances of his conduct,
+he started as a shopkeeper at Marseilles for some time, by way of
+fraternizing with the _bourgeoisie; afficheing_ his liberalism. De
+Tocqueville quoted Napoleon as saying in one of his conversations at St.
+Helena that he had been a spectator _from a window_ of the scene at the
+Tuileries, on the famous August 10, 1792, and that it was his conviction
+(Napoleon's) that, even at that stage, the revolution might have been
+averted--at least, the furious character of it might have been turned
+aside--by judicious modes of negotiation on the part of the King's
+advisers. De Tocqueville does not concur in Napoleon's opinion.
+'Cahiers,' published 1789, contain the whole body of instructions
+supplied to their respective delegates by the _trois etats (clerge,
+noblesse, et Tiers Etat_), on assembling in convocation. Of this entire
+and voluminous collection (which is deposited in the archives of France)
+three volumes of extracts are to be bought which were a kind of _redige_
+of the larger body of documents. In these three volumes De Tocqueville
+mentioned, one may trace the course of the public sentiment with perfect
+clearness. Each class demanded a large instalment of constitutional
+securities; the nobles perhaps demanded the largest amount of all the
+three. Nothing could be more thoroughgoing than the requisitions which
+the body of the _noblesse_ charged their delegates to enforce in the
+Assembly of the Etats-generaux--'egalisations des charges (taxation),
+responsabilite des ministres, independance des tribunaux, liberte de la
+personne, garantie de la propriete contre la couronne,' a balance-sheet
+annually of the public expenses and public revenue, and, in fact, all the
+salient privileges necessary in order to enfranchise a community weary of
+despotism. The clergy asked for what they wanted with equal resolution,
+and the _bourgeoisie_ likewise; but what the nobles were instructed to
+demand was the boldest of all. We talked of the letters of the writers of
+the eighteenth century, and of the correspondence of various eminent men
+and women with David Hume, which Mr. Hill Burton has published in a
+supplementary volume in addition to those comprised in his life of David
+Hume, and which I have with me. I said that the works of Hume being
+freely printed and circulated caused great pleasure to the French men of
+letters, mingled with envy at the facility enjoyed by the Englishman of
+publishing anything he chose; the French writers being debarred, owing to
+the importunity of the clergy with Louis XV., from publishing freely
+their works in France, and only managing to get themselves printed by
+employing printers at the Hague, Amsterdam, and other towns beyond the
+limits of the kingdom. To my surprise, De Tocqueville replied that this
+disability, so far from proving disadvantageous to the _esprits forts_ of
+the period, and the encyclopaedic school, was a source of gain to them in
+every respect. Every book or tract which bore the stamp of being printed
+at the Hague or elsewhere, _out of France_, was speedily caught up and
+devoured. It was a passport to success. Everyone knowing that, since it
+was printed there, it must be of a nature to give offence to the ruling
+powers, and especially to the priesthood, and as such, all who were
+imbued with the new opinions were sure to run after books bearing this
+certificate of merit. De Tocqueville said that the _savans_ of 1760-1789
+would not have printed in France, had they been free to do so, at the
+period immediately preceding the accession of Louis XVI.
+
+Talked of Lafayette: said he was as great as pure, good intentions and
+noble instincts could make a man; but that he was _d'un esprit mediocre_,
+and utterly at a loss how to turn affairs to profit at critical
+junctures--never knew what was coming, no political foresight. Mistake in
+putting Louis Philippe on the throne _sans garantie_ in 1830; misled by
+his own disinterested character to think better of public men than he
+ought to have done. Great personal integrity shown by Lafayette during
+the Empire, and under the Restoration: not to be cajoled by any monarch.
+
+_February_ 16.--The current fallacy of Napoleon having made the important
+alterations in the laws of France. All the eminent new enactments
+originated in the Constituent Assembly, only that they set to work in
+such sledgehammer fashion, that the carrying out their work became
+extremely troublesome and difficult. Too abstract in their notions to
+estimate difficulties of detail in changing the framework of
+jurisprudence. De Tocqueville said philosophers must always originate
+laws, but men used to active practical life ought to undertake to direct
+the transition from old to new arrangements. The Constituent Assembly did
+prodigious things in the way of clearing the ground of past abominations.
+Napoleon had the talent of making their work take effect; understood
+administrative science, but rendered the centralising principle far too
+predominant, in the view to consolidate his own power afterwards. France
+has felt this, to her cost, ever since.
+
+Habit formerly (i.e. 300 years back) as prevalent in France as it is in
+England of gentlemen of moderate fortune residing wholly or by far the
+greater part of the year on their estates. They ceased to do so from
+the time when the sovereign took from them all local authority, from the
+fifteenth century or so. The French country-houses were excessively
+thickly dotted over the land even up to the year 1600; quantities pulled
+down after that period. Country life becoming flat after the gentlemen
+ceased to be of importance in their political relations with their
+districts, they gave up rural habits and took to living in the provincial
+towns.
+
+De Tocqueville had many conversations with M. Royer Collard respecting
+the events of 1789. Difficult to get much out of men of our period
+relative to their own early manhood. His own father (now 82) much less
+capable of communicating details of former _regime_ than might have been
+supposed. Because, says De Tocqueville, youths of eighteen to twenty
+hardly ever possess the faculty or the inclination to note social
+peculiarities. They accept what they find going, and scarcely give a
+thought to the contemplation of what is familiar to them and of every
+day's experience. Royer Collard was a man of superior mind: had a great
+deal to relate. De Tocqueville used to pump him whenever an opportunity
+occurred. Knew Danton well, used to discuss political affairs with him.
+When revolution was fairly launched, saw him occasionally. Danton was
+venal to the last degree; received money from the Court over and over
+again; 'agitated,' and was again sopped by the agents of Marie
+Antoinette. When matters grew formidable (in 1791) Royer Collard was
+himself induced to become an agent or go-between of the Court for buying
+up Danton. He sought an opportunity, and after some prefatory
+conversations Royer Collard led Danton to the point. 'No,' said Danton,
+'I cannot listen to any such suggestions now. Times are altered. It is
+too late. 'Nous le detronerons et puis nous le tuerons,' added he in an
+emphatic tone. Royer Collard of course gave up the hope of succeeding.
+
+Danton's passion for a young girl, whom he married, became his ruin.
+While he was honeymooning it by some river's margin, Robespierre got the
+upper hand in the Assembly, and caused him to be seized--_mis en
+jugement_--and soon afterwards guillotined. The woman did not know, it is
+affirmed, that it was Danton who set the massacres of 1792 agoing; she
+thought him a good-hearted man. He set all his personal enemies free out
+of their prisons prior to the commencement of the massacres; wishing to
+be able to boast of having spared his enemies, as a proof that he was
+actuated by no ignoble vengeance, but only by a patriotic impulse. He
+was a low, mean-souled fanatic, who had no clear conception of what he
+was aiming at, but who delighted in the horrid excitement prevailing
+around him. It was Tallien who had the chief share in the deposition of
+Robespierre and the transactions of the 9th thermidor. Madame Tallien was
+then in prison, and going to be executed in a few days (she was not yet
+married to Tallien then). She wrote, by stealth of course, a few emphatic
+words, with a toothpick and soot wetted, to Tallien which nerved him to
+the conflict, and she was saved. Talleyrand told De Tocqueville she was
+beyond everything captivating, beautiful, and interesting. She afterwards
+became the mistress of Barras, and finally married the Prince de Chimay.
+
+De Tocqueville has been at Vore, Helvetius' chateau in La Perche--a fine
+place, and Helvetius lived _en seigneur_ there. A grand-daughter of
+Helvetius married M. de Rochambeau, uncle, by mother's side, of Alexis:
+so that the great-grandchildren are De Tocqueville's first cousins.
+
+In the 'Souvenirs' of M. Berryer (_pere_) he describes the scene of the
+9th thermidor, in which he was actively concerned in the interest of the
+Convention, and saw Robespierre borne past him with his shattered jaw
+along the Quai Pelletier. Also went to the terrace of the Tuileries
+gardens to assure himself that Robespierre was really executed the next
+day; heard the execrations and shouts which attended his last moments,
+but did not stay to witness them. Release of the Duchess of St. Aignan,
+under sentence of death, by his father.
+
+_February_ 18.--A. de Tocqueville came to see me, and we walked out for
+half-an-hour. He said he had now spent over eight months in a seclusion
+such as he had never experienced in his whole life. That, partly his
+own debilitated health, partly the impaired state of his wife's general
+powers (nervous system inclusive), partly the extreme aversion he felt
+for public affairs and the topics of the day connected with politics; all
+these considerations had determined him upon withdrawing himself from
+society for a certain space, and _that_ to a considerable distance from
+all his friends and relations. A physician, also of widely extended fame
+(Dr. Brittonneau), happening to reside close to where they have lodged
+themselves, formed an additional link in the chain of motives for
+settling themselves at Tours. M. de Tocqueville had some misgivings at
+first as to whether, after passing twenty years in active public life,
+and in the frequent society of men who occupied the most distinguished
+position in the political world, as well as of others not less eminent in
+that of letters; whether, he said, the monotony and stillness of his new
+mode of life would not be too much for his spirits and render his mind
+indolent and depressed. 'But,' said he, 'I have been agreeably reassured.
+I have come to regard society as a thing which I can perfectly well do
+without. I desire nothing better than to occupy myself, as I have been
+doing, with the composition of a work which I am in hopes will travel
+over somewhat other than beaten ground. I have found many materials for
+my purpose in this spot, and the pursuit has got hold of me to a degree
+which renders intellectual labour a source of pleasure; and I prosecute
+it steadily, unless when my health is out of order; which, happily, does
+not occur so frequently since the last three or four months. My wife's
+company serves to encourage me in my work, and to cheer me in every
+respect, since an entire sympathy subsists between us, as you know; we
+seem to require no addition, and our lives revolve in the most inflexible
+routine possible. I rise at half-past five, and work seriously till
+half-past nine; then dress for _dejeuner_ at ten. I commonly walk
+half-an-hour afterwards, and then set to on some other study--usually of
+late in the German language--till two P.M., when I go out again and walk
+for two hours, if weather allows. In the evenings I read to amuse myself,
+often reading aloud to Madame de Tocqueville, and go to bed at ten P.M.
+regularly every night.'
+
+'Sometimes,' said De Tocqueville, 'I reflect on the difference which may
+be discerned between the amount of what a man can effect by even the most
+strenuous and well-directed efforts, whether as a public servant or as a
+leading man in political life, and what a writer of impressive books has
+it in his power to effect. It is true that a man of talent and courage
+may acquire a creditable position, may exercise great influence over
+other individuals engaged in the same career, and may enjoy a certain
+measure of triumphant success in cases where he can put out his strength.
+At the same time it strikes me that the best of these exaggerates
+immensely the amount of good which he has been able to effect. I look
+back upon prodigiously vivid passages in various public men's lives, in
+this century, with a melancholy reflection of how little influence their
+magnificent efforts have really exercised over the march of human
+affairs. A man is apt to believe he has done great things when his
+hearers and contemporaries are strongly affected, either by a powerful
+speech, or an animated address, or an act of opportune courage, or the
+like. But, if we investigate the positive amount of what the individual
+has effected in the way of bettering or advancing the general interests
+of mankind, by personal exertion on the public stage, I regret to say I
+can find hardly an instance of more than a transient, though beneficial,
+flash of excitement produced on the public mind. I do not here speak of
+men invested with great power--princes, prime ministers, popes, generals
+and the like. Of course _they_ produce lasting traces of their _power_,
+whether it be for good or evil; and, indeed, _individuals_ have on their
+side considerable power to work _mischief_, though not often to work
+good. I begin to think that a man not invested with a considerable amount
+of political _power_ can do but little good by slaving at the oar of
+independent political action. Now, on the contrary, what a vast effect a
+_writer_ can produce, when he possesses the requisite knowledge and
+endowments! In his cabinet, his thoughts collected, his ideas well
+arranged, he may hope to imprint indelible traces on the line of human
+progress. What orator, what brilliant patriot at the tribune, could ever
+effect the extensive fermentation in a whole nation's sentiments achieved
+by Voltaire and Jean Jacques?
+
+'I have certainly seen reason to change some of my views on social facts,
+as well as some reasonings founded on imperfect observation. But the
+_fond_ of my opinions can never undergo a change--certain irrevocable
+maxims and propositions _must_ constitute the basis of thinking minds.
+How such changes can come about as I have lived to see in some men's
+states of opinion is to me incomprehensible. Lafayette was foolish enough
+to give his support to certain conspiracies--certainly to that of
+Befort's, in Alsace. What folly! to seek to upset a despotism by the
+agency of the _soldiery_, in the nineteenth century!'
+
+H. GROTE.
+
+[Footnote 1: Mr. Senior's Journals.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 2: See _Royal and Republican France_, by H. Reeve Esq. vol.
+i.--ED.]
+
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS WITH MR. SENIOR.
+
+_St. Cyr, Tuesday, February_ 21, 1854.[1]--On the 20th I left Paris for
+Le Tresorier, a country-house in the village of St. Cyr, near Tours,
+which the Tocquevilles have been inhabiting for some months. It stands in
+a large enclosure of about fifteen acres, of which about ten are orchard
+and vineyard, and the remainder are occupied by the house, stables, and a
+large garden. The house has a great deal of accommodation, and they pay
+for it, imperfectly furnished, 3,000 francs a year, and keep up the
+garden, which costs about 500 francs more, being one man at one and
+a-half francs a day.
+
+This is considered dear; but the sheltered position of the house, looking
+south, and protected by a hill to the north-east, induced the
+Tocquevilles to pay for it about 1,000 francs more than its market value.
+
+I will throw together the conversations of February 22 and 23. They began
+by my giving to him a general account of the opinions of my friends in
+Paris.
+
+'I believe,' said Tocqueville, 'that I should have found out many of your
+interlocutors without your naming them. I am sure that I should Thiers,
+Duvergier, Broglie, and Rivet; perhaps Faucher--certainly Cousin. I
+translate into French what you make them say, and hear them speak. I
+recognise Dumon and Lavergne, but I should not have discovered them. The
+conversation of neither of them has the marked, peculiar flavour that
+distinguishes that of the others. You must recollect, however, that some
+of your friends knew, and most of the others must have suspected, that
+you were taking notes. Thiers speaks evidently for the purpose of being
+reported. To be sure that shows what are the opinions that men wish to be
+supposed to entertain, and they often betray what they think that they
+conceal. Still it must be admitted that you had not always the natural
+man.' 'I am sorry,' he added, 'that you have not penetrated more into the
+salons of the Legitimists. You have never got further than a Fusionist.
+The Legitimists are not the Russians that Thiers describes them. Still
+less do they desire to see Henri V. restored by foreign intervention.
+They and their cause have suffered too bitterly for having committed
+that crime, or that fault, for them to be capable of repeating it. They
+are anti-national so far as not to rejoice in any victories obtained by
+France under this man's guidance. But I cannot believe that they would
+rejoice in her defeat. They have been so injured in their fortunes and
+their influence, have been so long an oppressed caste--excluded from
+power, and even from sympathy--that they have acquired the faults of
+slaves--have become timid and frivolous, or bitter.
+
+'They have ceased to be anxious about anything but to be let alone. But
+they are a large, a rich, and comparatively well-educated body. Your
+picture is incomplete without them, _et il sera toujours tres-difficile
+de gouverner sans eux._[2]
+
+I quite agree,' he continued, 'with Thiers as to the necessity of this
+war. Your interests may be more immediate and greater, but ours are very
+great. When I say ours, I mean those of France as a country that is
+resolved to enjoy constitutional government. I am not sure that if Russia
+were to become mistress of the Continent she would not allow France to
+continue a quasi-independent despotism under her protectorate. But she
+will never willingly allow us to lie powerful and free.
+
+'I sympathise, too, with Thiers's fears as to the result. I do not
+believe that Napoleon himself, with all his energy, and all his
+diligence, and all his intelligence, would have thought it possible to
+conduct a great war to which his Minister of War was opposed. A man who
+has no heart in his business will neglect it, or do it imperfectly. His
+first step would have been to dismiss St.-Arnaud. Then, look at the other
+two on whose skill and energy we have to depend. One is Ducos, Minister
+of Marine, a man of mere commonplace talents and character. The other is
+Binneau, Minister of Finance, somewhat inferior to Ducos. Binneau ought
+to provide resources. He ought to check the preposterous waste of the
+Court. He has not intelligence enough to do the one, or courage enough to
+attempt the other. The real Prime Minister is without doubt Louis
+Napoleon himself. But he is not a man of business. He does not understand
+details. He may order certain things to be done, but he will not be able
+to ascertain whether the proper means have been taken. He does not know
+indeed what these means are. He does not trust those who do. A war which
+would have tasked all the powers of Napoleon, and of Napoleon's Ministers
+and generals, is to be carried on without any master-mind to direct it,
+or any good instruments to execute it. I fear some great disaster.
+
+'Such a disaster might throw,' he continued, 'this man from the eminence
+on which he is balanced, not rooted. It might produce a popular outbreak,
+of which the anarchical party might take advantage. Or, what is perhaps
+more to be feared, it might frighten Louis Napoleon into a change of
+policy. He is quite capable of turning short round--giving up
+everything--key of the Grotto, protectorate of the orthodox, even the
+Dardanelles and the Bosphorus--to Nicholas, and asking to be repaid by
+the Rhine.
+
+'I cannot escape from the _cauchemar_ that a couple of years hence France
+and England may be at war. Nicholas's expectations have been deceived,
+but his plan was not unskilfully laid. He had a fair right to conjecture
+that you would think the dangers of this alliance such as to be even
+greater than those of allowing him to obtain his protectorate.
+
+'In deciding otherwise, you have taken the brave and the magnanimous
+course. I hope that it may prove the successful one.
+
+'I am sorry,' continued Tocqueville, 'to see the language of your
+newspapers as to the fusion. I did not choose to take part in it. I hate
+to have anything to do with pretenders. But as a mere measure of
+precaution it is a wise one. It decides what shall be the conduct of the
+Royalist party in the event--not an improbable one--of France being
+suddenly left without a ruler.
+
+'Your unmeasured praise of Louis Napoleon and your unmeasured abuse of
+the Bourbons are, to a certain degree, the interference in our politics
+which you professedly disclaim. I admit the anti-English prejudices
+of the Bourbons, and I admit that they are not likely to be abated by
+your alliance with a Bonaparte. But the opinions of a constitutional
+sovereign do not, like those of a despot, decide the conduct of his
+country. The country is anxious for peace, and, above all, peace with
+you--for more than peace, for mutual good-feeling. The Bourbons cannot
+return except with a constitution. It has become the tradition of the
+family, it is their title to the throne. There is not a _vieille
+marquise_ in the Faubourg St.-Germain who believes in divine right.
+
+'The higher classes in France are Bourbonists because they are
+Constitutionalists, because they believe that constitutional monarchy is
+the government best suited to France, and that the Bourbons offer us the
+fairest chance of it.
+
+'Among the middle classes there is without doubt much inclination for the
+social equality of a Republic. But they are alarmed at its instability;
+they have never known one live for more than a year or two, or die except
+in convulsions.
+
+'As for the lower classes, the country people think little about
+politics, the sensible portion of the artizans care about nothing but
+cheap and regular work; the others are Socialists, and, next to the
+government of a Rouge Assembly, wish for that of a Rouge despot.'
+
+'In London,' I said, 'a few weeks ago I came across a French Socialist,
+not indeed of the lower orders--for he was a Professor of
+Mathematics--but participating in their feelings. "I prefer," he said, "a
+Bonaparte to a Bourbon--a Bonaparte must rely on the people, one can
+always get something out of him." "What have you got," I asked, "from
+this man?" "A great deal," he answered. "We got the Orleans
+confiscation--that was a great step. _Il portait attente a la propriete_.
+Then he represents the power and majesty of the people. He is like the
+people, above all law. _Les Bourbons nous chicanaient._"'
+
+'That was the true faith of a Rouge,' said Tocqueville 'If this man,' he
+added, 'had any self-control, if he would allow us a very moderate degree
+of liberty, he might enjoy a reign--probably found a dynasty. He had
+everything in his favour; the prestige of his name, the acquiescence of
+Europe, the dread of the Socialists, and the contempt felt for the
+Republicans. We were tired of Louis Philippe. We remembered the _branche
+ainee_ only to dislike it, and the Assembly only to despise it. We never
+shall be loyal subjects, but we might have been discontented ones, with
+as much moderation as is in our nature.'
+
+'What is the _nuance_,' I said, 'of G----?'
+
+'G----,' answered Tocqueville, 'is an honest man, uncorrupt and
+public-spirited; he is a clear, logical, but bitter speaker; his words
+fall from the tribune like drops of gall. He has great perspicacity, but
+rather a narrow range. His vision is neither distant nor comprehensive.
+He wears a pair of blinkers, which allow him to see only what he looks
+straight at--and that is the English Constitution. For what is to the
+right and to the left he has no eyes, and unhappily what is to the right
+and to the left is France.
+
+'Then he has a strong will, perfect self-reliance, and the most restless
+activity. All these qualities give him great influence. He led the
+_centre gauche_ into most of its errors. H---- used to say, "If you
+want to know what I shall do, ask G----."
+
+'Among the secondary causes of February 1848 he stands prominent. He
+planned the banquets. Such demonstrations are safe in England. He
+inferred, according to his usual mode of reasoning, that they would not
+be dangerous in France. He forgot that in England there is an aristocracy
+that leads, and even controls, the people.
+
+'I am alarmed,' he continued, 'by your Reform Bill. Your new six-pound
+franchise must, I suppose, double the constituencies; it is a further
+step to universal suffrage, the most fatal and the least remediable of
+institutions.[3]
+
+'While you preserve your aristocracy, you will preserve your freedom; if
+that goes, you will fall into the worst of tyrannies, that of a despot,
+appointed and controlled, so far as he is controlled at all, by a
+mob.'[4]
+
+Madame de Tocqueville asked me if I had seen the Empress.
+
+'No,' I said, 'but Mrs. Senior has, and thinks her beautiful.'
+
+'She is much more so,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'than her portraits.
+Her face in perfect repose gets long, and there is a little drooping
+about the corners of the mouth. This has a bad effect when she is
+serious, as everyone is when sitting for a picture, but disappears as
+soon as she speaks. I remember dining in company with her at the
+President's--I sat next to him--she was nearly opposite, and close to her
+a lady who was much admired. I said to the President, looking towards
+Mademoiselle de Montigo, "Really I think that she is far the prettier of
+the two." He gazed at her for an instant, and said, "I quite agree with
+you; she is charming." It may be a _bon menage_'
+
+'To come back,' I said, 'to our Eastern question. What is Baraguay
+d'Hilliers?'
+
+'A _brouillon_,' said Tocqueville. 'He is the most impracticable man in
+France. His vanity, his ill-temper, and his jealousy make him quarrel
+with everybody with whom he comes in contact. In the interest of our
+alliance you should get him recalled.'
+
+'What sort of man,' I asked, 'shall I find General Randon?'
+
+'Very intelligent,' said Tocqueville. 'He was to have had the command of
+the Roman army when Oudinot gave it up; but, just as he was going, it was
+discovered that he was a Protestant. He was not so accommodating as one
+of our generals during the Restoration. He also was a Protestant. The Duc
+d'Angouleme one day said to him, "Vous etes protestant, general?" The
+poor man answered in some alarm, for he knew the Duke's
+ultra-Catholicism, "Tout ce que vous voulez, monseigneur."'
+
+
+
+[Footnote 1: My conversations with M. de Tocqueville during this visit
+were written out after my return from Paris and sent to him. He returned
+them with the remarks which I have inserted.--N.W. SENIOR.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Le portrait va plus loin que ma pensee.--_A. de
+Tocqueville_. The picture expresses more than my idea.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Cela va plus loin que ma pensee. Je crois que le vote
+universel peut se concilier avec d'autres institutions, qui diminuerait
+le danger.--_A. de Tocqueville._
+
+This goes farther than my idea. I think that universal suffrage may be
+combined with other institutions, which would diminish the danger.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Cela aussi va plus loin que ma pensee. Je crois
+tres-desirable le maintien des institutions aristocratiques en
+Angleterre. Mais je suis loin de dire que leur abolition menerait
+necessairement au despotisme, surtout si elles s'affaiblissaient peu a
+peu et n'etaient pas renversees par une revolution.--_A. de Tocqueville_.
+
+This also goes farther than my idea. I think the maintenance in England
+of aristocratic institutions very desirable. But I am far from saying
+that their abolition would necessarily lead to despotism, especially if
+their power were diminished gradually and without the shock of a
+revolution.]
+
+
+
+
+_To N.W. Senior, Esq._
+
+St. Cyr, March 18, 1854.
+
+Your letter was a real joy to us, my dear Senior. As you consent to be
+ill lodged, we offer to you with all our hearts the bachelor's room which
+you saw. You will find there only a bed, without curtains, and some very
+shabby furniture. But you will find hosts who will be charmed to have you
+and your MSS. I beg you not to forget the latter.
+
+My wife, as housekeeper, desires me to give you an important piece of
+advice. In the provinces, especially during Lent, it is difficult to get
+good meat on Fridays and Saturdays, and though you are a great sinner,
+she has no wish to force you to do penance, especially against your will,
+as that would take away all the merit. She advises you, therefore, to
+arrange to spend with us Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, and
+Thursday, and to avoid Friday and Saturday, and especially the whole of
+the Holy Week.
+
+Now you are provided with the necessary instructions. Choose your own
+day, and give us twenty-four hours' warning.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+St. Cyr, March 31, 1854.
+
+My dear Senior,--As you are willing to encounter hard meat and river
+fish, I have no objection to your new plan. I see in it even this
+advantage, that you will be able to tell us _de visu_ what went on in the
+Corps Legislatif, which will greatly interest us.
+
+The condemnation of Montalembert seems to me to be certain; but I am no
+less curious to know how that honourable assembly will contrive to
+condemn a private letter which appeared in a foreign country, and which
+was probably published without the authorisation and against the will of
+the writer.
+
+It is a servile trick, which I should like to see played.
+
+Do not hesitate to postpone your visit if the sitting of the Corps
+Legislatif should not take place on Monday.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS.
+
+I passed the 3rd and 4th of April in the Corps Legislatif listening to
+the debate on the demand by the Government of permission to prosecute M.
+de Montalembert, a member of the Corps Legislatif, for the publication of
+a letter to M. Dupin, which it treated as libellous. As it was supposed
+that M. de Montalembert's speech would be suppressed, I wrote as
+much of it as I could carry in my recollection; the only other
+vehicle--notes--not being allowed to be taken.[1] On the evening of the
+5th of April I left Paris for St. Cyr.
+
+[Footnote 1: See Appendix.]
+
+_St. Cyr, Thursday, April 6_, 1854.--I drove with Tocqueville to
+Chenonceaux, a chateau of the sixteenth century, about sixteen miles from
+Tours, on the Cher. I say _on_ the Cher, for such is literally its
+position. It is a habitable bridge, stretching across the water.
+
+The two first arches, which spring from the right bank of the river, and
+the piers which form their abutments, are about one hundred feet wide,
+and support a considerable house. The others support merely a gallery,
+called by our guide the ballroom of Catherine de Medicis, ending in a
+small theatre. The view from the windows of the river flowing through
+wooded meadows is beautiful and peculiar. Every window looks on the
+river; many rooms, as is the case with the gallery, look both up and down
+it. It must be a charming summer residence. The rooms still retain the
+furniture which was put into them by Diane de Poictiers and Catherine de
+Medicis; very curious and very uncomfortable; high narrow chairs, short
+sofas, many-footed tables, and diminutive mirrors. The sculptured
+pilasters, scrolls, bas-reliefs and tracery of the outside are not of
+fine workmanship, but are graceful and picturesque. The associations are
+interesting, beginning with Francis I. and ending with Rousseau, who
+spent there the autumn of 1746, as the guest of Madame Dupin, and wrote a
+comedy for its little theatre. The present proprietor, the Marquis de
+Villeneuve, is Madame Dupin's grandson.
+
+In the evening we read my report of the debate on Montalembert.
+
+'It is difficult,' said Tocqueville, 'to wish that so great a speech had
+been suppressed. But I am inclined to think that Montalembert's wiser
+course was to remain silent. What good will his speech do? It will not be
+published. Yours is probably the only report of it. So far as the public
+hears anything of it, the versions coming through an unfavourable medium
+will be misrepresentations. In a letter which I received from Paris
+this morning it is called virulent. It was of great importance that the
+minority against granting the consent should be large, and I have no
+doubt that this speech diminished it by twenty or thirty. It must have
+wounded many, frightened many, and afforded a pretext to many. Perhaps,
+however, it was not in human nature for such a speaker as Montalembert to
+resist the last opportunity of uttering bold truths in a French
+Assembly.'
+
+_Friday, April_ 7.--We drove to-day along the Loire to Langrais, about
+twelve miles below Tours.
+
+Here is a castle of the thirteenth century, consisting of two centre and
+two corner towers, and a curtain between them, terminating in a rocky
+promontory. Nothing can be more perfect than the masonry, or more elegant
+than the few ornaments. The outside is covered with marks of bullets,
+which appear to have rattled against it with little effect.
+
+On our return we visited the castles of Cinq Mars and Luynes. Langrais,
+Cinq Mars, and Luynes were all the property of Effiat, Marquis of Cinq
+Mars, who with De Thou conspired against Richelieu in the latter part of
+Louis XIII.'s reign, and was beheaded. The towers of Cinq Mars were, in
+the words of his sentence, 'rasees a la hauteur de l'infamie,' and remain
+now cut down to half their original height. Luynes stands finely,
+crowning a knoll overlooking the Loire. It is square, with twelve towers,
+two on each side and four in the corners, and a vast ditch, and must have
+been strong. Nearly a mile from it are the remains of a Roman aqueduct,
+of which about thirty piers and six perfect arches remain. It is of
+stone, except the arches, which have a mixture of brick. The peasants, by
+digging under the foundations, are rapidly destroying it. An old man told
+us that he had seen six or seven piers tumble. A little nearer to Tours
+is the Pile de Cinq Mars, a solid, nearly square tower of Roman brickwork
+more than ninety feet high, and about twelve feet by fourteen feet thick.
+On one side there appear to have been inscriptions or bas-reliefs. Ampere
+believes it to have been a Roman tomb; but the antiquaries are divided
+and perplexed. Being absolutely solid, it could not have been built for
+any use.
+
+I am struck during my walks and drives by the appearance of prosperity.
+The country about Tours is dotted with country-houses, quite as numerous
+as in any part of England. In St. Cyr alone there must be between twenty
+and thirty, and the houses of the peasants are far better than the best
+cottages of English labourers. Everyone seems to have attached to it a
+considerable piece of land, from ten acres to two, cultivated in vines,
+vegetables and fruit. These and green crops are nearly the only produce;
+there is very little grain. All the persons whom I met appeared to be
+healthy and well-clad. The soil and climate are good, and the proximity
+to Tours insures a market; but physical advantages are not enough to
+insure prosperity. The neighbourhood of Cork enjoys a good climate, soil,
+and market, but the inhabitants are not prosperous.
+
+After some discussion Tocqueville agreed with me in attributing the
+comfort of the Tourainese to the slowness with which population
+increases. In the commune of Tocqueville the births are only three to a
+marriage, but both Monsieur and Madame de Tocqueville think that the
+number of children here is still less. I scarcely meet any.
+
+Marriages are late, and very seldom take place until a house and a bit of
+ground and some capital have been inherited or accumulated. Touraine is
+the best specimen of the _petite culture_ that I have seen. The want of
+wood makes it objectionable as a summer residence.
+
+We are now suffering from heat. After eight in the morning it is too hot
+to walk along the naked glaring roads, yet this is only the first week in
+April.
+
+_Saturday, April_ 8.--The sun has been so scorching during our two last
+drives that we have given ourselves a holiday to-day, and only dawdled
+about Tours.
+
+We went first to the cathedral, which I never see without increased
+pleasure. Though nearly four hundred years passed from its commencement
+in the twelfth century to its completion in the fifteenth, the whole
+interior is as harmonious as if it had been finished by the artist who
+began it. I know nothing in Gothic architecture superior to the grandeur,
+richness, and yet lightness of the choir and eastern apse. Thence we
+went to St. Julien's, a fine old church of the thirteenth century,
+desecrated in the Revolution, but now under restoration.
+
+Thence to the Hotel Gouin, a specimen of the purely domestic architecture
+of the fifteenth century, covered with elegant tracery and scroll-work in
+white marble. We ended with Plessis-les-Tours, Louis XI.'s castle, which
+stands on a flat, somewhat marshy, tongue of land stretching between the
+Loire and the Cher. All that remains is a small portion of one of the
+inner courts, probably a guard-room, and a cellar pointed out to us as
+the prison in which Louis XI kept Cardinal de la Balue for several years.
+The cellar itself is not bad for a prison of those days, but he is said
+to have passed his first year or two in a grated vault under the
+staircase, in which he could neither stand up nor lie at full length.
+
+'It is remarkable,' said Tocqueville, 'that the glorious reigns in French
+history, such as those of Louis Onze, Louis Quatorze, and Napoleon ended
+in the utmost misery and exhaustion, while the periods at which we are
+accustomed to look as those of disturbance and insecurity were those of
+comparative prosperity and progress. It seems as if tyranny were worse
+than civil war.'
+
+'And yet,' I said, 'the amount of revenue which these despots managed to
+squeeze out of France was never large. The taxation under Napoleon was
+much less than under Louis Philippe.'
+
+'Yes,' said Tocqueville, 'but it was the want of power to tax avowedly
+that led them into indirect modes of raising money, which were far more
+mischievous; just as our servants put us to more expense by their jobs
+than they would do if they simply robbed us to twice the amount of their
+indirect gains.
+
+'Louis XIV. destroyed all the municipal franchises of France, and paved
+the way for this centralized tyranny, not from any dislike of municipal
+elections, but merely in order to be able himself to sell the places
+which the citizens had been accustomed to grant.'
+
+_Sunday, April_ 9.--Another sultry day. I waited till the sun was low,
+and then sauntered by the side of the river with Tocqueville.
+
+'The worst faults of this Government,' said Tocqueville, 'are those which
+do not alarm the public.
+
+'It is depriving us of the local franchises and local self-government
+which we have extorted from the central power in a struggle of forty
+years. The Restoration and the Government of July were as absolute
+centralizers as Napoleon himself. The local power which they were forced
+to surrender they made over to the narrow pays legal, the privileged
+ten-pounders, who were then attempting to govern France. The Republic
+gave the name of Conseils-generaux to the people, and thus dethroned the
+notaires who had governed those assemblies when they represented only the
+_bourgeoisie_. The Republic made the maires elective. The Republic placed
+education in the hands of local authorities. Under its influence, the
+communes, the cantons, and the departments were becoming real
+administrative bodies. They are now mere geographical divisions. The
+prefet appoints the maires. The prefet appoints in every canton a
+commissaire de police--seldom a respectable man, as the office is not
+honourable. The gardes champetres, who are our local police, are put
+under his control. The recteur, who was a sort of local Minister of
+Education in every department, is suppressed. His powers are transferred
+to the prefet. The prefet appoints, promotes, and dismisses all the
+masters of the _ecoles primaires._ He has the power to convert the
+commune into a mere unorganised aggregation of individuals, by dismissing
+every communal functionary, and placing its concerns in the hands of his
+own nominees. There are many hundreds of communes that have been thus
+treated, and whose masters now are uneducated peasants. The prefet can
+dissolve the Conseil-general of his department and, although he cannot
+directly name its successors, he does so virtually.
+
+'No candidate for an elective office can succeed unless he is supported
+by the Government. The prefet can destroy the prosperity of every commune
+that displeases him. He can dismiss its functionaries, close its schools,
+obstruct its improvements, and withhold the assistance in money which the
+Government habitually gives to forward the public purposes of a commune.
+
+'The Courts of Law, both criminal and civil, are the tools of the
+Executive. The Government appoints the judges, the prefet provides the
+jury, and _la haute police_ acts without either.
+
+'All power of combination, even of mutual communication, except from
+mouth to mouth, is gone. The newspapers are suppressed or intimidated,
+the printers are the slaves of the prefet, as they lose their privilege
+if they offend; the secrecy of the post is habitually and avowedly
+violated; there are spies to watch and report conversation.
+
+'Every individual stands defenceless and insulated in the face of this
+unscrupulous Executive with its thousands of armed hands and its
+thousands of watching eyes. The only opposition that is ventured is the
+abstaining from voting. Whatever be the office, whatever be the man, the
+candidate of the prefet comes in; but if he is a man who would have been
+universally rejected in a state of freedom, the bolder electors show
+their indignation by their absence. I do not believe that, even with
+peace, and with the prosperity which usually accompanies peace, such a
+Government could long keep down such a country as France. Whether its
+existence would be prolonged by a successful war I will not decide.
+Perhaps it might be.
+
+'That it cannot carry on a war only moderately successful, or a war which
+from its difficulties and its distance may be generally believed to be
+ill managed, still less a war stained by some real disaster, seems to me
+certain--if anything in the future of France can be called certain.
+
+'The vast democratic sea on which the Empire floats is governed by
+currents and agitated by ground-swells, which the Government discovers
+only by their effects. It knows nothing of the passions which influence
+these great, apparently slumbering, masses; indeed it takes care, by
+stifling their expression, to prevent their being known. Universal
+suffrage is a detestable element of government, but it is a powerful
+revolutionary instrument'
+
+'But,' I said, 'the people will not have an opportunity of using that
+instrument. All the great elective bodies have some years before them.'
+
+'That is true,' said Tocqueville, 'and therefore their rage will break
+out in a more direct, and perhaps more formidable, form. Depend on it,
+this Government can exist, even for a time, only on the condition of
+brilliant, successful war, or prosperous peace. It is bound to be rapidly
+and clearly victorious. If it fail in this, it will sink--or perhaps, in
+its terrors and its struggles, it will catch at the other alternative,
+peace.
+
+'The French public is too ignorant to care much about Russian
+aggrandisement. So far as it fancies that the strength of Russia is the
+weakness of England, it is pleased with it. I am not sure that the most
+dishonourable peace with Nicholas would not give to Louis Napoleon an
+immediate popularity. I am sure that it would, if it were accompanied by
+any baits to the national vanity and cupidity; by the offer of Savoy for
+instance, or the Balearic Islands. And if you were to quarrel with us for
+accepting them, it would be easy to turn against you our old feelings of
+jealousy and hatred.'
+
+We saw vast columns of smoke on the other side of the river. Those whom
+we questioned believed them to arise from an intentional fire. Such fires
+are symptoms of popular discontent. They preceded the revolution of 1830.
