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+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 10837 ***
+
+THE SOUL OF DEMOCRACY
+
+THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE WORLD WAR
+IN RELATION TO HUMAN LIBERTY
+
+BY
+
+EDWARD HOWARD GRIGGS
+
+
+
+
+Man for the State means autocracy and imperialism;
+MAN FOR MANKIND is the soul of democracy.
+
+
+
+1918
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+I     THE WORLD TRAGEDY
+II    THE CONFLICT OF IDEAS IN THE WAR
+III   THE IDEAS FOR WHICH THE ALLIED NATIONS FIGHT
+IV    MORAL STANDARDS AND THE MORAL ORDER
+V     THE PRESENT STATE OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
+VI    THE ETHICS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONSHIP
+VII   AMERICA'S DUTY IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
+VIII  THE GOSPEL AND THE SUPERSTITION OF NON-RESISTANCE
+IX    PREPAREDNESS FOR SELF-DEFENSE
+X     RECONSTRUCTION FROM THE WAR
+XI    THE WAR AND EDUCATION
+XII   SOCIALISM AND THE WAR
+XIII  THE WAR AND FEMINISM
+XIV   THE TRANSFORMATION OF DEMOCRACY
+XV    DEMOCRACY AND EDUCATION
+XVI   MENACES OF DEMOCRACY
+XVII  THE DILEMMA OF DEMOCRACY
+XVIII PATERNALISM VERSUS DEMOCRACY
+XIX   THE SOLUTION FOR DEMOCRACY
+XX    TRAINING FOR MORAL LEADERSHIP
+XXI   DEMOCRACY AND SACRIFICE
+XXII  THE HOUR OF SACRIFICE
+
+
+
+THE SOUL OF DEMOCRACY
+
+
+I
+
+THE WORLD TRAGEDY
+
+We are living under the shadow of the greatest world tragedy in the
+history of mankind.  Not even the overthrow of the old Roman empire was
+so colossal a disaster as this.  Inevitably we are bewildered by it.
+Utterly unanticipated, at least in its world extent, for we had believed
+mankind too far advanced for such a chaos of brute force to recur, it
+overwhelms our vision.  Man had been going forward steadily, inventing
+and discovering, until in the last hundred years his whole world had
+been transformed. Suddenly the entire range of invention is turned
+against Man.  The machinery of comfort and progress becomes the enginery
+of devastation.  Under such a shock, we ask, "Has civilization
+over-reached itself?  Has the machine run away with its maker?"  The
+imagination is staggered.  We are too much in the storm to see across
+the storm.
+
+When the War began, it was over our minds as a dark cloud.  It was the
+last conscious thought as we went to sleep at night, and the first to
+which we awakened in the morning: wakening with a dumb sense of
+something wrong, as if we had suffered a personal tragedy, and then as
+we came to clear consciousness we said, "O yes, the War!"  The days have
+passed into weeks, the weeks into months and years: inevitably we become
+benumbed to the long continued disaster.  It is impossible to think
+deaths and mutilations in terms of millions.  Even those who stand in
+the immediate presence of it and suffer most terribly become calloused
+to it: much more must we who stood so long apart and have not yet felt
+the brunt of it.  Even our entrance into the whirling vortex, drawing
+ever nearer our shores, has failed to waken us to a realizing sense of
+it.  Nevertheless, these years through which we are now living are the
+most important in the entire history of the world.  It is probable that
+the future will look back upon them as the years determining the destiny
+of mankind for ages to come.
+
+How this terrible fact of War falls across all philosophies!  Complacent
+optimisms, so widely current recently, are put out of court by it. The
+pleasant interpretations mediocrity formulates of the universe are torn
+to tatters.  There is at least the refreshment of standing face to face
+with brute actuality, though it crash all our "little systems" to the
+ground. Philosophy must wait.  The interpretations cannot be hastened,
+while the facts are multiplying with such bewildering rapidity.  The one
+certainty is that an entirely new world is being born--_what_ it will
+be, no one knows.
+
+Nevertheless, we have gone far enough to recognize that all our thinking
+will be transformed under the influence of the struggle.  It will be
+impossible for us, after the War, to do what we have done so widely
+hitherto: proclaim one range of ethical ideals and standards, and live
+to something widely different in practice.  Either we shall have to
+abandon the standards, or bring our conduct measurably into harmony with
+them. We shall be unable longer to hold unconsciously in solution
+Christianity and the gospel of brute force.  One or the other must be
+rejected, or both consciously reconstructed. The effect on the thought
+life of the world will be even greater--vastly greater--than that of the
+French Revolution.  The twentieth century will differ from the
+nineteenth more than that did from the eighteenth. The effect on the
+relations of different social groups throughout the world will be so
+far-reaching that possibly the democracy and socialism of the nineteenth
+century may look like remote historic phenomena, such as the Athenian
+tribal system or mediaeval feudalism.
+
+Thus our whole social philosophy will have to be remolded.  We Americans
+are still in the patent medicine period of politics, trusting to
+political devices on the surface for the cure of any evils that arise.
+All across the country, like an epidemic of disease has gone the notion
+--if anything is the matter with us, just pass another law.  Thus we are
+suffering under an ill-considered mass of legislation, while blindly
+trusting to it to solve all problems.  Legislation is no solution for
+moral evils.  It is possible, to some extent, to suppress vice by
+legislation, but not to create virtue.  Virtue can be developed only by
+conduct and education. You cannot drive men into the kingdom of heaven
+with the whip of legislation; and if you could, you would so change the
+atmosphere of the place that one would prefer to take the other road.
+
+If our democracy is to survive, we must think it through; carrying it
+down, from these superficial political devices, into our industry and
+commerce, still so largely dominated by feudal ideas of the middle age,
+into our science and art, far more completely into our education, into
+our social relationship, and beyond all else, into our fundamental
+attitude of mind.  Democracy is, at bottom, not a series of political
+forms, but a way of life.
+
+Thus the War will be the supreme test of democracy.  The question it
+will settle is this: can free men, by voluntary cooperation, develop an
+efficiency and an endurance which will make it possible for them to
+stand and protect their liberties against the machinery and aggressive
+ambitions of autocratic empires where everything is done paternally from
+the top?  If they can, then democracy will survive and grow as the
+highest form of society for ages to come; if not, then democracy will
+pass and be succeeded by some other social order.
+
+That is why this War has been our war from the beginning, though we have
+entered it so late.  As we look back upon the struggle of Athens and the
+other free Greek cities with the overwhelming hordes of Asia, at
+Marathon and Salamis, as the conflict that saved democracy for Europe
+and made possible the civilization of the Occident, so it is probable
+that the world will look back upon this colossal War as the same
+struggle, multiplied a thousand times in the men and munitions employed,
+the struggle determining the future of democracy and civilization for
+generations, perhaps for all time.
+
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+THE CONFLICT OF IDEAS IN THE WAR
+
+The world has been confused as to the issue in this War, because of the
+multitude of its causes and of the antagonisms it involves; yet under
+all the national and racial hatreds, the economic jealousies, certain
+great ideas are being tested out.
+
+Apologists for Germany have told us, even with pride, that in Germany
+the supreme conception is the dedication of Man to the State.  This was
+not true of old Germany.  Before the formation of the Prussian empire,
+her spirit was intensely individualistic.  She stood preeminently for
+freedom of thought and action.  It was this that gave her noble
+spiritual heritage. Goethe is the most individualistic of world masters.
+Froebel developed, in the Kindergarten, one of the purest of
+democracies.  Luther and German protestantism represented the
+affirmation of individual conscience as against hierarchical control.
+It was this spirit that gave Germany her golden age of literature, her
+unmatched group of spiritual philosophers, her religious teachers, her
+pre-eminence in music.
+
+Nevertheless, the Prussian state, autocratic from its inception,
+received philosophic justification in a series of thinkers, culminating
+in Hegel, who regarded the individual as a capricious egotist, the
+state, incarnate in its sovereign, as the supreme spiritual entity.  He
+justified war, regarding it as a permanent necessity, and practically
+made might, right, in arguing that a conquering nation is justified by
+its more fruitful idea in annexing the weaker, while the conquered, in
+being conquered, is judged of God.  Here is the philosophic
+justification of that Prussian arrogance which in Nietzsche is carried
+into glittering rhetoric.  Thus the Prussian state from afar back was
+opposed to the general spirit of old Germany.
+
+Since 1870, it must be admitted, that spirit is gone.  With the
+formation of the Prussian empire and for the half century of its
+existence, every force of social control--press, church, state,
+education, social opinion--was deliberately employed to stamp on the
+German people one idea--the subordination of the individual to the
+state, as the supreme and only virtue. How far has the policy succeeded?
+Apparently absolutely.  To the outside observer the old spirit seems
+utterly gone.  How far this policy has been helped by the cultivation of
+the fear of the Slav, one cannot say. Looking at the map of Europe, one
+sees that the geographical relation of Germany to the great Slavic
+empire is not unlike the relation of Holland to Germany.  Thus the
+deliberate fostering of fear of the vast empire of the East has done
+much to strengthen the hands of the Prussian regime in its chosen task.
+
+Nevertheless, when one recalls the spiritual heritage of Germany: when
+one thinks of Herder, Schiller and Goethe; Tauler, Luther and
+Schleiermacher; Froebel, Herbart and Richter; Kant, Fichte and Novalis;
+Mozart, Beethoven and Wagner; one feels that something of the old German
+heritage must survive. When the German people find out what has happened
+to them and why, that heritage surely ought to show in some reaction
+against the present autocratic regime, after the War closes, if not
+before, perhaps even to the extent of making Germany a republic.  That
+would be some compensation for the waste and destruction of the War.
+Meantime Germany stands now, ruthlessly, for the dedication of Man to
+the State.
+
+One can understand why a Prussian minister forbade the teaching of
+Froebel's ideas in Prussia during the latter period of the educator's
+life.  So one understands the hatred of Goethe because he refused
+allegiance to a narrow nationalism and remained cosmopolitan in his
+world-view.  Similarly Hegel, with his justification of absolute
+monarchy and his theory of the German state as the acme of all spiritual
+evolution, was the acclaimed orthodox philosopher of Prussia, while the
+individualist, Schopenhauer, was neglected and despised.
+
+One must have lived in Germany to realize the absolute control of the
+State over the individual--the incessant surveillance, the petty
+regulations, the constant interference with private life.  It was to
+escape just this vexatious control, with the arduous militarism in which
+it culminates, that so vast a multitude of Germans left their native
+land and came to the United States--not all of whom have shown
+appreciation and loyalty to the free land that welcomed them.
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+THE IDEAS FOR WHICH THE ALLIED NATIONS FIGHT
+
+In contrast to the idea for which Germany now stands, the Anglo-Saxon
+instinctively and tenaciously believes in the liberty and initiative of
+the individual.  We, of course, are no longer Anglo-Saxon. When De
+Tocqueville in 1831 visited our country, surveyed our institutions and,
+after returning home, made his trenchant diagnosis of our democracy, he
+could justly designate us Anglo-Americans.  That time is past; we are
+to-day everything and nothing: a great nation in the womb of time,
+struggling to be born.
+
+Nevertheless, Anglo-American ideas still dominate and inspire our
+civilization. It is, indeed, remarkable to what an extent this is true,
+in the face of the mingling of heterogeneous races in our population.
+As English is our speech, so Anglo-American ideas are still the soul of
+our life and institutions.
+
+This is evident in the jealousy of authority.  We resent the intrusion
+of the government into affairs of private life, and prefer to submit to
+annoyances and even injustice on the part of other individuals, rather
+than to have protection at the price of paternalistic regulation by the
+state. We resent any law that we do not see is necessary to the general
+welfare, and are rather lawless even then.  This shows clearly in our
+reaction on legislation in regard to drink.  The prohibition of
+intoxicating liquor is about the surest way to make an Anglo-Saxon want
+to go out and get drunk, even when he has no other inclination in that
+direction.  In Boston, under the eleven o'clock closing law, men in
+public restaurants will at times order, at ten minutes of eleven, eight
+or ten glasses of beer or whiskey, for fear they might want them,
+whereas, if the restriction had not been present, two or three would
+have sufficed.
+
+Not long ago we saw the very labor leaders who forced the Adamson law
+through congress, threatening to disobey any legislation limiting their
+own freedom of action, even though vitally necessary to the freedom of
+all.
+
+The general behavior under automobile and traffic regulation illustrates
+the tendency evenmore clearly.  Thinking over the list of acquaintances
+who own automobiles, one finds it hard to recall one who would not break
+the speed law at a convenient opportunity.  Even a staid college
+professor, who has walked the walled-in path all his life: let him get a
+Ford runabout, and in three months he is exultant in running as close as
+possible to every foot traveler and in exceeding the speed limit at any
+favorable chance. These are not beautiful expressions of our national
+spirit, but they serve to illustrate our instinctive individualism.