+They have become frequent of late in this country.
+
+_Monday, April_ 10.--Tocqueville and I drove this morning to
+Azy-le-Rideau, another Francis I. chateau, on an island formed by the
+Indre. It is less beautifully situated than Chenonceaux; the river Indre
+is smaller and more sluggish than the Cher; the site of the castle is in
+a hollow, and the trees round it approach too near, and are the tall and
+closely planted poles which the French seem to admire. But the
+architecture, both in its outlines and in its details, is charming.
+It is of white stone, in this form, with two curtains and four
+towers. The whole outside and the ceilings and cornices within are
+covered with delicate arabesques.
+
+ O ______________ 0
+ | |______________| |
+ 0 \ | |
+ \ | |
+ \| |
+ | |
+ 0
+
+Like Chenonceaux, it escaped the revolution, and is now, with its
+furniture of the sixteenth century, the residence of the Marquis de
+Biancourt, descended from its ancient proprietors.
+
+As we sauntered over the gardens, our conversation turned on the old
+aristocracy of France.
+
+'The loss of our aristocracy,' said Tocqueville, 'is a misfortune from
+which we have not even begun to recover. The Legitimists are their
+territorial successors; they are the successors in their manners, in
+their loyalty, and in their prejudices of _caste_; but they are not their
+successors in cultivation, or intelligence, or energy, or, therefore, in
+influence. Between them and the _bourgeoisie_ is a chasm, which shows no
+tendency to close. Nothing but a common interest and a common pursuit
+will bring them together.
+
+'If the murder of the Duc d'Enghien had not made them recoil in terror
+and disgust from Napoleon, they might have perhaps been welded into one
+mass with his new aristocracy of services, talents, and wealth. They were
+ready to adhere to him during the Consulate. During the Restoration they
+were always at war with the _bourgeoisie_, and therefore with the
+constitution, on which the power of their enemies depended. When the
+result of that war was the defeat and expulsion of their leader, Charles
+X., their hostility extended from the _bourgeoisie_ and the constitution
+up to the Crown. Louis Philippe tried to govern by means of the middle
+classes alone. Perhaps it was inevitable that he should make the attempt.
+It certainly was inevitable that he should fail. The higher classes, and
+the lower classes, all equally offended, combined to overthrow him. Under
+the Republic they again took, to a certain extent, their place in the
+State. They led the country people, who came to the assistance of the
+Assembly in June 1848. The Republic was wise enough to impose no oaths.
+It did not require those who were willing to serve it to begin by openly
+disavowing their traditionary opinions and principles. The Legitimists
+took their places in the Conseils-generaux. They joined with the
+_bourgeoisie_ in local administration, the only means by which men of
+different classes can coalesce.
+
+'The socialist tendencies which are imputed to this Second Empire, the
+oath which it most imprudently imposes, its pretensions to form a dynasty
+and its assertion of the principle most abhorrent to them, elective
+monarchy, have thrown them back into disaffection. And I believe their
+disaffection to be one of our great dangers--a danger certainly increased
+by the Fusion. The principal object of the Fusion is to influence the
+army. The great terror of the army is division in itself. It will accept
+anything, give up anything, dare anything, to avoid civil war. Rather
+than be divided between the two branches, it would have adhered to the
+Empire. Now it can throw off the Bonapartes without occasioning a
+disputed succession.'
+
+'When you say,' I asked, 'that the Legitimists are not the successors of
+the old aristocracy in cultivation, intelligence, or energy, do you mean
+to ascribe to them positive or relative inferiority in these qualities?'
+
+'In energy,' answered Tocqueville, 'their deficiency is positive. They
+are ready to suffer for their cause, they are not ready to exert
+themselves for it. In intelligence and cultivation they are superior to
+any other class in France; but they are inferior to the English
+aristocracy, and they are inferior, as I said before, to their ancestors
+of the eighteenth century. There existed in the highest Parisian society
+towards the end of that century a comprehensiveness of curiosity and
+inquiry, a freedom of opinion, an independence, and soundness of
+judgment, never seen before or since. Its pursuits, its pleasures, its
+admirations, its vanities, were all intellectual. Look at the success of
+Hume. His manners were awkward; he was a heavy, though an instructive,
+converser; he spoke bad French; he would pass now for an intelligent
+bore. But such was the worship then paid to talents and
+knowledge--especially to knowledge, and talents employed on the
+destruction of prejudices--that Hume was, for years, the lion of all the
+salons of Paris. The fashionable beauties quarrelled for the fat
+philosopher. Nor was their admiration or affection put on, or even
+transitory. He retained some of them as intimate friends for life.
+If the brilliant talkers and writers of that time were to return to life,
+I do not believe that gas, or steam, or chloroform, or the electric
+telegraph, would so much astonish them as the dulness of modern society,
+and the mediocrity of modern books.'
+
+In the evening we discussed the new scheme of throwing open the service
+of India and of the Government offices to public competition.
+
+'We have followed,' said Tocqueville, 'that system to a great extent for
+many years. Our object was twofold. One was to depress the aristocracy of
+wealth, birth, and connexions. In this we have succeeded.
+
+The Ecole Polytechnique, and the other schools in which the vacancies are
+given to those who pass the best examinations, are filled by youths
+belonging to the middle classes, who, undistracted by society, or
+amusement, or by any literary or scientific pursuits, except those
+immediately bearing on their examinations, beat their better-born
+competitors, who will not degrade themselves into the mere slaves of
+success in the _concours_. Our other object was to obtain the best public
+servants. In that we have failed. We have brought knowledge and ability
+to an average; diminished the number of incompetent _employes_, and
+reduced, almost to nothing, the number of distinguished ones. Continued
+application to a small number of subjects, and those always the same, not
+selected by the student, but imposed on him by the inflexible rule of the
+establishment, without reference to his tastes or to his powers, is as
+bad for the mind as the constant exercise of one set of muscles would be
+for the body.
+
+'We have a name for those who have been thus educated. They are called
+"polytechnises." If you follow our example, you will increase your
+second-rates, and extinguish your first-rates; and what is perhaps a more
+important result, whether you consider it a good or an evil, you will
+make a large stride in the direction in which you have lately made so
+many--the removing the government and the administration of England from
+the hands of the higher classes into those of the middle and lower ones.'
+
+
+
+
+CORRESPONDENCE.
+
+
+Paris, Sunday, May 14, 1854.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--I write to you _in meditatione fugae_. We start for
+England in an hour's time. The last news that I heard of you was the day
+before yesterday from Cousin. He read me your letter, which sounded to me
+like that of a man in not very bad health or hopes. I trust that the
+attack of which Madame de Tocqueville wrote to us has quite passed off.
+
+Thiers, who asked very anxiously after you to-day, is earnest that you
+should be present at the election on the 18th. The Academy, he said, is
+very jealous. _Vous serez tres-mal vu_, if you do not come.
+
+You are at last going seriously to work in the war. By the end of the
+year you will have, military and naval, 700,000 men in arms.
+
+I wish that they were nearer to the enemy.
+
+Pray remember us most kindly to Madame de Tocqueville, and let us know
+where you go as soon as you are decided.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. Senior.
+
+
+St. Cyr, May 21, 1854.
+
+I followed the advice which you were commissioned to give me, my dear
+Senior. I have just been to Paris, but as I stayed there only twenty-four
+hours I have not brought back any distinct impressions.
+
+I saw only Academicians who talked about the Academy, and--who knew
+nothing of politics. It is true that such is now the case with everyone.
+Politics, which used to be transacted in open day, have now become a
+secret process into which none can penetrate except the two or three
+alchemists who are engaged in its preparation.
+
+You heard of course that after your little visit, which we enjoyed so
+much, I became very unwell, and my mind was only less affected than my
+body. I spent a month very much out of spirits and very much tired of
+myself. During the last eight or ten days I have felt much better. My
+visit to our friends the Beaumonts did me a great deal of good, and I owe
+a grudge to the Academy for forcing me to shorten it.
+
+I still intend to visit Germany, but the plan depends on the state of my
+health. When it is bad I am inclined to give up the journey, when I am
+better I take it up again and look forward to it with pleasure. On the
+whole I think that I shall go. But it is impossible for me to settle my
+route beforehand. Even if I were stronger it would be difficult, for such
+an expedition must always be uncertain.
+
+I am not going to Germany to see any place in particular, but intend to
+go hither and thither wherever I can find certain documents and people.
+
+I received yesterday a letter from our friend Ampere. He is still in
+Rome, still more and more enchanted with the place, and using every
+argument to induce us to spend there with him the winter of 1856. His
+descriptions are so attractive that we may very likely be persuaded,
+especially if we had any chance of meeting you there, for you are one of
+the people whose society always increases the happiness of life. However,
+we have plenty of time for talking over this plan.
+
+Adieu, dear Senior.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+Wildbad, September 19, 1854.
+
+You gave me great pleasure, my dear Senior, by making me acquainted with
+Sir George and Lady Theresa Lewis.
+
+I must really thank you sincerely for it, for the time passed with them
+has been the most agreeable part of our journey.
+
+You have no doubt heard of the mischance which has put a stop to our
+peregrinations: my wife was seized two months ago at Bonn by a violent
+attack of rheumatism. The waters of Wildbad were recommended to her, and
+she has been taking them for more than twenty-five days without
+experiencing any relief. We are promised that the effects will be felt
+afterwards; but these fine promises only half reassure us, and we shall
+set out again on our travels in very bad spirits.
+
+Our original intention was to spend the autumn in the North of Germany,
+but in Madame de Tocqueville's condition it is evident that there is
+nothing else to be done but to return home as fast as we can.
+
+We are somewhat consoled by the arrival of our common friend Ampere. He
+was returning from Italy, through Germany, and, hearing of our
+misfortune, he has come to look after us in these wild mountains of the
+Black Forest amidst which Wildbad is situated. He has been with us a
+week, and I hope that he will accompany us home.
+
+Our intention is to spend a month or six weeks with my father near
+Compiegne. Towards the first week in November we shall establish
+ourselves in Paris for the winter. We hope to see you there at the end of
+this year or the beginning of next.
+
+Ampere, my wife, and I constantly talk of you. If you could overhear us I
+think you would not be very much dissatisfied. They insist upon being
+very particularly remembered to you, and as for me I beg you to believe
+in my most sincere attachment.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+Compiegne, January 22, 1855.
+
+It was a long time since I had seen your handwriting, my dear Senior, and
+I was beginning to complain of you; your letter therefore was a double
+pleasure.
+
+I see that you have resumed your intention of visiting Algiers, and I am
+anxious that you should carry it into effect.
+
+I hope that we shall be in Paris when you pass through. We put off our
+departure from day to day; not that we are kept by the charms of our
+present abode; the house is too small for us and scantily furnished, but
+I find it such a favourable retreat for study, that I have great
+difficulty in tearing myself away from it.
+
+I hear, as you do, with great satisfaction of the mutual good feeling of
+our armies in the Crimea. It far exceeds my expectations.
+
+But I am not equally pleased with your management of the war. The English
+ought to know that what has passed and is passing there has sensibly
+diminished their moral force in Europe. It is an unpleasant truth, but I
+ought not to conceal it from you. I see proofs of it every day, and I
+have been struck by it peculiarly in a late visit to Paris, where I saw
+persons of every rank and of every shade of political opinion. The heroic
+courage of your soldiers was everywhere and unreservedly praised, but I
+found also a general belief that the importance of England as a military
+Power had been greatly exaggerated; that she is utterly devoid of
+military talent, which is shown as much in administration as in fighting;
+and that even in the most pressing circumstances she cannot raise a large
+army.
+
+Since I was a child I never heard such language. You are believed to be
+absolutely dependent on us; and in the midst of our intimacy I see rising
+a friendly contempt for you, which if our Governments quarrel, will make
+a war with you much easier than it has been since the fall of Napoleon.
+
+I grieve at all this, not only as endangering the English alliance,
+which, as you well know, I cherish, but as injuring the cause of liberty.
+
+I can pardon you for discrediting it by your adulation of our despotism,
+but I wish that you would not serve despotism more efficaciously by your
+own faults, and by the comparisons which they suggest.
+
+It seems also difficult to say what may not be the results of your long
+intimacy with such a Government as ours, and of the contact of the two
+armies. I doubt whether they will be useful to your aristocracy.
+
+Remember me to Lord Lansdowne and to the Lewises, who added such pleasure
+to our German tour.
+
+
+
+Compiegne, February 15, 1855.
+
+I conclude that this frightful weather is still keeping you in London, my
+dear Senior. I am comforted by the fact that I myself shall not reach
+Paris before the 28th.
+
+I do not wish to act the part of the pedagogue in the fable who preaches
+to people when his sermon can no longer be of any possible use, but I
+cannot help telling you that it is a great imprudence on your part to
+allow yourself to be caught in this way by the winter in England. What
+you now suffer from is only a trifling malady, but it may become a real
+illness if you persist in preferring pleasure to health. Pray think of
+this in the future and do not tempt the devil.
+
+I have not read the article to which you refer.[1]
+
+I can perfectly understand the reserve which was imposed upon you, and
+which you were forced to impose on yourself.
+
+I confess that I saw with great grief the sudden change in the
+expressions of the majority of the English, a year ago, respecting our
+Government. It was then ill consolidated, and in want of the splendid
+alliance which you offered to it. It was unnecessary that you should
+praise it, in order to keep it your friend. By doing so you sacrificed
+honourable opinions and tastes without a motive.
+
+Now things are changed. After you have lost your only army, and our
+master has made an alliance with Austria, which suits his feelings much
+better than yours did, he does not depend on you; you, to a certain
+extent, depend on him. Such being now the case, I can understand the
+English thinking it their duty to their country to say nothing that can
+offend the master of France. I can understand even their praising him; I
+reproach them only for having done so too soon, before it was necessary.
+
+I agree with you that England ought to be satisfied with being the
+greatest maritime Power, and ought not to aim at being also one of the
+greatest military Powers.
+
+But the feelings which I described to you as prevalent in France and in
+Germany, arose not from your want of an army of 500,000 men. They were
+excited by these two facts.
+
+First, by what was supposed (perhaps falsely) to be the bad military
+administration of your only army. Secondly, and much more, by your
+apparent inability to raise another army.
+
+According to continental notions, a nation which cannot raise as many
+troops as its wants require, loses our respect. It ceases, according to
+our notions, to be great or even to be patriotic. And I must confess
+that, considering how difficult it is to procure soldiers by voluntary
+enlistment, and how easily every nation can obtain them by other means, I
+do not see how you will be able to hold your high rank, unless your
+people will consent to something resembling a conscription.
+
+Dangerous as it is to speak of a foreign country, I venture to say that
+England is mistaken if she thinks that she can continue separated from
+the rest of the world, and preserve all her peculiar institutions
+uninfluenced by those which prevail over the whole of the Continent.
+
+In the period in which we live, and, still more, in the period which is
+approaching, no European nation can long remain absolutely dissimilar to
+all the others. I believe that a law existing over the whole Continent
+must in time influence the laws of Great Britain, notwithstanding the
+sea, and notwithstanding the habits and institutions, which, still more
+than the sea, have separated you from us, up to the present time.
+
+My prophecies may not be accomplished in our time; but I should not be
+sorry to deposit this letter with a notary, to be opened, and their truth
+or falsehood proved, fifty years hence.
+
+
+
+Compiegne, February 23, 1855.
+
+ ... My object in my last letter was not by any means, as you seem to
+think, to accuse _your aristocracy_ of having mismanaged the Crimean war.
+It has certainly been mismanaged, but who has been in fault?
+
+Indeed I know not, and if I did I should think at the same time that it
+would not be becoming in a foreigner to set himself up as a judge of the
+blunders of any other Government than his own.
+
+I thought that I had expressed myself clearly. At any rate what I wanted
+to say, if I did not say it, is, that the present events created in my
+opinion a new and great danger for your aristocracy, and that it will
+suffer severely from the rebound, if it does not make enormous efforts to
+show itself capable of repairing the past; and that it would be wrong to
+suppose that by fighting bravely on the field of battle it could retain
+the direction of the Government.
+
+I did not intend to say more than this.
+
+I will now add that if it persuades itself that it will easily get out of
+the difficulty by making peace, I think that it will find itself
+mistaken.
+
+Peace, after what has happened, may be a good thing for England in
+general, and useful to us, but I doubt whether it will be a gain for your
+aristocracy. I think that if Chatham could return to life he would agree
+with me, and would say that under the circumstances the remedy would not
+be peace but a more successful war.
+
+Kind regards, &c.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+[Footnote 1: An article in the _North British Review_, see p. 107.--ED.]
+
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS.
+
+_Paris, Hotel Bedford.--Friday, March_ 2, 1855.--We slept on the 27th at
+Calais, on the 28th at Amiens, and reached this place last night.
+
+Tocqueville called on us this morning. We talked of the probability of
+Louis Napoleon's going to the Crimea.
+
+I said, 'that the report made by Lord John Russell, who talked the matter
+over with him, was, that he certainly had once intended to go, and had
+not given it up.'
+
+'I do not value,' said Tocqueville, 'Lord John's inferences from anything
+that he heard or saw in his audiences. All Louis Napoleon's words and
+looks, are, whether intentionally or not, misleading. Now that his having
+direct issue seems out of the question, and that the deeper and deeper
+discredit into which the heir presumptive is falling, seems to put _him_
+out of the question too, we are looking to this journey with great alarm.
+We feel that, for the present, his life is necessary to us, and we feel
+that it would be exposed to many hazards. He ought to incur some military
+risks, if he is present at a battle or an assault, and his courage and
+his fatalism, will lead him to many which he ought to avoid. But it is
+disease rather than bullets that we fear. He will have to travel hard,
+and to be exposed, under exciting circumstances, to a climate which is
+not a safe one even to the strong.'
+
+'But,' I said, 'he will not be exposed to it long. I have heard thirty,
+or at most forty, days proposed as the length of his absence.'
+
+'Who can say that?' answered Tocqueville. 'If he goes there, he must stay
+there until Sebastopol falls. It will not do for him to leave Paris in
+order merely to look at the works, pat the generals on the back,
+compliment the army, and leave it in the trenches. Unless his journey
+produces some great success--in short, unless it gives us Sebastopol--it
+will be considered a failure; and a failure he cannot afford. I repeat
+that he must stay there till Sebastopol falls. But that may be months.
+And what may months bring forth in such a country as France? In such a
+city as Paris? In such times as these? Then he cannot safely leave his
+cousin--Jerome Plon swears that he will not go, and I do not see how he
+can be taken by force.'
+
+'I do not understand,' I said, 'Jerome's conduct. It seemed as if he had
+the ball at his feet. The _role_ of an heir is the easiest in the world.
+He has only to behave decently in order to be popular.'
+
+'Jerome's chances,' answered Tocqueville, 'of the popularity which is to
+be obtained by decent behaviour were over long before he became an heir.
+His talents are considerable, but he has no principles, and no good
+sense. He is Corsican to the bone. I watched him among his Montagnards in
+the Constituent.
+
+'Nothing could be more perverse than his votes, nor more offensive than
+his speeches. He is unfit to conciliate the sensible portion of society,
+and naturally throws himself into the arms of those who are waiting to
+receive him--the violent, the rapacious, and the anarchical: this gives
+him at least some adherents.'
+
+'What do you hear,' I asked, 'of his conduct in the East?'
+
+'I hear,' said Tocqueville, 'that he showed want, not so much of courage,
+as of temper and of subordination. He would not obey orders; he would not
+even transmit them, so that Canrobert was forced to communicate directly
+with the officers of Napoleon's division, and at last required him to
+take sick leave, or to submit to a court-martial.'
+
+'I thought,' I said, 'that he was really ill.'
+
+'That is not the general opinion,' said Tocqueville. 'He showed himself
+at a ball directly after his return, with no outward symptoms of ill
+health.'
+
+The conversation turned on English politics.
+
+'So many of my friendships,' said Tocqueville, 'and so many of my
+sympathies, are English, that what is passing _in_ your country, and
+_respecting_ your country, gives me great pain, and greater anxiety. To
+us, whom unhappily experience has rendered sensitive of approaching
+storms, your last six months have a frightfully revolutionary appearance.
+
+'There is with you, as there was with us in 1847, a general _malaise_ in
+the midst of general prosperity. Your people seem, as was the case with
+ours, to have become tired of their public men, and to be losing faith in
+their institutions. What else do these complaints of what is called "the
+system" mean? When you complain that the Government patronage is bartered
+for political support, that the dunces of a family are selected for the
+public service, and selected expressly because they could not get on in
+an open profession; that as their places are a sort of property, they are
+promoted only by seniority, and never dismissed for any, except for some
+moral, delinquency; that therefore the seniors in all your departments
+are old men, whose original dulness has been cherished by a life without
+the stimulus of hope or fear, you describe a vessel which seems to have
+become too crazy to endure anything but the calmest sea and the most
+favourable winds. You have tried its sea-worthiness in one department,
+your military organisation, and you find that it literally falls to
+pieces. You are incapable of managing a line of operations extending only
+seven miles from its base. The next storm may attack your Colonial
+Administration. Will that stand any better? Altogether your machinery
+seems throughout out of gear. If you set to work actively and fearlessly,
+without reference to private interests, or to private expectations, or to
+private feelings, to repair, remove and replace, you may escape our
+misfortunes; but I see no proofs that you are sufficiently bold, or
+indeed that you are sufficiently alarmed. Then as to what is passing
+here. A year ago we probably overrated your military power. I believe
+that now we most mischievously underrate it. A year ago nothing alarmed
+us more than a whisper of the chance of a war with England. We talk of
+one now with great composure. We believe that it would not be difficult
+to throw 100,000 men upon your shores, and we believe that half that
+number would walk over England or Ireland. You are mistaken if you think
+that these opinions will die away of themselves, or will be eradicated by
+anything but some decisive military success. I do not agree with those
+who think that it is your interest that Russia should submit while
+Sebastopol stands. You might save money and men by a speedy peace, but
+you would not regain your reputation. If you are caught by a peace before
+you have an opportunity of doing so, I advise you to let it be on your
+part an armed peace. Prepare yourselves for a new struggle with a new
+enemy, and let your preparations be, not only as effective as you can
+make them, but also as notorious.'[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Note inserted by M de Tocqueville in my Journal, after
+reading the preceding conversation.
+
+'J'ai entendu universellement louer sans restriction le courage heroique
+de vos soldats, mais en meme temps j'ai trouve repandu cette croyance,
+qu'on s'etait trompe de l'importance de l'Angleterre dans le monde, comme
+puissance militaire proprement dite, qui consiste autant a _administrer_
+la guerre qu'a combattre, et surtout qu'il lui etait impossible, ce qu'on
+ne croyait pas jusque la, d'elever de grandes armees, meme dans les cas
+les plus pressants. Je n'avais rien entendu de pareil depuis mon enfance.
+On vous croit absolument dans notre dependance, et du sein de la grande
+inimite qui regne entre les deux peuples, je vois naitre des idees qui,
+le jour ou nos deux gouvernements cesseront d'etre d'accord, nous
+precipiteront dans la guerre contre vous, beaucoup plus facilement que
+cela n'eut pu avoir lieu depuis la chute du premier Empire. Cela
+m'afflige, et pour l'avenir de Alliance anglaise (dont vous savez que j'ai
+toujours ete un grand partisan), et non moins aussi, je l'avoue, pour la
+cause de vos institutions libres. Ce qui se passe n'est pas de nature a
+la relever dans notre esprit. Je vous pardonnerais de deconsiderer vos
+principes par les louanges dont vous accablez le gouvernement absolu qui
+regne en France, mais je voudrais du moins que vous ne le fissiez pas
+d'une maniere encore plus efficace par vos propres fautes, et par la
+comparaison qu'elles suggerent. Il me semble, du reste, bien difficile
+de dire ce qui resultera pour vous meme du contact intime et prolonge
+avec notre gouvernement, et surtout de l'action commune et du melange
+des deux armees. J'en doute, je vous l'avouerai, que l'aristocratie
+anglaise s'en trouve bien, et quoique A B ait entonne l'autre jour une
+veritable hymne en l'honneur de celle ci, je ne crois pas que ce qui
+passe soit de nature a rendre ces chances plus grandes dans l'avenir'--_A
+de Tocqueville_.
+
+'I heard universal and unqualified praise of the heroic courage of your
+soldiers, but at the same time I found spread abroad the persuasion that
+the importance of England had been overrated as a military Power properly
+so called--a Power which consists in administering as much as in
+fighting; and above all, that it was impossible (and this had never
+before been believed), for her to raise large armies, even under the most
+pressing circumstances. I never heard anything like it since my
+childhood. You are supposed to be entirely dependent upon us, and from
+the midst of the great intimacy which subsists between the two countries,
+I see springing up ideas which, on the day when our two Governments cease
+to be of one mind, will precipitate our country into a war against you,
+much more easily than has been possible since the fall of the first
+Empire. This grieves me, both on account of the duration of the English
+Alliance (of which you know that I have always been a great partisan),
+and no less, I own, for the sake of your free institutions. Passing
+events are not calculated to raise them in our estimation. I forgive you
+for discrediting your principles by the praise which you lavish on the
+absolute government which reigns in France, but I would have you at least
+not to do so in a still more efficacious manner by your own blunders and
+by the comparisons which they suggest. It seems to me, however, very
+difficult to predict the result to yourselves of the long and intimate
+contact with, our Government, and, above all, of the united action and
+amalgamation of the two armies. I own that I doubt its having a good
+effect on the future of the English aristocracy, and although A.B. struck
+up the other day a real hymn in its praise, I do not think that present
+events are of a nature to increase its chance in the future.']
+
+
+
+_Paris, Saturday, March_ 3.--Tocqueville called on us soon after
+breakfast.
+
+We talked of the loss and gain of Europe by the war. We agreed that
+Russia and England have both lost by it. Russia probably the most in
+power, England in reputation. That Prussia, though commercially a gainer,
+is humiliated and irritated by the superiority claimed by Austria and
+conceded to her.
+
+'You cannot,' said Tocqueville, 'estimate the opinions of Germany without
+going there. There is a general feeling among the smaller Powers of
+internal insecurity and external weakness, and Austria is looked up to as
+the supporter of order against the revolutionists, and of Germany against
+Russia. Austria alone has profited by the general calamities. Without
+actually drawing the sword she has possession of the Principalities, she
+has thrust down Prussia into the second rank, she has emancipated herself
+from Russia, she has become the ally of France and of England, and even
+of her old enemy Piedmont, she is safe in Italy. Poland and Hungary are
+still her difficulties, and very great ones, but as her general strength
+increases, she can better deal with them.'
+
+'Has not France, I said, 'been also a gainer, by becoming head of the
+coalition against Russia?'
+
+'Whatever we have gained,' answered Tocqueville, 'has been dearly
+purchased, so far as it has consolidated this despotism. For a whole year
+we have felt that the life, and even the reign, of Louis Napoleon was
+necessary to us. They will continue necessary to us during the remainder
+of the war. We are acquiring habits of obedience, almost of resignation.
+His popularity has not increased. He and his court are as much shunned by
+the educated classes as they were three years ago; we still repeat "que
+ca ne peut pas durer," but we repeat it with less conviction.'
+
+We passed the spring in Algeria, and returned to Paris the latter part of
+May.
+
+_Paris, May 26,_1855.--After breakfast I went to the Institut.
+
+M. Passy read to us a long paper on the Art of Government. He spoke so
+low and so monotonously that no one attended. I sat next to Tocqueville,
+and, as it was not decent to talk, we conversed a little in writing. He
+had been reading my Algiers Journal, and thus commented upon it:--
+
+'Il y a tout un cote, particulierement curieux, de l'Algerie, qui vous a
+echappe parce que vous n'avez pu ou voulu vous imposer l'ennui de causer
+souvent avec les colons, et que ce cote-la ne se voit pas en parlant
+avec les gouvernants; c'est l'abus de la centralisation. L'Afrique peut
+etre consideree comme le tableau le plus complet et le plus
+extraordinaire des vices de ce systeme.
+
+'Je suis convaincu que seul, sans les Arabes, le soleil, le desert, et la
+fievre, il suffirait pour nous empecher de coloniser. Tout ce que la
+centralisation laisse entrevoir de defauts, de ridicules et absurdites,
+d'oppression, de paperasseries en France, est grossi en Afrique au
+centuple. C'est comme un pou vu dans un microscope.'
+
+'J'ai cause,' I answered, 'avec Vialar et avec mon hote aux eaux
+ferrugineuses. Mais ils ne se sont pas plaints de la centralisation.'
+
+'Ils ne se sont pas plaints,' he answered, 'du mot que, peut-etre, ils ne
+connaissaient pas. Mais si vous les aviez fait entrer dans les details de
+l'administration publique, ou meme de leurs affaires privees, vous auriez
+vu que le colon est plus gene dans tous ses mouvements, et plus _gouverne
+pour son plus grand bien_ que vous ne l'avez ete quand il s'est agi de
+votre passeport.
+
+'Violar faisait allusion a cela quand il vous a dit que les chemins
+manquaient parce que le Gouvernement ne voulait pas laisser les gouvernes
+s'en meler.'[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: 'One whole side, and that a very curious one, of Algeria,
+has escaped you, because you could not, or would not, inflict on yourself
+the bore of talking frequently with the colonists, and this side cannot
+be seen in conversing with officials--it is the abuse of centralisation.
+Africa may be considered as the most complete and most extraordinary
+picture of the vices of this system. I am convinced that it alone,
+without the Arabs, the sun, the desert and the fever, would be enough to
+prevent us from colonising. All the defects of centralisation, its
+oppressions, its faults, its absurdities, its endless documents, which
+are dimly perceived in France, become one hundred times bigger in Africa.
+It is like a louse in a microscope.'
+
+'I conversed,' I answered, 'with Violar and with my landlord at the
+mineral waters, and they did not complain of centralisation.' 'They did
+not complain,' he answered, 'of the word, which perhaps is unknown to
+them. But if you had made them enter into the details of the public
+administration, or even of their own private affairs, you would have seen
+that the colonist is more confined in all his movements, and more
+_governed, for his good_, than you were with regard to your passport.
+
+'This is what Violar meant when he told you that roads were wanting,
+because the Government would not permit its subjects to interfere in
+making them.']
+
+
+
+_Monday, May_ 28.--Tocqueville called on me.
+
+I asked him for criticisms on my article on the State of the Continent in
+the 'North British Review' of February 1855.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: See p. 107.]
+
+'Of course,' I said, 'it must be full of blunders. No one who writes on
+the politics of a foreign country can avoid them. I want your help to
+correct a few of them.'
+
+'Since you ask me,' he answered, 'for a candid criticism, I will give you
+one. I accuse you rather of misappreciation than of misstatement. First
+with respect to Louis Napoleon. After having described accurately, in the
+beginning of your paper, his unscrupulous, systematic oppression, you end
+by saying that, after all, you place him high among our sovereigns.'
+
+'You must recollect,' I answered, 'that the article was written for the
+"Edinburgh Review," the organ of our Government, edited by Lord
+Clarendon's brother-in-law--and that the editor thought its criticisms of
+Louis Napoleon so severe, that after having printed it, he was afraid to
+publish it. I went quite as far as I prudently could. I accused him, as
+you admit, of unscrupulous oppression, of ignorance of the feelings of
+the people, of being an idle administrator, of being unacquainted with
+business himself, and not employing those who understand it, of being
+impatient of contradiction, of refusing advice and punishing censure--in
+short, I have praised nothing but his foreign policy--and I have
+mentioned two errors in that.'
+
+'But I have a graver accusation to bring against you,' replied
+Tocqueville. 'You couple as events mutually dependent the continuance of
+the Imperial Government and the continuance of the Anglo-Gallic Alliance.
+I believe this opinion not only to be untrue, but to be the reverse of
+the truth. I believe the Empire and the Alliance to be not merely, not
+mutually dependent, but to be incompatible, except upon terms which you
+are resolved never to grant The Empire is essentially warlike--and war in
+the mind of a Bonaparte, and of the friends of a Bonaparte, means the
+Rhine. This war is merely a stepping stone. It is carried on for purposes
+in which the mass of the people of France take no interest. Up to the
+present time its burthens have been little felt, as it has been supported
+by loans, and the limits of the legal conscription have not been
+exceeded. But when the necessity comes for increased taxation and
+anticipated conscriptions, Louis Napoleon must have recourse to the real
+passions of the French _bourgeoisie_ and peasantry--the love of conquest,
+_et la haine de l'Anglais_. Don't fancy that such feelings are dead, they
+are scarcely asleep. They might be roused in a week, in a day, and they
+_will_ be roused as soon as he thinks that they are wanted.
+
+'What do you suppose was the effect in France of Louis Napoleon's triumph
+in England?
+
+'Those who know England attributed it to the ignorance and childishness
+of the multitude. Those who thought that the shouts of the mob had any
+real meaning either hung down their heads in shame at the
+self-degradation of a great nation, or attributed them to fear. The
+latter was the general feeling. "Il faut," said all our lower classes,
+"que ces gens-la aient grande peur de nous."
+
+'You accuse, in the second place, all the Royalist parties of dislike of
+England.
+
+'Do you suppose that you are more popular with the others? That the
+Republicans love your aristocracy, or the Imperialists your freedom? The
+real friends of England are the friends of her institutions. They are
+the body, small perhaps numerically, and now beaten down, of those who
+adore Constitutional Liberty. They have maintained the mutual good
+feeling between France and England against the passions of the
+Republicans and the prejudices of the Legitimists. I trust, as you trust,
+that this good feeling is to continue, but it is on precisely opposite
+grounds. My hopes are founded, not on the permanence, but on the want of
+permanence, of the Empire. I do not believe that a great nation will be
+long led by its tail instead of by its head. My only fear is, that the
+overthrow of this tyranny may not take place early enough to save us from
+war with England, which I believe to be the inevitable consequence of its
+duration.'
+
+We left Paris soon after this conversation.
+
+[The following are a few extracts from the article in the 'North British
+Review.'--ED.]
+
+'The principal parties into which the educated society of Paris is
+divided, are the Imperialists, Royalists, Republicans, and
+Parliamentarians.
+
+'The Royalists maybe again subdivided into Orleanists, Legitimists, and
+Fusionists; and the Fusionists into Orleanist-Fusionists, and
+Legitimist-Fusionists.
+
+'The Imperialists do not require to be described. They form a small party
+in the salons of Paris, and much the largest party in the provinces.
+
+'Those who are Royalists without being Fusionists are also comparatively
+insignificant in numbers. There are a very few Legitimists who pay to the
+elder branch the unreasoning worship of superstition; who adore Henri
+V. not as a means but as an end; who pray for his reign, not for their
+own interests, not for the interests of France, but for his own sake; who
+believe that he derives his title from God, and that when the proper time
+comes God will restore him; and that to subject his claims to the
+smallest compromise--to admit, for instance, as the Fusionists do, that
+Louis Philippe was really a king, and that the reign of Henri V. did not
+begin the instant that Charles X. expired--would be a sinful contempt
+of Divine right, which might deprive his cause of Divine assistance.
+
+'There are also a very few Orleanists who, with a strange confusion of
+ideas, do not perceive that a title founded solely on a revolution was
+destroyed by a revolution; that if the will of the people was sufficient
+to exclude the descendants of Charles X., it also could exclude the
+descendants of Louis Philippe; and that the hereditary claims of the
+Comte de Paris cannot be urged except on the condition of admitting the
+preferable claims of the Comte de Chambord.
+
+'The bulk, then, of the Royalists are Fusionists; but though all the
+Fusionists agree in believing that the only government that can be
+permanent in France is a monarchy, and that the only monarchy that can be
+permanent is one depending on hereditary succession; though they agree in
+believing that neither of the Bourbon branches is strong enough to seize
+the throne, and that each of them is strong enough to exclude the other,
+yet between the Orleanist-Fusionists and the Legitimist-Fusionists the
+separation is as marked and the mutual hatred as bitter, as those which
+divide the most hostile parties in England.
+
+'The Orleanist-Fusionists are generally _roturiers_. They feel towards
+the _noblesse_ the hatred which has accumulated during twelve centuries
+of past oppression and the resentment excited by present insolence. Of
+all the noble families of France the most noble is that of Bourbon. The
+head of that house has always called himself _le premier gentilhomme de
+France_. The Bourbons therefore suffer, and in an exaggerated degree,
+the odium which weighs down the caste to which they belong. It was this
+odium, this detestation of privilege and precedence and exclusiveness,
+or, as it is sometimes called, this love of equality, which raised the
+barricades of 1830. It was to flatter these feelings that Louis Philippe
+sent his sons to the public schools and to the National Guard, and tried
+to establish his Government on the narrow foundation of the
+_bourgeoisie_. Louis Philippe and one or two of the members of his
+family, succeeded in obtaining some personal popularity, but it was only
+in the comparatively small class, the _pays legal_, with which they
+shared the emoluments of Government, and it was not sufficient to raise a
+single hand in their defence when the masses, whom the Court could not
+bribe or caress, rose against it. The Orleanist-Fusionists are
+Bourbonists only from calculation. They wish for the Comte de Paris for
+their king, not from any affection for him or for his family, but because
+they think that such an arrangement offers to France the best chance of
+a stable Government in some degree under popular control: and they are
+ready to tolerate the intermediate reign of Henri V. as an evil, but one
+which must be endured as a means of obtaining something else, not very
+good in itself but less objectionable to them than a Bonapartist dynasty
+or a Republic.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+'The Legitimists have been so injured in fortune and in influence, they
+have been so long an oppressed caste, excluded from power, and even from
+sympathy, that they have acquired the faults of slaves, have become
+timid, or frivolous, or bitter. Their long retirement from public life
+has made them unfit for it. The older members of the party have forgotten
+its habits and its duties, the younger ones have never learnt them. Their
+long absence from the Chambers and from the departmental and municipal
+councils, from the central and from the local government of France, has
+deprived them of all aptitude for business. The bulk of them are
+worshippers of wealth, or ease, or pleasure, or safety. The only
+unselfish feeling which they cherish is attachment to their hereditary
+sovereign. They revere Henri V. as the ruler pointed out to them by
+Providence: they love him as the representative of Charles X. the
+champion of their order, who died in exile for having attempted to
+restore to them the Government of France. They hope that on his
+restoration the _canaille_ of lawyers, and _litterateurs_, and
+adventurers, who have trampled on the _gentilshommes_ ever since 1830,
+will be turned down to their proper places, and that ancient descent will
+again be the passport to the high offices of the State and to the society
+of the Sovereign. The advent of Henri V., which to the Orleanist branch
+of the Fusionists is a painful means, is to the Legitimist branch a
+desirable end. The succession of the Comte de Paris, to which the
+Orleanists look with hope, is foreseen by the Legitimists with
+misgivings. The Fusionist party is in fact kept together not by common
+sympathies but by common antipathies; each branch of it hates or
+distrusts the idol of the other, but they co-operate because each
+branch hates still more bitterly, and distrusts still more deeply, the
+Imperialists and the Republicans.