+
+Especially are we jealous of highly centralized authority.  De
+Tocqueville argued that we would never be able to develop a strong
+central government, and that our democracy would be menaced with failure
+by that lack.  That his prophecy has proved false and our federal
+government has become so strong is due only to the accidents of our
+history and the exigency of the tremendous problems we have had to
+solve.
+
+The same individualistic spirit is strong in England.  It has been
+particularly evident, during the War, in the resentment of military
+authority as applied to labor conditions.  The artisans and their
+leaders dreaded to give up liberties for which they had struggled
+through generations, for fear that those rights would not be readily
+accorded them again after the War. It must be admitted that this fear is
+justified.  The same spirit was evident in the fight on conscription.
+This attitude has been a handicap to England in successfully carrying on
+the War, as it is to us; but it shows how strong is the essential spirit
+of democracy in both lands.
+
+In France, the Revolution was at bottom an affirmation of individualism
+--of the right of the people, as against classes and kings, to seek life,
+liberty and happiness. The great words, _Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,_
+that the French placed upon their public buildings in the period of the
+Revolution, are the essential battle-cry of true democracy,--as it is to
+be, rather than as it is at present.
+
+Through her peculiar situation, threatened and overshadowed by potential
+enemies, France has been forced to a policy of militarism, with a large
+subordination of the individual to the state.  The subordination,
+however, is voluntary.  That is touchingly evident in the beautiful
+fraternization of French officers and men in the present War.  With our
+Anglo-Saxon reserve, we smile at the pictures of grave generals kissing
+bearded soldiers, in recognition of valor, but it is a significant
+expression of the voluntary equality and brotherhood of Frenchmen in
+this War.  The reason France has risen with such splendid courage and
+unity is the consciousness of every Frenchman that complete defeat in
+this War would mean that there would be no France in the future, that
+Paris would be a larger Strassburg, and France a greater
+Alsace-Lorraine.  While the subordination has been thus voluntary,
+surely the French soldiers, man for man, have proved themselves the
+equal of any soldiers on earth.
+
+The anomaly of the first two years of the War was the presence of the
+vast Russian autocratic empire on the side of the allied democracies.
+For Russia, however, the War was of the people, rather than of the
+autocracy at the top, and one saw that Russia would emerge from the War
+changed and purified.  What one could not foresee was that, under the
+awakening of the people, Russia could pass, in a day, through a
+Revolution as profound in its character and consequences as the great
+explosion in France.  It would be almost a miracle if so complete a
+Revolution, in such a vast, benighted empire, were not followed by
+decades of recurrent chaos and anarchy.  If Russia avoids this fate, she
+will present a unique experience in history. The tendency to abrogate
+all authority, the spectacle of regiments of soldiers becoming debating
+societies to discuss whether or not they shall obey orders and fight,
+are ominous signs for the next period.  Emancipated Russia must learn,
+if necessary through bitter suffering, that liberty is not license, that
+democracy is not anarchy, but voluntary and intelligent obedience to
+just laws and the chosen executors of those laws.  Meantime, whatever
+her immediate future may be, Russia's transformation has clarified the
+issue and justified her place with the allied democracies.  However long
+and confused her struggle, there can be no return to the past, and, in
+the end, her Revolution means democracy.
+
+Thus, in democracy, the State exists for Man.  Other forms of society
+seek the interest or welfare of an individual, a group or a class,
+democracy aims at the welfare, that is, the liberty, happiness, growth,
+intelligence, helpfulness of _all the people_.  Under all the welter of
+this world struggle, it is therefore these great contrasting ideas that
+are being tested out, perhaps for all time.  What is their relative
+value for efficiency, initiative, invention, endurance, permanence;
+beneath all, what is their final value for the happiness and helpfulness
+of all human beings?
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+MORAL STANDARDS AND THE MORAL ORDER
+
+There is only one moral order of the universe--one range of moral as of
+physical law.  For instance, the law of gravitation--simplest of
+physical principles--holds the last star in the abyss of space, rounds
+the dew-drop on the petal of a spring violet and determines the symmetry
+of living organisms; but it is one and unchanging, a fundamental pull in
+the nature of matter itself.  So with moral laws: they are not
+superadded to life by some divine or other authority.  They are simply
+the fundamental principles in the nature of life itself, which we must
+obey to grow and be happy.
+
+If the moral order is one and unchanging, man does change in relation to
+it, and moral standards are relative to the stage of his growth.
+History is filled with illustrations of this relativity of ethical
+standards.
+
+For instance: human slavery doubtless began as an act of beneficence on
+the part of some philanthropist well in advance of his age.  The first
+man who, in the dim dawn of history, said to the captive he had made in
+war, "I will not kill you and eat you; I will let you live and work for
+me the rest of your life": that man instituted human slavery; but it was
+distinctly a step upward, from something that had been far worse.
+
+Homer represents Ulysses as the favorite pupil of Pallas Athena, goddess
+of wisdom: why?  Baldly stated, because Ulysses was the shrewdest and
+most successful liar in classic antiquity.  If Ulysses were to appear in
+a society of decent men to-day, he would be excluded from their
+companionship, and for the same reason that led Homer to glorify him as
+the favorite pupil of the goddess of wisdom.  Thus what is a virtue at
+one stage of development becomes a vice as man climbs to higher
+recognition of the moral order.
+
+Just because the moral standard is relative, it is absolutely binding
+where it applies.  In other words, if you see the light shining on your
+path, you owe obedience to the light; one who does not see it, does not
+owe obedience in the same way.  If you do not obey your light, your
+punishment is that you lose the light--degenerate to a lower plane, and
+it is the worst punishment imaginable.
+
+Thus the same act may be for the undeveloped life, non-moral, for the
+developed, distinctly immoral.  Before the instincts of personal modesty
+and purity were developed, careless sex-promiscuity meant something
+entirely different from what a descent to it means in our society.  When
+a man of some primitive tribe went out and killed a man of another
+tribe, the action was totally different morally from .the murder by a
+man of one community of a citizen of a neighboring town to-day.
+
+This gradual elevation of moral standards, or growth in the recognition
+of the sacredness of life and the obligation to other individuals, can
+be traced historically as a long and confused process.  There was a
+time, in the remote past, when no law was recognized except that of the
+strong arm. The man who wanted anything, took it, if he was strong
+enough, and others submitted to his superior force.  Then follows an age
+when the family is the supreme social unit.  Each member of the family
+group feels the pain or pleasure of all the others as something like his
+own, but all outside this circle are as the beasts.  This is the
+condition among the Veddahs of Ceylon, studied so interestingly by
+Haeckel.  Living in isolated family groups, scattered through the
+tropical wilderness: one man, one woman and their children forming the
+social unit: they as nearly represent primitive life as any other body
+of people now on the earth.
+
+Then follows a long roll of ages when the tribe is the highest social
+unit. Each member of the tribe is conscious of the sacredness of life of
+all the other members and of some obligation toward them; but men of
+other tribes may be slain as freely as the beasts.  Then comes a period
+when appreciation of the sacredness of life is extended over all those
+of the same race, tested generally by their speaking somewhat the same
+language.  That was the condition in classic antiquity: it was "Jew and
+Gentile," "Greek and barbarian"--the very word "barbarous" coming from
+the unintelligible sounds, to the Greeks, of those who spoke other than
+the Hellenic tongue.  Even Plato, with all his far-sighted humanism,
+says, in the _Republic_, that in the ideal state, "Greeks should deal
+with barbarians as Greeks now deal with one another."  If one remembers
+what occurred in the Peloponnesian war--how Greek men voted to kill all
+the men of military age in a conquered Greek city and sell all the women
+and children into slavery--one will see that Plato's dream of humanity
+was not so very wide.
+
+From that time on, there has been further extension of the appreciation
+of the sacredness of life and of the consciousness of moral obligation
+toward other human beings.  We are far from the end of the path.  Our
+sympathies are still limited by accidents of time and place, race and
+color; but we have gone far enough to see what the end would be, were we
+to reach it: a sympathy so wide, an appreciation of the sacredness of
+life so universal, that each of us would feel the joy or sorrow of every
+other human being, alive to-day or to be alive to-morrow, as something
+like his own.  Moreover, in all civilized society, we have gone far
+enough to renounce the right to private vengeance and adjustment of
+quarrels: we live under established courts of law, with organized civil
+force to carry out their judgments.  This gives relative peace and
+security, and a general, if imperfect, application of the moral law.
+
+
+
+
+V
+
+THE PRESENT STATE OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
+
+The astounding anomaly of modern civilization is the way we have lagged
+behind in applying to groups and nations of men the moral laws,
+universally recognized as binding over individuals.  For instance, about
+twenty years ago we coined and used widely the phrase, "soulless
+corporation," to designate our great combinations of capital in industry
+and commerce.  Why was that phrase used so widely?  The answer is
+illuminating: we took it for granted that an individual employer would
+treat his artisans to some extent as human beings and not merely as
+cog-wheels in a productive machine; but we also took it for granted that
+an impersonal corporation, where no individual was dominantly
+responsible, would regard its artisans merely as pieces of machinery,
+with no respect whatever for their humanity.
+
+The supreme paradox, however, is in the relation of nations: it is there
+that we have most amazingly lagged behind in applying the moral laws
+universally accepted in the relations of individuals.  For instance,
+long before this War began we heard it proclaimed, even proudly, by
+certain philosophers, in more than one nation, that the state is the
+supreme spiritual unit, that there is no law higher than its interest,
+that the state makes the law and may break it at will.  When a great
+statesman in Germany, doubtless in a moment of intense anger and
+irritation, used the phrase that has gone all across the earth, "_scrap
+of paper_," for a sacred treaty between nations, he was only making a
+pungent practical application of the philosophy in question.
+
+Do we regard self-preservation as the highest law for the individual?
+Distinctly not.  Here is a crowded theater and a sudden cry of fire,
+with the ensuing panic: if strong men trample down and kill women and
+children, in the effort to save their own lives, we regard them with
+loathing and contempt.  On the other hand, it is just this plea of
+national self-preservation that the German regime has used in cynical
+justification of its every atrocity--the initial violation of Belgium,
+the making war ruthlessly on civil populations, the atrocious spying and
+plotting in the bosom of neutral and friendly nations, the destruction
+of monuments of art and devastation of the cities, fields, orchards and
+forests of northern France, and finally the submarine warfare on the
+world's shipping.  No civilized human being would, for a moment, think
+of using the plea of self-preservation to justify comparable conduct in
+individual life.
+
+Consider international diplomacy: much of it has been merely shrewd and
+skillful lying.  If you will review the list of the most famous
+diplomats of Europe for the last thousand years, you will find that a
+considerable portion of them won their fame and reputation by being a
+little more shrewd and successful liars than the diplomats with whom
+they had to deal in other lands.  In other words, their conduct has been
+exactly on the plane that Ulysses represented in personal life, afar
+back in classic antiquity.
+
+Take an illustration a little nearer home.  If you were doing business
+on one side of the street and had two competitors in the same line,
+across the way, and a cyclone swept the town, destroying their
+establishments and sparing yours: you, as an individual, would be
+ashamed to take advantage of the disaster under which your rivals were
+suffering, using the time while they were out of business to lure their
+customers away from them and bind those customers to you so securely
+that your competitors would never be able to get them back.  You would
+scorn such conduct as an individual; but when it comes to a relation of
+the nations: during the first two years of the War, from the highest
+government circles down to the smallest country newspaper, we were urged
+to take advantage of the disaster under which our European rivals were
+suffering, win their international customers away from them and bind
+those customers to us so securely that Europe would never be able to get
+them back.  Not that we were urged to industry and enterprise--that is
+always right--but actually to seek to profit by the sufferings of
+others--conduct we would regard as utterly unworthy in personal life.
+
+If your neighbor were to say, "My personal aspirations demand this
+portion of your front yard," and he were to attempt to fence it in: the
+situation is unimaginable; but when a nation says, "My national
+aspirations demand this portion of your territory," and proceeds to
+annex it: if the nation is strong enough to carry it out, a large part
+of the world acquiesces.
+
+The relations of nations are thus still largely on the plane of
+primitive life among individuals, or, since nations are made up of
+civilized and semi-civilized persons, it would be fairer to say that the
+relations of nations are comparable to those prevailing among
+individuals when a group of men goes far out from civil society, to the
+frontier, beyond the reach of courts of law and their police forces:
+then nearly always there is a reversion to the rule of the strong arm.
+That is what Kipling meant in exclaiming,
+
+"There's never a law of God or man runs north of fifty-three."
+
+That condition prevailed all across our frontier in the early days. For
+instance, the cattle men came, pasturing their herds on the hills and
+plains, using the great expanse of land not yet taken up by private
+ownership.  A little later came the sheep men, with vast flocks of
+sheep, which nibbled every blade of grass and other edible plant down to
+the ground, thus starving out the cattle.  What followed?  The cattle
+men got together by night, rode down the sheep-herders, shot them or
+drove them out, or were themselves driven out.
+
+So on the frontier, in the early days, a weakling staked out an
+agricultural or mining claim.  A ruffian appears, who is a sure shot,
+jumps the claim and drives the other out.  It was the rule of the strong
+arm, and it was evident on the frontier all across the country.
+
+This is exactly the state that a considerable part of the world has
+reached in international relationship to-day.  Claim-jumping is still
+accepted and widely practised among the nations.  That is, in fact, the
+way in which all empires have been built--by a succession of successful
+claim-jumpings. Consider the most impressive of them all, the old Roman
+empire.  Rome was a city near the mouth of the Tiber.  She reached out
+and conquered a few neighboring cities in the Latin plain, binding them
+securely to herself by domestic and economic ties.  Then she extended
+her power south and north, crossed into northern Africa, conquered Gaul
+and Spain, swept Asia Minor, until a territory three thousand by two
+thousand miles in extent was under the sway of her all-conquering arm.
+
+What justified Rome, as far as she had justification, was the remarkable
+strength and wisdom with which she established law and order and the
+protections of civil society over all the conquered territory, until
+often the subject populations were glad they had come under the
+all-dominant sway of Rome, since their situation was so much more
+peaceful and happy than before.  Such justification, however, is after
+the fact: it is not moral justification of the building of the empire.
+That represented a succession of claim-jumpings.
+
+For an illustration from more modern history, take the greatest
+international crime of the last five hundred years, with one exception--
+the partition of Poland. It is true the Polish nobles were a nuisance to
+their neighbors, ever quarreling among themselves, with no central
+authority powerful enough to restrain them, but that did not justify the
+action taken.  Three nations, or rather the autocratic sovereigns of
+those nations, powerful enough to accomplish the crime, agreed to
+partition Poland among themselves.  They did it, with the result that
+there are plenty of Poles in the world to-day, but there is no Poland.
+
+Consider the possession of Silesia by Prussia.  Silesia was an integral
+part of the Austrian domain, long so recognized.  Friedrich the Great
+wanted it.  He annexed it.  The deed caused him many years of recurring,
+devastating wars; again and again he was near the point of utter defeat;
+but he succeeded in bringing the war to a successful conclusion, and
+Silesia is part of Prussia to-day.  The strong arm conquest is the only
+reason.
+
+So is it with Germany's possession of Schleswig-Holstein, with Austria
+in Herzegovina and Bosnia, France in Algiers, Italy in Tripoli: they are
+all instances of claim-jumping, reprehensible in varying degrees.
+
+I suppose no thoughtful Englishman would attempt to justify, on high
+moral grounds, the building up of the British empire: for instance, the
+possession of Egypt and India by Britain.  How does India happen to be a
+part of the British realm?  Every one knows the answer. The East India
+Company was simply the most adventurous and enterprising trading company
+then in the world.  It grew rich trading with the Orient, established
+the supremacy of the British merchant marine, got into difficulties with
+French rivals and native rulers, fought brilliantly for its rights, as
+it had every reason to do, conquered territory and consolidated its
+possessions, ruling chiefly through native princes. It became so
+powerful that it did not seem wise to the British government to permit a
+private corporation to exercise such ever-growing political authority.
+It was regulated, and in the end abolished, by act of Parliament; its
+possessions were taken over by the Crown; the conquests were extended
+and completed, and India today is a gem in the crown of the British
+empire.
+
+What justifies Britain, as far as she has justification, is the
+remarkable wisdom and generosity with which she has extended, not
+onlylaw and order and protection to life and property, but freedom and
+autonomous self-government, to her colonies and subject populations,
+with certain tragic exceptions, about as fast as this could safely be
+done.  It is that which holds the British empire together.  Great
+irregular empire, stretching over a large part of the globe: but for
+this it would fall to pieces over night.  It would be impossible for
+force, administered at the top, to hold it together.  The splendid
+response of her colonies in this War has been purely voluntary.  That
+Canada has four hundred thousand trained men at the front, or ready to
+go, is due wholly to her free response to the wise generosity of
+England's policy, and in no degree to compulsion, which would have been
+impossible.  This justification of the British empire is, nevertheless,
+as in the case of Rome, after the fact, and does not justify morally the
+building up of the empire.
+
+Our own hands are not entirely clean.  It is true we came late on the
+stage of history, and, starting as a democracy, were instinctively
+opposed to empire building.  Thus our brief record is cleaner than that
+of the older nations.  Nevertheless, there are examples of claim-jumping
+in our history. The most tragic of all is a large part of our treatment
+of the American Indians.  It is true, with Anglo-Saxon hypocrisy, we
+tried to make every steal a bargain.  Many an expanse of territory has
+been bought with a jug of rum.  The Indian knew nothing about the
+ownership of land; we did. So we made the deed, and he accepted it.
+Then, to his surprise, he found he had to move off from land where for
+generations his ancestors had hunted and fought, with no idea of private
+ownership.  So we pushed him on and on. Of late decades we have become
+ashamed, tried in awkward fashion to render some compensation for the
+wrongs done, but the larger part of the story is sad indeed.
+
+There is, of course, another side to all this: the more highly developed
+nations do owe leadership and service in helping those below to climb
+the path of civilization; but let one answer fairly how much of empire
+building has been due to this altruistic spirit, and how much to
+selfishness and the lust for power and possession.
+
+
+
+
+
+VI
+
+THE ETHICS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONSHIP
+
+We have seen that all empires have been built up by a series of
+successful aggressions, and that claim-jumping still characterizes the
+relations of the nations.  Nevertheless, there has been some progress in
+applying to groups and nations the moral principles we recognize as
+binding upon individuals.  Consider again our internal life: it was
+twenty years ago that we coined and used so widely the phrase "soulless
+corporations" for our great combinations of capital in industry.  To-day
+that phrase is rarely heard.  One sees it seldom even in the pages of
+surviving "muck-raking" magazines.  Why has a phrase, used so widely in
+the past, all but disappeared? Again the answer is illuminating: there
+has been tremendous growth in twenty years, on the part of our great
+corporations, in treating their employees as human beings and not merely
+as cog-wheels in a productive machine.  When the greatest corporation in
+the United States voluntarily raises the wages of all its employees in
+the country ten per cent., five several times, within a few months, as
+the Steel trust has recently done, something has happened.  It may be
+said, "they did it because it was good business": twenty years ago they
+would not have recognized that it was good business. It may be said,
+"they did it to avoid strikes": twenty years ago they would have
+welcomed the strikes, fought them through and gained what selfish
+advantage was possible.  The point is, there has been vast increase in
+the consciousness of moral responsibility on the part of corporations
+toward their artisans.  This has been due partly to legislation, but
+mainly to education and the awakening of public conscience.  If you wish
+to find the greatest arrogance and selfishness now, you will discover
+it, not among the capitalists: they are timid and submissive--strangely
+so.  You will find it rather in certain leaders of the labor  movement,
+with their consciousness of newly-gained powers.
+
+Some growth there has been in the application of the same moral
+principles even to the relations of the nations.  For instance: a
+hundred years ago the Napoleonic wars had just come to an end.  In the
+days of Napoleon men generally gloried in war; to-day most of them
+bitterly regret it, and fight because they believe they are fighting for
+high moral aims or for national self-preservation, whether they are
+right or wrong.
+
+When Napoleon conquered a country, often he pushed the weakling king off
+the throne, and replaced him with a member of his own family--at times a
+worse weakling.  Think of such a thing being attempted to-day: it is
+unimaginable, unless the worst tyranny on earth got the upper hand for
+the next three hundred years of human history.
+
+A more pungent illustration of progress is the feverish desire, shown by
+each of the  combatants in this world struggle, to prove that he did not
+begin it. Now some one began it.  A hundred years ago belligerents would
+not have been so anxious to prove their innocence: then victory closed
+all accounts and no one went behind the returns.  The feverish anxiety
+each combatant has shown to establish his innocence of initiating this
+devastating War is conclusive proof that even the worst of them
+recognizes that they all must finally stand before the moral court of
+the world's conscience and be judged.  The same tendency is shown in the
+efforts of Germany--grotesquely and tragically sophistical as they are--
+to justify her ever-expanding, freshly-invented atrocities.  At least
+she is aware that they require justification.
+
+This explains why we react so bitterly even on what would have been
+accepted a century ago.  What was taken for granted yesterday is not
+tolerated to-day, and what is taken for granted to-day will not be
+tolerated in a to-morrow that maybe is not so distant as in our darker
+moments we imagine.
+
+What would be the conclusion of this process?  It would be, would it
+not, the complete application to the relations of the nations, of the
+moral principles universally accepted as binding upon individuals?  If
+it is true that the moral order of the universe is one and unchanging,
+then _what is right for a man is right for a nation of men, and what is
+wrong for a man is wrong for a nation_; and no fallacious reasoning
+should be allowed to blind us to that basic truth.
+
+This would mean the end of all diplomacy of lying and deceit.  The
+relations of the nations would be placed on the same plane of relative
+honesty and frankness now prevailing among individuals: not absolute
+truth--few of us practice that--but that general ability to trust each
+other, in word and conduct, that is the foundation of our business and
+social life.
+
+It would mean the end of empire building.  Those empires that exist
+would fall naturally into their component parts.  If those parts
+remained affiliated with the central government, it would be only
+through the voluntary choice of the majority of the population dwelling
+upon the territory.  Thus every people would be affiliated with the
+government to which it naturally belonged and with which it wished to be
+affiliated.
+
+It would mean finally a voluntary federation of the nations, with the
+establishment of a world court of justice; but no weak-kneed, spineless
+arbitration court: rather a court of justice, comparable to those
+established over individuals, whose judgments would be enforced by an
+international military and naval police, contributed by the federated
+nations.
+
+People misunderstand this proposal.  They imagine it would mean the
+giving over of the entire military and naval equipment of each federated
+nation to the central court.  Far from it: each nation would retain, for
+defense purposes, the mass of its manhood and the larger fraction of its
+limited equipment, while a minor fraction would be contributed to the
+world court.
+
+When this is achieved there will be, for the first time in the history
+of the world, the dawn of the longed-for era of universal and relatively
+permanent peace for mankind.
+
+It is a far-off dream, is it not?  Let us admit it frankly, and it seems
+further off than it did four years ago; for the approximations to it,
+achieved through international law, we have seen go down in a blind
+welter, through the invention of new instruments of destruction and the
+willful perpetration of illegal and immoral atrocities in this horrible
+War.
+
+Nevertheless, it is not so far off as in ourdarker moments we fear.  If
+this world War ends justly; which means if it ends so that the people
+dwelling on any territory are affiliated with the government to which
+they naturally belong and with which they wish to be affiliated, the
+dream will be brought appreciably nearer.  If the War ends unjustly,
+which means if it ends with the gratification of the ambitions of
+aggressive tyranny, the dream will be put remotely far off.  If a peace
+is patched up meantime, with no solution, it will mean Europe sleeping
+on its arms, and the breaking out of the war with multiplied devastation
+within twenty years.  That is why these blithely undertaken peace
+missions and other efforts at peace without victory, even when not
+cloaks for pro-German movements, are such preposterous absurdities or
+else play directly into the hands of tyranny.
+
+At best, however, the dream is a long way ahead.  Men dislike to give up
+power, nations equally.  It will take a long process of international
+moral education to induce the nations to renounce their arbitrary
+powers, their right to adjust all their own quarrels, and lead them to
+enter voluntarily a federation under a world court of Justice.  This,
+nevertheless, is the hope of the world, toward which we should work with
+all our might.
+
+
+
+
+VII
+
+AMERICA'S DUTY IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
+
+Since the world solution is, at best, so remote, our question is: what
+are we to do meantime?  Our entrance into the War partially answers the
+question.  We have before us the immediate task of aiding in
+overthrowing autocracy and tyranny and of defending our liberties and
+those of the nations that stand for democracy.  This is the first duty,
+but not the only one.
+
+More definitely than any other nation we have thrown down to the world
+the challenge of democracy.  We have said, "Away with kings, we will
+have no more of them!  Away with castes and ruling classes, we will have
+no more of them!"  As a matter of fact, democracies have no rulers--the
+word survives from an older order of society--they have guides, leaders
+and representatives.  If you wish to use the word, in a democracy every
+man is the ruler--and every woman too, we hope, before long.  To this
+ideal we are committed and it carries certain obligations; for every
+right carries a duty, and every duty, a right.  Often the best way to
+get a privilege is by assuming a responsibility.  That is a truth it
+would be well for the leaders of the feminist and labor movements to
+recognize. The obligations carried by the challenge of our democracy are
+clear.
+
+We Americans should have done, once and for all time, with the diplomacy
+of lying and deceit.  Fortunately our recent traditions are in harmony
+with this demand; but we should not depend upon the happy accident of an
+administration which takes the right attitude.  It should be the open
+and universal demand of the American people that those who represent us
+shall place the relations we sustain to other nations permanently on the
+same plane of frank honesty, generally prevailing among individuals.