+
+'Among the educated classes there are few Republicans, using that word to
+designate those who actually wish to see France a republic. There are
+indeed, many who regret the social equality of the republic, the times
+when plebeian birth was an aid in the struggle for power, and a
+journeyman mason could be a serious candidate for the Presidentship, but
+they are alarmed at its instability. They have never known a republic
+live for more than a few years, or die except in convulsions. The
+Republican party, however, though small, is not to be despised. It is
+skilful, determined, and united. And the Socialists and the Communists,
+whom we have omitted in our enumeration as not belonging to the educated
+classes, would supply the Republican leaders with an army which has more
+than once become master of Paris.
+
+'The only party that remains to be described is that to which we have
+given the name of Parliamentarians. Under this designation--a designation
+that we must admit that we have invented ourselves--we include those who
+are distinguished from the Imperialists by their desire for a
+parliamentary form of government; and from the Republicans, by their
+willingness that that government should be regal; and from the Royalists,
+by their willingness that it should be republican. In this class are
+included many of the wisest and of the honestest men in France. The only
+species of rule to which they are irreconcilably opposed is despotism. No
+conduct on the part of Louis Napoleon would conciliate a sincere
+Orleanist, or Legitimist, or Fusionist, or Republican. The anti-regal
+prejudices of the last, and the loyalty of the other three, must force
+them to oppose a Bonapartist dynasty, whatever might be the conduct of
+the reigning emperor. But if Louis Napoleon should ever think the time,
+to which he professes to look forward, arrived--if he should ever grant
+to France, or accept from her, institutions really constitutional;
+institutions, under which the will of the nation, freely expressed by a
+free press and by freely chosen representatives, should control and
+direct the conduct of her governor--the Parliamentarians would eagerly
+rally round him. On the same conditions they would support with equal
+readiness Henri V. or the Comte de Paris, a president elected by the
+people, or a president nominated by an Assembly. They are the friends of
+liberty, whatever be the form in which she may present herself.'
+
+ * * * * *
+
+'Although our author visits the Provinces, his work contains no report of
+their political feelings. The explanation probably is, that he found no
+expression of it The despotism under which France is now suffering is
+little felt in the capital. It shows itself principally in the subdued
+tone of the debates, if debates they can be called, of the Corps
+Legislatif, and the inanity of the newspapers. Conversation is as free in
+Paris as it was under the Republic. Public opinion would not support the
+Government in an attempt to silence the salons of Paris. But Paris
+possesses a public opinion, because it possesses one or two thousand
+highly educated men whose great amusement, we might say whose great
+business, is to converse, to criticise the acts of their rulers, and to
+pronounce decisions which float from circle to circle, till they reach
+the workshop, and even the barrack. In the provinces there are no such
+centres of intelligence and discussion, and, therefore, on political
+subjects, there is no public opinion. The consequence is, that the action
+of the Government is there really despotic; and it employs its
+irresistible power in tearing from the departmental and communal
+authorities all the local franchises and local self-government which they
+had extorted from the central power in a struggle of forty years.
+
+'Centralisation, though it is generally disclaimed by every party that is
+in opposition, is so powerful an instrument that every Monarchical
+Government which has ruled France since 1789 has maintained, and even
+tried to extend it.
+
+'The Restoration, and the Government of July, were as absolute
+centralisers as Napoleon himself. The local power which they were forced
+to surrender they made over to the narrow _pays legal_, the privileged
+ten-pounders, who were then attempting to govern France. The Republic
+gave the election of the _Conseils generaux_ to the people, and thus
+dethroned the notaries who governed those assemblies when they
+represented only the _bourgeoisie_. The Republic made the Maires
+elective; the Republic placed education in the hands of the local
+authorities. Under its influence the communes, the cantons, and the
+departments were becoming real administrative bodies. They are now
+geographical divisions. The Prefet appoints the Maires; the Prefet
+appoints in every canton a Commissaire de Police, seldom a respectable
+man, as the office is not honourable; the Gardes champetres, who are the
+local police, are put under his control; the Recteur, who was a sort of
+local Minister of Education in every department, is suppressed; his
+powers are transferred to the Prefet; the Prefet appoints, promotes, and
+dismisses all the masters of the _ecoles primaires_. The Prefet can
+destroy the prosperity of every commune that displeases him. He can
+displace the functionaries, close its schools, obstruct its public works,
+and withhold the money which the Government habitually gives in aid of
+local improvement. He can convert it, indeed, into a mere unorganised
+aggregation of individuals, by dismissing every communal functionary, and
+placing its concerns in the hands of his own nominees. There are many
+hundreds of communes that have been thus treated, and whose masters are
+now uneducated peasants. The Prefet can dissolve the _Conseil general_ of
+his department, and although he cannot actually name their successors, he
+does so virtually. No candidate for an elective office can succeed unless
+he is supported by the Government. The Courts of law, criminal and civil,
+are the tools of the executive. The Government appoints the judges, the
+Prefet provides the jury, and _la Haute Police_ acts without either. All
+power of combination, even of mutual communication, except from mouth to
+mouth, is gone. The newspapers are suppressed or intimidated, the
+printers are the slaves of the Prefet, as they lose their privilege if
+they offend; the secrecy of the post is habitually and avowedly violated;
+there are spies in every country town to watch and report conversation;
+every individual stands defenceless and insulated, in the face of this
+unscrupulous executive, with its thousands of armed hands and its
+thousands of watching eyes. The only opposition that is ventured is the
+abstaining from voting. Whatever be the office, and whatever be the man,
+the candidate of the Prefet comes in; but if he is a man who would have
+been unanimously rejected in a state of freedom, the bolder electors show
+their indignation by their absence.
+
+'In such a state of society the traveller can learn little. Even those
+who rule it, know little of the feelings of their subjects. The vast
+democratic sea on which the Empire floats is influenced by currents, and
+agitated by ground swells which the Government discovers only by their
+effects. It knows nothing of the passions which influence these great
+apparently slumbering masses. Indeed, it takes care, by stifling their
+expression, to prevent their being known.
+
+'We disapprove in many respects of the manner in which Louis Napoleon
+employs his power, as we disapprove in all respects of the means by which
+he seized it; but, on the whole, we place him high among the sovereigns
+of France. As respects his foreign policy we put him at the very top. The
+foreign policy of the rulers of mankind, whether they be kings, or
+ministers, or senates, or demagogues, is generally so hateful, and at the
+same time so contemptible, so grasping, so irritable, so unscrupulous,
+and so oppressive--so much dictated by ambition, by antipathy and by
+vanity, so selfish, often so petty in its objects, and so regardless of
+human misery in its means, that a sovereign who behaves to other nations
+with merely the honesty and justice and forbearance which are usual
+between man and man, deserves the praise of exalted virtue. The
+sovereigns of France have probably been as good as the average of
+sovereigns. Placed indeed at the head of the first nation of the
+Continent, they have probably been better; but how atrocious has been
+their conduct towards their neighbour! If we go back no further than to
+the Restoration, we find Louis XVIII. forming the Holy Alliance, and
+attacking Spain without a shadow of provocation, for the avowed purpose
+of crushing her liberties and giving absolute power to the most
+detestable of modern tyrants. We find Charles X. invading a dependence
+of his ally, the Sultan, and confiscating a province to revenge a tap on
+the face given by the Bey of Algiers to a French consul. We find Louis
+Philippe breaking the most solemn engagements with almost wanton
+faithlessness; renouncing all extension of territory in Africa and then
+conquering a country larger than France--a country occupied by tribes who
+never were the subjects of the Sultan or of the Bey, and who could be
+robbed of their independence only by wholesale and systematic massacre;
+we find him joining England, Spain, and Portugal in the Quadruple
+Alliance, and deserting them as soon as the time of action had arrived;
+joining Russia, Prussia, Austria and England, in the arrangement of the
+Eastern question, on the avowed basis that the integrity of the Ottoman
+empire should be preserved, and then attempting to rob it of Egypt. We
+find him running the risk of a war with America, because she demanded,
+too unceremoniously, the payment of a just debt, and with England because
+she complained of the ill-treatment of a missionary. We find him trying
+to ruin the commerce of Switzerland because the Diet arrested a French
+spy, and deposing Queen Pomare because she interfered with the sale of
+French brandies; and, as his last act, eluding an express promise by a
+miserable verbal equivocation, and sowing the seeds of a future war of
+succession in order to get for one of his sons an advantageous
+establishment in Spain.
+
+'The greatest blot in the foreign policy of Louis Napoleon is the
+invasion of Rome, and for that he is scarcely responsible. It was
+originally planned by Louis Philippe and Rossi. The expedition which
+sailed from Toulon in 1849 was prepared in 1847. It was despatched in the
+first six months of his presidency, in obedience to a vote of the
+Assembly, when the Assembly was still the ruler of France; and Louis
+Napoleon's celebrated letter to Ney was an attempt, not, perhaps
+constitutional or prudent, but well-intentioned, to obtain for the Roman
+people liberal and secular institutions instead of ecclesiastical
+tyranny.
+
+'His other mistake was the attempt to enforce on Turkey the capitulations
+of 1740, and to revive pretentions of the Latins in Jerusalem which had
+slept for more than a century. This, again, was a legacy from Louis
+Philippe. It was Louis Philippe who claimed a right to restore the dome,
+or the portico, we forget which, of the Holy Sepulchre, and to insult the
+Greeks by rebuilding it in the Latin instead of the Byzantine form. Louis
+Napoleon has the merit, rare in private life, and almost unknown among
+princes, of having frankly and unreservedly withdrawn his demands, though
+supported by treaty, as soon as he found that they could not be conceded
+without danger to the conceding party.
+
+'With these exceptions, his management of the foreign relations of France
+has been faultless. To England he has been honest and confiding, to
+Russia conciliatory but firm, to Austria kind and forbearing, and he has
+treated Prussia with, perhaps, more consideration than that semi-Russian
+Court and childishly false and cunning king deserved. He has been
+assailed by every form of temptation, through his hopes and through his
+fears, and has remained faithful and disinterested. Such conduct deserves
+the admiration with which England has repaid it.
+
+'We cannot praise him as an administrator. He is indolent and
+procrastinating. He hates details, and therefore does not understand
+them. When he has given an order he does not see to its execution;
+indeed, he cannot, for he does not know how it ought to be executed. He
+directed a fleet to be prepared to co-operate with us in the Baltic in
+the spring. Ducos, his Minister of Marine, assured him that it was ready.
+The time came, and not a ship was rigged or manned. He asked us to
+suspend the expedition for a couple of months. We refused, and sailed
+without the French squadron. If the Russians had ventured out, and we
+either had beaten them single-handed, or been repulsed for want of the
+promised assistance, the effect on France would have been frightful. We
+have reason to believe that it was only in the middle of February that he
+made up his mind to send an army to Bulgaria. They arrived by driblets,
+without any plan of operations, and it was not until August that their
+battering train left Toulon. It ought to have reached Sebastopol in May.
+In time, however, he must see the necessity of either becoming an active
+man of business himself, or of ministering, like other sovereigns,
+through his Ministers. Up to the present time many causes have concurred
+to occasion him to endeavour to be his own Minister, and to treat those
+to whom he gives that name as mere clerks. He is jealous and suspicious,
+fond of power, and impatient of contradiction. With the exception of
+Drouyn de l'Huys, the eminent men of France, her statesmen and her
+generals, stand aloof from him. Those who are not in exile have retired
+from public life, and offer neither assistance nor advice. Advice,
+indeed, he refuses, and, what is still more useful than advice, censure,
+he punishes.
+
+'But the war, though it must last longer, and cost, more in men and in
+money than it would have done if it were managed with more intelligence
+and activity, must end favourably. Ill managed as it has been by
+France, it has been worse managed by Russia. It is impossible that that
+semi-barbarous empire, with its scarcely sane autocrat, its corrupt
+administration, its disordered finances, and its heterogeneous
+populations, should ultimately triumph over the two most powerful nations
+of Europe, flanked by Austria, and disposing of the fanatical valour of
+Turkey. If Louis Napoleon pleases the vanity of France by military glory,
+and rewards her exertions by a triumphant peace; if he employs his
+absolute power in promoting her prosperity by further relaxing the
+fetters which encumber her industry; if he takes advantage of the
+popularity which a successful war, an honourable peace, and internal
+prosperity must confer on him, to give to her a little real liberty and a
+little real self-government; if he gradually subsides from a [Greek:
+_Tyrannos_] to a [Greek: _Basileus_]; if he allows some liberty of the
+press, some liberty of election, some liberty of discussion, and some
+liberty of decision; he may pass the remainder of his agitated life in
+the tranquil exercise of limited, but great and secure power, the ally of
+England, and the benefactor of France.
+
+'If this expectation should be realised--and we repeat, that among many
+contingencies it appears to us to be the least improbable--it affords to
+Europe the best hope of undisturbed peace and progressive civilisation
+and prosperity. An alliance with England was one of the favourite dreams
+of the first Napoleon. He believed, and with reason, that England and
+France united could dictate to all Europe. But in this respect, as indeed
+in all others, his purposes were selfish. Being master of France, he
+wished France to be mistress of the world. All that he gave to France was
+power, all that he required from Europe was submission. The objects for
+which he desired our co-operation were precisely those which we wished to
+defeat. The friendship from which we recoiled in disgust, almost in
+terror, was turned into unrelenting hatred; and in the long struggle
+which followed, each party felt that its safety depended on the total
+ruin of the other.
+
+'The alliance which the uncle desired as a means of oppressing Europe,
+the nephew seeks for the purpose of setting her free. The heavy continued
+weight of Russia has, ever since the death of Alexander, kept down all
+energy and independence of action, and even of thought, on the Continent.
+She has been the patron of every tyrant, the protector of every abuse,
+the enemy of every improvement. It was at her instigation that the
+Congress of Verona decreed the enslavement of Spain, and that in the
+conferences of Leybach it was determined to stifle liberty in Italy.
+Every court on the Continent is cursed with a Russian party; and woe be
+to the Sovereign and to the Minister who is not at its head: all the
+resources of Russian influence and of Russian corruption are lavished to
+render his people rebellious and his administration unsuccessful. From
+this _peine forte et dure_ we believe that Europe will now be relieved;
+and if the people or the sovereigns of the Continent, particularly those
+of Germany and Italy, make a tolerable use of the freedom from foreign
+dictation which the weakness of Russia will give to them, we look forward
+to an indefinite course of prosperity and improvement. Unhappily,
+experience, however, forbids us to be sanguine. Forty years ago, an
+event, such as we are now contemplating, occurred. A Power which had
+deprived the Continent of the power of independent action fell, and for
+several years had no successor. Germany and Italy recalled or
+re-established their sovereigns, and entrusted them with power such as
+they had never possessed before. How they used it may be inferred from
+the general outbreak of 1848. A popular indignation, such as could have
+been excited only by long years of folly, stupidity, and tyranny, swept
+away or shook every throne from Berlin to Palermo. The people was
+everywhere for some months triumphant; and its abuse of power produced a
+reaction which restored or introduced despotism in every kingdom except
+Prussia and Piedmont, and even in Prussia gave to the King power
+sufficient to enable him, up to the present moment, to maintain a policy,
+mischievous to the interests, disgusting to the sympathies, and injurious
+to the honour of his people. But while the Anglo-Gallic alliance
+continues, the Continent will be defended from the worst of all evils,
+the prevention of domestic improvement, and the aggravation of domestic
+disturbance, by foreign intervention. That alliance has already preserved
+the liberty of Piedmont. If it had been established sooner, it might have
+preserved that of Hesse, and have saved Europe from the revolting
+spectacle of the constitutional resistance of a whole people against an
+usurping tyrant and a profligate minister crushed by brutal, undisguised
+violence.
+
+'We repeat that we are not sanguine, that we do not expect the tranquil,
+uninterrupted progress which would be the result of the timely concession
+on the part of the sovereigns, and of the forbearance and moderation on
+the part of their subjects, which, if they could profit by the lessons of
+history, would be adopted by both parties. The only lesson, indeed, which
+history teaches is, that she teaches none either to subjects or to
+sovereigns. But we do trust that when the ruler and his people are
+allowed to settle their own affairs between one another, they will come
+from time to time to coarse and imperfect, but useful arrangements of
+their differences. Rational liberty may advance slowly and unequally; it
+may sometimes be arrested, it may sometimes be forced back, but its march
+in every decennial period will be perceptible. Like an oak which has
+grown up among storms, its durability will be in proportion to the
+slowness of its progress.'
+
+
+
+CORRESPONDENCE.
+
+Tocqueville, June 30, 1855.
+
+I have only just arrived here, my dear Senior, after wandering for nearly
+a month from friend to friend all through the Touraine and the Maine. As
+you may think, I am, on returning home after so long an absence,
+overpowered with trifling business. I cannot, therefore, comply to-day
+with your request and write to you the letter you ask for: I will write
+it after much thought and at length. The subject is well worthy of the
+trouble. Shall I at the same time send back to you the conversation which
+I have corrected, and in what way? The post would be very unsafe and
+expensive. Give me, therefore, your instructions on this point. But above
+all, give us news of yourselves and of all our friends.
+
+My wife has borne the journey better than I expected, and the delight we
+feel in finding ourselves here once more will completely restore her.
+
+This delight is really very great and in proportion to the annoyance of
+wandering about as we have done for three years without ever finding a
+place which entirely suited us.
+
+As to public news, I have heard none since I left Paris. The only spot
+which a single ray of light can ever reach is Paris. All the rest is in
+profound darkness. If you hear anything important, pray tell me.
+
+Adieu, dear Senior. Remember me to Mrs. and Miss Senior, and believe in
+our long and very sincere affection,
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+Tocqueville, July 25, 1855.
+
+I wrote to you yesterday, my dear Senior, a long letter according to my
+promise.
+
+But when I read it over I felt that it was absurd to send such a letter
+by the post, especially to a foreigner, and I burnt it.
+
+Since the assault of the 18th,[1] the interference of the police in
+private correspondence has become more active. Many of my friends as well
+as I myself have perceived it. More letters have been kept back and more
+have been stopped. Two of mine have been lost. You may remember that two
+letters from me failed to reach you, three years ago. The danger is
+greater in the country, where handwritings are known, than in Paris. You
+advise me to put my letters into a cover directed to your Embassy, which
+will forward them. But this is no security. If a letter be suspected, it
+is easy to open and re-seal it, and still easier simply to suppress it.
+
+And, in fact, after all, you have lost little. I wrote to you only what I
+have a hundred times said to you. We have lived so much together, and
+with such perfect mutual confidence, that it is difficult for either of
+us to say anything new to the other.
+
+Besides, on reading over again, with attention, your note of our last
+conversation,[2] I have nothing to alter. All that I could do would be to
+develope a little more my opinions, and to support them by additional
+arguments. I feel more and more their truth, and that the progress
+of events will confirm them much more than any reasonings of mine can do.
+
+We are annoyed and disturbed, having the house full of workmen. I am
+trying to warm it by hot air, and am forced to bore through very old and
+very thick walls; but we shall be repaid by being able to live here
+during the winter.
+
+I am amusing myself with the letters which our young soldiers in the
+East, peasants from this parish, write home to their families, and which
+are brought to me. This correspondence should be read in order to
+understand the singular character of the French peasant. It is strange to
+see the ease with which these men become accustomed to the risks of
+military life, to danger and to death, and yet how their hearts cling to
+their fields and to the occupations of country life. The horrors of war
+are described with simplicity, and almost with enjoyment. But in the
+midst of these accounts one finds such phrases as these: "What crop do
+you intend to sow in such a field next year?" "How is the mare?" "Has
+the cow a fine calf?" &c. No minds can be more versatile, and at the same
+time more constant. I have always thought that, after all, the peasantry
+were superior to all other classes in France. But these men are
+deplorably in want of knowledge and education, or rather the education to
+which they have been subjected for centuries past has taught them to make
+a bad use of their natural good qualities.
+
+It seems to me that Lord John's resignation will enable your Cabinet to
+stand, at least for some time. All that has passed in England since the
+beginning of the war grieves me deeply. Seen from a distance, your
+Constitution appears to me an admirable machine which is getting out of
+order, partly from the wearing out of its works, partly from the
+unskilfulness of its workers. Such a spectacle is useful to our
+Government.
+
+I asked you some questions, which you have not answered. Is Mrs. Grote
+returned from Germany? Is she well? Has she received my letter addressed
+to her at Heidelberg? The last question is always doubtful when one
+writes from France.
+
+I send you a letter from the Count de Fenelon, which I think will
+interest you. You will give it me back when we meet.
+
+I am very curious to know what you will think of Egypt; and I hope that
+we shall be established in Paris when you return.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+[Footnote 1: On the 18th June, 1855, the French and English made an
+unsuccessful assault on Sebastopol.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 2: That of the 28th May, 1855.--ED.]
+
+
+
+Tocqueville, September 19, 1855.
+
+
+Your letter, my dear Senior, of the 26th of August, has much interested
+me. I see that you are resolved on your great journey. I could say like
+Alexander, if the comparison were not too ambitious, that I should wish
+to be in your place if I were not in my own; but I cannot get satiated
+with the pleasure of being at home after so long an absence. Everything
+is pleasure in this country life, among my own fields. Even the solitude
+is charming; but were I anywhere else, I should envy you your tour.
+
+Everything in Egypt is curious: the past, the present, and the future. I
+hope to learn much from your Journal, which I trust that I shall have. We
+shall certainly meet you in Paris.
+
+The noise made by the fall of Sebastopol has echoed even to this distant
+corner of France. It is a glorious event, and has delighted every
+Frenchman of every party and of every opinion, for in these matters we
+are one man.
+
+I fear that the victory has been bought dearly. There is not a
+neighbouring village to which the war has not cost some of its children.
+But they bear it admirably. You know, that in war we show the best side
+of our character. If our civilians resembled our soldiers we should long
+ago have been masters of Europe.
+
+This war has never been popular, nor is it popular, yet we bear all its
+cost with a cheerfulness admirable when you consider the sorrows which it
+occasions, aggravated by the distress produced by the dearness of bread.
+If, instead of the Crimea, the seat of war had been the Rhine, with a
+definite purpose, the whole nation would have risen, as it has done
+before.
+
+But the object of the war is unintelligible to the people. They only know
+that France is at war, and must be made, at any price, to triumph.
+
+I must confess, that I myself, who understand the object for which all
+this blood is shed, and who approve that object, do not feel the interest
+which such great events ought to excite; for I do not expect a result
+equal to the sacrifice.
+
+I think, with you, that Russia is a great danger to Europe. I think so
+more strongly, because I have had peculiar opportunities of studying the
+real sources of her power, and because I believe these sources to be
+permanent, and entirely beyond the reach of foreign attack. (I have not
+time now to tell you why.) But I am deeply convinced that it is not by
+taking from her a town, or even a province, nor by diplomatic
+precautions, still less by placing sentinels along her frontier, that the
+Western Powers will permanently stop her progress.
+
+A temporary bulwark may be raised against her, but a mere accident may
+destroy it, or a change of alliances or a domestic policy may render it
+useless.
+
+I am convinced that Russia can be stopped only by raising before her
+powers created by the hatred which she inspires, whose vital and constant
+interest it shall be to keep themselves united and to keep her in. In
+other words, by the resurrection of Poland, and by the re-animation of
+Turkey.
+
+I do not believe that either of these means can now be adopted. The
+detestable jealousies and ambitions of the European nations resemble, as
+you say in your letter, nothing better than the quarrels of the Greeks in
+the face of Philip. Not one will sacrifice her passions or her objects.
+
+About a month ago I read some remarkable articles, which you perhaps have
+seen, in the German papers, on the progress which Russia is making in the
+extreme East. The writer seems to be a man of sense and well informed.
+
+It appears that during the last five years, Russia, profiting by the
+Chinese disturbances, has seized, not only the mouth of the Amoor, but a
+large territory in Mongolia, and has also gained a considerable portion
+of the tribes which inhabit it. You know that these tribes once overran
+all Asia, and have twice conquered China. The means have always been the
+same--some accident which, for an instant, has united these tribes in
+submission to the will of one man. Now, says the writer, very plausibly,
+the Czar may bring this about, and do what has been done by Genghis Khan,
+and, indeed, by others.
+
+If these designs are carried out, all Upper Asia will be at the mercy of
+a man, who, though the seat of his power be in Europe, can unite and
+close on one point the Mongols.
+
+I know more about Sir G. Lewis's book[1] than you do. I have read it
+through, and I do not say, as you do, that it must be a good book, but
+that it _is_ a good book. Pray say as much to Sir George when you see
+him, as a letter of mine to Lady Theresa on the subject may have
+miscarried.
+
+It is as necessary now for friends to write in duplicate from town to
+town, as it is if they are separated by the ocean and fear that the ship
+which carries their letters may be lost. I hear that our friend John Mill
+has lately published an excellent book. Is it true? at all events
+remember me to him.
+
+Adieu, my dear Senior. Do not forget us any more than we forget you.
+Kindest regards to Mrs. Senior, and Miss Senior, and Mrs. Grote.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+[Footnote 1: The work referred to was probably that on the _Early History
+of Rome_.--ED.]
+
+
+
+Paris, April 1, 1856.
+
+I write a few lines to you at Marseilles, my dear Senior, as you
+wished.[1] I hope that you will terminate your great journey as
+felicitously as you seem to me to have carried it on from the beginning.
+The undertaking appears to have been a complete success. I wish that it
+might induce you next year to cross over the ocean to America. I should
+be much interested in hearing and reading your remarks upon that society.
+But perhaps Mrs. Senior will not be so ready to start off again; so, that
+I may not involve myself in a quarrel with her, I will say no more on the
+subject.
+
+I am longing to see you, for beside our old and intimate friendship I
+shall be delighted to talk with such an interesting converser, and, above
+all, to find myself again in the company of (as Mrs. Grote calls you)
+'the boy.' You will find me, however, in all the vexations of correcting
+proofs and the other worries connected with bringing out a book.[2] It
+will not appear till the end of this month.
+
+I can tell you no more about politics than you may learn from the
+newspapers. Peace, though much desired has caused no public excitement
+The truth is that just now we are not _excitable_. As long as she remains
+in this condition France will not strike one of those blows by which she
+sometimes shakes Europe and overturns herself.
+
+Reeve has been and Milnes still is here. We have talked much of you with
+these two old friends. Good bye, or rather, thank God, _a bientot_.
+
+A thousand kind remembrances to Mrs. Senior.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+[Footnote 1: Mr. Senior was on his return from Egypt.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 2: The _Ancien Regime_.]
+
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS.
+
+_Paris, May_ 16.--M. de Tocqueville has scarcely been visible since my
+return to Paris. Madame de Tocqueville has been absent. She returned
+yesterday, and they spent this evening with us.
+
+Tocqueville is full of his book, which is to appear in about a week. His
+days and nights are devoted to correcting the press and to writing
+notes--which he thought would be trifling, but which grow in length and
+importance.
+
+The object of the work is to account for the rapid progress of the
+Revolution, to point out the principal causes which enabled a few
+comparatively obscure men to overthrow in six weeks a Monarchy of many
+centuries.
+
+'I am inclined,' I said, 'to attribute the rapidity with which the old
+institutions of France fell, to the fact that there was no _lex loci_ in
+France. That the laws, or rather the customs, of the different provinces
+were dissimilar, and that nothing was defined. That as soon as the
+foundations or the limits of any power were examined, it crumbled to
+pieces; so that the Assembly became omnipotent in the absence of any
+authority with ascertained rights and jurisdiction.'
+
+'There is much truth in that,' answered Tocqueville, 'but there is also
+much truth in what looks like an opposite theory--namely, that the
+Monarchy fell because its power was too extensive and too absolute.
+Nothing is so favourable to revolution as centralisation, because whoever
+can seize the central point is obeyed down to the extremities. Now the
+centralisation of France under the old Monarchy, though not so complete
+as its Democratic and Imperial tyrants afterwards made it, was great.
+Power was concentrated in Paris and in the provincial capitals. The
+smaller towns and the agricultural population were unorganised and
+defenceless. The 14th of July revealed the terrible secret that the
+Master of Paris is the Master of France.'
+
+_Paris, May_ 18.--I spent the day at Athy, the country-seat of M.
+Lafosse,[1] who had been my companion in our Egyptian journey.
+
+'What do you hear,' I asked, 'of the Empress?'
+
+'Nothing,' he answered, 'but what is favourable; all her instincts and
+prejudices are good. Lesseps, who is nearly related to her, has many of
+her letters, written during the courtship, in which she speaks of her
+dear Louis with the utmost affection, and dwells on the hope that if ever
+she should become his wife, she may be able to induce him to liberalise
+his Government.'
+
+'And now,' he said, 'tell me what you heard in England about our Canal?'
+
+'I heard nothing,' I answered, 'except from Maclean. He told me that he
+thought that the Maritime Canal, if supplied from the sea, would become
+stagnant and unwholesome, and gradually fill. That that plan was formed
+when the levels of the two seas were supposed to differ, so that there
+would be a constant current.
+
+'"Now that the equality of their levels has been ascertained," he said to
+me, "the only mode of obtaining a current is to employ the Nile instead
+of the sea." "But can the Nile spare the water?" I asked. "Certainly,"
+he answered. "An hour a day of the water from the Nile, even when at its
+lowest, would be ample." "And what do the other engineers say?" I asked.
+"Randall," he replied, "agrees with me. The others are at present for the
+salt water. But we are to meet in time and discuss it thoroughly."'
+
+'It is not the opinion of the engineers,' answered Lafosse, 'that I want,
+but that of the politicians.
+
+'We are told that Lord Palmerston threatens to prevent it as long as he
+is Minister. This makes us very angry. We think that we perceive in his
+opposition his old hatred of France and of everything that France
+supports or even favours--feelings which we hoped the Alliance had cured.
+
+'The matter,' he continued, 'was to have been brought before the
+Congress. Buol had promised to Nigrelli to do so, and Cavour to Lesseps
+and Paleocapa. But after the occupation of Italy, and the Belgian press,
+and the rights of Neutrals had been introduced, the Congress got
+impatient, and it was thought inexpedient to ask them to attend to
+another episodical matter. The Emperor, however, did something. He asked
+Ali Pasha, the Turkish Minister, what were the Sultan's views. "They
+will be governed," said Ali Pasha, "in a great measure by those of his
+allies." "As one of them," said the Emperor, "I am most anxious for its
+success." "In that case," replied Ali Pasha, "the Sultan can have no
+objection to it in principle, though he may wish to annex to his firman
+some conditions--for instance, as to the occupation of the forts at each
+end by a mixed garrison of Turks and Egyptians." The Emperor then turned
+to Lord Clarendon. "What are your views," he asked, "as to the Suez
+Canal?" "It is a grave matter," answered Lord Clarendon, "and one on
+which I have no instructions. But I believe it to be impracticable."
+"Well," replied the Emperor, "but supposing for the sake of the argument,
+that it is practicable, what are your intentions?" "I cannot but think,"
+answered Lord Clarendon, "that any new channel of commerce must be
+beneficial to England. The real difficulty is the influence which the
+Canal may have in the relations of Egypt and Turkey." "If that be the
+only obstacle," replied the Emperor, "there is not much in it, for Ali
+Pasha has just told me that if _we_ make no objection the Sultan makes
+none. We cannot be more Turkish than the Turk."'
+
+'I am most anxious,' added Lafosse, 'that this stupid opposition of yours
+should come to an end. Trifling as the matter may seem, it endangers the
+cordiality of the Alliance. The people of England, who do not know how
+jealous and _passionnes_ we are, cannot estimate the mistrust and the
+irritation which it excites. That an enterprise on which the French,
+wisely or foolishly, have set their hearts, should be stopped by the
+caprice of a wrong-headed Englishman, hurts our vanity; and everything
+that hurts our vanity offends us much more than what injures our serious
+interests.
+
+'If the engineers and the capitalists decide in favour of the scheme, you
+will have to yield at last. You had much better do so now, when you can
+do it with a good grace. Do not let your acquiescence be extorted.'
+
+
+[Footnote 1: M. Lafosse died many years ago. He was a friend of M. de
+Lesseps, by whom he and Mr. Senior were invited to join the expedition to
+Egypt--ED.]
+
+
+_Paris, May_ 19.--After breakfast I spent a couple of hours with Cousin.
+
+'You have been in England,' he said, 'since you left Egypt. What is the
+news as to our Canal? Will Palmerston let us have it? You must stay a few
+weeks in Paris to estimate the effect of your opposition to it. We
+consider Palmerston's conduct as a proof that his hatred of France is
+unabated, and the acquiescence of the rest of your Cabinet as a proof
+that, now we are no longer necessary to you, now that we have destroyed
+for you the maritime power of Russia, you are indifferent to our
+friendship.
+
+'I know nothing myself as to the merits of the Canal. I distrust Lesseps
+and everything that he undertakes. He has much talent and too much
+activity, but they only lead him and his friends into scrapes. I daresay
+that the Canal is one, and that it will ruin its shareholders; but as I
+am anxious we should not quarrel with England, I am most anxious that
+this silly subject of dispute should be removed.'
+
+'Louis Napoleon,' he continued, 'professed to wish that you should allow
+the Sultan to give his consent; but I doubt whether he is sincere. I am
+not sure that he is not pleased at seeing the Parisians occupied by
+something besides his own doings, especially as it promotes the national
+dislike of England. Now that the war is over we want an object. He tries
+to give us one by launching us into enormous speculations. He is trying
+to make us English; to give us a taste for great and hazardous
+undertakings, leading to great gains, great losses, profuse expenditure,
+and sudden fortunes and failures. Such things suit _you_; they do not
+suit _us_. Our habits are economical and prudent, perhaps timid. We like
+the petty commerce of commission and detail, we prefer domestic
+manufactures to factories, we like to grow moderately rich by small
+profits, small expenditure, and constant accumulation. We hate the
+_nouveaux riches_, and scarcely wish to be among them. The progress for
+which we wish is political progress--not within, for there we are
+satisfied to oscillate, and shall be most happy if in 1860 we find
+ourselves where we were in 1820--but without. I believe that our master's
+_sortie_ against Belgium was a pilot balloon. He wished to see what
+amount of opposition he had to fear from you, and from Belgium, and how
+far we should support him. He has found the two former greater than he
+expected. I am not sure that he is dissatisfied with the last.'
+
+I spent the morning at H.'s. He too attacked me about the Canal.
+
+'Do entreat,' he said, 'your public men to overrule their ill-conditioned
+colleague. I told you a year ago, the mischief that you were doing, but I
+do not think that you believed me. You may find too late that I was
+right.'
+
+I repeated to him Ellice's opinion that the commerce of England would not
+use the canal.
+
+'I have heard that,' he said, 'from Ellice himself, but I differ from
+him. I agree with him, indeed, that your sailing vessels will not use the
+canal, but I believe that a few years hence you will have no purely
+sailing vessels, except for the small coasting trade. Every large ship
+will have a propeller; and with propellers, to be employed occasionally,
+and sails for ordinary use, the Mediterranean and the Red Sea are very
+manageable. I believe that the canal will be useful, and particularly
+to you. But whatever be the real merits of the scheme, for God's sake let
+it be tried. Do not treat us like children, and say, "We know better what
+is good for you than you do yourselves. You shall not make your canal
+because you would lose money by it."'
+
+'What did you hear,' I said, 'about the Congress?'
+
+'I heard,' he answered, 'that Clarendon was very good, and was the best,
+and that Walewski was very bad, and was the worst.'
+
+'Can you tell me,' I said, 'the real history of the Tripartite Treaty?'
+
+'I can,' he answered. 'There was an old engagement between the three
+Powers, entered into last spring, that if they succeeded in the war, they
+would unite to force Russia to perform any conditions to which she might
+submit.
+
+'This engagement had been allowed to sleep; I will not say that it was
+forgotten, but no one seemed disposed to revert to it. But after the
+twenty-second Protocol, when Piedmont was allowed to threaten Austria,
+and neither England nor France defended her, Buol got alarmed. He feared
+that Austria might be left exposed to the vengeance of Russia on the
+north and east, and to that of the Italian Liberals on the South. An
+alliance with France and England, though only for a specified purpose, at
+least would relieve Austria from the appearance of insulation. She would
+be able to talk of the two greatest Powers in Europe as her allies, and
+would thus acquire a moral force which might save her from attack. He
+recalled, therefore, the old engagement to the recollection of Clarendon
+and Louis Napoleon, and summoned them to fulfil it. I do not believe that
+either of them was pleased. But the engagement was formal, and its
+performance, though open to misconstruction, and intended by Austria to
+be misconstrued, was attended by some advantages, though different ones,
+to France and to England. So both your Government and ours complied.'
+
+_Tuesday, May 20_.--The Tocquevilles and Rivet drank tea with us.
+
+I mentioned to Tocqueville the subject of my conversations with Cousin
+and H.
+
+'I agree with Cousin,' he said. 'The attempt to turn our national
+activity into speculation and commerce has often been made, but has never
+had any permanent success. The men who make these sudden fortunes are not
+happy, for they are always suspected of _friponnerie_, and the Government
+to which they belong is suspected of _friponnerie_. Still less happy are
+those who have attempted to make them, and have failed. And those who
+have not been able even to make the attempt are envious and sulky. So
+that the whole world becomes suspicious and dissatisfied.
+
+'And even if it were universal, mere material prosperity is not enough
+for us. Our Government must give us something more: must gratify our
+ambition, or, at least, our vanity.'
+
+'The Government,' said Rivet, 'has been making a desperate plunge in
+order to escape from the accusation of _friponnerie_. It has denounced in
+the "Moniteur" the _faiseurs_; it has dismissed a poor _aide-de-camp_ of
+Jerome's for doing what everybody has been doing ever since the _coup
+d'etat_. When Ponsard's comedy, which was known to be a furious satire on
+the _agioteurs_, was first played, Louis Napoleon took the whole
+orchestra and pit stalls, and filled them with people instructed to
+applaud every allusion to the _faiseurs_. And he himself stood in his
+box, his body almost out of it, clapping most energetically every attack
+on them.'
+
+'At the same time,' I said, 'has he not forced the Orleans Company and
+the Lyons Company to buy the Grand Central at much more than its worth?
+And was not that done in order to enable certain _faiseurs_ to realise
+their gains?'
+
+'He has forced the Orleans Company,' said Rivet, 'to buy up, or rather to
+amalgamate the Grand Central; but I will not say at more than its value.
+The amount to be paid is to depend on the comparative earnings of the
+different lines, for two years before and two years after the purchase.'
+
+'But,' I said, 'is it not true, first, that the Orleans Company was
+unwilling to make the purchase? and, secondly, that thereupon the Grand
+Central shares rose much in the market?'
+
+'Both these facts,' answered Rivet, 'are true.'
+
+'Do you believe,' I said to Tocqueville, 'H.'s history of the Tripartite
+Treaty?'
+
+'I do,' he answered. 'I do not think that at the time when it was made we
+liked it. It suited you, who wish to preserve the _statu quo_ in Europe,
+which keeps us your inferiors, or, at least, not your superiors. _You_
+have nothing to gain by a change. We have. The _statu quo_ does not suit
+us. The Tripartite Treaty is a sort of chain--not a heavy one, or a
+strong one--but one which we should not have put on if we could have
+avoided it.'
+
+'Do you agree,' I asked Tocqueville, 'with Lafosse, Cousin, and H. as to
+the effect in Paris of our opposition to the Suez Canal?'
+
+'I agree,' he answered, 'in every word that they have said. There is
+nothing that has done you so much mischief in France, and indeed in
+Europe.
+
+'I am no engineer; I should be sorry to pronounce a decided opinion as to
+the feasibility or the utility of the canal; but your opposition makes us
+believe that it is practicable.'
+
+'Those among us,' I answered, 'who fear it, sometimes found their fear on
+grounds unconnected with its practicability. They say that it is a
+political, not a commercial, scheme. That the object is to give to French
+engineers and French shareholders a strip of land separating Egypt from
+Syria, and increasing the French interest in Egypt.'
+
+'What is the value,' answered Tocqueville, 'of a strip of land in the
+desert where no one can live? And why are the shareholders to be French?
+The Greeks, the Syrians, the Dalmatians, the Italians, and the Sicilians
+are the people who will use the canal, if anybody uses it. They will form
+the bulk of the shareholders, if shareholders there are.
+
+'My strong suspicion is, that if you had not opposed it, there never
+would have been any shareholders, and that if you now withdraw your
+opposition, and let the scheme go on until calls are made, the
+subscribers, who are ready enough with their names as patriotic
+manifestations against you as long as no money is to be paid, will
+withdraw _en masse_ from an undertaking which, at the very best, is a
+most hazardous one.
+
+'As to our influence in Egypt, your journal shows that it is a pet
+project of the Viceroy. He hopes to get money and fame from it. You
+_imitate_ both his covetousness and his vanity, and throw him for support
+upon us.'
+
+
+_Paris, May_ 21--The Tocquevilles and Chrzanowski[1] drank tea with us.
+
+We talked of the French iron floating batteries.
+
+'I saw one at Cherbourg,' said Tocqueville, 'and talked much with her
+commander. He was not in good spirits about his vessel, and feared some
+great disaster. However, she did well at Kinburn.'
+
+'She suffered little at Kinburn,' said Chrzanowski, 'because she ventured
+little. She did not approach the batteries nearer than 600 metres. At
+that distance there is little risk and little service. To knock down a
+wall two metres thick from a distance of 600 metres would require at
+least 300 blows. How far her own iron sides would have withstood at that
+distance the fire of heavy guns I will not attempt to say, as I never saw
+her. The best material to resist shot is lead. It contracts over the ball
+and crushes it.'
+
+'Kinburn, however,' said Tocqueville, 'surrendered to our floating
+batteries.'
+
+'Kinburn surrendered,' said Chrzanowski, 'because you landed 10,000 men,
+and occupied the isthmus which connects Kinburn with the main land. The
+garrison saw that they were invested, and had no hope of relief. They
+were not Quixotic enough, or heroic enough, to prolong a hopeless
+resistance. Scarcely any garrison does so.'
+
+We talked of Malta; and I said that Malta was the only great
+fortification which I had seen totally unprovided with earth-works.
+
+'The stone,' said Chrzanowski, 'is soft and will not splinter.'
+
+'I was struck,' I said, 'with the lightness of the armament; the largest
+guns that I saw, except some recently placed in Fort St. Elmo, were
+twenty-four pounders.'
+
+'For land defence,' he answered, 'twenty-four pounders are serviceable
+guns. They are manageable and act with great effect within the short
+distance within which they are generally used. It is against ships that
+large guns are wanted. A very large ball or shell is wasted on the
+trenches, but may sink a ship. The great strength of the land defences of
+Malta arises from the nature of the ground on which Valetta and Floriana
+are built, indeed of which the whole island consists. It is a rock
+generally bare or covered with only a few inches of earth. Approaches
+could not be dug in it. It would be necessary to bring earth or sand in
+ships, and to make the trenches with sand-bags or gabions.'
+
+I asked him if he had read Louis Napoleon's orders to Canrobert,
+published in Bazancourt's book?
+
+'I have,' he answered. 'They show a depth of ignorance and a depth of
+conceit, compared to which even Thiers is modest and skilful. Canrobert
+is not a great general, but he is not a man to whom a civilian, who
+never saw a shot fired, ought to give lectures on what he calls "the
+great principles" or "the absolute principles of war." He seems to have
+taken the correspondence between Napoleon and Joseph for his model,
+forgetting that Canrobert is to him what Napoleon was to Joseph. Then he
+applies his principles as absurdly as he enunciates them. Thus he orders
+Canrobert to send a fleet carrying 25,000 men to the breach at Aboutcha,
+to land 3,000 of them, to send them three leagues up the country, and not
+to land any more, until those first sent have established themselves
+beyond the defile of Agen. Of course those 3,000 men would be useless if
+the enemy were _not_ in force, or destroyed if they _were_ in force. To
+send on a small body and not to support them is the grossest of faults.
+It is the fault which you committed at the Redan, when the men who had
+got on to the works were left by you for an hour unsupported, instead of
+reinforcements being poured in after them as quickly as they could be
+sent.
+
+'In fact,' he continued, 'the horrible and mutual blunders of that
+campaign arose from its being managed by the two Emperors from Paris and
+from St. Petersburg, Nicholas and Alexander were our best friends. Louis
+Napoleon was our worst enemy.
+
+'There is nothing which ought to be so much left to the discretion of
+those on the spot as war. Even a commander-in-chief actually present in a
+field of battle can do little after the action, if it be really a great
+one, has once begun.
+
+'If we suppose 80,000 men to be engaged on each side, each line will
+extend at least three miles. Supposing the general to be in the centre,
+it will take an _aide-de-camp_ ten minutes to gallop to him from one of
+the wings, and ten minutes to gallop back. But in twenty minutes all may
+be altered.'
+
+
+[Footnote 1: 'Chrzanowski has passed thirty years fighting against or for
+the Russians. He began military life in 1811 as a sous lieutenant of
+artillery in the Polish corps which was attached to the French army. With
+that army he served during the march to Moscow, and the retreat. At the
+peace, what remained of his corps became a part of the army of the
+kingdom of Poland. He had attained the rank of major in that army when
+the insurrection on the accession of Nicholas broke out. About one
+hundred officers belonging to the staff of the properly Russian army were
+implicated, or supposed to be implicated, in that insurrection, and were
+dismissed, and their places were supplied from the army of the kingdom of
+Poland. Among those so transferred to the Russian army was Chrzanowski.
+He was attached to the staff of Wittgenstein, and afterwards of Marshal
+Diebitsch, in the Turkish campaigns of 1828 and 1829. In 1830 he took
+part with his countrymen in the insurrection against the Muscovites, and
+quitted Poland when it was finally absorbed in the Russian Empire. A few
+years after a quarrel was brewing between England and Russia. Muscovite
+agents were stirring up Persia and Affghanistan against us, and it was
+thought that we might have to oppose them on the shores of the Black Sea.
+Chrzanowski was attached to the British Embassy at Constantinople and was
+employed for some years in ascertaining what assistance Turkey, both in
+Europe and in Asia, could afford to us. In 1849 he was selected by
+Charles Albert to command the army of the kingdom of Sardinia.
+
+'That army was constituted on the Prussian system, which makes every man
+serve, and no man a soldier. It was, in fact, a militia. The men were
+enlisted for only fourteen months, at the end of that time they were sent
+home, and were recalled when they were wanted, having forgotten their
+military training and acquired the habits of cottiers and artisans. They
+had scarcely any officers, or even _sous_ officers, that knew anything of
+their business. The drill sergeants required to be drilled. The generals,
+and indeed the greater part of the officers, were divided into hostile
+factions--Absolutists, Rouges, Constitutional Liberals, and even
+Austrians--for at that time, in the exaggerated terror occasioned by the
+revolutions of 1848, Austria and Russia were looked up to by the greater
+part of the noblesse of the Continent as the supporters of order against
+Mazzini, Kossuth, Ledru Rollin, and Palmerston. The Absolutists and the
+Austrians made common cause, whereas the Rouges or Mazzinists were
+bitterest against the Constitutional Liberals. Such an army, even if
+there had been no treason, could not have withstood a disciplined enemy.
+When it fell a victim to its own defects, and to the treachery of
+Ramorino, Chrzanowski retired to Paris.'--(_Extracted from Mr. Senior's
+article in the 'North British Review.'_)
+
+Chrzanowski died several years ago.--ED.]
+
+
+
+CORRESPONDENCE.
+
+Kensington, August 20, 1856.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--A few weeks after my return to London your book
+reached me--of course from the time that I got it, I employed all my
+leisure in reading it.
+
+Nothing, even of yours, has, I think, so much instructed and delighted
+me. Much of it, perhaps, was not quite so new to me as to many others; as
+I had had the privilege of hearing it from you--but even the views which
+were familiar to me in their outline were made almost new by their
+details.
+
+It is painful to think how difficult it is to create a Constitutional
+Government, and how difficult to preserve one, and, what is the same, how
+easy to destroy one.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Mrs. Senior is going to Wales and to Ireland, where I join her, after
+having paid a long-promised visit to Lord Aberdeen.
+
+I like the conversation of retired statesmen, and he is one of our
+wisest. Thiers has just left us. I spent two evenings with him, but on
+the first he was engrossed by Lord Clarendon, and on the second by the
+Duc d'Aumale and by Lord Palmerston. They were curious _rapprochements_,
+at least the first and third. It was the first meeting of Palmerston and
+Duc d'Aumale. I am very much pleased with the latter. He is sensible,
+well informed, and unaffected.
+
+Kindest regards, &c.
+
+A.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+Tocqueville, September 4, 1856.
+
+I have read, my dear Senior, your letter with great pleasure. Your
+criticism delights me, for I rely on your judgment and on your sincerity.
+I am charmed that you have found in my book more than you had learned
+from our conversations, on my view of our history. We have known one
+another so long, we have conversed so much and so unreservedly, that it
+is difficult for either of us to write anything that the other will think
+new. I was afraid that what may appear original to the public might seem
+trite to you.
+
+The Reeves have been with us; we have passed together an agreeable
+fortnight. I had charged Reeve to bring you, whether you would or not.
+Did he make the attempt? I am sure that you would have enjoyed your
+visit, and we should have rejoiced to have under our roof two such old
+friends as you and Reeve.
+
+I am glad that you have printed your article; pray try to send it to me.
+
+It seems that you intend this winter to anchor in Rome. It increases my
+regret that I cannot be there. It is out of the question. My wife's
+health and mine are so much improved that the journey is not necessary,
+and business of all kinds keeps us at home. If you push on to Naples, you
+will, perhaps, enjoy the absence of the rascally king whom you and I
+found there five years ago. I applaud the virtuous indignation of the
+English against this little despot, and their sympathy with the unhappy
+wretches whom he detains arbitrarily to die slowly in his prisons, which,
+though not placed in the African deserts or the marshes of Cayenne, are
+bad enough. The interest which your great nation takes in the cause of
+humanity and liberty, even when that cause suffers in another country,
+delights me. What I regret is that your generous indignation is directed
+against so petty a tyrant.
+
+I must say that America is a _puer robustus_. Yet I cannot desire, as
+many persons do, its dismemberment. Such an event would inflict a great
+wound on the whole human race; for it would introduce war into a great
+continent from whence it has been banished for more than a century.
+
+The breaking up of the American Union will be a solemn moment in the
+history of the world. I never met an American who did not feel this, and
+I believe that it will not be rashly or easily undertaken. There will,
+before actual rupture, be always a last interval, in which one or both
+parties will draw back. Has not this occurred twice?
+
+Adieu, dear Senior. Do not be long without letting us hear from you, and
+remember us affectionately to Mrs. Senior and to your daughter.
+
+
+
+Ashton House, near Phoenix Park, Dublin, September 26, 1856.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--Your letter found me at Haddo House, Aberdeenshire,
+where we have been spending a fortnight with Lord Aberdeen.
+
+It has been very interesting. Lord Aberdeen is one of our wisest
+statesmen.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+I found Lord Aberdeen deprecating the war, notwithstanding its success,
+utterly incredulous as to the aggressive intentions attributed to
+Nicholas, and in fact throwing the blame of the war on Lord Stratford
+and, to a certain degree, on Louis Napoleon.
+
+I found him also much disturbed by our Naples demonstration, believing it
+to be an unwarranted interference with an independent Government.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Ever yours,
+
+A.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+Tocqueville, November 2, 1856.
+
+I am grateful to you, my dear Senior, for your kindness in telling me
+what I most wished to hear. The judgments of such men as those with whom
+you have been living, while they delight me, impose on me the duty of
+unrelaxed efforts.
+
+Your fortnight at Lord Aberdeen's amused me exceedingly, and not the
+least amusing part were the eccentricities of A.B.
+
+There is one point in which the English seem to me to differ from
+ourselves, and, indeed, from all other nations, so widely that they form
+almost a distinct species of men. There is often scarcely any connection
+between what they say and what they do.
+
+No people carry so far, especially when speaking in public, violence of
+language, outrageousness of theories, and extravagance in the inference
+drawn from those theories. Thus your A.B. says that the Irish have not
+shot half enough landlords. Yet no people act with more moderation. A
+quarter of what is said in England at a public meeting, or even round a
+dinner-table, without anything being done or intended to be done, would
+in France announce violence, which would almost always be more furious
+than the language had been.
+
+We Frenchmen are not so different from our antipodes as we are from a
+nation, partly our own progeny, which is separated from us by only a
+large ditch.
+
+I wonder whether you have heard how our illustrious master is relieving
+the working-people from the constant rise of house-rent. When they are
+turned out of their lodgings he re-establishes them by force; if they are
+distrained on for non-payment of rent, he will not allow the tribunals to
+treat the distress as legal. What think you, as a political economist, of
+this form of outdoor relief?
+
+What makes the thing amusing is, that the Government which uses this
+violent mode of lodging the working classes, is the very same Government
+which, by its mad public works, by drawing to Paris suddenly a hundred
+thousand workmen, and by destroying suddenly ten thousand houses, has
+created the deficiency of habitations. It seems, however, that the
+systematic intimidation and oppression of the rich in favour of the poor,
+is every day becoming more and more one of the principles of our
+Government.
+
+I read yesterday a circular from the prefect of La Sarthe, a public
+document, stuck up on the church-doors and in the market-places, which,
+after urging the landed proprietors of the department to assess
+themselves for the relief of the poor, adds, that their insensibility
+becomes more odious when it is remembered that for many years they have
+been growing rich by the rise of prices, which is spreading misery among
+the lower orders.
+
+The real character of our Government, its frightful mixture of socialism
+and despotism, was never better shown.
+
+I have said enough to prevent your getting my letter. If it _should_
+escape the rogue who manages our post-office, let me know as soon as you
+can.
+
+Kindest remembrances,
+
+A. DE. TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+Tocqueville, February 11, 1857.
+
+I must ask you, my dear Senior, to tell me yourself how you have borne
+this long winter. I suppose that it has been the same in England as in
+Normandy, for the two climates are alike.
+
+Here we have been buried for ten or twelve days under a foot of snow, and
+it froze hard during the whole time. How has your larynx endured this
+trial? I assure you that we take great interest in that larynx of yours.
+Give us therefore some news of it.
+
+Your letter gave us fresh pleasure by announcing your intention of
+passing April and May in Paris. We shall certainly be there at the same
+time, and perhaps before. I hope that we shall see you continually. We
+are, you know, among the very many people who delight in your society;
+besides, we have an excellent right to your friendship.
+
+I am looking forward with great pleasure to your Egypt. What I already
+know of that country leads me to think that of all your reminiscences it
+will afford the most novelty and interest.
+
+I do not think that your visit to Paris will be a very valuable addition
+to your journals. If I may judge by the letters which I receive thence,
+society there has never been flatter, nor more insipid, nor more entirely
+without any dominant idea. I need not tell you that your opinion of our
+statesmen is the same as that which prevails in Paris, but it is of such
+an ancient date, and is so obvious, that it cannot give rise to
+interesting discussions.
+
+A-propos of statesmen, we cannot understand how a man who made, _inter
+pocula_, the speech of ---- on his travels can remain in a government. I
+think that even ours, though so long-suffering towards its agents, could
+not tolerate anything similar even if it should secretly approve.
+Absolute power has its limits. The Prince de Ligne, in a discourse which
+you have doubtless read, seems to me to have described it in one word by
+saying that it was the speech of a _gamin_.
+
+I am, however, ungrateful to criticise it, for I own that it amused me
+extremely, and that I thought that Morny especially was drawn from life;
+but I think that if I had the honour of being Her Britannic Majesty's
+Prime Minister, I should not have laughed so heartily. How could so
+clever a man be guilty of such eccentricities?
+
+In my last letter to our excellent friend Mrs. Grote, I ventured to say
+that there was one person who wrote even worse than I did, and that it
+was you. Your last letter has filled me with remorse, for I could
+actually read it, and even without trouble. I beg, therefore, to make an
+_amende honorable_, and envy you your power of advancing towards
+perfection.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+I still think of paying a little visit to England in June. Adieu, dear
+Senior. Do not be angry with me for not writing on politics. Indeed I
+could tell you nothing, for I know nothing, and besides, just now
+politics are not to be treated by Frenchmen, _in letters_.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+Tocqueville, March 8, 1857.
+
+I still write to you, my dear Senior, from hence. We cannot tear
+ourselves away from the charms of our retreat, or from a thousand little
+employments. We shall scarcely reach Paris, therefore, before you. You
+will, therefore, yourself bring me the remainder of your curious journal.
+What I have already seen makes me most anxious to read the rest. I have
+never read anything which gave me more valuable information on Egypt
+and Oriental politics in general. As soon as I possibly can, I look
+forward to continuing its perusal.
+
+The papers tell us that your Ministry has been beaten on the Chinese War.
+It seems to me to have been an ill-chosen battle-field. The war was,
+perhaps, somewhat wantonly begun, and very roughly managed; but the
+fault lay with distant and subordinate agents. Now that it has begun, no
+Cabinet can avoid carrying it on vigorously. The existing Ministry will
+do as well for this as any other. As there is no line of policy to be
+changed, the upsetting is merely to put in the people who are now
+out.
+
+If the Ministry falls, the man least to be pitied will be our friend
+Lewis. He will go out after having obtained a brilliant triumph on his
+own ground, and he will enjoy the good fortune, rare to public men, of
+quitting power greater than he was when he took it, and with the enviable
+reputation of owing his greatness, not merely to his talents, but also to
+the respect and the confidence which he has universally inspired.
+
+All this delights me; for I feel towards him, and towards all his family,
+a true friendship.
+
+To return to China.
+
+It seems to me that the relations between that country and Europe are
+changed, and dangerously changed.
+
+Till now, Europe has had to deal only with a Chinese government--the most
+wretched of governments. Now you will find opposed to you a people; and a
+people, however miserable and corrupt, is invincible on its own
+territory, if it be supported and impelled by common and violent
+passions.
+
+Yet I should be sorry to die before I have seen China open to the eyes as
+well as to the arms of Europe.
+
+Do you believe in a dissolution? If so, when?
+
+A thousand regards to Mrs. Grote, to the great historian, to the Reeves,
+and generally to all who are kind enough to remember my existence.
+
+I delight in the prospect of meeting you in Paris; yet I fear that you
+will find it dull. All that I hear from the great town shows me that
+never, at least during the last two hundred years, has intellectual life
+been less active.
+
+If there be talent in the official circles, it is not the talent of
+conversation, and among those who formerly possessed that talent, there
+is so much torpidity, such want of interest on public affairs, such
+ignorance as to what is passing, and so little wish to hear about it,
+that no one, I am told, knows what to talk about or to take interest in.
+Your conversation, however, is so agreeable and stimulating that it is
+capable of reanimating the dead. Come and try to work this miracle.
+
+A thousand remembrances.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS.
+
+
+_Paris, Hotel Bedford, April_ 9, 1857.--We reached this place last night.
+
+The Tocquevilles are in our hotel. I went to them in the evening.
+
+Tocqueville asked me how long I intended to remain.
+
+'Four weeks,' I answered.
+
+'I do not think,' he replied, 'that you will be able to do so. Paris has
+become so dull that no one will voluntarily spend a month here. The
+change which five years have produced is marvellous.
+
+'We have lost our interest not only in public affairs, but in all serious
+matters.'
+
+'You will return then to the social habits of Louis Quinze,' I said. 'You
+were as despotically governed then as you are now; and yet the _salons_
+of Madame Geoffrin were amusing.'
+
+'We may do so in time,' he answered, 'but that time is to come. At
+present we talk of nothing but the Bourse. The conversation of our
+_salons_ resembles more that of the time of Law, than that of the time of
+Marmontel.'
+
+I spent the evening at Lamartine's. There were few people there, and the
+conversation was certainly dull enough to justify Tocqueville's fears.
+
+
+_April_ 10.--Tocqueville drank tea with us.
+
+We talked of the Empress, and of the possibility of her being Regent of
+France.
+
+'That supposes,' I said, 'first, that _Celui-ci_ holds his power until
+his death; and, secondly, that his son will succeed him.'
+
+'I expect both events,' answered Tocqueville. 'It is impossible to deny
+that Louis Napoleon has shown great dexterity and tact. His system of
+government is detestable if we suppose the welfare of France to be his
+object; but skilful if its aim be merely the preservation of his own
+power.
+
+'Such being his purpose, he has committed no great faults. Wonderful,
+almost incredible, as his elevation is, it has not intoxicated him.'
+
+'It has not intoxicated him,' I answered, 'because he was prepared for
+it--he always expected it.'
+
+'He could scarcely,' replied Tocqueville, 'have really and soberly
+expected it until 1848.
+
+'Boulogne and Strasbourg were the struggles of a desperate man, who
+staked merely a life of poverty, obscurity, and exile. Even if either of
+them had succeeded, the success could not have been permanent. A
+surprise, if it had thrown him upon the throne, could not have kept him
+there. Even after 1848, though the Bourbons were discredited, we should
+not have tolerated a Bonaparte if we had not lost all our self-possession
+in our terror of the Rouges. That terror created him, that terror
+supports him; and habit, and the dread of the bloodshed and distress, and
+the unknown chances of a revolution, will, I think, maintain him during
+his life.
+
+'The same feelings will give the succession to his heir. Whether the heir
+will keep it, is a different question.'
+
+_Sunday, April_ 12.--Tocqueville drank tea with us. I asked him if he had
+seen the Due de Nemours' letter.
+
+'I have not seen it,' he answered. 'In fact, I have not wished to see it.
+I disapprove of the Fusionists, and the anti-Fusionists, and the
+Legitimists, and the Orleanists-in short, of all the parties who are
+forming plans of action in events which may not happen, or may not
+happen in my time, or may be accompanied by circumstances rendering those
+plans absurd, or mischievous, or impracticable,'
+
+'But though you have not read the letter,' I said, 'you know generally
+what are its contents.'
+
+'Of course I do,' he replied. 'And I cannot blame the Comte de Chambord
+for doing what I do myself--for refusing to bind himself in
+contingencies, and to disgust his friends in the hope of conciliating his
+enemies.'
+
+'Do you believe,' I asked, 'that the mere promise of a Constitution would
+offend the Legitimists?'
+
+'I do not think,' he answered, 'that they would object to a Constitution
+giving them what they would consider their fair share of power and
+influence.
+
+'Under Louis Philippe they had neither, but it was in a great measure
+their own fault.
+
+'They have neither under this Government, for its principle is to rest on
+the army and on the people, and to ignore the existence of the educated
+classes.
+
+'You see _that_ in its management of the press. 'Montalembert, or Guizot,
+or Falloux, or I may publish what we like. We are not read by the soldier
+or by the _proletaire_.[1] But the newspaper press is subject to a
+slavery to which it was never reduced before. The system was first
+elaborated in Austria, and I daresay will be copied by all the
+Continental autocrats, for no inventions travel so quickly as despotic
+ones.
+
+'The public _avertissements_ are comparatively unimportant. Before a
+journal gets one of those its suppression has probably been decided on.
+Every day there are communications between the literary police and the
+different editors. Such or such a line of argument is altogether
+forbidden, another is allowed to be used to a certain extent. Some
+subjects are tabooed, others are to be treated partially.
+
+'As the mental food of the lower orders is supplied by the newspapers,
+this paternal Government takes care that it shall not be too exciting.'
+
+[Footnote 1: The lowest class.--ED.]
+
+
+_Paris, Monday, April_ 13.--Tocqueville, Jobez, Marcet, St.-Hilaire,[1]
+Charles Sumner, and Lord Granville breakfasted with us.
+
+The conversation turned on public speaking.
+
+'Very few indeed of our speakers,' said Tocqueville, 'have ever ventured
+to improvise: Barrot could do it. We have told him sometimes that a
+speech must be answered immediately; and when he objected that he had
+nothing to say, we used to insist, and to assure him that as soon as he
+was in the tribune, the ideas and the words would come; and so they did.
+I have known him go on under such circumstances for an hour; of course
+neither the matter nor the form could be first rate, but they were
+sufficient.'
+
+'In fact,' said Lord Granville, 'much of what is called improvisation is
+mere recollection. A man who has to speak night after night, gets on most
+subjects a set of thoughts, and even of expressions, which naturally pour
+in on him as soon as his argument touches the train which leads to them.
+
+'One of our eminent speakers,' he continued, 'Lord Grey, is perhaps best
+when he has not had time to prepare himself. He is so full of knowledge
+and of inferences, that he has always enough ready to make an excellent
+speech. When he prepares himself, there is _too_ much; he gives the House
+more facts and more deductions than it can digest.'
+
+'Do you agree with me,' I asked, 'in thinking that Lord Melbourne was
+best when he improvised?'
+
+'I agree with you,' answered Lord Granville, 'that his set speeches were
+cold and affected. He was natural only when he was quite careless, or
+when he was much excited, and then he was admirable.'
+
+'Did not Thiers improvise?' I asked.
+
+'Never,' answered Tocqueville. 'He prepared himself most carefully. So
+did Guizot. We see from the "Revue retrospective" that he even prepared
+his replies. His long experience enabled him to foresee what he should
+have to answer. Pasquier used to bring his speech ready written. It lay
+on the desk before him, but he never looked at it.'
+
+'That seems to me,' I said, 'very difficult. It is like swimming with
+corks. One would be always tempted to look down on the paper.'
+
+'It is almost equally difficult,' said Tocqueville, 'to make a speech of
+which the words are prepared. There is a struggle between the invention
+and the memory. You trust thoroughly to neither, and therefore are not
+served thoroughly by either.'
+
+'Yet that,' said Marcet, 'is what our Swiss pastors are required to do.
+They are forbidden to read, and forbidden to extemporise, and by practice
+they speak from memory--some well, all tolerably.'
+
+'Brougham,' said Lord Granville, 'used to introduce his most elaborately
+prepared passages by a slight hesitation. When he seemed to pause in
+search of thoughts, or of words, we knew that he had a sentence ready cut
+and dried.'
+
+'Who,' I asked Sumner, 'are your best speakers in America?'
+
+'The best,' he said, 'is Seward; after him perhaps comes Winthrop.'
+
+'I should have thought it difficult,' I said, 'to speak well in the
+Senate, to only fifty or at most sixty members.'
+
+'You do not speak,' answered Sumner, 'to the Senators. You do not think
+of them. You know that their minds are made up. Except as to mere
+executive questions, such as the approval of a public functionary, or the
+acceptance or modification of a treaty, every senator comes in pledged to
+a given, or to an assumed, set of opinions and measures. You speak to the
+public. You speak in order that 500,000 copies of what you say, as was
+the case with my last speech, may be scattered over the whole Union.'
+
+'That,' I said, 'must much affect the character of your oratory. A speech
+meant to be read must be a different thing from one meant to be heard.
+Your speeches must in fact be pamphlets, and that I suppose accounts for
+their length.'
+
+'That is true,' replied Sumner. 'But when you hear that we speak for a
+day, or for two days, or, as I have sometimes done, for three days, you
+must remember that our days are days of only three hours each.'
+
+'How long,' I asked, 'was your last speech?'
+
+'About five hours,' he answered. 'Three hours the first day and two hours
+the second.'
+
+'That,' I said, 'is not beyond our remotest limit. Brougham indeed, on
+the amendment of the law, spoke for six hours, during the greater part of
+the time to an audience of three. The House was filled with fog, and
+there is an H.B. which represents him gesticulating in the obscurity and
+the solitude.'
+
+'He,' said Lord Granville, 'put his speech on the Reform Bill at the
+top.'
+
+'The speech,' I said, 'at the end of which he knelt to implore the Peers
+to pass the bill, and found it difficult to rise.'
+
+[Footnote 1: Barthelemy de St-Hilaire is now Thiers' private secretary
+and right hand.--ED.]
+
+
+_Tuesday, April_ 14.--Z., Sumner, Lord Granville, Tocqueville, M.
+Circourt, St.-Hilaire, and Corcelle breakfasted with us.
+
+The conversation took the same turn as yesterday.
+
+'May I venture,' said Lord Granville to Z., 'to ask whom of your
+opponents you feared the most?'
+
+'Beyond all comparison,' answered Z., 'Thiers.'
+
+'Was not D.' I asked, 'very formidable?'
+
+'Certainly,' said Z. 'But he had not the wit, or the _entrainement_ of
+Thiers. His sentences were like his action. He had only one gesture,
+raising and sinking his right arm, and every time that right arm fell, it
+accompanied a sentence adding a link to a chain of argument, massive and
+well tempered, without a particle of dross, which coiled round his
+adversary like a boa constrictor.'
+
+'And yet,' said M., 'he was always languid and embarrassed at starting;
+it took him ten minutes to get _en train_.'
+
+'That defect,' said Lord Granville, 'belonged to many of our good
+speakers--to Charles Fox--to Lord Holland. Indeed Fox required the
+excitement of serious business to become fluent. He never made a
+tolerable after-dinner speech.'
+
+'Among the peculiarities of D.,' said M., 'are his perfect tact and
+discretion in the tribune, and his awkwardness in ordinary life. In
+public and in private he is two different men.'
+
+'It is impossible,' said Tocqueville, 'to deny that D. was great in a
+deliberative body, but his real scene of action is the bar. He was only
+_among_ the best speakers in the Constituent Assembly. He is _the_
+greatest advocate at the bar.'
+
+'Although,' said M----, 'at the bar, where he represents only his client,
+one of the elements of his parliamentary success, his high moral
+character, does not assist him. Do you remember how, on the debate of
+the Roman expedition, he annihilated by one sentence Jules Favre who had
+ventured to assail him? "Les injures," he said, "sont comme les corps
+pesants, dont la force depend de la hauteur d'ou ils tombent."'
+
+'One man,' said Z., 'who enjoys a great European reputation, I could
+never think of as a serious adversary, that is Lamartine.
+
+'He appeared to me to treat the sad realities of political life as
+materials out of which he could compose strange and picturesque scenes,
+or draw food for his imagination and his vanity. He seemed always to be
+saying to himself: "How will the future dramatist or poet, or painter,
+represent this event, and what will be my part in the picture, or in the
+poem, or on the stage?"
+
+'_Il cherchait toujours a poser_.--He could give pleasure, he could give
+pain--he could amuse, and he could irritate,--but he seldom could
+persuade, and he never could convince. Even before the gate of the Hotel
+de Ville, the most brilliant hour of his life, he owed his success rather
+to his tall figure, his fine features, attractive as well as commanding,
+his voice, his action--in short, to the assemblage of qualities which the
+Greeks called [Greek: hupokrisis] than to his eloquence.'
+
+'Was not,' I said, 'his contrast between the red flag and the tricolor
+eloquent?'
+
+'It was a fine bit of imagery,' said Z., 'and admirably adapted to the
+occasion. I do not deny to him the power of saying fine things--perhaps
+fine speeches, but he never made a _good_ speech--a speech which it was
+difficult to answer.'
+
+'If anyone,' he continued, 'ever takes the trouble to look into our
+Parliamentary debates, Lamartine will hold a higher comparative rank than
+he is really entitled to. Most of us were too busy to correct the reports
+for the "Moniteur." Lamartine not only corrected them but inserted whole
+passages.'
+
+'He inserted,' said M, 'not only passages but facts. Such as
+"_applaudissements_," "_vive emotion," "hilarite_," often when the speech
+had been received in silence, or unattended to.'
+
+'I remember,' said Corcelle, 'an insertion of that kind in the report of
+a speech which was never delivered. It was during the Restoration, when
+written speeches were read, and sometimes were sent to the "Moniteur" in
+anticipation of their being read. Such had been the case with respect to
+the speech in question. The intended orator had inserted, like Lamartine,
+"_vifs applaudissements," "profonde sensation_," and other notices of the
+effect of his speech. The House adjourned unexpectedly before it was
+delivered, and he forgot to withdraw the report.'
+
+'Could a man like Lord Althorp,' I asked, 'whom it was painful to hear,
+hold his place as leader of a French Assembly?'
+
+'Impossible,' said Tocqueville, 'unless he were a soldier. We tolerate
+from a man who has almost necessarily been deprived of a careful
+education much clumsiness and awkwardness of elocution. Soult did not
+speak much better than the Duke of Wellington, but he was listened to. He
+had, like the Duke, an air of command which imposed.'
+
+'Was there,' I said, 'any personal quarrel between Soult and Thiers?'
+
+'Certainly there was,' said Z., 'a little one. I will not say that Soult
+was in Spain a successful commander, or an agreeable colleague, or an
+obedient subordinate, but whenever things went wrong there, Soult was the
+man whom the Emperor sent thither to put them to rights. Great as Thiers
+may be as a military critic, I venture to put him below Napoleon.'
+
+'I have been reading,' I said, 'Falloux's reception speech, and was
+disappointed by it.'
+
+'In his speech and Brifault's,' said Circourt, 'you may compare the
+present declamatory style and that of thirty years ago. Brifault has, or
+attempts to have, the _legerete_ and the prettiness of the Restoration.
+Falloux is _grandiose_ and emphatic, as we all are now.'
+
+'Falloux,' said Z., 'made an excellent speech the first time that he
+addressed the Chamber of Deputies. The next time he was not so
+successful, and after that he ceased to be listened to.
+
+'But in the Constituent Assembly, and indeed in the Legislative, he
+acquired an ascendency. In those Assemblies, great moral qualities and a
+high social position were rarer than they were among the Deputies, and in
+the dangers of the country they were more wanted. Falloux possesses them
+all. He is honest and brave, and in his province employs liberally and
+usefully a large fortune.'
+
+'Were those the merits,' I asked, 'which opened to him the doors of the
+Academy?'
+
+'Certainly,' answered Z. 'As a man of letters he is nothing, as a
+statesman not much. We elected him in honour of his courage and his
+honesty, and perhaps with some regard to his fortune. We are the only
+independent body left, and we value in a candidate no quality more than
+independence.'
+
+'I am told,' I said, 'that Falloux is now an ultra-Legitimist.'
+
+'That is not true,' said Z. 'He is a Legitimist, but a liberal one. He
+would tolerate no Government, whatever were its other claims, that was
+not constitutional.'
+
+'Your Academic ceremonies,' I said 'seem to me not very well imagined.
+There is something _fade_, almost ridiculous, in the literary minuet in
+which the _recipiendaire_ and the receiver are trotted out to show their
+paces to each other and to the Academy. The new member extolling the
+predecessor of whom he is the unworthy successor, the old member lauding
+his new colleague to his face, and assuring him that he, too, is one of
+the ornaments of the Society.'
+
+'Particularly,' said ----, 'when, as was the case the other day, it is
+notorious that neither of them has any real respect for the idol which he
+is forced to crown. Then the political innuendoes, the under-currents of
+censure of the present conveyed in praise of the past, become tiresome
+after we have listened to them for five years. We long to hear people
+talk frankly and directly, instead of saying one thing for the mere
+purpose of showing that they are thinking of another thing. The Emperor
+revenged himself on Falloux by his antithesis: "_que le desordre les
+avait uni, et que l'ordre les avait separe_.'"
+
+'How did Falloux reply to it?' I asked.
+
+'Feebly,' said ----. 'He muttered something about _l'ordre_ having no
+firmer adherent than himself. In these formal audiences our great man has
+the advantage. He has his _mot_ ready prepared, and you cannot discuss
+with him.'
+
+We talked of the French spoken by foreigners. 'The best,' said Circourt,
+'is that of the Swedes and Russians, the worst that of the Germans.'
+
+'Louis Philippe,' said Z., 'used to maintain that the best test of a
+man's general talents was his power of speaking foreign languages. It was
+an opinion that flattered his vanity, for he spoke like a native French,
+Italian, English, and German.'
+
+'It is scarcely possible,' said Tocqueville, 'for a man to be original in
+any language but his own; in all others he is forced to say what he can,
+and that is generally something that he recollects.'
+
+'I was much struck by that,' said Z., 'when conversing with Narvaez. He
+had been talking sensibly but rather dully in French, I begged him to
+talk Spanish, which I understand though I cannot speak. The whole man was
+changed. It was as if a curtain had been drawn up from between us.
+Instead of hammering at commonplaces, he became pointed, and spirited,
+and eloquent.'
+
+'Is he an educated man?' I asked.
+
+'For a Spaniard,' answered Z., 'yes. He has the quickness, the finesse,
+and the elegance of mind and of manner which belong to the South. The
+want of book-learning contributes to his originality.'
+
+'The most wonderful speaker in a foreign language,' said Sumner, 'was
+Kossuth. He must have been between forty and fifty before he heard an
+English word. Yet he spoke it fluently, eloquently, and even
+idiomatically. He would have made his fortune among us as a stump-orator.'
+
+
+
+_Tuesday, April_ 28.--Tocqueville drank tea with us.
+
+We talked rather of people than of things.