+Incidentally, any politician or statesman who, at this heart-breaking
+crisis of the world's life, dares play party politics with our
+international relations, should be damned forever by the vote of the
+American people.
+
+Further, it is our duty to have done with all dream of empire building.
+It is not for us: let us abandon it frankly and forever.  Those
+dependencies which have come to us through the accidents of our history
+should be granted autonomous self-government at the earliest moment at
+which they can safely take it over--which does not necessarily mean
+to-morrow.  If they remain affiliated with us it should be only through
+the voluntary choice of the majority of the population dwelling upon
+them.
+
+It is, moreover, our duty to lead the world in the effort to form a
+federation of the nations and establish the aforesaid world court of
+justice, with the international military and naval police to enforce its
+judgments.
+
+More than this is demanded: on the basis of the challenge of our
+democracy, it is our duty to rise to the point of placing justice higher
+than commercial interest.  It is a hard demand; but, with the latent
+idealism in our American life, surely we can rise to it.  For instance,
+the vexed puzzle of the tariff will never be justly and permanently
+settled, till it is settled primarily as a problem of moral
+international relationship, and not as one merely of economic interest
+and advantage.
+
+For example, a tariff wall between the United States and Canada is as
+preposterous an absurdity as would be a long line of bristling
+fortifications along the three thousand and more miles of international
+boundary.  We are not protecting ourselves from slave labor over there.
+They are not protecting themselves from slave labor here.  Barring a few
+lines of industry, there are the same conditions of labor, production
+and distribution both sides of the line.  The only reason for a tariff
+wall is their wish, or our wish, or the wish of each, to gain some
+advantage at the expense of the other party.  Now every business man
+knows that any trade that benefits one and injures the other party to it
+is bad business, as well as bad ethics, in the long run.  Good business
+benefits both traders all the time.
+
+On the other hand, when it comes to protecting our labor from
+competition with slave labor in other quarters of the earth, we have not
+only the right, but the duty to do it.  So when it is a matter of
+protecting our industries from being swamped by the unloading of vast
+quantities of goods, produced under the feverish and abnormal
+conditions, sure to prevail in Europe after the War, we have again, not
+only the right, but the duty to do it.
+
+Finally, a still higher call is upon us: we must somehow rise to the
+point of placing humanity above the nation.  It is true, "Charity begins
+at home," certainly justice should.  One should educate one's own
+children, before worrying over the children of the neighborhood; clean
+up one's own town, before troubling about the city further away.  Often
+the whole is helped best by serving the part; but it is with national
+patriotism as it is with family affection.  The latter is a lovely
+quality and the source of much that is best in the world; but when
+family affection is an instrument for gaining special privilege at the
+expense of the good of society, a means of attaining debauching luxury
+and selfish aggrandisement, it is an abomination.  The man who prays
+God's blessing on himself, his wife and his children, and nobody else,
+is a mean man, and he never gets blessed--not from God.  Similarly, the
+man who seeks the interest of his own nation, against the welfare of
+mankind, who prays God's blessing only on his own people, is equally a
+mean man, and his prayer, also, is never answered from the Most High.
+The world has advanced too far for the spirit of a narrow nationalism.
+The recrudescence of such a spirit is one of the sad consequences of
+this world War.  Only in a spirit of international brotherhood, in
+dedication to the welfare of humanity, can democracy go towards its
+goal.
+
+These are the obligations following upon the challenge of democracy we
+have proclaimed to the nations.
+
+
+
+
+
+VIII
+
+THE GOSPEL AND THE SUPERSTITION OF NON-RESISTANCE
+
+The first condition of fulfilling the responsibilities imposed upon us
+by the challenge of our democracy is, now and hereafter, readiness and
+willingness for self-respecting self-defense, defense of our liberties
+and of the principles and ideals for which we stand.  There is much
+nonsense talked about non-resistance to evil.  It is a lovely thing in
+certain high places of the moral life.  It was well that Socrates
+remained in the common criminal prison in Athens and drank the hemlock
+poison; but nine times out of ten it would have been better to run away,
+as he had an opportunity to do. It was good that Jesus healed the ear of
+the servant of the high priest,--and good that St. Peter cut it off.
+
+In other words, acts of non-resistance and self-sacrifice are fine
+flowers of the moral life; but you cannot have flowers unless their
+roots are below ground, otherwise they quickly wither.  Thus, to have
+sound value, these acts of non-resistance and self-sacrifice must rest
+on a solid foundation of self-affirmation and resistance to evil.
+
+As with the individual, so with the nation: there come high moments in a
+nation's life, when a strong people might resist and deliberately
+chooses not to.  As an illustration, take our Mexican problem.  The
+announcement that under no circumstances would we intervene, may have
+led to misunderstanding.  Our purpose to let the Mexican people work out
+their own problem may have been taken to mean that we would not justly
+protect ourselves, with consequent encouragement to border raiding.
+Nevertheless, if there has been any error in handling the situation, it
+has been on the better side--on the side of patience, generosity,
+long-suffering, giving the other fellow another chance, and another and
+another, even though he does not deserve them.  Now that is not the side
+on which human nature usually errs.  The common temptation is to
+selfishness and unjust aggression. Since that is the case, if we cannot
+strike the just balance, it is better to push too far on the other side
+and avoid the common mistake.
+
+Suppose, after the War, Japan, alone or in conjunction with one or
+another European power, closes the door to China: one can imagine
+circumstances where we, with the right to insist that the door be kept
+open, and perhaps, by that time, something of the strength to enforce
+that right, might deliberately say, "No, we will not resist."  Not that,
+with our present situation, such action is desirable, but that one can
+imagine conditions arising where it might be the higher choice.
+
+Let me repeat that, for the nation as with the individual, these high
+moments must rest on something else.  They are the high mountain peaks
+of the moral life; but detached mountain peaks are impossible,--except
+as a mirage.  They must rest upon the granite foundation of the hills
+and plateaus below. So these high virtues of non-resistance, magnanimity
+and self-sacrifice must always rest upon the granite foundation of the
+masculine virtues of self-affirmation, endurance, heroism, strong
+conflict with evil. It takes strength to make magnanimity and
+self-sacrifice  possible, if their lesson is not lost.  A weak man
+cannot be magnanimous, since his generosity is mistaken for servile
+cowardice. After all, the best time to forgive your enemy, for his good
+and yours, is not when he has his foot on your neck: he is apt to
+misunderstand and think you are afraid.  It is often better to wait
+until you can get on your feet and face him, man to man, and then if you
+can forgive him, it is so much the better for you, for him and for all
+concerned.
+
+Thus there are two opposite lines of error in the moral life.  The
+philosophy of the one is given by Nietzsche, while Tolstoy, in certain
+extremes of his teaching, represents the other.  Nietzsche, I suppose,
+should be regarded as a symptom, rather than a cause of anything
+important; but the ancestors of Nietzsche were Goethe and Ibsen, with
+their splendid gospel of self-realization.  Nietzsche, on the contrary,
+with his contempt for the morality of Christianity as the morality of
+slaves and weaklings, with his eulogy of the blond brute striding over
+forgotten multitudes of his weaker fellows to a stultifying isolation
+apart--Nietzsche is self-realization in the mad-house.  It has always
+seemed to me not without significance that his own life ended there.
+
+On the other hand, when Tolstoy responded to an inquirer that, if he saw
+a child being attacked by a brutal ruffian, he would not use force to
+intervene and protect the child: that, too, is non-resistance fit for
+the insane asylum. One of these is just as far from sane, balanced human
+morality as the other.
+
+It is a terrible thing to suffer injustice; it is far worse to
+perpetrate it. If one had to choose between being victim or tyrant, one
+would always choose to be victim: it is safer for the moral life and
+there is more recovery afterward.  If, however, it is better to suffer
+injustice than to perpetrate it, better than either is to resist it,
+fight it and, if possible, overthrow it.
+
+It has been said so many times by extreme pacifists that even sane human
+beings sometimes take it for granted, that "force never accomplished
+anything permanent in human history."  It is false, and the reasoning by
+which it is supported involves the most sophistical of fallacies.  All
+depends on who uses the force and the purpose for which it is used.  The
+force employed by tyranny and injustice accomplishes nothing permanent
+in history.  Why? Because tyranny and injustice are in their very nature
+transient, they are opposed to the moral order of the universe and, in
+the end, must pass. On the other hand, the force employed on the part of
+liberty and justice has attained most of the ends of civilization we
+cherish to-day.  The force of the million of mercenaries, collected
+through Asia and Africa by Darius and Xerxes, to overwhelm a few Greek
+cities, accomplished nothing permanent in history; but the force of the
+ten thousand Athenians who fought at Marathon and of the other thousands
+at Salamis, saved democracy for Europe and made possible the
+civilization of the Occident.  The force employed by King Louis of
+France to support a tottering throne and continue the exploitation of
+the people by an idle and selfish aristocratic caste, accomplished
+nothing permanent in history; but the force of those Frenchmen who
+marched upon Paris, singing the Marseillaise, made possible the freedom
+and culture of the last hundred years.  The force employed by King
+George of England, to wring taxes without representation from reluctant
+colonies, accomplished nothing permanent in history, but the force
+which, at Bunker Hill and Concord Bridge, "fired the shot heard round
+the world," achieved the liberty and democracy of the American
+continent.
+
+It may be freely admitted that all use of force is a confession of
+failure to find a better way.  If you use force in the education of a
+child, it is such a confession of failure.  So is it if force is used in
+controlling defectives and criminals, or in adjusting the relations of
+the nations; but note that the failure may be one for which the
+individual parent, teacher, society, state or nation is in no degree
+responsible.   Force is a tragic weapon--and the ultimate one.
+
+
+
+
+
+IX
+
+PREPAREDNESS FOR SELF-DEFENSE
+
+Since force is still the weapon of international justice, readiness and
+willingness to use it for defense, when necessary, is then the first
+condition of fulfilling the aims and serving the causes for which
+America stands.  In other words, since the relations of the nations are
+still so largely those of individuals under the conditions of frontier
+life, as with the honest man on the frontier, so for the
+self-respecting, peace-loving nation to-day, it is well to carry a gun
+and know how to shoot.
+
+Carrying a gun is a dangerous practice, for two reasons: it may go off
+in your pocket; you may get drunk and shoot when you ought not.  Those
+are the only two rational arguments against national preparation for
+defense, in the present state of the world.  Let us see.  The gun may go
+off in your pocket: that is, if a strong armament for defense is built
+up, there is always danger that it may be used internally, against the
+people, unjustly.  That, indeed, has been one of the curses of Europe
+for a thousand years. It is a grave danger, but recognizing it is partly
+forestalling it; moreover, we would better face that danger than one far
+worse.  So with the other menace: you may get drunk and shoot when you
+ought not.  Nations get drunk: they get drunk with pride, arrogance,
+aggressive ambition, revenge, even with panic terror, and so shoot when
+they should not.  This, also, is a grave danger; but here, as well,
+recognizing it is part way forestalling it, and this danger, too, we
+would better face than one far more terrible. Moreover, it is armament
+for the gratification of aggressive ambition, and under the control of
+the arbitrary authority of a despotic individual or group, that tends to
+initiate war, not armament solely to defend the liberties of a people.
+
+Thus, under the conditions cited, it is well to be armed and prepared.
+If a wolf is at large, if a mad dog is loose, if a madman is abroad with
+an ax, it is the part of wisdom to have an adequate weapon and be
+prepared to use it.  If the Athenians had not resisted the hordes of
+Asia, what would have been the history of Europe?  If the French had not
+resisted tyranny and injustice in the Revolution, what would have been
+the civilization of the last hundred years?  If the English colonists
+had not resisted taxation without representation, what would be the
+present status of America?  If the artisan groups had not united and
+fought economic exploitation, what would be their life to-day?  If
+Belgium had not resisted Germany, what would be the future of democracy
+in Europe?  Thus, now and after the War, the need is for all necessary
+armament for self-respecting self-defense and not an atom to gratify
+aggressive ambition.  This does not mean that, once involved in war, the
+military tactics of democracy should be merely defensive.  As has often
+and wisely been said, in war the best defense is a swift and hard
+attack.
+
+It is widely argued, however, since our aim is peace and a world-court
+of justice to settle the disputes among the nations, making general
+disarmament possible, should not one great nation, fortunately free from
+the quarrels of Europe, occupying the major portion of a continent, its
+shores washed by two great oceans, with peaceful friendship on the north
+and weak anarchy on the south--should not such a nation take the lead,
+disarm and set an example to mankind?  It is a beautiful dream!  Would
+that those who really believe in non-resistance to evil would be
+logical, and apply it to internal as well as external policy.  What is a
+police force? It is a body of men, trained, employed and paid to use
+force in resisting evil.  If you wish to try out non-resistance, why not
+let some city apply it? Let Chicago do it: abolish its police force and
+set the example to the rest of the benighted cities of the country.
+What would happen?  As long as there are criminals in all cities of the
+land, how they would flock to that fat pasturage.  What devastation of
+property, destruction of life, injury to innocent women and children!