+
+'Circourt,' said Tocqueville, 'is my dictionary. When I wish to know what
+has been done or what has been said on any occasion, I go to Circourt. He
+draws out one of the drawers in his capacious head, and finds there all
+that I want arranged and ticketed.
+
+'One of the merits of his talk, as it is of his character, is its
+conscientiousness. He has the truthfulness of a thorough gentleman, and
+his affections are as strong as his hatreds. I do not believe he would
+sacrifice a friend even to a good story, and where is there another man
+of whom that can be said?'
+
+'What think you of Mrs. T-----?' I inquired.
+
+'I like her too,' he replied, 'but less than I do Circourt. She has
+considerable talent, but she thinks and reads only to converse. She has
+no originality, no convictions. She says what she thinks that she can say
+well; like a person writing a dialogue or an exercise. Whether the
+opinion which she expresses be right or wrong, or the story that she
+tells be true or false, is no concern of hers, provided it be _bien
+dit_.'
+
+'The fault of her conversation,' I said, 'seems to me to be, that while
+she is repeating one sentence she is thinking of the next, and that while
+you are speaking to her, she is considering what is to be her next topic.
+I have noticed this fault in other very fluent conversers. They are so
+intent on the future that they neglect the present.'
+
+'It is rather a French than an English fault,' said Tocqueville. 'The
+English have more curiosity and less vanity, than we have; more desire to
+hear and less anxiety to shine. They are often, therefore, better
+_causeurs_ than we are. _Le grand talent pour le silence_, or, in other
+words, the power of listening which has been imputed to them, is a great
+conversational virtue. I do not believe that it was said ironically or
+epigrammatically. The man who bestowed that praise knew how rare a merit
+silence is.'
+
+'May we not owe that merit,' I asked, 'to our bad French? We shine most
+when we listen.'
+
+'A great talker,' I continued, 'Montalembert, is to breakfast with us.
+Whom shall I ask to meet him?'
+
+'Not me,' said Tocqueville, 'unless you will accept me as one of the
+chorus. I will not take a _premier role_, or any prominent _role_, in a
+piece in which he is to act. I like his society; that is, I like to sit
+silent and hear him talk, and I admire his talents; and we have the
+strong bond of common hatreds, though perhaps we hate on different, or
+even opposite grounds, and I do not wish for a dispute with him, of
+which, if I say anything, I shall be in danger. If we differed on only
+one subject, instead of differing, as we do, on all but one, he would
+pick out that single subject to attack me on. I am not sure that even as
+host you will be safe. He is more acute in detecting points of opposition
+than most men are in finding subjects of agreement. He avoids meeting you
+on friendly or even on neutral ground. He chooses to have a combat _en
+champ clos_.
+
+'Take care,' he added, 'and do not have too many _sommites._ They watch
+one another, are conscious that they are watched, and a coldness creeps
+over the table.'
+
+'We had two pleasant breakfasts,' I said, 'a fortnight ago. You were
+leader of the band at one, Z. at the other, and the rest left the stage
+free to the great actor.'
+
+'As for me,' he answered, 'I often shut myself up, particularly after
+dinner, or during dinner if it be long. The process of digestion, little,
+as I can eat, seems to oppress me.
+
+'Z. is always charming. He has an _aplomb_, an ease, a _verve_ arising
+from his security that whatever he says will interest and amuse. He is a
+perfect specimen of an ex-statesman, _homme de lettres_, and _pere de
+famille_, falling back on literature and the domestic affections. As for
+me, I have intervals of _sauvagerie_, or rather the times when I am not
+_sauvage_ are the intervals. I have many, perhaps too many, acquaintances
+whom I like, and a very few friends whom I love, and a host of relations.
+I easily tire of Paris, and long to fly to the fields and woods and
+seashore of my province.'
+
+We passed to the language of conversation.
+
+'There are three words,' said Tocqueville, 'which you have lost, and
+which I wonder how you do without,--Monsieur, Madame, and Mademoiselle.
+You are forced always to substitute the name. They are so mixed in all
+our forms that half of what we say would appear abrupt or blunt without
+them.
+
+'Then the _tutoyer_ is a _nuance_ that you want. When husband and wife
+are talking together they pass insensibly, twenty times perhaps in an
+hour, from the _vous_ to the _tu_. When matters of business or of serious
+discussion are introduced, indeed whenever the affections are not
+concerned, it is _vous_. With the least _soupcon_ of tenderness the _tu_
+returns.'
+
+'Yet,' I said, 'you never use the _tu_ before a third person.'
+
+'Never,' he answered, 'in good company. Among the _bourgeoisie_ always.
+It is odd that an aristocratic form, so easily learned, should not have
+been adopted by all who pretend to be gentry. I remember being present
+when an Englishman and his wife, much accustomed to good French society,
+but unacquainted with this _nuance_, were laboriously _tutoyering_ each
+other. I relieved them much by assuring them that it was not merely
+unnecessary, but objectionable.'
+
+
+_May_ 2.--Tocqueville dined with us.
+
+A lady at the _table d'hote_ was full of a sermon which she had heard at
+the Madeleine. The preacher said, sinking his voice to an audible
+whisper, 'I will tell you a secret, but it must go no farther. There is
+more religion among the Protestants than with us, they are better
+acquainted with the Bible, and make more use of their reading: we have
+much to learn from them.'
+
+I asked Tocqueville, when we were in our own room, as to the feelings of
+the religious world in France with respect to heretics.
+
+'The religious laity,' he answered, 'have probably little opinion on the
+subject. They suppose the heretic to be less favourably situated than
+themselves, but do not waste much thought upon him. The ignorant priests
+of course consign him to perdition. The better instructed think, like
+Protestants, that error is dangerous only so far as it influences
+practice.
+
+'Dr. Bretonneau, at Tours, was one of the best men that I have known, but
+an unbeliever. The archbishop tried in his last illness to reconcile him
+to the Church: Bretonneau died as he had lived. But the archbishop, when
+lamenting to me his death, expressed his own conviction that so excellent
+a soul could not perish.
+
+'You recollect the duchesse in St.-Simon, who, on the death of a sinner
+of illustrious race, said, "On me dira ce qu'on voudra, on ne me
+persuadera pas que Dieu n'y regarde deux fois avant de damner un homme de
+sa qualite." The archbishop's feeling was the same, only changing
+_qualite_ into virtue.
+
+'There is something amusing,' he continued, 'when, separated as we are
+from it by such a chasm, we look back on the prejudices of the _Ancien
+Regime_. An old lady once said to me, "I have been reading with great
+satisfaction the genealogies which prove that Jesus Christ descended from
+David. Ca montre que notre Seigneur etait Gentilhomme."'
+
+'We are somewhat ashamed,' I said, 'in general of Jewish blood, yet the
+Levis boast of their descent from the Hebrew Levi.'
+
+'They are proud of it,' said Tocqueville, 'because they make themselves
+out to be cousins of the Blessed Virgin. They have a picture in which a
+Duc de Levi stands bareheaded before the Virgin. "Couvrez-vous donc, mon
+cousin," she says. "C'est pour ma commodite," he answers.'
+
+The conversation passed to literature.
+
+'I am glad,' said Tocqueville, 'to find that, imperfect as my knowledge
+of English is, I can feel the difference in styles.'
+
+'I feel strongly,' I said, 'the difference in French styles in prose, but
+little in poetry.'
+
+'The fact is,' said Tocqueville, 'that the only French poetry, except
+that of Racine, that is worth reading is the light poetry. I do not think
+that I could now read Lamartine, though thirty years ago he delighted
+me.'
+
+'The French taste,' I said, 'in English poetry differs from ours. You
+read Ossian and the "Night Thoughts."'
+
+'As for Ossian,' he answered, 'he does not seem to have been ever popular
+in England. But the frequent reference to the "Night Thoughts," in the
+books and letters of the last century, shows that the poem was then in
+everybody's memory. Foreigners are in fact provincials. They take up
+fashions of literature as country people do fashions of dress, when the
+capital has left them off. When I was young you probably had ceased to be
+familiar with Richardson. We knew him by heart. We used to weep over the
+Lady Clementina, whom I dare say Miss Senior never heard of.
+
+'During the first Empire, we of the old _regime_ abandoned Paris, as we
+do now, and for the same reasons. We used to live in our chateaux, where
+I remember as a boy hearing Sir Charles Grandison and Fielding read
+aloud. A new novel was then an event. Madame Cottin was much more
+celebrated than George Sand is now. For all her books were read, and by
+everybody. Notwithstanding the great merits of George Sand's style, her
+plots and her characters are so exaggerated and so unnatural, and her
+morality is so perverted, that we have ceased to read her.'
+
+We talked of Montalembert, and I mentioned his _sortie_ the other day
+against the clergy.
+
+'I can guess pretty well,' said Tocqueville, 'what he said to you, for it
+probably was a _resume_ of his article in the "Correspondant." Like most
+men accustomed to public speaking, he repeats himself. He is as honest
+perhaps as a man who is very _passionne_ can be; but his oscillations are
+from one extreme to another. Immediately after the _coup d'etat,_ when he
+believed Louis Napoleon to be Ultramontane, he was as servile as his
+great enemy the "Univers" is now. "Ce sont les nuances qui se querellent,
+non les couleurs;" and between him and the "Univers" there is only a
+_nuance_. The Bishop of Agen has oscillated like him, but began at the
+other end. The other day the Bishop made a most servile address to the
+Emperor. He had formerly been a furious anti-Bonapartist. "How is it
+possible," said Montalembert, "that a man can rush so completely from one
+opinion to another? On the 4th of December in 1851 this same Bishop
+denounced the _coup d'etat_ with such violence that the President sent me
+to the Nuncio to request his interference. Now he is on his knees before
+him. Such changes can scarcely be honest." Montalembert does not see that
+the only difference between them is that they have trod in opposite
+directions the very same path.'
+
+
+_Thursday, May_ 5.--Tocqueville and I dined with M. and Madame de Bourke,
+and met there General Dumas and Ary Scheffer.
+
+We talked of Delaroche's pictures, and Scheffer agreed with me in
+preferring the smaller ones. He thought that Delaroche improved up to the
+time of his death, and preferred his Moses, and Drowned Martyr, painted
+in 1853 and 1855, to the other large ones, and his Girondins, finished in
+1856, to the earlier small ones.
+
+We passed on to the increased and increasing population of Paris.
+
+'The population of Paris,' I said, 'is only half that of London, while
+that of the British Islands is not three-fourths that of France. If you
+were to double the population of Paris, therefore, it would still be
+proportionally less than that of London.'
+
+'That is true,' said Tocqueville, 'but yet there are many circumstances
+connected with the Parisian population each of which renders it more
+dangerous than the London one. In the first place, there is the absence
+of any right to relief. The English workman knows that neither he nor his
+family can starve. The Frenchman becomes anxious as soon as his
+employment is irregular, and desperate when it fails. The English workmen
+are unacquainted with arms, and have no leaders with military experience.
+The bulk of the Frenchmen have served, many of them are veterans in civil
+war, and they have commanders skilled in street-fighting. The English
+workmen have been gradually attracted to London by a real and permanent
+demand for their labour. They have wives and children. At least 100,000
+men have been added to the working population of Paris since the _coup
+d'etat._ They are young men in the vigour of their strength and passions,
+unrestrained by wives or families. They have been drawn hither suddenly
+and artificially by the demolition and reconstruction of half the town,
+by the enormous local expenditure of the Government, and by the fifty
+millions spent in keeping the price of bread in Paris unnaturally low.
+The 40,000 men collected in Paris by the construction of the
+fortifications are supposed to have mainly contributed to the revolution
+of 1848. What is to be expected from this addition of 100,000? Then the
+repressive force is differently constituted and differently animated. In
+England you have an army which has chosen arms as a profession, which
+never thinks of any other employment, and indeed is fit for no other, and
+never expects any provision except its pay and its pension. The French
+soldier, ever since 1789, is a citizen. He serves his six years because
+the law and the colonel force him to do so, but he counts the days until
+he can return to his province, his cottage, and his field. He sympathises
+with the passions of the people. In the terrible days of June, the army
+withstood the cries, the blessings, the imprecations and the seductions
+of the mob, only because they had the National Guards by their side.
+Their presence was a guarantee that the cause was just. The National
+Guards never fought before as they did in those days. Yet at the Chateau
+d'Eau, the miraculous heroism and the miraculous good luck of Lamoriciere
+were necessary to keep them together. If he had not exposed himself as no
+man ever did, and escaped as no man ever did, they would have been
+broken.'
+
+'I was there,' said Scheffer, 'when his fourth horse was killed under
+him. As the horse was sinking he drew his feet out of the stirrups and
+came to the ground without falling; but his cigar dropped from his mouth.
+He picked it up, and went on with the order which he was giving to an
+_aide-de-camp._
+
+'I saw that,' said Tocqueville. 'He had placed himself immediately behind
+a cannon in front of the Chateau d'Eau which fired down the Boulevard du
+Temple. A murderous fire from the windows in a corner of the Rue du
+Temple killed all the artillerymen. The instant that Lamoriciere placed
+himself behind it, I thought that I saw what would happen. I implored him
+to get behind some shelter, or at least not to pose as a mark.
+"Recollect," I said, "that if you go on in this way you must be killed
+before the day is over-and where shall we all be?"'
+
+'"I see the danger of what I am doing," he answered, "and I dislike it as
+much as you can do; but it is necessary. The National Guards are shaking;
+if they break, the Line follows. I must set an example that everyone can
+see and can understand. This is not a time for taking precautions. If _I_
+were to shelter myself, _they_ would run."'
+
+'How does Lamoriciere,' I asked, 'bear exile and inactivity in Brussels?'
+
+'Very ill,' said Scheffer. 'He feels that he has compromised the
+happiness of his wife, whom he married not long before the _coup
+d'etat._'
+
+'Changarnier at Malins, who lives alone and has only himself to care for,
+supports it much better.'
+
+Tocqueville and I walked home together.
+
+'Scheffer,' he said, 'did not tell all that happened at the Chateau
+d'Eau. Men seldom do when they fight over their battles.'
+
+'The insurgents by burrowing through walls had got into a house in the
+rear of our position. They manned the windows, and suddenly fired down on
+us from a point whence no danger had been feared. This caused a panic
+among the National Guards, a force of course peculiarly subject to
+panics. They turned and ran back 250 yards along the Boulevard St.
+Martin, carrying with them the Line and Lamoriciere himself. He
+endeavoured to stop them by outcries, and by gesticulations, and indeed
+by force. He gave to one man who was trying to run by him a blow with his
+fist, so well meant and well directed that it broke his collar bone.'
+
+'At length he stopped them, re-formed them, and said: "Now you shall
+march, I at your head, and the drummer beating the charge, as if you were
+on parade, up to that house." They did so. After a few discharges, which
+miraculously missed Lamoriciere, the men in the house deserted it.'
+
+'What were you doing at the Chateau d'Eau?' I asked.
+
+'We were marching,' he said, 'with infantry and artillery on the
+Boulevard du Temple, across which there was a succession of barricades,
+which it was necessary to take one by one.
+
+'As we advanced in the middle, our sappers and miners got into the houses
+on each side, broke through the party walls, and killed the men at the
+windows.'
+
+'Those three days,' he continued, 'impress strongly on my mind the
+dangers of our present state.'
+
+'It is of no use to take up pavements and straighten streets, and pierce
+Paris by long military roads, and loop-hole the barracks, if the
+Executive cannot depend on the army. Ditches and bastions are of no use
+if the garrison will not man them.'
+
+'The new law of recruitment, however, may produce a great change. Instead
+of 80,000 conscripts, 120,000 are to be taken each year. This is about
+all that are fit for service. They are required to serve for only two
+years. If the change ended there our army would be still more a militia
+than it is now. It would be the Prussian Landwehr. But those entitled to
+their discharge are to be enticed by higher pay, promotions, bounties,
+and retiring pensions--in short, by all means of seduction, to re-enter
+for long periods, for ten, or fifteen, or perhaps twenty years. It is
+hoped that thus a permanent regular army may be formed, with an _esprit
+de corps_ of its own, unsympathising with the people, and ready to keep
+it down; and such will, I believe, be the result. But it will take nine
+or ten years to produce such an army--and the dangers that I fear are
+immediate.'
+
+'What are the motives,' I asked, 'for the changes as to the conscription,
+the increase of numbers, and the diminution of the time of service?'
+
+'They are parts,' he answered, 'of the system. The French peasant, and
+indeed the _ouvrier_, dislikes the service. The proportion of conscripts
+who will re-enlist is small. Therefore the whole number must be large.
+The country must be bribed to submit to this by the shortness of the
+term. The conscript army will be sacrificed to what is to be the regular
+army. It will be young and ill-trained.'
+
+'But your new regular army,' I said, 'will be more formidable to the
+enemy than your present force.'
+
+'I am not sure of that,' he answered. 'The merit of the French army was
+the impetuosity of its attack, the "furia Francese," as the Italians
+called it. Young troops have more of this quality than veterans. The
+Maison du Roi, whose charge at Steenkirk Macaulay has so well described,
+consisted of boys of eighteen.'
+
+'I am re-editing,' I said, 'my old articles. Among them is one written in
+1841 on the National Character of France, England, and America,[1] as
+displayed towards foreign nations. I have not much to change in what I
+have said of England or of America. As they have increased in strength
+they have both become still more arrogant, unjust, and shameless.
+
+'England has perhaps become a little more prudent America a little less
+so. But France seems to me to be altered. I described her as a soldier
+with all the faults of that unsocial character. As ambitious, rapacious,
+eager for nothing but military glory and territorial aggrandisement. She
+seems now to have become moderate and pacific, and to be devoted rather
+to the arts of peace than to those of war.'
+
+'France _is_ changed,' answered Tocqueville, 'and when compared with the
+France of Louis XIV., or of Napoleon, was already changed when you wrote,
+though the war-cry raised for political purposes in 1840 deceived
+you. At the same time, I will not deny that military glory would, more
+than any other merit, even _now_ strengthen a Government, and that
+military humiliation would inevitably destroy one. Nor must you overrate
+the unpopularity of the last war. Only a few even of the higher classes
+understood its motives. "Que diable veut cette guerre?" said my country
+neighbour to me; "si c'etait contre les Anglais--mais _avec_ les Anglais,
+et pour le Grand Turc, qu'est-ce que cela peut signifier?" But when they
+saw that it cost only men, that they were not invaded or overtaxed, and
+that prices rose, they got reconciled to it.
+
+'It was only the speculators of Paris that were tired of it. And if,
+instead of the Crimea, we had fought near our own frontiers, or for some
+visible purpose, all our military passions, bad and good, would have
+broken out.'
+
+[Footnote 1: This article is republished in the _Historical and
+Philosophical Essays_. Longmans: 1865.--ED.]
+
+
+_Wednesday, May_ 13.--Tocqueville came in after breakfast, and I walked
+with him in the shade of the green walls or arcades of the Tuileries
+chestnuts.
+
+We talked of the Montijos, which led our conversation to Merimee and V.
+
+'Both of them,' said Tocqueville, 'were the friends of
+Countess Montijo, the mother.
+
+'V. was among the last persons who knew Eugenie as Countess Theba. He
+escorted her to the Tuileries the very evening of her marriage. There he
+took his leave of her. "You are now," he said, "placed so high that I can
+only admire you from below." And I do not believe that they have met
+since.
+
+'Merimee took a less sentimental view of the change. He acknowledged his
+Empress in his former plaything, subsided from a sort of stepfather into
+a courtier, and so rose to honour and wealth, while V. is satisfied to
+remain an ex-professor and _un homme de lettres_.'
+
+ * * * * *
+
+We met Henri Martin, and I asked Tocqueville what he thought of his
+History.
+
+'It has the merit of selling,' he said, 'which cannot be said of any
+other History of France. Martin is laborious and conscientious, and does
+not tell a story ill; but he is a partisan and is always biassed by his
+own likings and dislikings. He belongs to the class of theorists,
+unfortunately not a small one, whose political _beau ideal_ is the
+absence of all control over the will of the people-who are opposed
+therefore to an hereditary monarchy-to a permanent President--to a
+permanent magistracy-to an established Church--in short, to all
+privileged classes, bodies, or institutions. Equality, not liberty or
+security, is their object. They are centralisers and absolutists. A
+despotic Assembly elected by universal suffrage, sitting at most for a
+year, governing, like the Convention, through its committees, or a single
+despot, appointed for a week, and not re-eligible, is the sort of ruler
+that they would prefer. The last five years have perhaps disgusted Martin
+with his Asiatic democracy, but his earlier volumes are coloured
+throughout by his prejudices against all systems implying a division of
+power, and independent authorities controlling and balancing one
+another.'
+
+We talked of the Secret Police.
+
+'It has lately,' said Tocqueville, 'been unusually troublesome, or rather
+it has been troublesome to a class of persons whom it seldom ventures to
+molest. A friend of mine, M. Sauvaire Barthelemy, one of Louis Philippe's
+peers, was standing at the door of his hotel reading a letter. A
+gentleman in plain clothes addressed him, announced himself as an _agent
+de police_, and asked him if the letter which he was reading was
+political. "No," said Barthelemy, "you may see it. It is a _billet de
+mariage." "I am directed," said the agent, "to request you to get into
+this carriage." They got in and drove to Mazas. There Barthelemy was
+shown into a neat room with iron bars to the windows, and ordered to
+wait. After some time Louis Pietri, the Prefet de Police, arrived.
+
+'"I am grieved," he said, "at giving you so much trouble, but I have been
+commanded to see you in this place, and to inform you that the Emperor
+cannot bear that a man in your high position should systematically
+misrepresent him.
+
+'"L'Empereur fait tout ce qu'il peut pour le bonheur de la France, et il
+n'entend pas supporter une opposition aussi constante et aussi violente.
+Effectivement il ne veut pas d'opposition. Voulez-vous le tenir pour
+dit, Monsieur, et recevoir de nouveau mes excuses du derangement que j'ai
+du vous causer? Pour le present vous etes libre."'
+
+
+[Mr. Senior left Paris on the next day.
+
+M. de Tocqueville paid his promised visit to England in June, and was
+received with a perfect ovation.--ED.]
+
+
+
+CORRESPONDENCE.
+
+London, July 10, 1857.
+
+I was too ill, my dear friend, to go to you yesterday. Dr. Ferguson tells
+me that I have been doing too much, and prescribes perfect rest.
+
+I have already read half your journal of 1857. It is very curious; but I
+am glad that you have disguised me.
+
+It is terrible to be in London, and to see so little of you; but the
+force of circumstances is greater than the force of wishes.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+Tocqueville, August 6, 1857.
+
+You may already have had news of me through some of our common friends,
+my dear Senior, but I wish, besides, to give you some myself, and to
+thank you again for the kind welcome I received from you and in your
+house during my stay in London.
+
+I regret only that I was unable to be more with you, and that, in spite
+of myself, I was drawn into a whirlpool which carried me away and
+prevented me from following my inclinations.
+
+I have returned, however, full of gratitude for the marks of
+consideration and affection showered upon me in England. I shall never
+forget them.
+
+I found my wife already installed here, and in good health; and I have
+resumed my busy and peaceful life with a delight which does honour to my
+wisdom. For I had been so spoiled in England that I might have been
+afraid of finding my retreat too much out of the way and too quiet. But
+nothing of the sort has happened. The excitement of the past month
+appears to have added charms to the present.
+
+Nevertheless, I have not yet set to work again, but I am full of good
+resolutions, which I hope to execute as soon as I have completely
+returned to my usual habits. These first days have been devoted to
+putting everything into its regular order.
+
+In France we are almost as much interested as you in England in the
+affairs of India. Everyone, even in the country, asks me for news of what
+is going on there.
+
+There is a natural disposition to exaggerate the evil and to believe that
+your dominion is overturned. For my part, I am waiting with the utmost
+and most painful anxiety for the development of the drama, for no good
+can possibly result from it; and there is not one civilised nation in the
+world that ought to rejoice in seeing India escape from the hands of
+Europeans in order to fall back into a state of anarchy and barbarism
+worse than before its conquest.
+
+I am quite sure that you will conquer. But it is a serious business.
+
+A military insurrection is the worst of all insurrections, at least in
+the beginning. You have to deal with barbarians, but they possess the
+arms of civilised people given to them by yourselves.
+
+My wife, who has preserved her English heart, is particularly affected by
+the spectacle which Bengal at present affords.
+
+If you have any more particular news than is to be found in the
+newspapers, you will give us great pleasure by communicating them.
+
+Remember me to Mrs. and Miss Senior, and to your daughter-in-law.
+
+My wife sends many kind regards to them, as well as to you.
+
+Adieu, dear Senior. Believe in my sincere affection.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+P.S.--I fancy that the first effect of the Indian affair will be to draw
+still closer the alliance between England and France.
+
+
+Tocqueville, November 15, 1857.
+
+I am somewhat angry with you, my dear Senior, for not having yet given us
+your news.[1] It is treating our friendship unfairly, I have not written
+to you because I doubted your following exactly your intended route, but
+I will write to you at Athens, as I think that you must now be there. If
+you have followed your itinerary your travels must have been most
+interesting to you, and they will be equally curious to us. I conclude
+that you only passed quickly through the Principalities in following the
+course of the Danube. I, however, had depended on you for furnishing me
+with clear ideas of a country which is at present so interesting to
+Europe, and which I think is destined to play an important part in the
+future. And what say you of our friends the Turks? Was it worth while to
+spend so much money and to shed so much blood in order to retain in
+Europe savages who are ill disguised as civilised men? I am impatient to
+talk to you, and almost equally so to read you.
+
+I shall have little to tell you. I have not stirred from home since I
+left England, and am leading the life of a gentleman-farmer; a life which
+pleases me more and more every day, and would really make me happy, if my
+wife were not suffering from an obstinate neuralgic affection in the
+face. I fear that she may have to go to some mineral waters, which she
+would be sorry to do; for, as you know, she hates travelling, and does no
+justice to the reputation for wandering possessed by the English race.
+
+I can tell you nothing on politics which you will not find in the
+newspapers. The great question at present for all civilised Governments
+seems to be the financial. The crisis from which America and England are
+suffering will probably extend everywhere. As for India, you are out, not
+perhaps of your difficulties, but of your greatest dangers. This affair,
+and that of the Crimea, show how little sympathy there is for England
+abroad. There was everything to interest us in your success--similarity
+of race, of religion, and of civilisation. Your loss of India could have
+served no cause but that of barbarism. Yet I venture to affirm that the
+whole Continent, though it detested the cruelties of your enemies, did
+not wish you to triumph.
+
+Much of this is, without doubt, to be attributed to the evil passions
+which make men always desire the fall of the prosperous and the strong.
+But much belongs to a less dishonourable cause--to the conviction of all
+nations that England considers them only with reference to her own
+greatness; that she has less sympathy than any other modern nation; that
+she never notices what passes among foreigners, what they think, feel,
+suffer, or do, but with relation to the use which England can make of
+their actions, their sufferings, their feelings, or their thoughts; and
+that when she seems most to care for them she really cares only for
+herself. All this is exaggerated, but not without truth.
+
+Kindest regards from us both to you and to Mrs. Senior.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+[Footnote 1: Mr. Senior was at this time in the East.--ED.]
+
+
+
+Tocqueville, February 10, 1858.
+
+I was delighted, my dear Senior, to receive a letter from you dated
+Marseilles. You are right in remaining till the spring in the South. We
+trust to meet you in Paris in March.
+
+I say no more, for I cannot write to you on what would most interest
+you--French politics. Much is to be said on them; but you will understand
+my silence if you study our new Law of Public Safety, and remember who is
+the new Home Minister.[1] For the first time in French history has such a
+post been filled by a general--and what a general!
+
+I defer, therefore, until we meet, the expression of feelings and
+opinions which cannot be safely transmitted through the post, and only
+repeat how eager I am for our meeting.
+
+Kind regards to Mrs. Senior.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+[Footnote 1: General Espinasse.]
+
+
+Tocqueville, February 21, 1858.
+
+I received your letters with great pleasure, my dear Senior, and I think
+with still greater satisfaction that I shall soon be able to see you.
+
+I shall probably arrive in Paris, with my wife, at about the same time as
+you will, that is to say, about the 19th of next month. I should have
+gone earlier if I were not occupied in planting and sowing, for I am
+doing a little farming to my great amusement.
+
+I am delighted that you intend again to take up your quarters at the
+Hotel Bedford, as I intend also to stay there if I can find apartments.
+
+I hope that we shall be good neighbours and see each other as frequently
+as such old friends ought to do. _A bientot!_
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+[Mr. Senior ran over to England for a few weeks instead of remaining in
+Paris. The meeting between the two friends did not, therefore, take place
+till April.--ED.]
+
+
+
+CONVERSATIONS.
+
+_Paris, Saturday, April_ 17, 1858.--We had a discussion at the Institut
+to-day as to a bust to fill a niche in the anteroom. Rossi was proposed.
+His political merits were admitted, but he was placed low as to his
+literary claims as an economist and a jurist. Dupin suggested Talleyrand,
+which was received with a universal groan, and failed for want of a
+seconder. Ultimately the choice fell on Dumont.
+
+'Nothing that is published of Talleyrand's,' said Tocqueville to me as we
+walked home, 'has very great merit, nor indeed is much of it his own. He
+hated writing, let his reports and other state papers be drawn up by
+others, and merely retouched them. But in the archives of the _Affaires
+etrangeres_ there is a large quarto volume containing his correspondence
+with Louis XVIII during the Congress of Vienna. Nothing can be more
+charming. The great European questions which were then in debate, the
+diplomatic and social gossip of Vienna, the contemporary literature--in
+short, all that one clever _homme du monde_ could find to interest and
+amuse another, are treated with wit, brilliancy, and gaiety, supported by
+profound good sense. When that volume is published his bust will be
+placed here by acclamation.'
+
+_Monday, April_ 19.--I dined with Lanjuinais, and met Tocqueville, Rivet,
+Dufaure, Corcelle, Freslon, and one or two others.
+
+They attacked me about the change of sentiment in England with respect to
+Louis Napoleon.
+
+'While he was useful to you,' they said, 'you steadily refused to admit
+that he was a tyrant, or even an usurper. You chose to disbelieve in the
+3,000 men, women, and children massacred on the Boulevards of Paris--in
+the 20,000 poisoned by jungle fever in Cayenne--in the 25,000 who have
+died of malaria, exposure, and bad food, working in gangs on the roads
+and in the marshes of the Metidja and Lambressa.'
+
+'We did not _choose_', I answered, 'to disbelieve any thing. We were
+simply ignorant. _I_ knew all these facts, because I have passed a part
+of every year since 1847 in Paris; because I walked along the Boulevards
+on the 20th of December 1851, and saw the walls of every house, from the
+Bastille to the Madeleine, covered with the marks of musket-balls;
+because I heard in every society of the thousands who had been massacred,
+and of the tens of thousands who had been _deportes_; but the untravelled
+English, and even the travelled English, except the few who live in
+France among the French, knew nothing of all this. Your press tells
+nothing. The nine millions of votes given to Louis Napoleon seemed to
+prove his popularity, and therefore the improbability of the tyranny of
+which he was accused by his enemies. _I_ knew that those nine millions of
+votes were extorted, or stolen by violence or fraud. But the English
+people did not know it. They accepted his election as the will of the
+nation, and though they might wonder at your choice, did not presume to
+blame it.'
+
+'The time,' they answered, 'at which light broke in upon you is
+suspicious. Up to the 14th of January 1858 the oppression under which
+thirty-four millions of people within twenty-four miles of your coast,
+with whom you are in constant intercourse, was unknown to you. Their
+ruler insults you, and you instantly discover that he is an usurper and a
+tyrant. This looks as if the insult, and the insult alone, opened your
+eyes.'
+
+'What opened our eyes,' I answered, 'was not the insult but the _loi de
+surete publique_. It was the first public act which showed to England the
+nature of your Government.
+
+'When we found, erected in every department, a revolutionary tribunal,
+empowered to banish and transport without trial; when we found a rude
+soldier made Home Minister, and the country divided into five districts
+to be each governed by a marshal, we saw at once that France was under a
+violent military despotism. Until that law was passed the surface was
+smooth. There was nothing in the appearance of France to show to a
+stranger that she was not governed by a Monarch, practically, indeed,
+absolute, but governing as many absolute Monarchs have done, mildly and
+usefully.
+
+'Of course we might have found out the truth sooner if we had inquired.
+And perhaps we ought to have inquired. We busy ourselves about our own
+affairs, and neglect too much those of other countries. In that sense
+you have a right to say that we chose to be ignorant, since our conduct
+was such as necessarily to make us ignorant. But it was not because Louis
+Napoleon was our ally that we chose to be ignorant, but because we
+habitually turn our eyes from the domestic affairs of the Continent, as
+things in which we have seldom a right to interfere, and in which, when
+we do interfere, we do more harm than good.'
+
+We talked of the manner in which the _loi de surete publique_ has been
+carried out. And I mentioned 600 as the number of those who had suffered
+under it, as acknowledged to me by Blanchard in the beginning of March.
+
+'It is much greater now,' said Lanjuinais. 'Berryer on his return from
+Italy, a week ago, slept in Marseilles. He was informed that more than
+900 persons had passed through Marseilles, _deportes_ under the new law
+to Algeria. They were of all classes: artisans and labourers mixed with
+men of the higher and middle classes. To these must be added those
+transported to Cayenne, who were sent by way of Havre. As for the number
+_expulses_ and _internes_ there are no data.'
+
+'In the Department of Var, a man was found guilty in 1848 of joining in
+one of the revolutionary movements of that time. His complete innocence
+was soon proved; he was released, and has lived quietly on his little
+estate ever since. He was arrested under the new law and ordered to be
+_deporte_ to Algeria. His friends, in fact all his neighbours,
+remonstrated, and sent to Paris the proof that the original conviction
+was a mistake. "Qu'il aille tout de meme," was Espinasse's answer.
+
+'In Calvados the Prefet, finding no one whom he could conscientiously
+arrest, took hold of one of the most respectable men in the department.
+"If," he said, "I had arrested a man against whom there was plausible
+ground for suspicion, he might have been transported. This man _must_ be
+released."'
+
+'Has he been released?' I asked.
+
+'I have not heard,' was the answer. 'In all probability he has been.'
+
+'In my department,' said Tocqueville, 'the _sous-prefet_, ordered by the
+Prefet to arrest somebody in the arrondissement, was in the same
+perplexity as the Prefet of Calvados. "I can find no fit person," he said
+to me. I believe that he reported the difficulty to the Prefet, and that
+the vacancy was supplied from some other arrondissement.
+
+'What makes this frightful,' he added, 'is that we now know that
+deportation is merely a slow death. Scarcely any of the victims of 1851
+and 1852 are living.'
+
+'I foretold that,' I said, 'at the time, as you will find if you look at
+my article on Lamartine, published in the "Edinburgh Review."'[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: See _Journals in France and Italy_.--ED.]
+
+
+_April_ 20.--We talked of the political influence in France of the
+_hommes de lettres_.
+
+'It began,' said Tocqueville, 'with the Restoration. Until that time we
+had sometimes, though very rarely, statesmen who became writers, but
+never writers who became statesmen,'
+
+'You had _hommes de lettres_,' I said, 'in the early Revolutionary
+Assemblies--Mirabeau for instance.'
+
+'Mirabeau,' he answered, 'is your best example, for Mirabeau, until he
+became a statesman, lived by his pen. Still I should scarcely call a man
+of his high birth and great expectations _un homme de lettres_. That
+appellation seems to belong to a man who owes his position in early life
+to literature. Such a man is Thiers, or Guizot, as opposed to such men as
+Gladstone, Lord John Russell, or Montalembert.'
+
+
+_Wednesday, April_ 21.--I dined with D. and met, among several others,
+Admiral Matthieu the Imperial Hydrographer, and a general whose name I
+did not catch. I talked to the general about the army.
+
+'We are increasing it,' he said, 'but not very materially. We are rather
+giving ourselves the means of a future rapid increase, than making an
+immediate augmentation. We are raising the number of men from 354,000 to
+392,400, in round numbers to 400,000; but the principal increase is in
+the _cadres_, the officers attached to each battalion. We have increased
+them by more than one third. So that if a war should break out we can
+instantly--that is to say in three months, increase our army to 600,000
+or even 700,000 men. Soldiers are never wanting in France, the difficulty
+always is to find officers.'
+
+'I hear,' I said, 'that you are making great improvements in your
+artillery.'
+
+'We are,' he answered. 'We are applying to it the principle of the Minie
+musket, and we are improving the material. We hope to make our guns as
+capable of resisting rapid and continued firing as well and as long as
+the English and the Swedish guns, which are the best in Europe, can do.
+And we find that we can throw a ball on the Minie principle with equal
+precision twice as far. This will double the force of all our batteries.'
+
+'Are _you_,' he asked me, 'among those who have taken shares in the
+Russian railways?'
+
+'No,' I said. 'They are the last that I wish to encourage.'
+
+'Englishmen or Frenchmen,' he answered, 'who help Russia to make
+railways, put me in mind of the Dutch who sold powder to their besiegers.
+
+'The thinness of her population--that is, the vast space over which it is
+scattered--alone prevents Russia from being the mistress of Europe. If
+her 64,000,000 were as concentrated as our 34,000,000 are, she would be
+irresistible. She loses always far more men in marching than in
+fighting.'
+
+'The events of the war,' I said, 'lead me to believe that the goodness of
+the Russian soldier is exaggerated. They were always beaten, often by
+inferior numbers.'
+
+'In the first place,' he answered, 'those who were beaten at Sebastopol
+were not the best Russian soldiers. They were short small men, generally
+drawn from the neighbouring provinces. The Russian Imperial Guards and
+the Russian Army in Poland are far superior to any that we encountered in
+the Crimea. In the second place, they were ill commanded. The
+improvements of weapons, of science and of discipline, have raised the
+privates of all the great military nations to about the same level.
+Success now depends on numbers and on generalship. With railways Russia
+will be able to bring quickly a preponderating force to any point on her
+frontier. Her officers are already good, and for money she can import the
+best generals; indeed, I do not see why she should not breed them. Russia
+is civilised enough to produce men of the highest military qualities.'
+
+I asked Admiral Matthieu about the naval preparations of France.
+
+'The "Moniteur,"' I said, 'denies that you are making any.'
+
+'The "Moniteur,"' he answered, 'does not tell the truth. We are
+augmenting largely, both the number and the efficacy of our fleet.
+
+'Four years ago, at the beginning of the Russian war, we resolved to
+build a steam fleet of 150 steam ships of different sizes for fighting,
+and 74 steam ships for the transfer service, and to carry fuel and
+stores. Though we set about this in the beginning, as we thought, of a
+long war, we have not allowed the peace to interrupt it. We are devoting
+to it sixty-five millions a year (2,600,000_l_.) of which from fifteen to
+seventeen millions are employed every year in building new ships, and
+from forty to forty-two in adding steam power to the old ones. We hope to
+finish this great work in fourteen years.'
+
+'What,' I asked, 'is the amount of your present fleet of steamers?'
+
+'We have thirty-three screws,' he answered, 'fifty-seven paddles, and
+sixty-two sailing vessels in commission, and seventy-three, mostly
+steamers, _en reserve_, as you would say, in ordinary.'
+
+'Manned by how many men?' I asked.
+
+'By twenty-five thousand sailors,' he answered, 'and eleven thousand
+marines. But our _inscription maritime_ would give us in a few months or
+less one hundred thousand more. Since the times of Louis XVI. the French
+Navy has never been so formidable, positively or relatively.'
+
+'How,' I asked, 'has your "Napoleon" succeeded?'
+
+'Admirably,' he answered. 'I have not seen the "Wellington," but she is a
+much finer ship than the Agamemnon. Her speed is wonderful. A month ago
+she left Toulon at seven in the morning, and reached Ajaccio by four in
+the evening. But the great improvement is in our men. Napoleon knew
+nothing and cared nothing about sailors. He took no care about their
+training, and often wasted them in land operations, for which landsmen
+would have done as well.
+
+'In 1814 he left Toulon absolutely unguarded, and sent all the sailors to
+join Augereau. You might have walked into it.
+
+'In 1810 or 1811 I was on board a French corvette which fought an action
+with an English vessel, the "Lively." We passed three times under her
+stern, and raked her each time. We ought to have cleared her decks. Not a
+shot touched her. The other day at Cherbourg I saw a broadside fired at a
+floating mark three cables off, the usual distance at which ships engage.
+Ten balls hit it, and we could see that all the others passed near enough
+to shake it by their wind.
+
+'A ship of eighty guns has now forty _canonniers_ and forty _maitres de
+pieces_. All practical artillerymen, and even the able seamen, can point
+a gun. Nelson's manoeuvre of breaking the line could not be used against
+a French fleet, such as a French fleet is now. The leading ships would be
+destroyed one after another, by the concentrated fire. Formerly our
+officers dreaded a maritime war. They knew that defeat awaited them,
+possibly death. Now they are confident, and eager to try their hands.'
+
+In the evening L. took me into a corner, and we had a long conversation.
+
+He had been reading my 'Athens Journal.'
+
+'What struck me,' he said, 'in every page of it, was the resemblance of
+King Otho to Louis Napoleon.'
+
+'I see the resemblance,' I answered, 'but it is the resemblance of a
+dwarf to a giant.'
+
+'No,' he replied. 'Of a man five feet seven inches high to one five feet
+eleven inches. There are not more than four inches between them. There is
+the same cunning, the same coldness, the same vindictiveness, the same
+silence, the same perseverance, the same unscrupulousness, the same
+selfishness, the same anxiety to appear to do everything that is done,
+and above all, the same determination to destroy, or to seduce by
+corruption or by violence, every man and every institution favourable to
+liberty, independence, or self-government. In one respect Otho had the
+more difficult task. He found himself, in 1843, subject to a Constitution
+carefully framed under the advice of England for the express purpose of
+controlling him. He did not attempt to get rid of it by a _coup d'etat_,
+or even to alter it, but cunningly and skilfully perverted it into an
+instrument of despotism. Louis Napoleon destroyed the Constitution which
+he found, and made a new one, copied from that which had been gradually
+elaborated by his uncle, which as a restraint is intentionally powerless
+and fraudulent.
+
+'A man,' he continued, 'may acquire influence either by possessing in a
+higher degree the qualities which belong to his country and to his time,
+or by possessing those in which they are deficient.
+
+'Wellington is an example of this first sort. His excellences were those
+of an Englishman carried almost to perfection.
+
+'Louis Napoleon belongs to the second. If his merits had been impetuous
+courage, rapidity of ideas, quickness of decision, frankness, versatility
+and resource, he would have been surrounded by his equals or his
+superiors. He predominated over those with whom he came in contact
+because he differed from them. Because he was calm, slow, reserved,
+silent, and persevering. Because he is a Dutchman, not a Frenchman.'
+
+'He seems,' I said, 'to have lost his calmness.'
+
+'Yes,' answered L. 'But under what a shock! And observe that though the
+greatest risk was encountered by _him_, the terror was greatest among his
+_entourage_. I do not believe that if he had been left to himself he
+would have lost his prudence or his self-possession. He did not for the
+first day. Passions are contagious. Everyone who approached him was
+agitated by terror and anger. His intrepidity and self-reliance, great as
+they are, were disturbed by the hubbub all round him. His great defects
+are three. First, his habit of self-contemplation. He belongs to the men
+whom the Germans call subjective, whose eye is always turned inwardly;
+who think only of themselves, of their own character, and of their own
+fortunes. Secondly, his jealousy of able men. He wishes to be what you
+called him, a giant, and as Nature has not made him positively tall, he
+tries to be comparatively so, by surrounding himself with dwarfs. His
+third defect is the disproportion of his wishes to his means. His desires
+are enormous. No power, no wealth, no expenditure would satisfy them.
+Even if he had his uncle's genius and his uncle's indefatigability, he
+would sink, as his uncle did, under the exorbitance of his attempts. As
+he is not a man of genius, or even a man of remarkable ability, as he is
+ignorant, uninventive and idle, you will see him flounder and fall from
+one failure to another.
+
+'During the three years that Drouyn de L'Huys was his minister he was
+intent on home affairs--on his marriage, on the Louvre, on the artillery,
+on his _bonnes fortunes_, and on the new delights of unbounded
+expenditure. He left foreign affairs altogether to his minister. When
+Drouyn de L'Huys left him, the road before him was plain--he had only to
+carry on the war. But when the war was over, the road ended; neither
+he nor Walewski nor any of his _entourage_ know anything of the country
+in which they are travelling. You see them wandering at hazard. Sometimes
+trying to find their way to Russia, sometimes to England. Making a treaty
+with Austria, then attempting to injure her, and failing; attempting to
+injure Turkey, and failing; bullying Naples, and failing; threatening
+Switzerland, threatening Belgium, and at last demanding from England an
+Alien Bill, which they ought to know to be incompatible with the laws and
+hateful to the feelings of the people.
+
+'He is not satisfied with seeing the country prosperous and respected
+abroad. He wants to dazzle. His policy, domestic and foreign, is a policy
+of vanity and ostentation--motives which mislead everyone both in private
+and in public life.
+
+'His great moral merits are kindness and sympathy. He is a faithful
+attached friend, and wishes to serve all who come near him.
+
+'His greatest moral fault is his ignorance of the difference between
+right and wrong; perhaps his natural insensibility to it, his want of the
+organs by which that difference is perceived--a defect which he inherits
+from his uncle.'
+
+'The uncle,' I said, 'had at least one moral sense--he could understand
+the difference between pecuniary honesty and dishonesty, a difference
+which this man seems not to see, or not to value.'
+
+'I agree with you,' said L. 'He cannot value it, or he would not look
+complacently on the peculation which surrounds him. Every six months some
+magnificent hotel rises in the Champs Elysees, built by a man who had
+nothing, and has been a minister for a year or two.'
+
+On my return I found Tocqueville with the ladies. I gave him an outline
+of what L. had said.
+
+'No one,' he said, 'knows Louis Napoleon better than L.'
+
+'My opportunities of judging him have been much fewer, but as far as they
+have gone, they lead to the same conclusions. L. perhaps has not dwelt
+enough on his indolence. Probably as he grows older, and the effects of
+his early habits tell on him, it increases. I am told that it is
+difficult to make him attend to business, that he prolongs audiences
+apparently to kill time.
+
+'One of the few of my acquaintances who go near him, was detained by him
+for an hour to answer questions about the members of the _Corps
+legislatif_. Louis Napoleon inquired about their families, their
+fortunes, their previous histories. Nothing about their personal
+qualities. These are things that do not interest him. He supposes that
+men differ only in externals. "That the _fond_ is the same in everyone."'
+
+
+_April 26_.--Tocqueville spent the evening with us.
+
+We talked of Novels.
+
+'I read none,' he said, 'that end ill. Why should one voluntarily subject
+oneself to painful emotions? To emotions created by an imaginary cause
+and therefore impelling you to no action. I like vivid emotions, but I
+seek them in real life, in society, in travelling, in business, but above
+all in political business. There is no happiness comparable to political
+success, when your own excitement is justified by the magnitude of the
+questions at issue, and is doubled and redoubled by the sympathy of your
+supporters. Having enjoyed that, I am ashamed of being excited by the
+visionary sorrows of heroes and heroines.
+
+'I had a friend,' he continued, 'a Benedictine, who is now ninety-seven.
+He was, therefore, about thirteen when Louis XVI. began to reign. He is a
+man of talents and knowledge, has always lived in the world, has attended
+to all that he has seen and heard, and is still unimpaired in mind, and
+so strong in body that when I leave him he goes down to embrace me, after
+the fashion of the eighteenth century, at the bottom of his staircase.'
+
+'And what effect,' I asked, 'has the contemplation of seventy years of
+revolution produced in him? Does he look back, like Talleyrand, to the
+_ancien regime_ as a golden age?'
+
+'He admits,' said Tocqueville, 'the material superiority of our own age,
+but he believes that, intellectually and morally, we are far inferior to
+our grandfathers. And I agree with him. Those seventy years of revolution
+have destroyed our courage, our hopefulness, our self-reliance, our
+public spirit, and, as respects by far the majority of the higher
+classes, our passions, except the vulgarest and most selfish ones--vanity
+and covetousness. Even ambition seems extinct. The men who seek power,
+seek it not for itself, not as the means of doing good to their country,
+but as a means of getting money and flatterers.
+
+'It is remarkable,' he continued, 'that women whose influence is
+generally greatest under despotisms, have none now. They have lost it,
+partly in consequence of the gross vulgarity of our dominant passions,
+and partly from their own nullity. They are like London houses, all built
+and furnished on exactly the same model, and that a most uninteresting
+one. Whether a girl is bred up at home or in a convent, she has the same
+masters, gets a smattering of the same accomplishments, reads the same
+dull books, and contributes to society the same little contingent of
+superficial information.
+
+'When a young lady comes out I know beforehand how her mother and her
+aunts will describe her. "Elle a les gouts simples. Elle est pieuse. Elle
+aime la campagne. Elle aime la lecture. Elle n'aime pas le bal. Elle
+n'aime pas le monde, elle y ira seulement pour plaire a sa mere." I try
+sometimes to escape from these generalities, but there is nothing behind
+them.'
+
+'And how long,' I asked, 'does this simple, pious, retiring character
+last?'
+
+'Till the orange flowers of her wedding chaplet are withered,' he
+answered. 'In three months she goes to the _messe d'une heure_.'
+
+'What is the "messe d'une heure?"' I asked.
+
+'A priest,' he answered, 'must celebrate Mass fasting; and in strictness
+ought to do so before noon. But to accommodate fashionable ladies who
+cannot rise by noon, priests are found who will starve all the morning,
+and say Mass in the afternoon. It is an irregular proceeding, though
+winked at by the ecclesiastical authorities. Still to attend it is rather
+discreditable; it is a middle term between the highly meritorious
+practice of going to early Mass, and the scandalous one of never going at
+all.'
+
+'What was the education,' I asked, 'of women under the _ancien regime_?'
+
+'The convent,' he answered.
+
+'It must have been better,' I said, 'than the present education, since
+the women of that time were superior to ours.'
+
+'It was so far better,' he answered, 'that it did no harm. A girl at that
+time was taught nothing. She came from the convent a sheet of white
+paper. _Now_ her mind is a paper scribbled over with trash. The women of
+that time were thrown into a world far superior to ours, and with the
+sagacity, curiosity, and flexibility of French women, caught knowledge
+and tact and expression from the men.
+
+'I knew well,' he continued, 'Madame Recamier. Few traces of her former
+beauty then remained, but we were all her lovers and her slaves. The
+talent, labour, and skill which she wasted in her _salon_, would have
+gained and governed an empire. She was virtuous, if it be virtuous to
+persuade every one of a dozen men that you wish to favour him, though
+some circumstance always occurs to prevent your doing so. Every friend
+thought himself preferred. She governed us by little distinctions, by
+letting one man come five minutes before the others, or stay five minutes
+after. Just as Louis XIV. raised one courtier to the seventh heaven by
+giving him the _bougeoir_, and another by leaning on his arm, or taking
+his shirt from him.
+
+'She said little, but knew what each man's _fort_ was, and placed from
+time to time a _mot_ which led him to it. If anything were peculiarly
+well said, her face brightened. You saw that her attention was always
+active and always intelligent.
+
+'And yet I doubt whether she really enjoyed conversation. _Tenir salon_
+was to her a game, which she played well, and almost always successfully,
+but she must sometimes have been exhausted by the effort. Her _salon_ was
+perhaps pleasanter to us than it was to herself.
+
+'One of the last,' he continued, 'of that class of potentates was the
+Duchesse de Dino. Her early married life was active and brilliant, but
+not intellectually. It was not till about forty, when she had exhausted
+other excitements, that she took to _bel esprit._ But she performed her
+part as if she had been bred to it.'
+
+This was our last conversation. I left Paris the next day, and we never
+met again.
+
+
+
+
+CORRESPONDENCE.
+
+Tocqueville, June 30, 1858.
+
+I must complain, a little of your silence, my dear Senior. I hear that
+before you left Paris you suffered a great deal from your throat. Is it
+true, or have you recovered?
+
+I have not either much to boast of on the score of health since we
+parted. The illness which I had in Paris became still worse, and when I
+got a little better in that way I had a violent bronchial attack. I even
+began to spit blood, which had not happened to me for many years, and I
+am still almost reduced to silence. Still I am beginning to mend, and I
+hope, please God, to be able to _speak_ to my friends when they visit me.
+
+You are aware that I wished to induce my wife to accompany me to the
+South; but the length of the journey, the difficulties of transport, the
+heat, and indeed the state of my health, were reasons which she brought
+forward with so much force that we have remained here, and shall not
+leave till the end of September. We still hope that you and Miss Senior
+will join us the first week in that month. We shall be very happy to have
+you both with us. This is no compliment ... I hope soon to be able to
+enjoy more frequent communication with my English friends. A steamboat is
+about to run from Cherbourg to the coast of England. We shall then be
+able to visit each other as neighbours (_voisiner_).
+
+Between ourselves, I do not think that the events in England during the
+last six months are of a nature to raise the reputation of Parliamentary
+Government in the rest of the world. _A bientot!_
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+Kensington, July 5, 1858.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--If I had written to you three days ago, I should
+have talked of the pleasure which my daughter and I expected from our
+visit to Tocqueville. But our plans are changed. Edward Ellice is going
+to pay a last visit to America, and has begged me to accompany him. He is
+a great proprietor in both America and Canada--knows everybody in both
+countries, and is besides a most able and interesting companion. So I
+have accepted the proposal, and start on the 30th of this month for
+Boston. We shall return in the beginning of November.
+
+I am _very_ sorry to lose the visit to Normandy, but I trust that it is
+only deferred.
+
+We are grieved to hear that neither you nor Madame de Tocqueville are as
+well as your friends could wish you to be.
+
+My _grippe_, after lasting for three months, has gradually subsided, and
+I look to the voyage to America as a cure for all remains of it.
+
+I have most punctually carried your remembrances to all the persons
+honoured by being inscribed on your card.
+
+Though I have often seen Gladstone, it has always been among many other
+persons, and he has been so full of talk, that I have never been able to
+allude to your subject. I mentioned it to Mrs. Gladstone on Saturday
+last: she said that there was not a person in all France whom her husband
+so much admired and venerated as you--therefore, if there was any
+appearance of neglect, it could have arisen only from hurry or mistake. I
+shall see him again on Thursday, when we are going all together to a
+rehearsal of Ristori's, and I will talk to him: we shall there be quiet.
+
+Things here are in a very odd state. The Government is supported by the
+Tories because it calls itself Tory, and by the Whigs and Radicals
+because it obeys them. On such terms it may last for an indefinite time.
+
+Kindest regards from us all to you both.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+9 Hyde Park Gate, Kensington, August 2, 1858.
+
+My dear Tocqueville,--I ought, as you know, to be on the Atlantic by this
+time; but I was attacked, ten days ago, with lumbar neuralgia, which they
+are trying, literally, to rub away. If I am quite well on the 13th, I
+shall go on the 14th to America.
+
+I was attacked at Sir John Boileau's, where I spent some days with the
+Guizots, Mrs. Austin, and Stanley and Lord John Russell.
+
+Guizot is in excellent spirits, and, what is rare in an ex-premier,
+dwells more on the present and the future than on the past. Mrs. Austin
+is placid and discursive.
+
+Lord John seems to me well pleased with the present state of
+affairs--which he thinks, I believe with reason, will bring him back to
+power. He thinks that Malmesbury and Disraeli are doing well, and praises
+much the subordinates of the Government. Considering that no one believes
+Lord Derby to be wise, or Disraeli to be either wise or honest, it is
+marvellous that they get on as well as they do. The man who has risen
+most is Lord Stanley, and, as he has the inestimable advantage of youth,
+I believe him to be predestined to influence our fortunes long.
+
+The world, I think, is gradually coming over to an opinion, which, when I
+maintained it thirty years ago, was treated as a ridiculous paradox--that
+India is and always has been a great misfortune to us; and, that if it
+were possible to get quit of it, we should be richer and stronger.
+
+But it is clear that we are to keep it, at least for my life.
+
+Kindest regards from us all to you and Madame de Tocqueville.
+
+Ever yours,
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+Tocqueville, August 21, 1858.
+
+My dear Senior,--I hear indirectly that you are extremely ill. Your
+letter told me only that you were suffering from neuralgia which you
+hoped to be rid of in a few days, but Mrs. Grote informs me that the
+malady continues and has even assumed a more serious character.
+
+If you could write or dictate a few lines to me, you would please me
+much.
+
+I am inconsolable for the failure of your American journey. I expected
+the most curious results from it I hoped that your journal would enable
+me once more to understand the present state of a country which has
+so changed since I saw it that I feel that I now know nothing of it. What
+a blessing, however, that you had not started! What would have become of
+you if the painful attack from which you are suffering had seized you
+2,000 miles away from home, and in the midst of that agitated society
+where no one has time to be ill or to think of those who are ill? It must
+be owned that Fortune has favoured you by sending you this illness just
+at the moment of your departure instead of ten days later.
+
+I have been much interested by your visit to Sir John Boileau. You saw
+there M. Guizot in one of his best lights. The energy with which he
+stands up under the pressure of age and of ill-fortune, and is not only
+resigned in his new situation, but as vigorous, as animated, and as
+cheerful as ever, shows a character admirably tempered and a pride which
+nothing will bend.
+
+I do not so well understand the cheerfulness of Lord John Russell. For
+the spectacle now exhibited by England, in which a party finds no
+difficulty in maintaining itself in power by carrying into practice ideas
+which it has always opposed, and by relying for support on its natural
+enemies, is not of a nature to raise the reputation of your institutions,
+or of your public men. I should have a great deal more to say to you on
+this and other subjects if I were not afraid of tiring you. I leave off,
+therefore, by assuring you that we are longing to hear of your recovery.
+Remembrances, &c.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+Cannes, December 12, 1858.
+
+I wish, my dear friend, to reassure you myself on the false reports which
+have been spread regarding my health. Far from finding myself worse than
+when we arrived, I am already much better.
+
+I am just now an invalid who takes his daily walks of two hours in the
+mountains after eating an excellent breakfast. I am not, however, well.
+If I were I should not long remain a citizen of Cannes.
+
+I have almost renounced the use of speech, and consequently the society
+of human beings; which is all the more sad as my wife, my sole companion,
+is herself very unwell, not dangerously, but enough to make me
+anxious. When I say my sole companion, I am wrong, for my eldest brother
+has had the kindness to shut himself up with us for a month.
+
+Adieu, dear Senior. A thousand kind remembrances from us to all your
+party.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+
+
+Cannes, March 15, 1859.
+
+You say, my dear Senior, in the letter which I have just received, that I
+like to hear from my friends, not to write to them. It is true that I
+delight in the letters of my friends, especially of my English friends;
+but it is a calumny to say that I do not like to answer them. It is true
+that I am in your debt: one great cause is, that a man who lives at
+Cannes knows nothing of what is passing. My solitary confinement, which
+is bad enough in every way, makes me a bad correspondent, by depressing
+my spirits and rendering every exertion painful.
+
+Mrs. Grote, in a very kind and interesting letter, which I received from
+her yesterday, says, that Lord Brougham, on his late arrival in London,
+gave a lamentable description of my health. If he confined himself to
+January, he was right. It is impossible to exaggerate my sufferings
+during that month. But, since that time, all has changed, as if from day
+to night, or rather from night to day. To talk now of what I was in
+January is like making a speech about the Spanish marriages.
+
+I am grieved to find that you have suffered so much this year from
+bronchitis. I fear that your larynx can scarcely endure an English
+winter. But it is very hard to be obliged to expatriate oneself every
+year. I fear, however, that such must be my fate for some winters to
+come, and the pain with which I anticipate it makes me sympathise more
+acutely with you.
+
+We know not, as yet, whether we are to have peace or war. Whichever it
+be, a mortal blow has struck the popularity of Louis Napoleon. What
+maintained him was the belief that he was the protector of our material
+interests: interests to which we now sacrifice all others. The events of
+the last month show, with the utmost vividness, that these very interests
+may be endangered by the arbitrary and irrational will of a despot. The
+feelings, therefore, which were his real support are now bitterly hostile
+to him.
+
+I feel, in short, that a considerable change in our Government is
+approaching.
+
+Even our poor _Corps legislatif_, a week ago, refused to take into
+consideration the Budget, until it was informed whether it were to be a
+war budget or a peace budget. Great was the fury of those who represented
+the Government. They exclaimed that the Chamber misapprehended its
+jurisdiction, and that it had nothing to do with political questions. The
+Chamber, however, or rather its committee on the Budget, held its ground,
+and extorted from the Government some explanations.
+
+Adieu, my dear Senior. Say everything that is kind to the Grotes, the
+Reeves, the Lewises--in short, to all our common friends, and believe in
+the sincerity of my friendship.
+
+A. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+[This was M. de Tocqueville's last letter to Mr. Senior. He died on the
+16th of April.--ED.]
+
+
+
+Hotel Westminster, Rue de la Paix, April 25, 1859.
+
+My dear Madame de Tocqueville,--I was in the country, and it was only
+last Friday, as I was passing through London on my way to Paris, that I
+heard of the irreparable loss that we, indeed that France and Europe,
+have suffered.
+
+It cannot alleviate your distress to be told how universal and deep is
+the sympathy with it--quite as much in England as in France.
+
+It has thrown a gloom over society, not only over that portion which had
+the happiness and the honour of intimacy with M.A. de Tocqueville, but
+even of his acquaintances, and of those too whose acquaintance was only
+with his works.
+
+I have, as you know, been for about a year, the depositary of a large
+packet confided to me by M. de Tocqueville last spring. About six months
+ago he begged me to return it to him, in Paris, when I had a safe
+opportunity. No such opportunity offered itself, so that the packet
+remains in my library awaiting your orders.
+
+Since I began this letter I have been informed by M. de Corcelle that you
+are likely to be soon in Paris. I shall not venture to send it by the
+post, lest it should cross you on the road.
+
+I shall anxiously inquire as to your arrival, in the hope that you will
+allow one who most sincerely loved and admired your husband, morally and
+intellectually, to see you as soon as you feel yourself equal to it.
+
+Believe me, my dear Madame de Tocqueville, with the truest sympathy,
+yours most truly,
+
+NASSAU W. SENIOR.
+
+[Mr. Senior continued an active correspondence with Madame de
+Tocqueville, and we saw her whenever we were in Paris. Our long-promised
+visit to Tocqueville took place in 1861.--ED.]
+
+
+
+
+
+JOURNAL.
+
+_Tocqueville, Sunday, August_ 11, 1861.--We left Paris on Saturday
+evening, got to Valognes by the Cherbourg railway by six the next
+morning, and were furnished there with a good carriage and horses, which
+took us, and our servants and luggage, in three hours to Tocqueville.
+
+Valognes has been immortalised by Le Sage in Turcaret. It is a town of
+about 6,000 inhabitants, built of granite, and therefore little altered
+from what it was 200 years ago. Over many of the doors are the armorial
+bearings of the provincial nobility who made it a small winter capital:
+the practice is not wholly extinct. I asked who was the inhabitant of an
+imposing old house. 'M. de Neridoze,' answered our landlady, 'd'une
+tres-haute noblesse.' I went over one in which Madame de Tocqueville
+thinks of passing the winter. It is of two stories. The ground floor
+given up to kitchen, laundry, and damp-looking servants' rooms; the first
+floor in this form:--
+
+[Illustration:]
+
+ Bedroom.
+ Door
+ Stairs Bedroom.
+
+Bedroom. Drawing-room. Dining-room. Hall. Bedroom.
+
+
+The longer side looks into the street, the shorter, which is to be Madame
+de Tocqueville's bedroom, into a small garden.
+
+_August_ 11.--At Tocqueville we find M. and Madame de Beaumont, their
+second son--a charming boy of ten years old, and Ampere.
+
+It is eleven years since I was here. Nothing has been done to the
+interior of the house. This is about the plan of ground floor.
+
+[Illustration:]
+
+ Offices
+ Tower
+ staircase Offices.
+
+Drawing-room. Billiard-room. Dining-room.
+ Hall.
+ Tower
+
+The first floor corresponds to the ground floor, except that on the
+western sides a passage runs, into which the library, which is over the
+drawing-room, and the bedrooms open. The second consists of garrets. My
+room is on the first floor of the eastern tower, with deep windows
+looking south and east. The room dedicated by Tocqueville to Ampere is
+above me. Creepers in great luxuriance cover the walls up to the first
+floor windows. The little park consists of from thirty to forty acres,
+well wooded and traversed by an avenue in this form, leading from the
+road to the front of the house.
+
+
+* * * * * * * * *
+
+* * * * * * * * *
+
+ * *
+
+ * *
+
+ * *
+
+ * *
+
+To the west the ground rises to a wild common commanding the sea, the
+lighthouses of Gatteville, Barfleur, La Hogue, and a green plain covered
+with woods and hedgerow trees, and studded with church towers and spires
+of the picturesque forms of the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth
+centuries. It has no grand features, except the sea and the rocky coast
+of the Cherbourg peninsula, but it is full of variety and beauty. I can
+understand Tocqueville's delight in the house and in the country. The
+weather is perfect; the thermometer in my bedroom, the walls of which are
+about six feet thick, is 71 deg., in the sun it is 80 deg.; but there is a strong
+breeze.
+
+_August 12th._--Madame de Beaumont, my daughter, and Ampere drove, and
+Beaumont and I walked, to the coast about three miles and a half off. Our
+road ran through the gay wooded plain which I have described.
+
+We talked of Italian affairs.
+
+'Up to the annexation of Tuscany,' said Beaumont, 'I fully approve of all
+that has been done. Parma, Modena, and Tuscany were eager to join
+Piedmont. During the anxious interval of six months, while the decision
+of Louis Napoleon was doubtful, the conduct of the Tuscans was above all
+praise. Perhaps the general wish of the people of Romagna justified the
+Piedmontese in seizing it. Though there the difficult question as to the
+expediency of stripping the Pope of his temporal power rises.
+
+'Perhaps, too, the facility with which Sicily submitted was a
+justification. But I cannot pardon the seizure of Naples. It is clear to
+me that if the Neapolitans had been left to themselves they would have
+driven out the Garibaldians. Garibaldi himself felt this: nothing but a
+conviction of its necessity would have induced him to call for the
+assistance of the Piedmontese. I do not believe that in defiance of all
+international law-indeed in defiance of all international
+morality--Cavour would have given that assistance if the public opinion
+of Piedmont had allowed him to refuse it. And what is the consequence? A
+civil war which is laying waste the country. The Piedmontese call their
+adversaries brigands. There are without doubt among them men whose motive
+is plunder, but the great majority are in arms in defence of the
+independence of their country. They are no more brigands now than they
+were when they resisted King Joseph. The Piedmontese are as much
+foreigners to them as the French were: as much hated and as lawfully
+resisted. They may be conquered, they probably will be conquered. An
+ignorant corrupt population, inhabiting a small country, unsupported by
+its higher classes--its fleet, its fortresses, and all the machinery of
+its government, in the hands of its enemies--cannot permanently resist;
+but the war will be atrocious, and the more cruel on the part of Piedmont
+because it is unjust.'
+
+'You admit,' I said, 'that the higher classes side with Piedmont?'
+
+'I admit that,' he answered; 'but you must recollect how few they are in
+number, and how small is the influence which they exercise. In general, I
+detest universal suffrage, I detest democracy and everything belonging to
+it, but if it were possible to obtain honestly and truly the opinion of
+the people, I would ask it and obey it. I believe that it would be better
+to allow the Neapolitans, ignorant and debased as they are, to choose
+their own sovereign and their own form of government, than to let them be
+forced by years of violence to become the unwilling subjects of
+Piedmont.'
+
+'Do you believe,' I said, 'that it is possible to obtain through
+universal suffrage the honest and true opinion of a people?'
+
+'Not,' he answered, 'if the Government interferes. I believe that in
+Savoy not one person in fifty was in favour of annexation to France. But
+this is an extreme case.
+
+'The Bourbons are deservedly hated and despised by the Neapolitans, the
+Piedmontese are not despised, but are hated still more intensely. There
+is no native royal stock. The people are obviously unfit for a Republic.
+It would be as well, I think, to let them select a King as to impose one
+on them. The King whom Piedmont, without a shadow of right, is imposing
+on them is the one whom they most detest.'
+
+'If I go to Rome,' I asked, 'in the winter, whom shall I find there?'
+
+'I think,' he answered, 'that it will be the Piedmontese. The present
+state of things is full of personal danger to Louis Napoleon. As his
+policy is purely selfish, he will, at any sacrifice, put an end to it.
+That sacrifice may be the unity of Catholicism. The Pope, no longer a
+sovereign, will be under the influence of the Government in whose
+territory he resides, and the other Catholic Powers may follow the
+example of Greece and of Russia, and create each an independent Spiritual
+Government. It would be a new excitement for _Celui-ci_ to make himself
+Head of the Church.'
+
+'Assassinations,' I said, 'even when successful have seldom produced
+important and permanent effects, but Orsini's failure has influenced and
+is influencing the destinies of Europe.'
+
+'If I were an Italian liberal,' said Beaumont, 'I would erect a statue to
+him. The policy and almost the disposition of Louis Napoleon have been
+changed by the _attentat_. He has become as timid as he once was
+intrepid. He began by courting the Pope and the clergy. He despised the
+French assassins, who were few in number and unconnected, and who had
+proved their unskilfulness on Louis Philippe; but Orsini showed him that
+he had to elect between the Pope and the Austrians on one side, and the
+Carbonari on the other. He has chosen the alliance of the Carbonari. He
+has made himself their tool, and will continue to do so.
+
+'They are the only enemies whom he fears, at least for the present.
+
+'France is absolutely passive. The uneducated masses from whom he holds
+his power are utterly indifferent to liberty, and he has too much sense
+to irritate them by wanton oppression. They do not know that he is
+degrading the French character, they do not even feel that he is wasting
+the capital of France, they do not know that he is adding twenty millions
+every year to the national debt. They think of his loans merely as
+investments, and the more profligately extravagant are the terms and the
+amount, the better they like them.'
+
+'Ten years ago,' I said, 'the cry that I heard was, "Ca ne durera pas."'
+
+'That was my opinion,' he answered; 'indeed, it was the opinion of
+everybody. I thought the Duc de Broglie desponding when he gave it three
+years. We none of us believed that the love of liberty was dead in
+France.'
+
+'It is not,' I said, 'dead, for among the higher classes it still lives,
+and among the lower it never existed.'
+
+'Perhaps,' he answered, 'our great mistakes were that we miscalculated
+the courage of the educated classes, and the degree in which universal
+suffrage would throw power into the hands of the uneducated. Not a human
+being in my commune reads a newspaper or indeed reads anything: yet it
+contains 300 electors. In the towns there is some knowledge and some
+political feeling, but for political purposes they are carefully swamped
+by being joined to uneducated agricultural districts.
+
+'Still I think I might enter the _Corps legislatif_ for our capital Le
+Mans. Perhaps at a general election twenty liberals might come in. But
+what good could they do? The opposition in the last session strengthened
+Louis Napoleon. It gave him the prestige of liberality and success.'
+
+'You think him, then,' I said, 'safe for the rest of his life?'
+
+'Nothing,' he answered, 'is safe in France, and the thing most unsafe is
+a Government. Our caprices are as violent as they are sudden. They
+resemble those of a half-tamed beast of prey, which licks its keeper's
+hand to-day, and may tear him to-morrow. But if his life be not so long
+as to enable the fruits of his follies to show themselves in their
+natural consequences--unsuccessful war, or defeated diplomacy, or
+bankruptcy, or heavily increased taxation--he may die in the Tuileries.
+
+'But I infer from his conduct that he thinks an insurrection against his
+tyranny possible, and that he is preparing to meet it by a popular war--
+that is to say, by a war with England.
+
+'I found my opinion not so much on the enormous maritime preparations, as
+on the long-continued systematic attempts to raise against England our
+old national enmity. All the provincial papers are in the hands of the
+Government. The constantly recurring topic of every one of them is, the
+perfidy and the malignity of England. She is described as opposing all
+our diplomacy, as resisting all our aggrandisement, as snarling and
+growling at our acquisition of Savoy, as threatening us if we accept
+Sardinia, as trying to drive the Pope from Rome because we protect him,
+as trying to separate the Danubian provinces because we wish to unite
+them, as preventing the Suez Canal because we proposed it--in short, on
+every occasion and in every part of the world as putting herself in our
+way. To these complaints, which are not without foundation, are added
+others of which our ignorant people do not see the absurdity. They are
+told that the enormous conscription, and the great naval expenditure, are
+rendered necessary by the aggressive armaments of England. That you are
+preparing to lay waste all our coasts, to burn our arsenals, to subsidise
+against us a new Coalition, and perhaps lead its armies again to Paris.
+
+'The Emperor's moderation, his love of England, and his love of peace,
+are said to be the only obstacles to, a violent rupture. But they are
+prepared for these obstacles at length giving way. "The Emperor," they
+are told, "is getting tired of his insolent, and hostile, and quarrelsome
+allies. He is getting tired of a peace which is more expensive than a
+war. Some day the cup will flow over. 'Il en finira avec eux,' will
+dictate a peace in London, will free the oppressed Irish nationality,
+will make England pay the expense of the war, and then having conquered
+the only enemy that France can fear, will let her enjoy, for the first
+time, real peace, a reduced conscription, and low taxation."
+
+'Such is the language of all the provincial papers and of all the
+provincial authorities, and it has its effect. There never was a time
+when a war with England would be so popular. He does not wish for one, he
+knows that it would be extremely dangerous, but he is accustomed to play
+for great stakes, and if submitting to any loss of his popularity, or to
+any limitation of his power is the alternative, he will run the risk. He
+keeps it, as his last card, in reserve, to be played only in extremity,
+but to be ready when that extremity has arrived.'
+
+_Tuesday, August_ 13.--We drove to La Prenelle, a church at the point of
+a high table-land running from Tocqueville towards the bay of La Hogue,
+and commanding nearly all the Cherbourg peninsula. On three sides of us
+was the sea, separated from us by a wooded, well-inhabited plain, whose
+churches rose among the trees, and containing the towns and lofty
+lighthouses of Gatteville, Barfleur, Vast, and La Hogue. We sat on the
+point from whence James II. saw the battle of La Hogue, and admired the
+courage of his English rebels.
+
+Ampere has spent much of his life in Rome, and is engaged on a work in
+which its history is to be illustrated by its monuments.
+
+We talked of the Roman people.
+
+'Nothing,' said Ampere, 'can be more degraded than the higher classes.
+With the exception of Antonelli, who is charming, full of knowledge,
+intelligence, and grace, and of the Duke of Sermoneta, who is almost
+equally distinguished, there is scarcely a noble of my acquaintance who
+has any merits, moral or intellectual.
+
+'They are surrounded by the finest ancient and modern art, and care
+nothing for it. The eminent men of every country visit Rome--the Romans
+avoid them for they have nothing to talk to them about.
+
+'Politics are of course unsafe, literature they have none. They never
+read. A cardinal told me something which I doubted, and I asked him where
+he had found it. "In certi libri," he answered.
+
+'Another, who has a fine old library, begged me to use it. "You will do
+the room good," he said. "No one has been there for years." Even scandal
+and gossip must be avoided under an Ecclesiastical Government.
+
+'They never ride, they never shoot, they never visit their estates, they
+give no parties; if it were not for the theatre and for their lawsuits
+they would sink into vegetable life.'
+
+'Sermoneta,' I said, 'told me that many of his lawsuits were hereditary,
+and would probably descend to his son.'
+
+'If Sermoneta,' said Ampere, 'with his positive intelligence and his
+comparative vigour, cannot get through them, what is to be expected from
+others? They have, however, one merit, one point of contact with the rest
+of the world--their hatred of their Government. They seem to perceive,
+not clearly, for they perceive nothing clearly, but they dimly see, that
+the want of liberty is a still greater misfortune to the higher classes
+than to the lower.
+
+'But the people are a fine race. Well led they will make excellent
+soldiers. They have the cruelty of their ancestors, perhaps I ought to
+say of their predecessors, but they have also their courage.'
+
+'They showed,' said Beaumont, 'courage in the defence of Rome, but
+courage behind walls is the commonest of all courages. No training could
+make the Spaniards stand against us in the open field, but they were
+heroes in Saragossa. The caprices of courage and cowardice are
+innumerable. The French have no moral courage, they cannot stand
+ridicule, they cannot encounter disapprobation, they bow before
+oppression; a French soldier condemned by a court-martial cries for mercy
+like a child. The same man in battle appears indifferent to death. The
+Spaniard runs away without shame, but submits to death when it is
+inevitable without terror. None of the prisoners taken on either side in
+the Spanish civil war asked for pardon.'
+
+'Indifference to life,' I said, 'and indifference to danger have little
+in common. General Fenelon told me that in Algeria he had more than once
+to preside at an execution. No Arab showed any fear. Once there were two
+men, one of whom was to be flogged, the other to be shot. A mistake was
+made and they were going to shoot the wrong man. It was found out in
+time, but neither of the men seemed to care about it; yet they
+would probably have run away in battle. The Chinese are not brave, but
+you can hire a man to be beheaded in your place.'