+Until the best men of Chicago would get together, form a vigilance
+committee, shoot some of the criminals, hang others, drive the rest out;
+and Chicago would get back to law and order, with courts of justice and
+a regular police body, composed of men trained, employed and paid to use
+force in resisting evil.
+
+The example of Canada and the United States is cited, and a noble
+example it is: three thousand and more miles of international boundary,
+with never a shining gun or bristling fortress on the entire frontier.
+A glorious example, prophetic of what is coming all over the world,
+perhaps more quickly than we dare hope to-day; but what made it
+possible?  Agreement in advance, and that at a time when one of the
+parties was too weak to be feared. Canada is getting strong: she has at
+present four hundred thousand trained men at the front or ready to go.
+Before the War closes she will have over a half million.  Now suppose
+Canada fortified: we would be compelled to, there would be no other way.
+
+Thus one nation cannot disarm while the others are strongly armed, and
+among them are those whose autocratic rulers and imperialistic castes
+are watching for signs of weakness in order to perpetrate international
+claim-jumping.
+
+It is true that, on the frontier, in the early days, there were
+individuals who went about unarmed among the gun men, did it
+successfully, and some of them died peacefully in their beds: Christian
+ministers--sky-pilots, they were called.  Please note, however, that the
+sky-pilot never had any money. He had no claims to be jumped.
+
+We are not sky-pilots--far from it.  As to money: the wealth of the
+world has been flowing into our coffers in a golden stream, to the
+embarrassment of our financial institutions, to the exaltation of the
+cost of living to such a point that, with more money than we ever
+dreamed of having, we find it more difficult to buy enough to eat and
+wear.  As for claims to be jumped: they are on every hand: Panama Canal,
+Hawaiian Islands, Philippine Islands, ports of New York and San
+Francisco, vast reaches of unprotected coast.  No, we are not
+sky-pilots, we cannot claim exemption on that ground.
+
+Suppose, after the War, we attempted to disarm, without the protection
+of a world court and international police, while the other nations
+retained war armament.  They, the victors and perhaps the defeated,
+would possess a great army and navy, manned with seasoned veterans, and
+be burdened with an intolerable debt; for the War has gone too far for
+any one to be able to pay adequate indemnity.  We, rich, young,
+heedless, sure that no one on earth could ever whip us, chiefly because
+no one worth while has ever seriously tried: suppose we were completely
+disarmed.  It would require only a little meddling with Mexico or
+Brazil, and we should have to give up the Monroe Doctrine or fight.
+Well, perhaps we shall give it up: it has even been suggested in the
+halls of Congress that we should--to the shame of the suggester, be it
+said.  People do not understand the Monroe Doctrine: they talk of it as
+if it were a law.  It is in no sense a law, but is merely a rather
+arrogant expression of our desires. We said to the other nations: "We
+desire that none of you henceforth shall fence in any part of our front
+or back yard, or the front or back yard of any of our neighbors,
+dwelling on the North and South American continents."  That is the
+Monroe Doctrine, and that is all that it is: an expression of our
+wishes.  All very well if others choose to respect them, but suppose
+some one does not?  Perhaps, as stated, we may abandon the Monroe
+Doctrine: that is the easiest way, and the easiest way, for a nation or
+an individual, is usually the way of damnation. Even so, suppose the
+nation in question to say, "My national aspirations demand the Panama
+Canal, the Philippine Islands, or Long Island and the Port of New York."
+Why not?  The Atlantic Ocean is only a mill-pond. It is not half so wide
+as Lake Erie was fifty years ago, in relation to modern means of
+transportation and communication.  People say, "Do we want to give up
+our traditional isolation?"  They are too late in asking the question:
+that isolation is irrecoverably gone.  That should be now evident even
+to people dwelling in fatuously fancied security between the Alleghenies
+and the Rockies.  We are inevitably drawn into relation with the rest of
+mankind.  The question is no longer, "Shall we take a part in world
+problems?", but "What part shall we take?"
+
+The point is, that if, under the circumstances cited, any one wished to
+do so, we could quickly be driven to such a condition of abject
+humiliation that we should be compelled to fight.  Now suppose,
+disarmed, we should enter the conflict utterly unprepared?  The result
+would be, hundreds of thousands of young men, going out bravely in
+obedience to an ideal--untrained and half equipped--to be butchered, a
+humiliating peace, and an indemnity of many billions to be groaned under
+for fifty years.
+
+On the other hand, if we were adequately armed for defense, there would
+be much less temptation to any one to trouble us; and if we were
+compelled to fight, would it not be better to fight reasonably prepared?
+
+There is a story, going the rounds of the press, about the bandit, Jesse
+James: telling how, on one occasion, he went to a lonely farm house to
+commandeer a meal.  Entering, he found one woman, a widow, alone and
+weeping bitterly.  He asked her what was the matter, and she replied
+that, in one hour, the landlord was coming, and if she did not have her
+mortgage money, she would lose her little farm and home and be out in
+the world, shelterless.  The heart of the bandit was touched.  He gave
+her the money to pay off the mortgage, hid in the brush and held up the
+landlord on the way back.
+
+Need the moral be pointed?  We have been getting the mortgage money.
+During the first years of the War it rolled in, an ever-increasing
+golden stream, until we held a mortgage on numerous European nations.
+We have the mortgage money, but _beware of the way back!_
+
+Thus the agitation, in one nation, for disarmament, unpreparedness and a
+patched up peace, while the other nations are armed and embittered, not
+only renders the situation of the one people critically perilous, but
+actually cripples its power to serve the cause of world peace and
+humanity.  If only the peace-at-any-price people had to pay the price,
+one would be willing to wait and see what happened; but they never pay
+it, they take to cover.  It is those hundreds of thousands of splendid
+young men, going out blithely in obedience to duty, to be butchered, it
+is the millions of women and children, who cannot escape from a
+devastated area, who pay that price.
+
+Every people in the past that turned to money and mercenaries for
+defense has gone down.  No people ever survived that was unable and
+unwilling to fight for its liberties and spend, if necessary, the last
+drop of its blood for the principles it believed.
+
+
+
+
+
+X
+
+RECONSTRUCTION FROM THE WAR
+
+We have seen how impossible it is to forecast the new world that will
+follow the War, we know merely that it will be utterly new.
+Nevertheless, the great tendencies already at work we can partly discern
+and recognize something of what they promise.  It is well to try to see
+them, that we may be not too unready to welcome the opportunity and
+accept the burden of the world that is being born in pain.
+
+Peace and prosperity produce a peculiar type of conservatism.  People
+are then relatively free in action and expression, things are going well
+with them, and they are instinctively inclined to let well enough alone.
+Thus in thought they tend to a conservative inertia.
+
+On the other hand, in periods of great strain and suffering, as in war
+time, thought is stimulated, all ordinary views are broken down and the
+most radical notions are widely disseminated and even taken for granted
+by those who, shortly before, would have been scandalized by them.
+Action and certain phases of free speech are, in such a period, much
+more widely restrained by authority.  There is a swift and strong
+development of social control, urged by necessity.
+
+Thus, in war time, there is the curious paradox of ever widening
+radicalism in thought, with constantly decreasing freedom in action and
+expression. When the discrepancy becomes too great, you have the
+explosion--Revolution. This cause hastened and made more extreme the
+Russian Revolution, which had been simmering for a century.  It has not
+yet appeared in Germany because of the forty years of successful work in
+drilling the mind of the German people to march in goose-step; yet the
+increasing signs of questioning the infallibility of the existing regime
+and system in Germany give evidence that there, too, the conflict is at
+work.
+
+With ourselves, the opposition appears, as yet, only in minor degree.
+Nevertheless, it is here.  On the one hand, are the registration,
+conscription and espionage measures, the effort to control news, the
+governmental supervision of food supplies, transportation, production
+and corporation earnings, the war taxes.  On the other hand, thought is
+so stimulated that everything is questioned: our political system, our
+social institutions--marriage, the family, education.  As some one says,
+"Nothing is radical now."  We probably shall escape a sudden revolution,
+but the conflict must produce profound readjustment in every aspect of
+our life; for thought and action must come measurably together, since
+they are related as soul and body.
+
+There are singular eddies in the main current both ways.  For instance,
+the exigencies and sufferings of war produce a reaction toward narrower,
+orthodox forms of religion and a harsher spirit of nationalism; while in
+fields of action apart from the struggle, freedom and even license may
+increase, as in sex-relations.  Nevertheless these cross-currents, while
+they may obscure, do not alter the main tendencies, which move swiftly
+and increasingly toward the essential conflict.
+
+Even before our actual entrance into the War, its profound influence
+upon both our thinking and our conduct and institutions was evident.
+Now that we are in the conflict that influence is multiplied.  We are
+aroused to new seriousness of thought.  The frivolity and selfish
+pleasure-seeking that have marked our life for recent decades are
+decreasing.  We may reasonably hope that the literature of superficial
+cleverness and smart cynicism, which has been in vogue for the last
+period, will have had its day, that the perpetrators of such literature
+will be, measurably speaking, without audience at the conclusion of the
+War.
+
+The philosophy of complacency, at least, will be at an end, and the
+world will face with new earnestness the problem of life.  This
+generation will be tired, perhaps exhausted, by the titanic struggle;
+but youth comes on, fresh and eager, with exhaustless vital energy, and
+the generations to come will take the heritage and work out the new
+philosophy.  As Nature quickly and quietly covers the worst scars we
+make in her breast, so Man has a power of recovery, beyond all that we
+could dream.  It is to that we must look, across the time of demoniac
+destruction.
+
+We may even dare to hope that the next half-century will see a great
+development of noble literature in our own land.  War for liberty,
+justice and humanity always tends to create such a productive period in
+literature and the other fine arts.  The struggle with Persia was behind
+the Periclean age in Athens.  It was the conflict of England with the
+overshadowing might of Spain that so vitalized the Elizabethan period.
+The Revolution was behind the one important school of literature our own
+country has produced hitherto.
+
+Since this War is waged on a scale far more colossal than any other in
+human history, and since liberty and democracy are at stake, not only in
+one land, but throughout the world and for the entire future of
+humanity, it is reasonable to expect that the stimulation to the
+creation of art and literature will be far greater than that following
+any previous struggle. Where the sacrifice for high aims has been
+greatest, the inspiration should be greatest, as in France.  The
+literature currently produced, as in the books of Loti, Maeterlinck and
+Rolland, is scrappy and disappointing, it is true; but that is to be
+expected when the whole nation is strained to its last energy and
+gasping for breath, under the titanic struggle, and is no test of what
+will be.  In spite of the destruction of so large a fraction of her
+manhood, France will surely rise from the ashes of this world
+conflagration regenerated and reinspired.  The pessimism of her late
+decades will be gone.  The literature and other art she will produce
+will be instinct with new earnestness and exalted vision, and she may
+excel even her own great past.
+
+We too are awakening.  Since the War began, all over the United States,
+men and women have been thinking more earnestly and have been more
+willing to listen to the expression of serious thought than ever before
+for the last quarter century.  Now that the hour of sacrifice has
+struck, this earnestness must greatly deepen.  Perhaps we, too, may have
+our golden age of art.
+
+The same inspiration carries naturally into the religious life.  It is
+true, as we have seen, that there is a cross-current of reversion to
+narrower orthodoxy, caused by the War.  The Gods of War are all national
+and tribal divinities.  While they rule, the face of the God of Humanity
+is veiled. The Kaiser's possessive attitude toward the Divine is but the
+extreme case of what War does to the religious life.  Even among
+ourselves the tendency shows in such phenomena as the current popular
+evangelism--an eloquent, if artfully calculated and vulgarized preaching
+of the purely personal virtues, with an ignorance that there is a social
+problem in modern civilization, profound as that displayed by a
+mediaeval churchman. The evangelist's list of inmates, whom he relegates
+to the kingdom of the lost, makes the place singularly attractive to the
+lover of good intellectual society.
+
+Nevertheless, the reversion to narrower creeds but indicates the newly
+awakened hunger of the religious life.  Men who sacrifice live with
+graver earnestness than those who are carelessly prosperous.  Cynicism
+and pessimism are children of idleness and frivolity, never of heroic
+sacrifice and nobly accepted pain.  These latter foster faith in life
+and its infinite and eternal meaning.  Thus, with all the tragic
+submerging of our spiritual heritage the War involves, we may hope that
+it will cause a revival, not of emotional hysteria, but of deepened
+faith in the spirit, in the supreme worth of life, until at last we may
+see the dawn of the religion of humanity.
+
+
+
+
+XI
+
+THE WAR AND EDUCATION
+
+Equally far-reaching are the changes the War must produce in our
+education. Temporarily, our higher institutions will be crippled by the
+drawing off of the youth of the land for war.  This is one of the
+unfortunate sacrifices such a struggle involves.  We must see to it that
+it is not carried too far. One still hears old men in the South
+pathetically say, "I missed my education because of the Civil War."  Let
+us strive to keep open our educational institutions and continue all our
+cultural activities, in spite of the drain and strain of the War.  For
+never was intellectual guidance and leadership more needed than in the
+present crisis.