+
+'So,' said Ampere, 'you could always hire a substitute in our most
+murderous wars, when in the course of a year a regiment was killed twice
+over. It was hiring a man, not indeed to be beheaded, but to be shot for
+you.'
+
+'The destructiveness,' said Beaumont, 'of a war is only gradually known.
+It is found out soonest in the villages when the deaths of the conscripts
+are heard of, or are suspected from their never returning; but in the
+towns, from which the substitutes chiefly come, it may be long
+undiscovered. Nothing is known but what is officially published, and the
+Government lies with an audacity which seems always to succeed. If it
+stated the loss of men in a battle at one half of the real number, people
+would fancy that it ought to be doubled, and so come near to the truth;
+but it avows only one-tenth or only one-twentieth, and then the amount of
+falsehood is underestimated.'
+
+'Marshal Randon,' I said, 'told me that the whole loss in the Italian
+campaign was under 7,000 men.'
+
+'That is a good instance,' said Beaumont. 'It certainly was 50,000,
+perhaps 70,000. But I am guilty of a _delit_ in saying so, and you will
+be guilty of a _delit_ if you repeat what I have said. I remember the
+case of a man in a barber's shop in Tours, to whom the barber said that
+the harvest was bad. He repeated the information, and was punished by
+fine and imprisonment for having spread _des nouvelles alarmantes_. Truth
+is no excuse; in fact it is an aggravation, for the truer the news the
+more alarming.'
+
+'In time of peace,' I asked, 'what proportion of the conscripts return
+after their six years of service?'
+
+'About three-quarters,' answered Beaumont.
+
+'Then,' I said, 'as you take 100,000 conscripts every year even in peace,
+you lose 25,000 of your best young men every year?'
+
+'Certainly,' said Beaumont.
+
+'And are the 75,000 who return improved or deteriorated?' I asked.
+
+'Improved,' said Ampere; 'they are _degourdis_, they are educated, they
+submit to authority, they know how to shift for themselves.'
+
+'Deteriorated,' said Beaumont. 'A garrison life destroys the habits of
+steady industry, it impairs skill. The returned conscript is more vicious
+and less honest than the peasant who has not left his village.'
+
+'And what was the loss,' I asked, 'in the late war?'
+
+'At least twice as great,' said Beaumont, 'as it is in peace. Half of
+those who were taken perished. The country would not have borne the
+prolongation of the Crimean War.'
+
+'These wars,' I said, 'were short and successful. A war with England can
+scarcely be short, and yet you think that he plans one?'
+
+'I think,' said Beaumont, 'that he plans one, but only in the event of
+his encountering any serious difficulty at home. You must not infer from
+the magnitude of his naval expenditure that he expects one.
+
+'You look at the expense of those preparations, and suppose that so great
+a sacrifice would not be made in order to meet an improbable emergency.
+But expense is no sacrifice to him. He likes it. He has the morbid
+taste for it which some tyrants have had for blood, which his uncle had
+for war. Then he is incapable of counting. When he lived at Arenenburg he
+used to give every old soldier who visited him an order on Viellard his
+treasurer for money. In general the chest was empty. Viellard used to
+remonstrate but without effect. The day perhaps after his orders had been
+dishonoured he gave new ones.'
+
+'Is it true,' I asked, 'that the civil list is a couple of years' income
+in debt?'
+
+I know nothing about it,' said Beaumont; 'in fact, nobody knows anything
+about anything, but it is highly probable. Everybody who asks for
+anything gets it, everybody is allowed to waste, everybody is allowed to
+rob, every folly of the Empress is complied with. Fould raised
+objections, and was dismissed.
+
+'She is said to have a room full of revolutionary relics: there is the
+bust of Marie Antoinette, the nose broken at one of the sacks of the
+Tuileries. There is a picture of Simon beating Louis XVII. Her poor child
+has been frightened by it, and she is always dwelling on the dangers of
+her position.'
+
+'So,' I said, 'did Queen Adelaide--William IV.'s Queen. From the passing
+of the Reform Bill she fully expected to die on the scaffold.'
+
+'There is more reason,' he answered, 'for the Empress's fears.'
+
+'Not,' I said, 'if she fears the scaffold. Judicial murder, at least in
+that form, is out of fashion. Cayenne and Lambressa are your guillotines,
+and the Empress is safe from them.'
+
+'But there are other modes of violent death,' he answered; 'from one of
+which she escaped almost by miracle.'
+
+'How did she behave,' I asked, 'at the _attentat?_'
+
+'Little is known,' he answered, 'except that the Emperor said to her, as
+he led her upstairs to her box: "Allons, il faut faire notre metier."'
+
+'Then she is disturbed by religious fears. The little prince has been
+taught to say to his father every morning: "Papa, ne faites pas de mal a
+mon parrain." The Pope was his godfather.'
+
+'If the Emperor dies, the real power will pass into the hands of Prince
+Napoleon. And very dangerous hands they will be. He has more talent than
+the Emperor, and longer views. Louis Napoleon is a revolutionist from
+selfishness. Prince Napoleon is selfish enough, but he has also passion.
+He detests everything that is venerable, everything that is established
+or legal.
+
+'There is little value now for property or for law, though the Government
+professes to respect them. What, will it be when the Government professes
+to hate them?'
+
+_Wednesday, August_ 14.--We talked at breakfast of Rome.
+
+'Is there,' said Beaumont to Ampere, 'still an Inquisition at Rome?'
+
+'There is,' said Ampere, 'but it is torpid. It punishes bad priests, but
+does little else.'
+
+'If a Roman,' I asked, 'were an avowed infidel, would it take notice of
+him?'
+
+'Probably not,' said Ampere, 'but his _cure_ might--not for his
+infidelity, but for his avowing it. The _cure_ who has always the powers
+of a _commissaire de police,_ might put him in prison if he went into a
+_cafe_ and publicly denied the Immaculate Conception, or if he neglected
+going to church or to confession: but the Inquisition no longer cares
+about opinions.'
+
+'Is there much infidelity,' I asked, 'in Rome?'
+
+'Much,' said Ampere, 'among the laity. The clergy do not actively
+disbelieve. They go through their functions without ever seriously
+inquiring whether what they have to teach be true or false. No persons
+were more annoyed by the Mortara[1] business than the clergy, with the
+exception of Antonelli. He hates and fears the man who set it on foot,
+the Archbishop of Bologna, and therefore was glad to see him expose
+himself, and lose all hope of the Secretaryship, but he took care to
+prevent the recurrence of such a scandal. He revived an old law
+prohibiting Jews from keeping Christian nurses. But he could scarcely
+order restitution. According to the Church it would have been giving the
+child to the Devil, and, what is worse, robbing God of him. The Pope's
+piety is selfish. His great object is his own salvation. He would not
+endanger that, to confer any benefit upon, or to avert any evil from
+Rome; or indeed from the whole world. This makes him difficult to
+negotiate with. If anything is proposed to him which his confessor
+affirms to be dangerous to his soul, he listens to no arguments. As for
+Mortara himself, he is a poor creature. A friend of mine went to see him
+in his convent. All that he could get from him was:
+
+'"Sono venuti i Carabinieri."
+
+'"And what did they do to you?"
+
+'"M' hanno portato qui."
+
+'"What more?"
+
+'"M' hanno dato pasticci; erano molto buoni."
+
+'What is most teasing,' continued Ampere, 'in the Roman Government is not
+so much its active oppression as its torpidity. It hates to act. An
+Englishman had with great difficulty obtained permission to light Rome
+with gas. He went to the Government in December, and told them that
+everything was ready, and that the gas would be lighted on the 1st of
+January.
+
+'"Could you not," they answered, "put it off till April?"
+
+'"But it is in winter," he replied; "that it is wanted. Every thing is
+ready. Why should we wait?"
+
+'"It is a new thing," they replied; "people will be frightened. It may
+have consequences. At least put it off till March."
+
+'"But they will be as much frightened in March," he replied.
+
+'"If it must be done," they said, "as a kindness to His Holiness and to
+us put it off till February."
+
+'There is, however, one sort of oppression which even we should find it
+difficult to tolerate.
+
+'A Monsignore has a young friend without money, but an excellent Catholic
+and an excellent politician, a fervid believer in the Immaculate
+Conception and in the excellence of the Papal Government. He wishes to
+reward such admirable opinions: but the Pope has little to give.
+Monsignore looks out for some young heiress, sends for her father,
+describes his pious and loyal _protege_, and proposes marriage. Her
+father objects--says that his daughter cannot afford to marry a poor man,
+or that she does not wish to marry at all--or that he or she has some
+other preference.
+
+'Monsignore insists. He assures the father that what he is proposing is
+most favourable to the salvation of his daughter, that he suggests it
+principally for the benefit of her soul, and that the father's objections
+are inspired by the Evil One. The father breaks off the conversation and
+goes home. He finds that his daughter has disappeared. He returns furious
+to Monsignore, is received with the utmost politeness and is informed
+that his daughter is perfectly safe under the protection of a cardinal
+who himself did her the honour of fetching her in his gilded coach. "You
+have only," the Monsignore says, "to be reasonable, and she shall be
+returned to you."
+
+'The father flies to the cardinal.
+
+'The same politeness and the same answer.
+
+'"Do not oppose," he is told, "the will of the Pope, who, in this matter,
+seeks only your daughter's happiness here and hereafter. She is now with
+me. If you will give up your sinful obstinacy she shall be restored to
+you to-day. If not, it will be our duty to place her in a convent, where
+she will be taken the utmost care of, but she will not leave it except to
+marry the person whom His Holiness thinks most fitted to promote the
+welfare of her soul."
+
+'I have known several cases in which this attempt has been made. With
+such timid slaves as the Roman nobility it always succeeds.'
+
+[Footnote 1: The Jewish child who was taken away from his parents and
+converted.--ED.]
+
+
+_Thursday, August_ 15.--This is the fete of St. Louis--the great fete of
+Tocqueville. Madame de Tocqueville and Madame de Beaumont spent much of
+the morning in church.
+
+Beaumont and his son walked to the coast to bathe. Minnie, Ampere, and I
+strolled among the deep shady lanes of the plateau above the castle.
+Throughout Normandy the fields are small and are divided by mounds
+planted with trees. The farmhouses, and even the cottages, are built of
+primitive rock, granite, or old red sandstone. At a distance, peeping out
+of the trees that surround them, they look pretty, but they, have more
+than the usual French untidiness. The outhouses are roofless, the
+farmyards are full of pools and dung heaps, which often extend into the
+road; and the byroads themselves are quagmires when they do not consist
+of pointed stones. I was struck by the paucity of the children and the
+absence of new houses. The population of Normandy is diminishing.
+
+We conversed on the subject of Italy.
+
+'If we are in Rome next winter,' I asked, 'shall we find the French
+there?'
+
+'I think not,' said Ampere; 'I think that you will find only the
+Piedmontese.
+
+'Every day that Louis Napoleon holds Rome is a day of danger to him, a
+danger slight perhaps now, but serious if the occupation be prolonged.
+The Anti-papal party, and it includes almost all that are liberal and all
+that are energetic, are willing to give him time, but not an indefinite
+time. They are quiet only because they trust him. He is a magician who
+has sold himself to the Devil. The Devil is patient, but he will not be
+cheated. The Carbonari will support Louis Napoleon as long as he is doing
+their work, and will allow him to do it in his own way and to take his
+own time, as long as they believe he is doing it. But woe to him if they
+believe that he is deceiving them. I suspect that they are becoming
+impatient, and I suspect too, that he is becoming impatient. This quarrel
+between Merode and Goyon is significative. I do not believe that Goyon
+used the words imputed to him. We shall probably keep Civita Vecchia, but
+we shall give up Rome to the Piedmontese.'
+
+'And will the Pope,' I asked, 'remain?'
+
+'Not this Pope,' said Ampere, 'but his successor. Nor do I see the great
+evil of the absence of the Pope from Rome. Popes have often been absent
+before, sometimes for long periods.'
+
+'Most of my French friends,' I said, 'are opposed to Italian Unity as
+mischievous to France.'
+
+'I do not believe,' he answered, 'in the submission of Naples to this
+Piedmontese dynasty, but I shall be delighted to see all Italy north of
+the Neapolitan territory united.
+
+'I do not think that we have anything to fear from the kingdom of Italy.
+It is as likely to be our friend as to be our enemy. But the Neapolitans,
+even if left to themselves, would not willingly give up their
+independence, and _Celui-ci_ is trying to prevent their doing so.'
+
+'What do _they_ wish,' I asked, 'and what does _he_ wish?'
+
+'I believe,' he answered, 'that _their_ wishes are only negative.
+
+'They do not wish to recall the Bourbons, and they are resolved not to
+keep the Piedmontese. _His_ wish I believe to be to put his cousin there.
+Prince Napoleon himself refused Tuscany. It is too small, but he would
+like Naples, and Louis Napoleon would be glad to get rid of him. What
+would England say?'
+
+'If we believed,' I said, 'in the duration of a Bonaparte dynasty in
+France, we should, of course, object to the creation of one in Naples.
+But if, as we think it probable, the Bonapartists have to quit France, I
+do not see few we should be injured by their occupying the throne of
+Naples.
+
+'I should object to them if I were a Neapolitan. All their instincts are
+despotic, democratic, and revolutionary. But even they are better than
+the late king was. What chance have the Murats?'
+
+'None,' said Ampere. 'They have spoiled their game, if they had a game,
+by their precipitation. The Emperor has disavowed them, the Neapolitans
+do not care for them. The Prince de Leuchtenberg, grandson of Eugene
+Beauharnais, has been talked of. He is well connected, related to many of
+the reigning families of the Continent, and is said to be intelligent and
+well educated.'
+
+'If Naples,' I said, 'is to be detached from the kingdom of Italy, Sicily
+ought to be detached from Naples. There is quite as much mutual
+antipathy.'
+
+'Would you like to take it?' he asked.
+
+'Heaven forbid!' I answered. 'It would be another Corfu on a larger
+scale. The better we governed them, the more they would hate us. The only
+chance for them is to have a king of their own.'
+
+_August_ 15.--In the evening Ampere read to us a comedy called 'Beatrix,'
+by a writer of some reputation, and a member of the Institut.
+
+It was very bad, full of exaggerated sentiments, forced situations, and
+the cant of philanthropic despotism.
+
+An actress visits the court of a German grand duke. He is absent. His
+mother, the duchess, receives her as an equal. The second son falls in
+love with her at first sight and wishes to marry her. She is inclined to
+consent, when another duchy falls in, the elder duke resigns to his
+brother, he becomes king, presses their marriage, his mother does not
+oppose, and thereupon Beatrix makes a speech, orders her horses, and
+drives off to act somewhere else.
+
+Ampere reads admirably, but no excellence of reading could make such
+absurdities endurable. It was written for Ristori, who acted Beatrix in
+French with success.
+
+
+_Friday, August_ 16.--We talked at breakfast of 1793.
+
+'It is difficult,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'to believe that the French
+of that day were our ancestors.'
+
+'They resembled you,' I said, 'only in two things: in military courage,
+and in political cowardice.'
+
+'They had,' she replied, 'perhaps more passive courage than we have.[1]
+My great-great-grandmother, my great-grandmother, and my great-aunt, were
+guillotined on the same day. My great-great-grandmother was ninety years
+old. When interrogated, she begged them to speak loud, as she was deaf.
+'Ecrivez,' said Fouquier Tinville, 'que la citoyenne Noailles a conspire
+sourdement contre la Republique.' They were dragged to the Place de la
+Republique in the same _tombereau_, and sat waiting their turn on the
+same bench.
+
+'My great-aunt was young and beautiful. The executioner, while fastening
+her to the plank, had a rose in his mouth. The Abbe de Noailles, who was
+below the scaffold, disguised, to give them, at the risk of his life, a
+sign of benediction, was asked how they looked.
+
+'"Comme si,' he said, 'elles allaient a la messe."'
+
+'The habit,' said Ampere, 'of seeing people die produces indifference
+even to one's own death. You see that among soldiers. You see it in
+epidemics. But this indifference, or, to use a more proper word, this
+resignation, helped to prolong the Reign of Terror. If the victims had
+resisted, if, like Madame du Barry, they had struggled with the
+executioner, it would have excited horror.'
+
+'The cries of even a pig,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'make it disagreeable
+to kill it.'
+
+'Sanson,' I said, 'long survived the Revolution; he made a fortune and
+lived in retirement at Versailles. A lady was run away with between
+Versailles and Paris. An elderly man, at considerable risk, stopped her
+horse. She was very grateful, but could not get from him his name. At
+last she traced him, and found that it was Sanson.'
+
+'Sanson,' said Beaumont, 'may have been an honest man. Whenever a place
+of _bourreau_ is vacant, there are thirty or forty candidates, and they
+always produce certificates of their extraordinary kindness and humanity.
+It seems to be the post most coveted by men eminent for their
+benevolence.'
+
+'How many have you?' I asked.
+
+'Eighty-six,' he answered. 'One for each department.'
+
+'And how many executions?'
+
+'About one hundred a year in all France.'
+
+'And what is the salary?'
+
+'Perhaps a couple of thousand francs a year.'
+
+'Really,' said Ampere, 'it is one of the best parts of the patronage of
+the Minister of the Interior. _M. le Bourreau_ gets more than a thousand
+francs for each operation.'
+
+'We pay by the piece,' I said, 'and find one operator enough for all
+England.'
+
+'A friend of mine,' said Beaumont, had a remarkably good Swiss servant.
+His education was far above his station, and we could not find what had
+been his birth or his canton.
+
+'Suddenly he became agitated and melancholy, and at last told my friend
+that he must leave him, and why. His father was the hereditary _bourreau_
+of a Swiss canton. To the office was attached an estate, to be forfeited
+if the office were refused. He had resolved to take neither, and, to
+avoid being solicited, had left his country and changed his name. But his
+family had traced him, had informed him of his father's death, and had
+implored him to accept the succession. He was the only son, and his
+mother and sisters would be ruined, if he allowed it to pass to the next
+in order of inheritance, a distant cousin. He had not been able to
+persist in his refusal.'
+
+'The husband of an acquaintance of mine,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'used
+to disappear for two or three hours every day. He would not tell her for
+what purpose. At last she found out that he was employed in the _chambre
+noire_, the department of the police by which letters passing through the
+post are opened. The duties were well paid, and she could not persuade
+him to give them up. They were on uneasy terms, when an accident threw a
+list of all the names of the _employes_ in the _chambre noire_, into the
+hands of an opposition editor, who published them in his newspaper.
+
+'She then separated from him.'
+
+'If the Post-office,' I said, 'were not a Government monopoly, if
+everyone had a right to send his letters in the way that he liked best,
+there would be some excuse. But the State compels you, under severe
+penalties, to use its couriers, undertaking, not tacitly but expressly,
+to respect the secrecy of your correspondence, and then systematically
+violates it.'
+
+'I should have said,' answered Ampere, 'not expressly but tacitly.'
+
+'No,' I replied; 'expressly. Guizot, when Minister for Foreign Affairs,
+proclaimed from the tribune, that in France the secrecy of correspondence
+was, under all circumstances, inviolable. This has never been officially
+contradicted.
+
+'The English Post-office enters into no such engagements. Any letters may
+be legally opened, under an order from a Secretary of State.'
+
+'Are prisoners in England,' asked Beaumont, 'allowed to correspond with
+their friends?'
+
+'I believe,' I answered, 'that their letters pass through the Governor's
+hands, and that he opens them, or not, at his discretion.'
+
+'Among the tortures,' said Ampere, 'which Continental despots delight to
+inflict on their state prisoners the privation of correspondence is one.'
+
+'In ordinary life,' I said, 'the educated endure inaction worse than the
+ignorant. A coachman sits for hours on his box without feeling _ennui_.
+If his master had to sit quiet all that time, inside the carriage, he
+would tear his hair from impatience.
+
+'But the educated seem to tolerate the inactivity of imprisonment better
+than their inferiors. We find that our ordinary malefactors cannot endure
+solitary imprisonment for more than a year--seldom indeed so long. The
+Italian prisoners whom I have known, Zucchi, Borsieri, Poerio,
+Gonfalonieri, and Pellico, endured imprisonment lasting from ten to
+seventeen years without much injury to mind or body.'
+
+'The spirit of Pellico,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'was broken. When
+released, he gave himself up to devotion and works of charity. Perhaps
+the humility, resignation, and submission of his book made it still
+more mischievous to the Austrian Government. The reader's indignation
+against those who could so trample on so unresisting a victim becomes
+fierce.'
+
+'If the Austrians,' I said, 'had been wise, they would have shot instead
+of imprisoning them. Their deaths would have been forgotten--their
+imprisonment has contributed much to the general odium which is
+destroying the Austrian Empire.'
+
+'It would have been wiser,' said Beaumont, 'but it would have been more
+merciful, and therefore it was not done. But you talk of all these men as
+solitarily imprisoned. Some of them had companions.'
+
+'Yes,' I said, 'but they complained that one permanent companion was
+worse than solitude. Gonfalonieri said, that one could not be in the same
+room, with the same man, a year without hating him.
+
+'One of the Neapolitan prisoners was chained for some time to a brigand.
+Afterwards the brigand was replaced by a gentleman. He complained
+bitterly of the change.
+
+'The brigand,' said Minnie, 'was his slave, the gentleman had a will of
+his own.'
+
+'How did M. de La Fayette,'[2] I asked Madame de Beaumont, 'bear his five
+years' imprisonment at Olmutz?'
+
+'His health,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'was good, but the miseries of his
+country and the sufferings of his wife made him very unhappy. When my
+grandmother came to him, it was two days before she had strength to tell
+him that all his and her family had perished. I was once at Olmutz, and
+saw the one room which they had inhabited. It was damp and dark. She
+asked to be allowed to leave it for a time for better medical treatment
+and change of air. It was granted only on the condition that she should
+never return. She refused. The rheumatic attacks which the state of the
+prison had produced, continued and increased: she was hopelessly ill when
+they were released--and died soon afterwards. The sense of wrong
+aggravated their sufferings, for their imprisonment was a gross and
+wanton violation of all law, international and municipal. My grandfather
+was not an Austrian subject; he had committed no offence against Austria.
+She seized him simply because he was a liberal, because his principles
+had made him the enemy of tyranny in America and in France; and because
+his birth and talents and reputation gave him influence. It was one of
+the brutal stupid acts of individual cruelty which characterise the
+Austrian despotism, and have done more to ruin it than a wider
+oppression--such a one, for instance, as ours, more mischievous, but more
+intelligent,--would have done.'
+
+'Freedom,' said Ampere, 'was offered to him on the mere condition of his
+not serving in the French army. At that time the Jacobins would have
+guillotined him, the Royalists would have forced duel after duel on him
+till they had killed him. It seemed impossible that he should ever be
+able to draw his sword for France. In fact he never _was_ able. America
+offered him an asylum, honours, land, everything that could console an
+exile. But he refused to give up the chance, remote as it was, of being
+useful to his country, and remained a prisoner till he was delivered by
+Napoleon.'
+
+'He firmly believed,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'that if the Royal Family
+would have taken refuge with his army in 1791 he could have saved them,
+and probably the Monarchy. His army was then in his hands, a few months
+after the Jacobins had corrupted it.'
+
+'Two men,' said Ampere, 'Mirabeau and La Fayette, could have saved the
+Monarchy, and were anxious to do so. But neither the King nor the Queen
+would trust them.
+
+'Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette are among the historical personages who
+have most influenced the destinies of the world. His dulness, torpidity
+and indecision, and her frivolity, narrow-minded prejudices and
+suspiciousness, are among the causes of our present calamities. They are
+among the causes of a state of things which has inflicted on
+us, and threatens to inflict on all Europe, the worst of all
+Governments--democratic despotism. A Government in which two wills only
+prevail--that of the ignorant, envious, ambitious, aggressive multitude,
+and that of the despot who, whatever be his natural disposition, is soon
+turned, by the intoxication of flattery and of universal power, into a
+capricious, fantastic, selfish participator in the worst passions of the
+worst portion of his subjects.'
+
+'Such a Government,' I said, 'may be called an anti-aristocracy. It
+excludes from power all those who are fit to exercise it.'
+
+'The consequence,' said Beaumont, 'is, that the qualities which fit men
+for power not being demanded, are not supplied. Our young men have no
+political knowledge or public spirit. Those who have a taste for the
+sciences cultivated in the military schools enter the army. The rest
+learn nothing.'
+
+'What do they do?' I asked.
+
+'How they pass their time,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'is a puzzle to me.
+They do not read, they do not go into society--I believe that they smoke
+and play at dominos, and ride and bet at steeple-chases.
+
+'Those who are on home service in the army are not much better. The time
+not spent in the routine of their profession is sluggishly and viciously
+wasted. Algeria has been a God-send to us. There our young men have real
+duties to perform, and real dangers to provide against and to encounter.
+My son, who left St. Cyr only eighteen months ago, is stationed at
+Thebessa, 300 miles in the interior. He belongs to a _bureau arabe_,
+consisting of a captain, a lieutenant, and himself, and about forty
+spahis. He has to act as a judge, as an engineer, to settle the frontier
+between the province of Constantine and Tunis--in short, to be one of a
+small ruling aristocracy. This is the school which has furnished, and is
+furnishing, our best generals and administrators.'
+
+We talked of the interior of French families.
+
+'The ties of relationship,' I said, 'seem to be stronger with you than
+they are with us. Cousinship with you is a strong bond, with us it is a
+weak one.'
+
+'The habit of living together,' said Beaumont, 'has perhaps much to do
+with the strength of our feelings of consanguinity. Our life is
+patriarchal. Grandfather, father, and grandson are often under the same
+roof. At the Grange[3] thirty of the family were sometimes assembled at
+dinner. With you, the sons go off, form separate establishments, see
+little of their parents, still less of their cousins, and become
+comparatively indifferent to them.'
+
+'I remember,' I said, 'the case of an heir apparent of seventy; his
+father was ninety-five. One day the young man was very grumpy. They tried
+to find out what was the matter with him; at last he broke out,
+"Everybody's father dies except mine."'
+
+'An acquaintance of mine,' said Beaumont, 'not a son, but a son-in-law,
+complained equally of the pertinacious longevity of his father-in-law.
+"Je n'ai pas cru," he said, "en me mariant, que j'epousais la fille du
+Pere Eternel." Your primogeniture,' he continued, 'must be a great source
+of unfilial feelings. The eldest son of one of your great families is in
+the position of the heir apparent to a throne. His father's death is to
+give him suddenly rank, power, and wealth; and we know that royal heirs
+apparent are seldom affectionate sons. With us the fortunes are much
+smaller, they are equally divided, and the rank that descends to the son
+is nothing.'
+
+'What regulates,' I asked, 'the descent of titles?'
+
+'It is ill regulated,' said Beaumont 'Titles are now of such little value
+that scarcely anyone troubles himself to lay down rules about them.
+
+'In general, however, it is said, that all the sons of dukes and of
+marquises are counts. The sons of counts in some families all take the
+title of Count. There are, perhaps, thirty Beaumonts. Some call
+themselves marquises, some counts, some barons. I am, I believe, the only
+one of the family who has assumed no title. Alexis de Tocqueville took
+none, but his elder brother, during his father's life, called himself
+vicomte and his younger brother baron. Probably Alexis ought then to have
+called himself chevalier, and, on his father's death, baron. But, I
+repeat, the matter is too unimportant to be subject to any settled rules.
+Ancient descent is, with us, of great value, of far more than it is with
+you, but titles are worth nothing.'
+
+[Footnote 1: This incident is described in a little book published last
+year, the _Memoirs of Madame de Montaign_.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 2: M. de La Fayette was Madame de Beaumont's grandfather.--ED.]
+
+[Footnote 3: The chateau of M. de La Fayette.--ED.]
+
+
+_Saturday, August_ 17.--We drove to the coast and ascended the lighthouse
+of Gatteville, 85 metres, or about 280 feet high. It stands in the middle
+of a coast fringed with frightful reefs, just enough under water to
+create no breakers, and a flat plain a couple of miles wide behind, so
+that the coast is not seen till you come close to it. In spite of many
+lighthouses and buoys, wrecks are frequent. A mysterious one occurred
+last February: the lighthouse watchman showed us the spot--a reef just
+below the lighthouse about two hundred yards from the shore.
+
+It was at noon--there was a heavy sea, but not a gale. He saw a large
+ship steer full on the reef. She struck, fell over on one side till her
+yards were in the water, righted herself, fell over on the other, parted
+in the middle, and broke up. It did not take five minutes, but during
+those five minutes there was the appearance of a violent struggle on
+board, and several shots were fired. From the papers which were washed
+ashore it appeared that she was from New York, bound for Havre, with a
+large cargo and eighty-seven passengers, principally returning emigrants.
+No passenger escaped, and only two of the crew: one was an Italian
+speaking no French, from whom they could get nothing; the other was an
+Englishman from Cardiff, speaking French, but almost obstinately
+uncommunicative. He said that he was below when the ship struck, that the
+captain had locked the passengers in the cabin, and that he knew nothing
+of the causes which had led the ship to go out of her course to run on
+this rock.
+
+The captain may have been drunk or mad. Or there may have been a mutiny
+on board, and those who got possession of the ship may have driven her on
+the coast, supposing that they could beach her, and ignorant of the
+interposed reefs, which, as I have said, are not betrayed by breakers.
+
+Our informant accounted for the loss of all, except two persons, by the
+heavy sea, the sharp reefs, and the blows received by those who tried to
+swim from the floating cargo. The two who escaped were much bruised.
+
+A man and woman were found tied to one another and tied to a spar. They
+seemed to have been killed by blows received from the rocks or from the
+floating wreck.
+
+In the evening Ampere read to us the 'Bourgeois Gentilhomme.' His reading
+is equal to any acting. It kept us all, for the first two acts, which are
+the most comic, in one constant roar of laughter.
+
+'The modern _nouveau riche,_ said Beaumont, 'has little resemblance to M.
+Jourdain. He talks of his horses and his carriages, builds a great hotel,
+and buys pictures. I have a neighbour of this kind; he drives
+four-in-hand over the bad roads of La Sarthe, visits with one carriage
+one day, and another the next. His jockey stands behind his cabriolet in
+top-boots, and his coachman wears a grand fur coat in summer. His own
+clothes are always new, sometimes in the most accurate type of a groom,
+sometimes in that of a dandy. His talk is of steeple-chases.'
+
+'And does he get on?' I asked.
+
+'Not in the least,' answered Beaumont. 'In England a _nouveau riche_ can
+get into Parliament, or help somebody else to get in, and political power
+levels all distinctions. Here, wealth gives no power: nothing, indeed,
+but office gives power. The only great men in the provinces are the
+_prefet_, the _sous-prefet_, and the _maire_. The only great man in Paris
+is a minister or a general. Wealth, therefore, unless accompanied by the
+social talents, which those who have made their fortunes have seldom had
+the leisure or the opportunity to acquire, leads to nothing. The women,
+too, of the _parvenus_ always drag them down. They seem to acquire
+the _tournure_ of society less easily than the men. Bastide, when
+Minister, did pretty well, but his wife used to sign her invitations
+"Femme Bastide."
+
+'Society,' he continued, 'under the Republic was animated. We had great
+interests to discuss, and strong feelings to express, but perhaps the
+excitement was too great. People seemed to be almost ashamed to amuse
+or to be amused when the welfare of France, her glory or her degradation,
+her freedom or her slavery, were, as the event has proved, at stake.'
+
+'I suppose,' I said to Ampere, 'that nothing has ever been better than
+the _salon_ of Madame Recamier?'
+
+'We must distinguish,' said Ampere. 'As great painters have many manners,
+so Madame Recamier had many _salons_. When I first knew her, in 1820, her
+habitual dinner-party consisted of her father, her husband, Ballanche,
+and myself. Both her father, M. Bernard, and her husband were agreeable
+men. Ballanche was charming.'
+
+'You believe,' I said, 'that Bernard was her father?' 'Certainly I do,'
+he replied. 'The suspicion that Recamier might be was founded chiefly on
+the strangeness of their conjugal relations. To this, I oppose her
+apparent love for M. Bernard, and I explain Recamier's conduct by his
+tastes. They were coarse, though he was a man of good manners. He never
+spent his evenings at home. He went where he could find more license.
+
+'Perhaps the most agreeable period was at that time of Chateaubriand's
+reign when he had ceased to exact a _tete-a-tete_, and Ballanche and I
+were admitted at four o'clock. The most illustrious of the _partie
+carree_ was Chateaubriand, the most amusing Ballanche. My merit was that
+I was the youngest. Later in the evening Madame Mohl, Miss Clarke as she
+then was, was a great resource. She is a charming mixture of French
+vivacity and English originality, but I think that the French element
+predominates. Chateaubriand, always subject to _ennui_, delighted in her.
+He has adopted in his books some of the words which she coined. Her
+French is as original as the character of her mind, very good, but more
+of the last than of the present century.'
+
+'Was Chateaubriand himself,' I said, 'agreeable?'
+
+'Delightful,' said Ampere; 'tres-entrain, tres-facile a vivre, beaucoup
+d'imagination et de connaissances.'
+
+'Facile a vivre?' I said. 'I thought that his vanity had been _difficile
+et exigeante?_'
+
+'As a public man,' said Ampere, 'yes; and to a certain degree in general
+society. But in intimate society, when he was no longer "posing," he was
+charming. The charm, however, was rather intellectual than moral.
+
+'I remember his reading to us a part of his memoirs, in which he
+describes his early attachment to an English girl, his separation from
+her, and their meeting many years after when she asked his protection for
+her son. Miss Clarke was absorbed by the story. She wanted to know what
+became of the young man, what Chateaubriand had been able to do for him.
+Chateaubriand could answer only in generals: that he had done all that he
+could, that he had spoken to the Minister, and that he had no doubt that
+the young man got what he wanted. But it was evident that even if he had
+really attempted to do anything for the son of his old love, he had
+totally forgotten the result. I do not think that he was pleased at Miss
+Clarke's attention and sympathy being diverted from himself. Later still
+in Madame Recamier's life, when she had become blind, and Chateaubriand
+deaf, and Ballanche very infirm, the evenings were sad. I had to try to
+amuse persons who had become almost unamusable.'
+
+'How did Madame de Chateaubriand,' I asked, 'take the devotion of her
+husband to Madame Recamier?'
+
+'Philosophically,' answered Ampere. 'He would not have spent with her the
+hours that he passed at the Abbaye au bois. She was glad, probably, to
+know that they were not more dangerously employed.'
+
+'Could I read Chateaubriand?' I asked.
+
+'I doubt it,' said Ampere. 'His taste is not English.'
+
+'I _have_ read,' I said, 'and liked, his narrative of the manner in which
+he forced on the Spanish war of 1822. I thought it well written.'
+
+'It is, perhaps,' said Ampere, 'the best thing which he has written, as
+the intervention to restore Ferdinand, which he effected in spite of
+almost everybody, was perhaps the most important passage in his political
+life.
+
+'There is something revolting in an interference to crush the liberties
+of a foreign nation. But the expedition tended to maintain the Bourbons
+on the French throne, and, according to Chateaubriand's ideas, it was
+more important to support the principle of legitimacy than that of
+liberty. He expected, too, sillily enough, that Ferdinand would give a
+Constitution. It is certain, that, bad as the effects of that expedition
+were, Chateaubriand was always proud of it.'
+
+'What has Ballanche written?' I asked.
+
+'A dozen volumes,' he answered. 'Poetry, metaphysics, on all sorts of
+subjects, with pages of remarkable vigour and _finesse_, containing some
+of the best writing in the language, but too unequal and too desultory to
+be worth going through.'
+
+'How wonderfully extensive,' I said, 'is French literature! Here is a
+voluminous author, some of whose writings, you say, are among the best in
+the French language, yet his name, at least as an author, is scarcely
+known. He shines only by reflected light, and will live only because he
+attached himself to a remarkable man and to a remarkable woman.'
+
+'French literature,' said Ampere, 'is extensive, but yet inferior to
+yours. If I were forced to select a single literature and to read nothing
+else, I would take the English. In one of the most important departments,
+the only one which cannot be re-produced by translation--poetry--you
+beat us hollow. We are great only in the drama, and even there you are
+perhaps our superiors. We have no short poems comparable to the "Allegro"
+or to the "Penseroso," or to the "Country Churchyard."'
+
+'Tocqueville,' I said, 'told me that he did not think that he could
+now read Lamartine.'
+
+'Tocqueville,' said Ampere, 'could taste, like every man of genius, the
+very finest poetry, but he was not a lover of poetry. He could not read a
+hundred bad lines and think himself repaid by finding mixed with them ten
+good ones.'
+
+'Ingres,' said Beaumont, 'perhaps our greatest living painter, is one of
+the clever cultivated men who do not read. Somebody put the "Misanthrope"
+into his hands, "It is wonderfully clever," he said, when he returned it;
+"how odd it is that it should be so totally unknown."'
+
+'Let us read it to-night,' I said.
+
+'By all means,' said Madame de Tocqueville; 'though we know it by heart
+it will be new when read by M. Ampere.' Accordingly Ampere read it to us
+after dinner.
+
+'The tradition of the stage,' he said, 'is that Celimene was Moliere's
+wife.'
+
+'She is made too young,' said Minnie. 'A girl of twenty has not her wit,
+or her knowledge of the world.'
+
+'The change of a word,' said Ampere, 'in two or three places would alter
+that. The feeblest characters are as usual the good ones. Philinte and
+Eliante.
+
+'Alceste is a grand mixture, perhaps the only one on the French stage, of
+the comic and the tragic; for in many of the scenes he rises far above
+comedy. His love is real impetuous passion. Talma delighted in playing
+him.'
+
+'The desert,' I said, 'into which he retires, was, I suppose, a distant
+country-house. Just such a place as Tocqueville.'
+
+'As Tocqueville,' said Beaumont, 'fifty years ago, without roads, ten
+days' journey from Paris, and depending for society on Valognes.'
+
+'As Tocqueville,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'when my mother-in-law
+first married. She spent in it a month and could never be induced to see
+it again.'
+
+'Whom,' I asked, 'did Celimene marry?'
+
+'Of course,' said Ampere, 'Alceste. Probably five years afterwards. By
+that time he must have got tired of his desert and she of her coquetry.'
+
+'We know,' I said, 'that Moliere was always in love with his wife,
+notwithstanding her _legerete_. What makes me think the tradition that
+Celimene was Mademoiselle[1] Moliere true, is that Moliere was certainly
+in love with Celimene. She is made as engaging as possible, and her worst
+faults do not rise above foibles. Her satire is good-natured. Arsinoe is
+her foil, introduced to show what real evil-speaking is.'