+
+The paramount effect of the War on education is, however, in the
+multiplied demand for efficiency.  This is the cry all across the
+country to-day, and, in the main, it is just.  Our education has been
+too academic, too much molded by tradition.  It must be more closely
+related to life and to the changed conditions of industry and commerce.
+Each boy and girl, youth and maiden, must leave the school able to take
+hold somewhere and make a significant contribution to the society of
+which he or she is an integral part.  Vocational training must be
+greatly increased.  The problems of the school must be increasingly
+practical problems, and thought and judgment must be trained to the
+solution of those problems.  This is all a part of that socialization of
+democracy which must be achieved if democracy is to survive in the new
+world following the War.
+
+There is, nevertheless, an element of emotional hysteria in the demand
+for efficiency and only efficiency.  Efficiency is too narrow a standard
+by which to estimate anything concerning human conduct and character.
+In the effort to meet and conquer Germany, let us beware of the mistake
+of Germany. One of the world tragedies of this epoch is the way in which
+Germany has sacrificed her spiritual heritage, first for economic, then
+for purely military efficiency.  When we recall that spiritual heritage,
+as previously described, when we think of Schiller, Herder and Goethe,
+Froebel, Herbart and Richter, Tauler, Luther and Schleiermacher, Kant,
+Fichte and Schopenhauer, Mozart, Beethoven and Wagner, we stand aghast
+at the way in which she has plunged it all into the abyss,--for what?
+Shall it profit a people, more than a man, if it gain the whole world
+and lose its own soul?
+
+In such a time, then, all of us who believe in the spirit must hold high
+the torch of humanistic culture.  Education is for life and not merely
+for efficiency.  Of what worth is life, if one is only a cog-wheel in
+the economic machine?  It is to save the spiritual heritage of humanity
+that we are fighting, and it is that heritage that education must bring
+to every child and youth, if it fulfills its supreme trust.  Education
+for the purposes of autocratic imperialism seeks to make a people a
+perfect economically productive and militarily aggressive machine.
+Education for democracy means the development of each individual to the
+most intelligent, self-directed and governed, unselfish and devoted,
+sane, balanced and effective humanity.
+
+
+
+
+
+XII
+
+SOCIALISM AND THE WAR
+
+One of the surprises of the War was the complete breakdown of
+international socialism.  Not only socialists, but those of us who had
+been thoughtfully watching the movement from without, had come to
+believe that the measure of consciousness of international brotherhood
+it had developed in the artisan groups of many lands, would be a
+powerful lever against war.  We were wrong: the superficial
+international sympathy evaporated like mist under the rays of a revived
+nationalism.  The socialists fell in line, almost as completely as any
+other group, with the purely nationalist aims in each land.
+
+This must have gratified certain despots; for one cause of the War, not
+the cause, was undoubtedly the preference on the part of various
+autocrats, to face an external war rather than the rising tide of
+democracy within the nation.  Temporarily, they have been successful,
+but surely only for a brief time.  The victory of democracy will vastly
+accelerate the growth of the spirit of brotherhood throughout the world.
+
+The terrible waste of the War must of itself produce a reaction of the
+people on kings and castes in all lands.  The suffering that will follow
+the War, in the period of economic readjustment, will accentuate this.
+Surely the _people_, in England, France, America, Italy, Russia, and
+among the neutral nations, will strive that no such war may come again.
+Even in Germany, when the people find out what they have paid and why,
+inevitably they must struggle so to reform their institutions that no
+ruler or class may again plunge them into such disaster for the selfish
+benefit or ambitions of that ruler or class.  How our hearts have warmed
+to Liebknecht!
+
+The realignment of nations must work to the same end.  War, like
+politics, makes strange bed-fellows.  Germany and Austria, for centuries
+rivals, and, at times, enemies, we behold united so completely that it
+is difficult to imagine them disentangled after the War.
+
+France and England, long regarding each other as natural enemies, are
+fused heart and soul.  Strangest of all, we have seen England struggling
+to win for Russia that prize of Constantinople, which for generations it
+has been a main object of British diplomacy to keep from Russian grasp.
+Most impressive of all, has been the new consciousness of unity and
+common cause among the nations of the earth, and the groups within all
+nations, standing for democracy.
+
+Thus the tide, checked for a time, will inevitably break forth with
+renewed force.  It is probable that the next fifty years will be a
+period of great change--even of revolutions, peaceful or otherwise,
+throughout the earth.
+
+To understand the effect on the whole socialist movement, one must
+distinguish clearly the two contrasting types of socialism.  It is the
+curse of the orthodox, or Marxian, type of socialism, that it was "made
+in Germany." Its economic state is modeled directly on the Prussian
+bureaucratic and paternalistic state.  Its dream realized, would mean
+Prussian efficiency carried to the _nth_ power, in a society of as
+merciless slavery as that prevailing among the ants and the bees.  It is
+doubtless this characteristic that has made so many bureaucratic or
+orthodox socialists instinctively Pro-German in sentiment and sympathy
+during the War.
+
+The contrasting type of socialism is that which is really the full
+development of democracy, its movement from a narrow individualism to
+ever wider voluntary co-operation.  It moves, not toward government
+ownership, but toward ownership by the people, of natural monopolies.
+It means, not the turning over to a bureaucratic government, of plants
+and instruments of production, but the progressive cooperative ownership
+of them by the workers themselves.  It will end, not in the overthrow of
+the capitalist regime, but in all workers becoming co-operative
+capitalists, and all capitalists, productive workers, since no idle
+rich--or poor, will be tolerated.  Such socialism, if it be so called,
+will depend upon the highest individual initiative, the most voluntary
+co-operation and will include the individualism which is the cherished
+boon of democracy.  It is significant that those who represent this type
+of socialism and who think for themselves, are breaking away from the
+orthodox party, under the courageous leadership and example of John
+Spargo, in increasing numbers, since our entrance into the War.  They
+are as instinctively American and democratic in sympathy, as those of
+the opposite type are Pro-German.
+
+Even in the most democratic countries, however, the War has caused a
+vast increase of the undesirable type of socialism: that is one of its
+temporary penalties.  To carry on such a war successfully, it is
+necessary to multiply the authority of the central government.  That has
+been the experience of England, now being repeated here.  Men, who were
+_citizens_ of a democracy, become, as soldiers, and in part as workers,
+_subjects_ of the government in war.  To some extent we are forced to
+imitate the tendencies we deplore and seek to overthrow in Germany, to
+be able to meet and defeat Germany.
+
+Even so, the difference is profound.  The subordination to the
+government is, for the people as a whole, voluntary, achieved through
+laws passed by chosen representatives of the people, and not by the
+arbitrary will of a kaiser and ruling caste.  Thus the freedom,
+voluntarily relinquished for a time, can be quickly regained when the
+crisis is past.  Subjects will become citizens again, when soldiers
+return to civil life.
+
+Nevertheless, there will be no return to the old, selfishly
+individualistic regime.  The lesson of organized action will have been
+learned, and a vast increase of voluntary co-operation, that is, of the
+socialism that is true democracy may be anticipated as a beneficent
+result of the War.  This will be one of the great compensations for the
+waste of our heritage, spiritual and material, through the War.  _The
+voluntary socialization of previously individualistic democracy will be
+the next great forward movement of the human spirit_.
+
+
+
+
+
+XIII
+
+THE WAR AND FEMINISM
+
+Of all consequences of the War, perhaps none is more significant than
+its effect upon the position of women.  Militarism and feminism are
+counter currents in the tide of history.  All recrudescence of brute
+force carries the subjugation of women.  In the degree to which
+professional militarism prevails in any society, women are forced into
+hard industrial activities, despised because fulfilled by women.  On the
+other hand, a group of carefully protected women is held apart as a fine
+adornment of life. Both ways militarism accentuates the property idea in
+reference to women: the one type, useful, the other, adorning, property.
+The one shows in marriage by purchase, the other in the dowry system.
+It is hard to say which is more dishonoring to women.  It would,
+perhaps, seem preferable and less offensive to be bought as useful,
+rather than accepted with a money payment, as an adorning but expensive
+possession, where, as with the automobile, "it is the upkeep that
+counts."  Surely, however, either attitude is degrading enough.
+
+The accentuation, in the present War, of the notion of women as
+property, is evident in more brutal form in the horrors of rape, in the
+deliberate and organized use of women as breeders, with the same
+efficiency with which Germany breeds her swine.
+
+Nevertheless, here, too, strong counter currents are at work.  As this
+is a war of nations, not of armies, it is the whole people that, in each
+instance, has had to be mobilized and organized.  In all the democracies
+women have voluntarily risen to this need, just as citizens have
+voluntarily become soldiers.  Thus women, by the legion, are working in
+munition factories, on the farms, in productive plants of every kind, in
+public service and commerce organizations.  The noble way in which women
+have accepted the double burden has created a wave of reverent
+admiration throughout the world.  Thus where professional militarism
+tends to despise the industrial activities into which it forces women,
+war for defense and justice causes reverence for the same socially
+necessary activities and for the women who so courageously undertake
+them for the sake of all.
+
+Moreover, the increased freedom of action for women will outlast its
+temporary cause.  Once so admitted to new fields of industrial, business
+and professional activity, women can never be generally excluded from
+them again.  Thus when the soldiers become citizens, many of the women
+will remain producers, working beside men under new conditions of
+equality.
+
+The result, with the general stimulation of radical thinking that the
+War involves, will be a profound acceleration of the feminist movement
+throughout, at least, the democracies of the world.  Already it is being
+recognized that all valid principles of democracy apply to women equally
+with men. Regenerated, if chaotic, Russia takes for granted the farthest
+reaches of feminism.  The regime in England, that bitterly opposed
+suffrage for women, is now voluntarily granting it before the close of
+the War.
+
+Thus the victory of the allied nations will mean the fruition of much of
+the feminism that is a phase of humanism.  It will mean freeing women
+from outgrown custom and tradition, from unjust limitations in
+industrial, social and political life.  It will mean men and women
+working together, on a plane of moral equality, with free initiative and
+voluntary co-operation, for the fruition of democracy.  Just as that
+fruition will see the end of idle rich and poor, so there will be no
+more women slaves or parasites, none regarded or possessed as property,
+but only free human beings, each self-directed and self-controlled, and
+responsible for his or her own personality and conduct.
+
+
+
+
+
+XIV
+
+THE TRANSFORMATION OF DEMOCRACY
+
+The nineteenth century was the period of rapid growth in adhesion to
+those ideals of democracy for which the War is being fought.  It is not
+so well recognized that during the same hundred years democracy was so
+transformed as to be to-day a new thing under the sun.
+
+Up to the time of the French and American revolutions democracy rested
+largely upon certain abstract ideas of human nature.  Rousseau could
+argue that in primitive times men sat down together to form a state,
+each giving up a part of his natural right to a central authority, and
+thus justifying it.  We now know that nothing of the kind ever happened,
+that society had undergone a long process of development before men
+began to think about it at all.  We continue to repeat the splendid at
+all. I refer, of course, to the women of antiquity.  Where respectable,
+these were the head of the household slaves, scarcely removed from the
+condition of the latter.  The few women who did achieve freedom of
+thought and action, and became the companions of cultivated men--the
+Aspasias of antiquity--bought their freedom at a sad price.
+
+So Rome is called a republic, and it is true that, during the first half
+of her long history, freedom gradually broadened down from the patrician
+class to the plebeian multitude.  When Rome reached out, however, to the
+mastery of the most impressive empire the world has seen, she never
+dreamed of extending that freedom to the conquered populations.  If she
+did grant Roman citizenship to an occasional community, to enjoy the
+rights and exercise the privileges of that citizenship, it was necessary
+to journey to Rome.  It was the city and the world: the city ruling the
+world as subject.
+
+The same principle holds with the republics developing at the close of
+the middle age, in Italy, in the towns of the Hanseatic League and
+elsewhere. Always the freedom achieved was for a city, a group or a
+class, never for all the people.  Our dream, on the contrary, is to take
+all the men and women in the land, ultimately in the world, and help
+them, through the free and cooperative activity of each with all the
+rest, on toward life, liberty, happiness, intelligence--all the ends of
+life that are worth while.  If we demand life for ourselves, we ask it
+only in harmony with the best life for all.  We want no special
+privilege, no benefit apart, bought at the price of the best welfare of
+humanity.  "We," unfortunately, does not yet mean all of us, but it does
+signify an increasing multitude, rallying to this that is the standard
+of to-morrow.