+
+'All the women,' said Ampere, 'are in love with Alceste, and they care
+about no one else. Celimene's satire of the others is scarcely
+good-natured. It is clear, at least, that they did not think so.'
+
+'If Celimene,' said Minnie, 'became Madame Alceste, he probably made her
+life a burthen with his jealousy.'
+
+'Of course he was jealous,' said Madame de Beaumont, 'for he was
+violently in love. There can scarcely be violent love without jealousy.'
+
+'At least,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'till people are married.
+
+'If a lover is cool enough to be without jealousy, he ought to pretend
+it.'
+
+
+[Footnote 1: Under the _ancien regime_ even the married actresses were
+called Mademoiselle.--ED.]
+
+
+_Sunday, August_ 18.--After breakfast when the ladies were gone to
+church, I talked over with Ampere and Beaumont Tocqueville's political
+career.
+
+'Why,' I asked, 'did he refuse the support of M. Mole in 1835? Why would
+he never take office under Louis Philippe? Why did he associate himself
+with the Gauche whom he despised, and oppose the Droit with whom he
+sympathised? Is the answer given by M. Guizot to a friend of mine who
+asked a nearly similar question, "Parce qu'il voulait etre ou je suis,"
+the true one?'
+
+'The answers to your first question,' said Beaumont, 'are two. In 1835
+Tocqueville was young and inexperienced. Like most young politicians, he
+thought that he ought to be an independent member, and to vote, on every
+occasion, according to his conscience, untrammelled by party connections.
+He afterwards found his mistake.
+
+'And, secondly, if he had chosen to submit to a leader, it would not have
+been Mole.
+
+'Mole represented a principle to which Guizot was then vehemently
+opposed, though he was afterwards its incarnation--the subservience of
+the Ministry and of the Parliament to the King. In that house of 450
+members, there were 220 placemen; 200 were the slaves of the King. They
+received from him their orders; from time to time, in obedience to those
+orders, they even opposed his Ministers.
+
+'This, however, seldom occurred, for the King contrived always to have a
+devoted majority in his Cabinet.
+
+'It was this that drove the Duc de Broglie from the Government and
+prevented his ever resuming office.
+
+'"I could not bear," he said to me, "to hear Sebastiani repeat, in every
+council and on every occasion, 'Ce que le Roi vient de dire est
+parfaitement juste.'" The only Ministers that ventured to have an opinion
+of their own were those of the 12th of May 1839, of which Dufaure,
+Villemain, and Passy were members, and that of the 1st of March 1840, of
+which Thiers was the leader; and Tocqueville supported them both.
+
+'When Guizot, who had maintained the principle of Ministerial and
+Parliamentary, in opposition to that of Monarchical Governments, with
+unequalled eloquence, vigour, and I may add violence, suddenly turned
+round and became the most servile member of the King's servile majority,
+Tocqueville fell back into opposition.
+
+'In general it is difficult to act with an opposition systematically and,
+at the same time, honestly. For the measures proposed by a Government
+are, for the most part, good. But, during the latter part of Louis
+Philippe's reign, it was easy, for the Government proposed merely to do
+nothing--either abroad or at home. I do not complain of the essence of M.
+Guizot's foreign policy, though there was a want of dignity in its forms.
+
+'There was nothing useful to be done, and, under such circumstances, all
+action would have been mischievous.
+
+'But at home _every_ thing was to be done. Our code required to be
+amended, our commerce and our industry, and our agriculture required to
+be freed, our municipal and commercial institutions were to be created,
+our taxation was to be revised, and, above all, our parliamentary
+system--under which, out of 36,000,000 of French, only 200,000 had votes,
+under which the Deputies bought a majority of the 200,000 electors, and
+the King bought a majority of the 450 deputies--required absolute
+reconstruction.
+
+'Louis Philippe would allow nothing to be done. If he could have
+prevented it we should not have had a railroad. He would not allow the
+most important of all, that to Marseilles, to be finished. He would not
+allow our monstrous centralisation, or our monstrous protective system,
+to be touched. The owners of forests were permitted to deprive us of
+cheap fuel, the owners of forges of cheap iron, the owners of factories
+of cheap clothing.
+
+'In some of this stupid inaction Guizot supported him conscientiously,
+for, like Thiers, he is ignorant of the first principles of political
+economy, but he knows too much the philosophy of Government not to have
+felt, on every other point, that the King was wrong.
+
+'If he supposed that Tocqueville wished to be in his place, on the
+conditions on which he held office, he was utterly mistaken.
+
+'Tocqueville was ambitious; he wished for power. So did I. We would
+gladly have been real Ministers, but nothing would have tempted us to be
+the slaves of the _pensee immuable_, or to sit in a Cabinet in which we
+were constantly out-voted, or to defend, as Guizot had to do in the
+Chamber, conduct which we had disapproved in the Council.
+
+'You ask why Tocqueville joined the Gauche whom he despised, against the
+Droit with whom he sympathised?
+
+'He voted with the Gauche only where he thought their votes right. Where
+he thought them wrong, as, for instance, in all that respected Algeria,
+he left them. They would have abandoned the country, and, when that
+could not be obtained, they tried to prevent the creation of the port.
+
+'Very early, however, in his parliamentary life, he had found that an
+independent member--a member who supporting no party is supported by no
+party---is useless. He allowed himself therefore to be considered a
+member of the Gauche; but I never could persuade him to be tolerably
+civil to them. Once, after I had been abusing him for his coldness to
+them, he shook hands with Romorantin, then looked towards me for my
+applause, but I doubt whether he ever shook hands with him again. In
+fact almost his only point of contact with them was their disapprobation
+of the inactivity of Louis Philippe. Many of them were Bonapartists like
+Abbatucci and Romorantin. Some were Socialists, some were Republicans;
+the majority of them wished to overthrow the Monarchy, and the minority
+looked forward with indifference to its fall.
+
+'They hated him as much as he did them, much more indeed, for his mind
+was not formed for hatred. They excluded him from almost all committees.'
+
+'Would it not have been wise in him,' I asked, 'to retire from the
+Chamber during the King's life, or at least until it contained a party
+with whom he could cordially act?'
+
+'Perhaps,' said Beaumont, 'that would have been the wisest course for
+him--and indeed for me. I entered the Chamber reluctantly. All my family
+were convinced that a political man not in the Chamber was nothing. So
+I let myself be persuaded. Tocqueville required no persuasion, he was
+anxious to get in, and when in it was difficult to persuade oneself to go
+out. We always hoped for a change. The King might die, or he might be
+forced--as he had been forced before--to submit to a liberal Ministry
+which might have been a temporary cure, or even to a Parliamentary reform
+which might have been a complete cure. Duchatel, who is a better
+politician than Guizot, was superseding him in the confidence of the King
+and of the Chamber.
+
+'In fact, the liberal Ministry and Parliamentary reform did come at last,
+though not until it was too late to save the Monarchy.
+
+'If Tocqueville had retired in disgust from the Chamber of Deputies, he
+might not have been a member of the Constituent, or of the Legislative
+Assembly. This would have been a misfortune--though the shortness of the
+duration of the first, and the hostility of the President during the
+second, and also the state of his health, prevented his influencing the
+destinies of the Republic as much as his friends expected him to do, and
+indeed as he expected himself.'
+
+'I have often,' I said, 'wondered how you and Tocqueville, and the other
+eminent men who composed the committee for preparing the Constitution,
+could have made one incapable of duration, and also incapable of change.'
+
+'What,' he asked, 'are the principal faults which you find in the
+Constitution?'
+
+'First,' I said, 'that you gave to your President absolute authority over
+the army, the whole patronage of the most centralised and the most
+place-hunting country in the world, so that there was not one of your
+population of 36,000,000 whose interests he could not seriously affect;
+and, having thus armed him with irresistible power, you gave him the
+strongest possible motives to employ it against the Constitution by
+turning him out at the end of his four years, incapable of re-election,
+unpensioned and unprovided for, so that he must have gone from the Elysee
+Bourbon to a debtor's prison.
+
+'Next, that, intending your President to be the subordinate Minister of
+the Assembly, you gave him the same origin, and enabled him to say, "I
+represent the people as much as you do, indeed much more. They _all_
+voted for me, only a fraction of them voted for any one of you." Then
+that origin was the very worst that could possibly be selected, the votes
+of the uneducated multitude; you must have foreseen that they would give
+you a demagogue or a charlatan. The absence of a second Chamber, and the
+absence of a power of dissolution, are minor faults, but still serious
+ones. When the President and the Assembly differed, they were shut up
+together to fight it out without an umpire.'
+
+'That we gave the President too much power,' said Beaumont, 'the event
+has proved. But I do not see how, in the existing state of feeling in
+France, we could have given him less. The French have no self-reliance.
+They depend for everything on their administrators. The first revolution
+and the first empire destroyed all their local authorities and also their
+aristocracy. Local authorities may be gradually re-created, and an
+aristocracy may gradually arise, but till these things have been done the
+Executive must be strong.
+
+'If he had been re-eligible, our first President would virtually have
+been President for life. Having decided that his office should be
+temporary, we were forced to forbid his immediate re-election.
+
+'With respect to his being left unprovided for, no man who had filled the
+office decently would have been refused an ample provision on quitting
+it. As for this man, no provision that we could have made for him, if we
+had given him three or four millions a year, would have induced him to
+give up what he considered a throne which was his by descent. He swore to
+the Constitution with an _idee fixe _to destroy it. He attempted to do so
+on the 29th of January 1849, not two months after his election.
+
+'I agree with you that the fault of the Constitution was that it allowed
+the President to be chosen by universal suffrage; and that the fault of
+the people was that they elected a pretender to the throne, whose
+ambition, rashness, and faithlessness had been proved.
+
+'No new Constitution can work if the Executive conspires against it. But
+deliberating and acting in the midst of _emeutes_, with a Chamber and a
+population divided into half a dozen hostile factions, the two Royalist
+parties hating one another, the Bonapartists bent on destroying all
+freedom, and the Socialists all individual property, what could we do? My
+wish and Tocqueville's was to give the election to the Chamber. We found
+that out of 650 members we could not hope that our proposition would be
+supported by more than 200. You think that we ought to have proposed two
+Chambers. The great use of two Chambers is to strengthen the Executive
+by enabling it to play one against the other; but we felt that our
+Executive was dangerously strong, and we believed, I think truly, that a
+single Chamber would resist him better than two could do. The provision
+which required more than a bare majority for the revision of the
+Constitution was one of those which we borrowed from America. It had
+worked well there. In the general instability we wished to have one
+anchor, one mooring ring fixed. We did not choose that the whole
+framework of our Government should be capable of being suddenly destroyed
+by a majority of one, in a moment of excitement and perhaps by a
+parliamentary surprise.
+
+'With respect to your complaint that, there being no power of
+dissolution, there was no means of taking the opinion of the people, the
+answer is, that to give the President power of dissolution would have
+been to invite him to a _coup d'etat._ With no Chamber to watch him, he
+would have been omnipotent.
+
+'I agree with you that the Constitution was a detestable one. But even
+now, looking back to the times, and to the conditions under which we made
+it, I do not think that it was in our power to make a good one.'
+
+'Tocqueville,' I said, 'told me that Cormenin was your Solon, that he
+brought a bit of constitution to you every morning, and that it was
+usually adopted.'[1]
+
+'Tocqueville's memory,' answered Beaumont, 'deceived him. Cormenin was
+our president. It is true that he brought a bit of constitution every
+morning. But it scarcely ever was adopted or capable of being adopted.
+It was in general bad in itself, or certain to be rejected by the
+Assembly. He wished to make the President a puppet. But he exercised over
+us a mischievous influence. He tried to revenge himself for our refusal
+of all his proposals by rendering our deliberations fruitless. And as
+the power of a president over a deliberative body is great, he often
+succeeded.
+
+'Many of our members were unaccustomed to public business and lost their
+tempers or their courage when opposed. The Abbe Lamennais proposed a
+double election of the president. But of thirty members, only four, among
+whom were Tocqueville and I, supported him. He left the committee and
+never returned to it. Tocqueville and I were anxious to introduce double
+election everywhere. It is the best palliative of universal suffrage.'
+
+'The double election,' I said, 'of the American President is nugatory.
+Every elector is chosen under a pledge to nominate a specified
+candidate.'
+
+'That is true,' said Beaumont, 'as to the President, but not as to the
+other functionaries thus elected. The senators chosen by double election
+are far superior to the representatives chosen by direct voting.
+
+'We proposed, too, to begin by establishing municipal institutions. We
+were utterly defeated. The love of centralisation is almost inherent in
+French politicians. They see the evil of local government--its stupidity,
+its corruption, its jobbing. They see the convenience of
+centralisation--the ease with which a centralised administration works.
+Feelings which are really democratic have reached those who fancy
+themselves aristocrats. We had scarcely a supporter.
+
+'We should perhaps have a few now, when experience has shown that
+centralisation is still more useful to an usurper than it is to a regular
+Government.'
+
+[Footnote 1: See Vol. I. p. 212.--ED.]
+
+
+_August_ 18.--We drove in the afternoon to the coast, and sat in the
+shade of the little ricks of sea-weed, gazing on an open sea as blue as
+the Mediterranean.
+
+We talked of America.
+
+'I can understand,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'the indignation of the
+North against you. It is, of course, excessive, but they had a right to
+expect you to be on their side in an anti-slavery war.'
+
+'They had no right,' I said, 'to expect from our Government anything but
+absolute neutrality.'
+
+'But you need not,' she replied, 'have been so eager to put the South on
+the footing of belligerents.'
+
+'On what other footing,' I asked, 'could we put them? On what other
+footing does the North put them? Have they ventured, or will they
+venture, to hang a single seceder?'
+
+'At least,' she said, 'you might have expressed more sympathy with the
+North?'
+
+'I think,' I answered, 'that we have expressed as much sympathy as it was
+possible to feel. We deplore the combat, we hold the South responsible
+for it, we think their capricious separation one of the most foolish and
+one of the most wicked acts that have ever been committed; we hope that
+the North will beat them, and we should bitterly regret their forcing
+themselves back into the Union on terms making slavery worse, if
+possible, than it is now. We wish the contest to end as quickly as
+possible: but we do not think that it can end by the North subjugating
+the Southerns and forcing them to be its subjects.
+
+'The best termination to which we look forward as possible, is that the
+North should beat the South, and then dictate its own terms of
+separation.
+
+'If they wish to go farther than this, if they wish us to love or to
+admire our Northern cousins in their political capacity, they wish for
+what is impossible.
+
+'We cannot forget that the Abolitionists have been always a small and
+discredited party; that the Cuba slave trade is mainly carried on from
+New York; that they have neglected the obligations formally entered
+into by them with us to co-operate in the suppression of the slave trade;
+that they have pertinaciously refused to allow us even to inquire into
+the right of slavers to use the American flag; that it is the capital of
+the North which feeds the slavery of the South; that the first act of the
+North, as soon as the secession of the South from Congress allowed it to
+do what it liked, was to enact a selfish protective tariff; that their
+treatment of us, from the time that they have felt strong enough to
+insult us, has been one unvaried series of threats, bullying, and injury;
+that they have refused to submit their claims on us to arbitration,
+driven out our ambassadors, seized by force on disputed territory, and
+threatened war on every pretence.'
+
+'It is true,' said Beaumont, 'that during the last twenty years American
+diplomacy has not been such as to inspire affection or respect But you
+must recollect that during all that time America has been governed by the
+South.'
+
+'It is true,' I said, 'that the presidents have generally been Southerns,
+but I am not aware that the North has ever disavowed their treatment of
+us. This is certain, that throughout the Union, insolence to England has
+been an American statesman's road to popularity.'
+
+
+_Monday., August _19.--We walked in the afternoon over the commons
+overlooking the sea, and among the shady lanes of this well-wooded
+country.
+
+We came on a group of about twelve or thirteen reapers taking their
+evening meal of enormous loaves of brown bread, basins of butter, and
+kegs of cider.
+
+M. Roussell, the farmer in whose service they were, was sitting among
+them. He was an old friend and constituent of Tocqueville, and for thirty
+years was Maire of Tocqueville. He has recently resigned. He rose and
+walked with us to his house.
+
+'I was required,' he said, 'to support the prefect's candidate for the
+_Conseil general_. No such proposition was ever made to me before. I
+could not submit to it. The prefect has been unusually busy of late. The
+schoolmaster has been required to send in a list of the peasants whose
+children, on the plea of poverty, receive gratuitous education. The
+children of those who do not vote with the prefect are to have it no
+longer.'
+
+I asked what were the wages of labour.
+
+'Three francs and half a day,' he said, 'during the harvest, with
+food--which includes cider. In ordinary times one franc a day with food,
+or a franc and a half without food.'
+
+'It seems then,' I said, 'that you can feed a man for half a franc a
+day?'
+
+'He can feed himself,' said M. Roussell, 'for that, but I cannot, or for
+double that money.'
+
+The day labourer is generally hired only for one day. A new bargain is
+made every day.
+
+The house was not uncomfortable, but very untidy. There are no ricks,
+everything is stored in large barns, where it is safe from weather, but
+terribly exposed to vermin.
+
+A bright-complexioned servant-girl was in the kitchen preparing an
+enormous bowl of soup, of which bread, potatoes, and onions were the
+chief solid ingredients.
+
+'Roussell,' said Beaumont, 'is superior to his class. In general they are
+bad politicians. It is seldom difficult to get their votes for the
+nominee of the prefect. They dislike to vote for anyone whom they know,
+especially if he be a gentleman, or be supported by the gentry. Such a
+candidate excites their democratic envy and suspicion. But the prefect is
+an abstraction. They have never seen him, they have seldom heard of his
+name or of that of his candidate, and therefore they vote for him.
+
+'Lately, however, in some of my communes, the peasants have adapted a new
+practice, that of electing peasants. I suspect that the Government is not
+displeased.
+
+'The presence of such members will throw discredit on the _Conseils
+generaux_, and, if they get there, on the _Corps legislatif,_ much to the
+pleasure of our democratic master, and they will be easily bribed or
+frightened. Besides which the fifteen francs a day will be a fortune to
+them, and they will be terrified by the threat of a dissolution. I do not
+think that even yet we have seen the worst of universal suffrage.'
+
+'What influence,' I asked, 'have the priests?'
+
+'In some parts of France,' said Beaumont, 'where the people are
+religious, as is the case here, much. Not much in the north-east, where
+there is little religion; and in the towns, where there is generally no
+religion, their patronage of a candidate would ruin him. I believe that
+nothing has so much contributed to Louis Napoleon's popularity with the
+_ouvriers_ as his quarrel with the Pope. You may infer the feelings of
+the lower classes in Paris from his cousin's conduct.'
+
+'I study Prince Napoleon,' said Ampere, 'with interest, for I believe
+that he will be the successor.'
+
+'If Louis Napoleon,' I said, 'were to be shot tomorrow, would not the
+little prince be proclaimed?'
+
+'Probably,' said Ampere, 'but with Jerome for regent, and I doubt whether
+the regency would end by the little Napoleon IV. assuming the sceptre.
+
+'Louis Napoleon himself does not expect it. He often says that, in
+France, it is more than two hundred years since a sovereign has been
+succeeded by his son.
+
+'On the whole,' continued Ampere, 'I had rather have Jerome than Louis
+Napoleon. He has more talent and less prudence. He would bring on the
+crisis sooner.
+
+'On the 31st of October, 1849,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'I was in
+Louis Napoleon's company, and he mentioned some matter on which he wished
+to know my husband's opinion. I could not give it. "It does not much
+signify," he answered, "for as I see M. de Tocqueville every day, I will
+talk to him about it myself." At that very time, the _ordonnance_
+dismissing M. de Tocqueville had been signed, and Louis Napoleon knew
+that he would probably never see him again.'
+
+'I do not,' said Ampere, 'give up the chance of a republic. I do not wish
+for one. It must be a very bad constitutional monarchy which I should not
+prefer to the best republic. My democratic illusions are gone. France and
+America have dispelled them: but it must be a very bad republic which I
+should not prefer to the best despotism. A republic is like a fever,
+violent and frightful, but not necessarily productive of organic
+mischief. A despotism is a consumption: it degrades and weakens, and
+perverts all the vital functions.
+
+'What is there now in France worth living for? I find people proud of our
+Italian campaign. Why should the French be proud that their master's
+soldiers have been successful in a war as to which they were not
+consulted; which, in fact, they disapproved, which was not made for their
+benefit, which was the most glaring proof of their servility and
+degradation? We knew before that our troops were better than the
+Austrians. What have we gained by the additional example of their
+superiority?
+
+'I fear,' I said, 'that a republic, at least such a republic as you are
+likely to have, would begin by some gross economical enormities--by the
+_droit au travail_, by the _impot progressif sur la fortune presumtee_,
+by a paper currency made a legal tender without limitation of its
+amount.'
+
+'The last republic,' said Ampere, 'did some of these things, but very
+timidly and moderately. It gave to its paper a forced currency, but was
+so cautious in its issue, that it was not depreciated. It created the
+_ateliers nationaux,_ but it soon dissolved them, though at the expense
+of a civil war. Its worst fault was more political than economical: it
+was the 45 centimes, that is to say, the sudden increase by 45 per cent,
+of the direct taxes. It never recovered that blow. Of all its acts it
+is the one which is best recollected. The Provisional Government is known
+in the provinces as "ces gredins des quarante-cinq centimes." The
+business of a revolutionary government is to be popular. It ought to
+reduce taxation, meet its expenditure by loans, abolish octrois and
+prohibitions, and defer taxation until it has lasted long enough to be
+submitted to as a _fait accompli_.'
+
+'I fear,' said Madame de Tocqueville, 'that our working classes are in a
+much worse frame of mind than they were in 1848. Socialist opinions--the
+doctrine that the profits of capitalists are so much taken fraudulently
+or oppressively from the wages of labourers, and that it is unjust that
+one man should have more of the means of happiness than another--are
+extending every day. The workpeople believe that the rich are their
+enemies and that the Emperor is their friend, and that he will join them
+in an attempt to get their fair share, that is, an equal share, of the
+property of the country--and I am not sure that they are mistaken.'
+
+'Nor am I,' said Beaumont '_Celui-ci_ fully sympathises with their
+feelings, and I do not think that he has intelligence enough to see the
+absurdity of their theories.'
+
+'You do not deny him,' I said, 'intelligence?'
+
+'Not,' said Beaumont, 'for some purposes, and to some extent, practical
+intelligence. His ends are bad, but he is often skilful in inventing and
+pertinacious in employing means for effecting those bad ends. But I
+deny him theoretic intelligence. I do not think that he has comprehension
+or patience to work out, or even to follow, a long train of reasoning;
+such a train as that by which economical errors and fallacies are
+detected.'
+
+'Are there strikes,' I asked, 'among your workmen?'
+
+'They are beginning,' said Beaumont. 'We have had one near us, and the
+authorities were afraid to interfere.'
+
+'I suppose,' I said, that they are illegal?'
+
+'They are illegal,' he answered, 'and I think that they ought to be so.
+They are always oppressive and tyrannical. The workman who does not join
+in a strike is made miserable. They are generally mischievous to
+the combined workmen themselves, and always to those of other trades.
+Your toleration of them appears to me one of the worst symptoms of your
+political state of health. It shows among your public men an ignorance or
+a cowardice, or a desire of ill-earned popularity, which is generally a
+precursor of a democratic revolution.'
+
+'It is certain,' said Ampere, 'that the masters are becoming afraid of
+their workmen. Pereire brings his from their residences to the Barriere
+Malesherbes in carriages. You are not actually insulted in the streets
+of Paris, but you are treated with rude neglect. A _fiacre_ likes to
+splash you, a _paveur_ to scatter you with mud. Louis Napoleon began with
+Chauvinism. He excited all the bad international passions of the
+multitude. He has now taken up Sansculotteism. Repulsed with scorn and
+disgust by the rich and the educated, he has thrown himself on the poor
+and ignorant The passions with which he likes to work are envy,
+malignity, and rapacity.
+
+'I do not believe that he feels them. He is what is called a good-natured
+man. That is to say, he likes to please everyone that he sees. But his
+selfishness is indescribable.
+
+'No public interest stands in the way of his slightest caprice. He often
+puts me in mind of Nero. With the same indifference to the welfare of
+others with which Nero amused himself by burning down Rome, he is amusing
+himself by pulling down Paris.'
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+ * * * * * *
+
+[We left Tocqueville on the following day with great regret The same
+party was never to meet again--the only survivors are Madame de Beaumont
+and myself and the Beaumonts' son, then a very intelligent boy of ten
+years old.
+
+One day my father and I visited the little green churchyard on a cliff
+near the sea where Tocqueville is buried. The tomb is a plain grey stone
+slab--on it a cross is cut in bas-relief, with these words only:--
+
+ICI REPOSE
+
+ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE.
+
+NE 24 FEVRIER 1805. MORT 16 AVRIL 1859.
+
+My father laid a wreath of _immortelles_ on the tomb.--ED.]
+
+
+APPENDIX.
+
+MONTALEMBERT'S speech was afterwards published in the _Moniteur_ but with
+considerable alterations. In Mr. Senior's journal in 1854 (which has not
+been published), he says, under the date of April 26, I called on
+Montalembert and took him my report of his speech. He has promised to add
+to it any notes that it may require. "The printed report," he said, "is
+intentionally falsified. Before it was struck off I asked to see the
+proofs. I was told that, as such an application was new, the President of
+the Bureau would meet and decide on its admissibility. They decided that
+it could not be granted."'
+
+[The following is Mr. Senior's report, with M. de Montalembert's own
+corrections and additions in French.--ED.]
+
+At length Montalembert rose. He stood near the extreme right, with his
+side towards the tribune, and his face towards the centre gallery, in
+which I sat. His voice and delivery are so good, and the house was so
+silent, that I did not lose a word. I believe that the following report
+is a tolerably accurate abridgment of his speech.
+
+'Gentlemen, I must begin by expressing to you my deep gratitude for the
+attention which you have paid to this unhappy business. I am grieved at
+having occasioned the waste of so much public time. I am still more
+grieved at having been the occasion of division among my colleagues.'
+
+[_Note by Montalember_.--'J'aurais voulu faire plus qu'exprimer le
+regret: j'aurais voulu me preter a tous les arrangements qui m'ont ete
+suggeres par des voix amies pour mettre un terme a cette discussion. Je
+n'aurais recule devant aucun sacrifice qui eut ete compatible avec
+l'honneur. Mais vous comprenez tous que sous le coup d'une poursuite,
+d'un danger, je ne puis rien desavouer, rien retracter, rien retirer de
+ce que j'ai ecrit, de ce que j'ai pense. Si j'agissais autrement il vous
+resterait un collegue absous, mais deshonore et dont vous ne sauriez que
+faire.']
+
+'More than all I am grieved when I think of the time at which this has
+occurred. A time when we are engaged in an honourable and serious war--a
+war in which, with the great and faithful ally whom I have always
+desired, and the sympathy of all Europe, we are defending civilisation
+against an enemy, barbarous indeed, but so formidable as to require our
+undivided energy and our undivided attention.
+
+But you must recollect _when_ that letter was written. It was in last
+September, in profound peace, when our whole thoughts were employed, and
+were properly employed, on our internal affairs.
+
+'Aujourd'hui il en est autrement; l'etat de guerre impose a tous les
+citoyens des devoirs speciaux: il doit aussi imposer un certain frein a
+l'esprit de critique. Aucun Francais, quel que soit sa foi politique, ne
+peut vouloir discrediter le pouvoir des dissidents, des mecontents, mais
+il n'y a plus d'emigres, ni a l'interieur, ni a l'exterieur.'
+
+[_Note by N.W. Senior._--This seems to be an allusion to a passage in
+Thiers's celebrated speech of the 17th of February, 1851. 'I1 ne faut
+emigrer, ni au dehors, ni au dedans.']
+
+['J'aurais su contenir les sentiments les plus passiones de mon ame,
+plutot que de paraitre affaiblir en quoi que ce soit la main qui porte
+l'epee et le drapeau de la France. Ce n'est pas toutefois que j'admette
+que toute liberte de parole ou de presse soit incompatible avec l'etat de
+guerre. L'Angleterre a conserve toutes ses libertes en faisant la guerre
+aux plus redoutables ennemis: aujourd'hui encore l'opposition, d'accord
+avec le gouvernement sur la question exterieure, maintient les
+resistances et les critiques a l'interieur. Et certes personne ne dira
+que l'Angleterre, pour avoir conserve la liberte de discussion la plus
+entiere, n'ait pas deploye pour le moins autant de prevoyance et
+d'energie que nous dans la conduite de la guerre ou nous entrons. Il n'y
+a que les nations ou la vie publique circule dans toutes les veines du
+corps social, qui sachent resister aux epreuves et aux chances d'une
+guerre prolongee. La liberte de la contradiction centuple le prix d'une
+libre adhesion; et a force de mettre une sourdine a toutes les emotions
+du pays, il faut prendre garde qu'on ne se trouve un jour dans
+l'impossibilite de faire vibrer les cordes les plus essentielles quand le
+moment des dangers et des sacrifices sera arrive.']
+
+'I deeply regret the publication of that letter. But with that
+publication I repeat that I am utterly unconnected. I never sanctioned
+it, I never wished for it, I never even thought it possible. There are
+passages in the letter itself which I might modify if I were to re-write
+it, but it would rather be by adding to them than by taking from them.
+Two accusations have been directed against its substance. One that it is
+hostile to the Emperor; the other that it is hostile to this assembly. No
+one who knows my character, and knows my history, will believe that I can
+have intended to injure the Emperor. Our relations have been such as to
+make it impossible.
+
+['J'ai eu l'occasion de defendre le chef actuel de l'Etat dans des
+circonstances infiniment difficiles, et ou rien n'etait plus douteux que
+le succes. Je ne pretends pas l'avoir constitue par cela mon debiteur,
+car en le defendant, je ne voulais servir, comme toujours, que la
+justice, l'interet du pays, la liberte moderee qui se personnifiaient en
+lui a mes yeux, mais enfin, aux yeux du public il est mon oblige, et je
+ne suis pas le sien. Si j'avais eu la pensee d'offenser publiquement
+l'Empereur, et si j'y avais cede, nous serions _quittes_. Or, je tiens
+beaucoup a ce que nous ne le soyons pas. Il n'y aurait pour moi ni
+honneur ni avantage a ce changement de position. Tous les hommes de bon
+gout, tous les coeurs delicats, me comprendront.']
+
+'It is equally impossible that I should have wished to offend this
+assembly. It contains men by whose sides I have fought the great battles
+of property and law. I love many of its members. I respect almost all. If
+I have offended any, it was done unconsciously. Again, it is said that
+the tone of my letter is violent. Expressions may be called violent by
+some which would be only called _passionnes_ by others. Now I admit that
+I am _passionne_. It is in my nature. I owe to that quality much of my
+merit, whatever that merit may be. Were I not _passionne_, I should not
+have been, during all my life, _la sentinelle perdue de la liberte_. I
+should not have thrown myself into every breach: sometimes braving the
+attacks of anarchy, sometimes heading the assault on tyranny, and
+sometimes fighting against the worst of all despotisms, the despotism
+that is based on democracy.'
+
+['Allons plus au fond, et vous reconnaitrez que les opinions enoncees
+dans la lettre ne sont autres que celles toujours professees par moi.
+Elles peuvent toutes se ramener a une seule, a mon eloignement pour le
+pouvoir absolu. Je ne l'aime pas: je ne l'ai jamais aime. Si j'ai tant
+combattu l'anarchie avant et apres 1848, si j'ai suscite contre moi dans
+le parti demagogique ces haines virulentes qui durent encore et qui ne
+perdent jamais une occasion d'eclater contre moi, c'est parce que j'ai
+compris de bonne heure les affinites naturelles du despotisme et de la
+democratie; c'est parce que j'ai prevu et predit que la democratie nous
+conduirait au pouvoir absolu. Oui, je crois, comme je l'ai dit, que le
+despotisme abaisse les caracteres, les intelligences, les consciences.
+Oui, je deplore le systeme qui rend un seul homme tout-puissant et seul
+responsable des destinees d'une nation de 36 millions d'hommes; et trouve
+que cela ressemble trop au gouvernement russe, contre lequel nous allons
+en guerre, et trop peu au gouvernement anglais, dont nous prisons si haut
+l'alliance.']
+
+'I am told again, and the accusation is sanctioned by the _requisitoire_
+of the Procureur-General, that my letter is inconsistent with the
+fidelity which I have sworn to the Emperor and to the constitution. When
+a man swears fidelity to a sovereign and to a constitution, his oath
+engages him only as to matters within his own power. He swears not to
+conspire against them. He swears not to attempt to subvert them. He
+cannot swear to approve the acts of the sovereign, or the working of the
+constitution, for he cannot foresee what either of them will be. I have
+kept, and I shall keep, my oath to the Emperor and my oath to the
+constitution. I have not attempted, and I shall not attempt, to overthrow
+either of them. But my approbation of either of them does not depend on
+me. I accepted the _coup d'etat_, comme vous l'avez tous fait, comme
+notre seule chance de salut dans les circonstances d'alors. I expected
+a Government _honnete et modere_. I have been disappointed.'
+
+Here a violent exclamation ran through the assembly. Baroche rose and
+cried out, 'You hear him, gentlemen. He says that he expected honesty and
+moderation from the Government, and that he has been disappointed. I
+appeal to you, Mr. President, to decide whether we are to sit and listen
+to such infamies.'
+
+[Voix diverses:--'Expliquez vos paroles.' 'Retirez vos paroles.' M. de
+Montalembert.--'Je les maintiens et je les explique.']
+
+'I expected _un gouvernement honnete et modere_. I have been
+disappointed. Its _honnete_ may be judged by the confiscation of the
+Orleans property.'
+
+Here was another hubbub, and another protest of Baroche's.
+
+'What is going on before you,' continued Montalembert, 'is a sample of
+its moderation. It is now attempting in my person to introduce into our
+criminal law a new _delit_, "communication." Until now it was supposed
+that nothing was criminal until it was published. It was believed that a
+man might write his opinions and his reflections, and might exchange them
+with his friends; that nothing was libellous that was confidential. _Now_
+this Government holds a man responsible for every thought that an
+indiscreet or an incautious friend, or a concealed enemy, or a tool of
+power reveals. If it succeeds in this attempt, it will not rest satisfied
+with this victory over the remnant of our freedom. It is not in the
+nature of things that it should. A Government that will not tolerate
+censure must forbid discussion. You are now asked to put down writing.
+When that has been done, conversation will be attacked. Paris will
+resemble Rome under the successors of Augustus. Already this prosecution
+has produced a _malaise_ which I never felt or observed before. What will
+be the feelings of the nation when all that is around it is concealed,
+when every avenue by which light could penetrate is stopped; when we are
+exposed to all the undefined terrors and exaggerated dangers that
+accompany utter darkness? The misfortune of France, a national defect
+which makes the happiness enjoyed by England unattainable by us, is, that
+she is always oscillating between extremes; that she is constantly
+swinging from universal conquest to _la paix a tout prix_, from the
+desire of nothing but glory to the desire of nothing but wealth, from the
+wildest democracy to the most abject servility. Every new Government
+starts with a new principle. Every Government in a few years perishes by
+carrying that principle to an extreme. The First Republic was destroyed
+by the intemperance with which it trampled on every sort of tradition and
+authority, the First Empire by its abuse of victory and war, the
+Restoration by its exaggerated belief in divine right and legitimacy, the
+Royalty of July by its exaggerated reliance on purchased voters and
+Parliamentary majorities, the Second Republic by the conduct of its own
+Republicans. The danger to the Second Empire--its only internal danger,
+but I fear a fatal one--is its abuse of authority. With every phase of
+our sixty years' long revolution, we have a new superstition, a new
+_culte_. We are now required to become the worshippers of authority. I
+lament that with the new religion we have not new priests. Our public men
+would not be discredited by instantaneous apostasy from one political
+faith to another. I am grieved, gentlemen, if I offend you; though many
+of you are older in years than I am, not one probably is so old in public
+life. I may be addressing you for the last time, and I feel that my last
+words ought to contain all the warnings that I think will be useful to
+you. This assembly will soon end, as all its predecessors have ended. Its
+acts, its legislation, may perish with it, but its reputation, its fame,
+for good or for evil, will survive. Within a few minutes you will do an
+act by which that reputation will be seriously affected; by which it may
+be raised, by which it may be deeply, perhaps irrevocably, sunk. Your
+vote to-night will show whether you possess freedom, and whether you
+deserve it. As for myself, I care but little. A few months, or even
+years, of imprisonment are among the risks which every public man who
+does his duty in revolutionary times must encounter, and which the first
+men of the country have incurred, _soit en sortant des affaires, soit
+avant d'y entrer_. But whatever may be the effect of your vote on _my_
+person, whatever it may be on _your_ reputation, I trust that it is not
+in your power to inflict permanent injury on my country. Among you are
+some who lived through the Empire. They must remember that the soldiers
+of our glorious army cherished as fondly the recollection of its defeats
+as of its victories. They must see that the lessons which those defeats
+taught, and the feelings which they inspired, are now among the sources
+of our military strength. Your Emperor himself, in one of his earlier
+addresses, talked hopefully of the period when France would be capable of
+more liberty than he now thinks good for her, "Un jour," he exclaimed,
+"mon oeuvre sera couronnee par la liberte." I join in that hope. I look
+sanguinely towards the time when she will be worthy of the English
+constitution, and she will obtain it. Vous tenez le corps de la France,
+mais vous ne tenez pas son ame. Cette ame, aujourd'hui effrayee,
+engourdie, endormie, cette ame c'est la liberte. Elle se reveillera un
+jour et vous echappera. La certitude de ce reveil suffit pour consoler et
+fortifier ses vieux et fideles soldats a traverser la nuit de l'epreuve.
+Cette liberte honnete et moderee, sage et sainte, j'y ai toujours cru, et
+j'y crois encore. Je l'ai toujours servie, toujours aimee, toujours
+invoquee, tantot pour la religion, tantot pour le pays; hier contre le
+socialisme, aujourd'hui contre un commencement de despotisme; et, quelle
+que soit votre decision, je me feliciterai toujours d'avoir eu cette
+occasion solennelle de la confesser encore une fois devant vous, et, s'il
+le faut, de souffrir un peu pour elle.'
+
+These concluding words were drowned in universal murmurs.
+
+N.W. SENIOR.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Correspondence & Conversations of
+Alexis de Tocqueville with Nassau William Senior from 1834 to 1859, Vol. 2, by Alexis de Tocqueville
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TOCQUEVILLE, VOL 2 ***
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