+
+A third transformation, at least equally important with these, is in the
+invention, for it is no less, of representative government.  Political
+thinkers, such as John Fiske, have tried to make us understand what this
+invention means: we do not yet realize it.  The development of
+representative government is the cause, first of all, of the tremendous
+expansion of the area over which we apply democracy.  Plato, in the
+_Laws_, limits the size of the ideal state--the one realizable in this
+world--to 5040 citizens.  Why?  Well, the exact number has a certain
+mystical significance, but the main reason is, Plato could not imagine a
+much larger body of citizens than 5000 meeting together in public
+assembly and fulfilling the functions of citizenship.
+
+We have extended democracy over a hundred millions of population,
+dwelling on the larger part of a continent; and if one travels North,
+South, East, West, to-day, one is impressed that, in spite of
+unassimilated elements, everywhere men and women are proud, first of
+all, of being American citizens, and only in subordinate ways devoted to
+the section or community to which they belong.  This has been made
+possible by the invention and development of representative government.
+
+That is not all: it is representative government that takes the sting
+out of all the older criticisms of democracy.  Plato devotes one of the
+saddest portions of his _Republic_ to showing how in a brief time,
+democracy must inevitably fall and be replaced by tyranny.  With the
+democracy Plato knew this was true.  It was impossible for Athens to
+protect and make permanent her constitution.  She might pass a law
+declaring the penalty of death on any one proposing a change in the
+constitution.  It did no good.  Let some demagogue arise, sure of the
+suffrage of a majority of the citizens: he could call them into public
+assembly, cause a repeal of the law, and make any change in the
+constitution he desired.  There was no way to prevent it.
+
+It is the invention and development of representative government that
+has changed all that.  We chafe under the slow-moving character of our
+democracy--over the time it takes to get laws enacted and the longer
+time to get them executed.  We may well be patient: this slow-moving
+character of democracy is the other side of its greatest safe-guard.  It
+is because we cannot immediately express in action the popular will and
+opinion, but must think two, three, many times, working through chosen
+and responsible representatives of the people, that our democracy is not
+subject to the perils and criticisms of those of antiquity.
+
+The voice of the people in the day and hour, under the impulse of sudden
+caprice or passion, is anything but the voice of God: it is much more
+apt to be the voice of all the powers of darkness.  It is common
+thought, sifted through uncommon thought, that approaches as near the
+voice of God as we can hope to get in this world.  It is not the surface
+whim of public opinion, it is its _greatest common denominator_ that
+approximates the truth.
+
+It behooves us to remember this at a time when changes are coming with
+such swiftness.  Our life has developed so rapidly that the old
+political forms proved inadequate to the solution of the new problems.
+As a practical people, we therefore quickly adopted or invented new
+forms. Doubtless this is, in the main, right, but we should understand
+clearly what we are doing.
+
+For instance, one of the great changes, recently inaugurated, is the
+election of national senators by popular vote.  Our forefathers planned
+that the national upper house should represent a double sifting of
+popular opinion. We elected state legislatures; they, in turn, chose the
+national senators: thus these were twice removed from the popular will.
+It proved easy to corrupt state legislatures; the national senate came
+to represent too much the moneyed interests; and so, through an
+amendment to the constitution, we changed the process, and now elect our
+senators by direct vote of the people.  This makes them more immediately
+representative of the popular will, and perhaps the change was wise; but
+we should recognize that we have removed one more safe-guard of
+democracy.
+
+A story, told for a generation, and fixed upon various British
+statesmen, will illustrate my meaning.  The last repetition attributed
+it to John Burns. On one occasion, while he was a member of Parliament,
+it is said he was at a tea-party in the West End of London.  The
+hostess, pouring his cup of tea, anxious to make talk and show her deep
+interest in politics, said, "Mr. Burns, what is the use of the house of
+Lords anyway?"  The statesman, without replying, poured his tea from the
+cup into the saucer.  The hostess, surprised at the breach of etiquette,
+waited, and then said, "but Mr. Burns, you didn't answer my question."
+He pointed to the tea, cooling in the saucer: that was the function, to
+cool the tea of legislation.  That was the function intended for our
+national senate.  The trouble was, the tea of legislation often became
+so stone cold in the process that it was fit only for the political
+slop-pail, and that was not what we wanted.  So we have changed it all,
+but one more safe-guard of democracy is gone.
+
+So with other reforms, loudly acclaimed, as the initiative and
+referendum. With the new problems and complications of an
+extraordinarily developed life, it is doubtless wise that the people
+should be able to initiate legislation and should have the final word as
+to what legislation shall stand.  On the other hand, if we are not to
+suffer under a mass of hasty and ill-considered legislation, if laws are
+to stand, they must always be formulated by a body of trained
+legislators, and not by the changing whim of popular opinion.
+
+So with the recall, now so widely demanded in many sections of the
+country. In the old days, our candidates were most obsequious and
+profuse in promises to their constituents _before_ election; but once
+elected, only too often they turned their backs on their constituents,
+went merrily their own way, making deals and bargains, in the spirit
+that "to the victor belong the spoils."  Therefore we justly demanded
+some control of them, after, as before, election: hence the recall.
+Again the movement is right; but if the fundamentals of democracy are to
+be permanent, that body of men, concerned with the interpretation of the
+constitution and the fundamental law of the land, must not be subject to
+the immediate whim of mob mind, and the power to recall those judges
+occupied with this task would be a graver danger than advantage.  They
+will make mistakes, at times they will be ultra conservative and
+servants of special interests, but that is one of the incidental prices
+we have to pay for the permanence of free institutions.  The problem is
+to keep the basic principles of democracy unchanged, the forms on the
+surface as fluid and adjustable as possible.
+
+It is these three transformations--the abandonment of the old abstract
+notions and the testing of democracy by its results, the expansion of
+its application over the entire population, and the invention and
+development of representative government--it is these three changes that
+make our democracy a new order of society, new in its problems, its
+menaces, its solutions.
+
+
+
+
+
+XV
+
+DEMOCRACY AND EDUCATION
+
+All just government is a transient device to make ordered progress
+possible. In the kingdom of heaven there would be no government, for if
+all human beings saw the best, loved the best and willed the best, the
+function of government would be at an end.  Obviously there is no hope
+or fear that we shall get into the kingdom of heaven soon, and the
+necessity for government will exist for an indefinitely long time.
+Nevertheless, government is due to the imperfection of human nature and,
+as stated, its aim is ordered progress.  Progress without order is
+anarchy; order without progress is stagnation and death.
+
+It must frankly be admitted, moreover, that democracy is not the
+shortest road to good government nor to economic efficiency.  That we
+recognize this as a people is proved by the drift of our opinion and of
+the changes in our lesser institutions.  Take, for instance, our city
+government. A few decades ago our cities were so notoriously misgoverned
+that they were the scandal of the world.  Our boards of aldermen or
+councilmen, representing ward constituencies, with all sorts of local
+strings tied to them, were clumsy and unwieldy and easily subject to
+corruption.
+
+So, about twenty years ago, all across the country went the cry, "Get a
+good mayor, and give him a free hand."  That is the way our great
+industries are conducted: a wise captain of industry is secured and
+given full control. Being a practical people, and imagining ourselves to
+be much more practical than really we are, we said, let us conduct our
+city business in the same way. Why not?  Plato showed long ago that you
+can get the best government in the shortest time by getting a good
+tyrant, and giving him a free hand.
+
+There arc just two objections.  The first is incidental: it is
+exceedingly difficult to keep your tyrant good.  Arbitrary authority
+over one's fellows is about the most corrupting influence known to man.
+No one is great and good enough to be entrusted with it.  Responsible
+power sobers and educates, irresponsible power corrupts.  Nevertheless
+we pay the price of this error and learn the lesson.
+
+The other objection is more significant.  It is the effect on the rank
+and file of the citizenship, for the meaning of democracy is not
+immediate results in government, but the education of the citizen, and
+that education can come only by fulfilling the functions of citizenship.
+Thus it is better to be the free citizen of a democracy, with all the
+waste and temporary inefficiency democracy involves, than to be the
+inert slave of the most perfect paternal despotism ever devised by man.
+Thus the movement away from democratic city government is gravely to be
+questioned, no matter what economic results it secures.
+
+The same argument applies to more recent changes, as the commission form
+of city government.  As in the previous case, reacting upon the
+scandalous situation, we said, "Let us choose the three to five best men
+in the community, and let them run the city's business for us."  Nearly
+every time this change has been made, the result has been an immediate
+cleaning up of the city government; but why?  Chiefly because "a new
+broom sweeps clean,"--not so much for the reason that it is new, as
+because you are interested in the instrument.  You can get a dirty room
+remarkably clean with an old broom, if you will sweep hard enough.  The
+cleaning up is due, not primarily to the instrument, but to the hand
+that wields it.
+
+To speak less figuratively: the cleaning up of the city government with
+the inauguration of the commission system, came because the change was
+made by an awakening of the good people of the community.  Good people
+have a habit, however, of going to sleep in an astoundingly short time;
+but _the gang never sleeps_.  Now suppose, while the good people are
+dozing in semi-somnolence, assured that the new broom will sweep of
+itself, the gang gets together and elects the three to five worst
+gangsters in the city to be the commission?  Is it not evident that the
+very added efficiency of the instrument means greater graft and
+corruption?
+
+Equally the argument applies to the most recent device suggested--the
+city manager plan.  As we have largely taken our schools out of
+politics, and have a non-partisan educational expert as superintendent,
+so it is suggested we should conduct our city business.  Again, suppose
+the gang appoints the city manager: he will be an expert in graft,
+rather than in government.
+
+The moment a people gets to trusting to a device it is headed for
+danger. There is just one safeguard of democracy, and that is _to keep
+the good people awake and at the task all the time_.  Some instruments
+are better and some are worse, but the instrument never does the work,
+it is the hand and brain that wield it.
+
+If there is one field where we could reasonably expect to find pure
+democracy, it is in our higher educational institutions.  In a college
+or university, where a group of young men and women, and a group of
+older men and women are gathered apart, out of the severer economic
+struggle, dedicated to ideal ends: there, surely, we could expect pure
+democracy in organization and relationship; yet the tendency has been
+steadily toward autocracy.  One can count the fingers of both hands and
+not cover the list of college and university presidents who have taken
+office during the last fifteen years, only on condition that they have
+complete authority over the educational policy of the institution, and
+often over its financial policy as well.  The reason is obvious: we run
+a railroad efficiently by getting a good president and giving him
+arbitrary control; why not a university?
+
+There are just the two objections cited above: even in a university, it
+is difficult to keep your tyrant good.  This, again, is the minor
+objection.  The real evil is in the effect upon the rank and file of
+those governed by the autocrat.  There are men in university faculties
+to-day who say, privately, that if they could get any other opportunity,
+they would resign to-morrow, for they feel like clerks in a department
+store, with no opportunity to help determine the educational policy of
+the institutions of which they are integral parts.
+
+The German university, under all the autocracy and bureaucracy of the
+German state, is more democratic in its organization than our own. Its
+faculty is a self-governing body, electing to its own membership. The
+Rectorship is an honor conferred for the year on some faculty member for
+superior worth and scholarship.  Each member of the faculty may thus
+feel the self-respect and dignity, resulting from the power and
+initiative he possesses as a free citizen of the institution.
+
+Let me suggest what would be the ideal democratic organization of a
+college or university.  Why not apply the same division of functions of
+government that has proved so successful in the state?  The board of
+Trustees is the natural judiciary; the President, the executive.  The
+faculty is the legislative body, with the student body as a sort of
+lower house, cooperating in enacting the legislation for its own
+government.  Where has such a plan been tried?
+
+If the primary purpose of democracy is thus, not immediate results in
+government, but the education of the citizen, on the other hand,
+democracy rests, for its safety and progress, on the ever better
+education of the citizen.  Under the older forms of human society, laws
+may be passed and executed that are far in advance of public opinion.
+That cannot be done in a democracy.  The law may be a slight step in
+advance, and so perhaps educate public opinion to its level; but if it
+goes beyond that step, after the first flurry of interest in the law is
+past, it remains a dead letter on the statute books--worse than useless,
+because cultivating that dangerous disrespect for all law, which we have
+seen growing upon us as a people.
+
+Thus from either side, the problem of democracy is a problem of
+education. It rests upon education, its aim is education.  In a
+democracy, the supreme function of the state is, not to establish a
+military system for defense, or a police system for protection, it is
+not the enforcement of public and private contract: it is to take the
+children and youth of each generation and develop them into men and
+women able to fulfill the responsibility and enjoy the opportunity of
+free citizenship in a free society.
+
+
+
+
+
+XVI
+
+MENACES OF DEMOCRACY
+
+Since modern democracy is a new thing under the sun, so its menaces are
+new, or, if old, they take misleadingly new forms.  For instance, the
+greatest danger in the path of our democracy is the world-old evil of
+selfishness, but it does take surprisingly new form.  It is not
+aggressive selfishness that we have primarily to dread.  There are
+those, it is true, who believe we may soon be endangered by the
+ambitions of some arrogant leader in the nation.  The fear is
+unwarranted, for our people are still so devoted to the fundamental
+principles of democracy, that if any leader were to take one clear step
+toward over-riding the constitution and making himself despot, that step
+would be his political death-blow.  No, we are not yet endangered by the
+aggressive ambitions of those at the front, but we are in grave danger
+from the negative selfishness of indifference, shown in its worst form
+by just those people who imagine they are good because they are
+respectable, whereas they may be merely good--for nothing.
+
+Plato argued that society could never have patriotism in full measure
+until the family was abolished.  A singular notion that any school boy
+to-day can readily answer, yet here is the curious situation.  Family
+life, among ourselves, in its better aspects, has reached a higher plane
+than ever before in any people.  More marriages are made on the only
+decent basts of any marriage.  This is the woman's land.  Children have
+their rights and privileges, even to their physical, mental and moral
+detriment.  It is here that men most willingly sacrifice for their
+families, slaving through the hot summer in the cities, to send wife and
+children to the seashore or the mountains; yet it is just here that men
+most readily unhinge their consciences when they turn from private to
+public life.
+
+Some cynic has said that there is not an American citizen who would not
+smuggle to please his wife.  Of course the statement is not true, but if
+you have ever crossed the ocean on a transatlantic liner, and watched
+the devices to which ordinarily decent men--men who would be ashamed to
+steal your pocket handkerchief or to lie to you as an individual--will
+resort, in order to lie to the government or steal from the government,
+you begin to wonder if the cynic was not right.  The law, obviously, may
+be unjust: if so, protest against it and seek to have it changed, but
+while it is the law, does it not deserve your respectful obedience,
+unless you would add to the dangerously growing disrespect for all law?
+
+Next to the menace of selfishness is that of ignorance, and this, too,
+takes confusingly new form.  It is not ignorance of scientific fact and
+law, dangerous as that is, that threatens, but ignorance of what our
+institutions mean, of what they have cost, of the ideal for which we
+stand among the nations.  The celerity with which, even during the past
+two decades, the younger generation has abandoned old standards and
+ideals, is an ominous illustration.  It is true:
+
+"New occasions teach new duties, time makes ancient goods uncouth; 'They
+must upward still, and onward, who would keep abreast of Truth."
+
+Those words of Lowell's are as fully applicable to the present crisis,
+as to that for which Lowell wrote them; but to give up the past, without
+knowing that you are letting go, is surely not the part of wisdom.
+
+A third menace shows in that fickleness of temper and false standard of
+life that cause us to admire the wrong type of leader.  Probably one
+half of all the attacks on men of unusual wealth and success come from
+other men, who would like to be in the same situation with those they
+attack, and have failed of their ambition.  Part of the attack is
+sincere, no doubt, but if you assumed that all the abuse heaped upon
+conspicuous men came from moral conviction, you would utterly misread
+the situation.
+
+On the other hand, men of moral excellence make us ashamed.  Now it
+takes a rarely magnanimous spirit to be shamed and not resent it.  We
+are apt to feel that, if we can pull another down, we raise ourselves.
+To realize this, consider the growl of joy that comes from the worse
+sort of citizen and newspaper when some public leader is caught in a
+private scandal.  As if pulling him down, raised us!  We are all tarred
+with his disgrace.  There are, indeed, two ways of stating the ideal of
+democracy: you can say, "I am just as good as any one else," which in
+the first place, is not true, and, in the second, would be unlovely of
+you to express, were it true.  You can say, on the contrary, "Every
+other human being ought to have just as good a chance as I have," which
+is right; and yet you will hear the ideal of democracy phrased a dozen
+times the first way, where it is expressed once in the second form.
+
+That democracies are fickle is one of the oldest criticisms upon them.
+We had thought that we were not subject to that criticism, and in the
+old days we were not.  We had the country debating club and the village
+lyceum.  We were an agricultural people, sober and slow-moving. We had
+few books, they were good books and we read them many times. We had few
+newspapers, we knew the men who wrote in them, and when we read an
+editorial, our mind was actively challenged by the sincere thinking of
+another mind.
+
+To-day, everywhere, we have moved into the cities.  The strength of the
+country-side is sobriety and slow incubation of the forces of life. Its
+vice is stupidity.  The strength of the city is keen wittedness,
+versatility, quick response.  Its vice is fickleness, morbidity,
+exhaustion.  We have our great blanket sheet newspapers, representing a
+party, a clique, a financial interest, with writers lending their brains
+out, for money, to write editorials for causes in which they do not
+believe.  We have the multitude of books, incessantly and hastily
+produced; we read much, and scarcely think at all.  We have got rid of
+the old "three decker" novel, reduced it to a single volume, and then
+taken out the climax of the story, publishing it in the corner of the
+daily newspaper, as the short story of the day, so that he who runs may
+read.  If he is a wise man he will run as fast as he can and not read
+that stuff at all.  We have our ever increasing "movies," with their
+incessant titillation of the mind with swift passing impressions, as
+disintegrating to intellectual concentration, as they are injurious to
+the eyes.  The result of it all is an increasing fickleness of temper,
+so that the same people who shout most loudly when the popular hero goes
+by, the next week cover his very name with vituperation and abuse, if he
+offends their slightest whim.
+
+This evil breeds another: fickleness in the people means demagoguery in
+the leader, inevitably.  We have said to our public men--not in words,
+but by the far more impressive language of our conduct--"get money,
+power, success, and we will give you more money, power and success, and
+not ask you how you got them nor what ends you serve in using them."
+That so many have refused the bribe is to their credit, not ours; we
+have done what we could to corrupt them.
+
+Finally, we are the most irreverent people in the world.  We believe in
+youth, we scorn age.  We have splendid enthusiasm, we do not know what
+wisdom means.  One hears college presidents say--half jokingly, of
+course--that there is no use appointing a man over thirty to the faculty
+these days.  So one hears Christian ministers, in those denominations
+where the minister is called by the particular church, say there is no
+use trying to get another call after one is fifty!  Of course, it is not
+true, but it is true enough to be a serious criticism upon us.  For what
+other vocation is there where the mellowness that comes only from time
+and long experience, from presiding at weddings and standing beside open
+graves, sharing the joys and sorrows of innumerable persons, is so
+indispensable, as in the pastor, the physician of the spirit?  Still, we
+will turn out some wise, shy, mellow old man, just ripened to the point
+of being the true minister to the souls of others, and replace him with
+a recent graduate of a theological school, because the latter can talk
+the language of the higher criticism or whatever else happens to
+interest us for the moment.  Obviously, we pay the price, but think what
+it indicates of our civilization.
+
+
+
+
+
+XVII
+
+THE DILEMMA OF DEMOCRACY
+
+We have seen that the gravest menaces of democracy are the faults in
+mind and character in the multitude.  Selfishness, fickleness,
+ignorance, irreverence in the people, with demagoguery in the leader--
+these are the menaces of American democracy.  How then can the people be
+trusted, since democracy depends upon trusting them?  This is an old
+indictment, searching to the very heart of democracy.  Plato made it of
+ancient Athens, while, more recently and trenchantly, Ibsen has made it
+for all modern society.
+
+The argument runs thus: democracy means the rule of the majority.  Well,
+there are more fools than wise men in the world, more ignorant than
+intelligent.  Thus the rule of the majority must mean the rule of the
+fools over the wise men, of the ignorant over the intelligent.  Such is
+the significant indictment, and we are compelled to admit that our
+political life is filled with illustrations that would seem to
+substantiate it. The ward bosses, the demagogues and grafters who are
+given power by the multitude, one campaign after another, would seem to
+justify the pessimism of Plato and Ibsen.
+
+Is there not, however, a subtle fallacy in the very phrasing of the
+indictment?  The majority does not "rule": it elects representatives who
+guide.  That is something entirely different.  When the worst is said of
+them those representatives of the people are distinctly above the
+average of the majorities electing them.  Take the roll of our
+presidents, for instance.  With all the corruption and vulgarity of our
+national politics, that list, from Washington, through such altitudes as
+Jefferson and Lincoln, to the present occupant of the White House, is
+superior to any roster of kings or emperors in the history of mankind.
+
+What does this mean?  It means that _the hope of democracy is the
+instinctive power in the breast of common humanity to recognize the
+highest when it appears_.  Were this not true, democracy would be the
+most hopeless of mistakes, and the sooner we abandoned it, with its
+vulgarity and waste, the better it would be for us.  The instinctive
+power is there, however: to recognize, not to live, the highest.
+
+How many have followed the example of Socrates, remaining in prison and
+accepting the hemlock poison for the sake of truth?  Yet all who know of
+him thrill to his sacrifice.  Of all who have borne the name, Christian,
+how many have followed consistently the footsteps of Jesus and obeyed
+literally and unvaryingly the precepts of the Sermon on the Mount?  Of
+the millions, perhaps ten or twenty individuals--to be generous in our
+view; but _all the world recognizes him_.
+
+Here, then, is the hope that takes the sting from the indictment of
+Plato, Ibsen and how many other critics of democracy.  Plato said,
+"Until philosophers are kings, . . . cities will never have rest from
+their evils,--no, nor the human race, as I believe."  Once, perhaps once
+only, Plato's dream was realized: in that noblest of philosopher
+emperors, wholly dedicated to the welfare of the world he ruled with
+autocratic power; yet the soul of Marcus Aurelius was burdened with an
+impossible task. It is one of the tragic ironies of history that, in
+this one realization of Plato's lofty dream, the noble emperor could
+postpone, he could not avert, the colossal doom that threatened the
+world he ruled.  So he wrapped his Roman cloak about him and lay down to
+sleep, with stoic consciousness that he had done his part in the place
+where Zeus had put him, but relieved that he might not see the disaster
+he knew must swiftly come.
+
+How different our dream: it is no illusion of a happy accident of
+philosopher kings.  We want no arbitrary monarchs, wise or brutal: from
+the noblest of emperors to the butcher of Berlin, we would sweep them
+all aside, to the ash-heap of outworn tools.  Our dream is the awakening
+and education of the multitude, so that the majority will be able and
+glad to choose, as its guides, leaders and representatives, the noblest
+and best.  When that day comes, there will be, for the first time in the
+history of mankind, the dawn of a true _aristocracy_ or rule of the
+best; and it will come through the fulfillment of democracy. A long and
+troubled path, with many faults and evils meantime?  Yes, but not so
+hopelessly long, when one considers the ages of slow struggle up the
+mountain and the swiftly multiplying power of education over the mind of
+all.
+
+
+
+
+
+XVIII
+
+PATERNALISM VERSUS DEMOCRACY
+
+The contrast between paternalism and democracy in aim and method is thus
+extreme.  Paternalism seeks directly organization, order, production and
+efficiency, incidentally and occasionally the welfare of the subject
+population.  Democracy seeks directly the highest development of all men
+and women, their freedom, happiness and culture, in the end it hopes
+this will give social order, good government and productive power.  It
+is willing, meantime, to sacrifice some measure of order for freedom, of
+good government for individual initiative, of efficiency for life.
+Paternalism seeks to achieve its aims, quickly and effectively, through
+the boss's whip of social control.  Democracy works by the slower, but
+more permanently hopeful path of education, never sacrificing life to
+material ends.  Paternalism ends in a social hierarchy, materially
+prosperous, but caste-ridden and without soul.  Democracy ends in the
+abolishment of castes, equality of opportunity, with the freest
+individual initiative and finest flowering of the personal spirit. Which
+shall it be: God or Mammon, Men or Machines?
+
+There is no doubt that efficiency can be achieved most quickly under a
+well-wielded boss's whip, but at the sacrifice of initiative and
+invention. Moreover, remove the whip, and the efficiency quickly goes to
+pieces. On the other hand, the efficiency achieved by voluntary effort
+and free cooperation comes much more slowly, but it lasts.  Moreover, it
+develops, hand in hand, with initiative and invention.
+
+The negro, doubtless, has never been so generally efficient as before
+the civil war, in the South, under the overseer's whip; yet every negro
+who, to-day, has character enough to save up and buy a mule and an acre
+of ground, tills it with a consistent and permanent effectiveness of
+which slave labor is never capable.  In the one case, moreover, there is
+the average economic result, in the other, the gradual development of
+manhood.
+
+Organize a factory on the feudal lines so prevalent in current industry.
+Get a strong, dominating superintendent and give him autocratic
+authority. Quickly he will show results.  Always, however, there is the
+danger of strikes, and if the strong hand falters, the organization
+disintegrates. On the other hand, let a corporation take its artisans
+into its confidence, give each a small proportionate share in the annual
+earnings.  Each worker will feel increasingly that the business is his
+business.  He will take pride in his accomplishment.  Gradually he will
+attain efficiency, and work permanently, without oversight, with a
+consistent earnestness no boss's whip ever attained,
+
+The experience of the National Cash Register Company at Dayton, Ohio,
+proves this.  The experiments of Henry Ford are a step toward the same
+solution.  So, in lesser measure, is the plan of the Steel trust to
+permit and encourage its employees to purchase annually its stock,
+somewhat below the current market price, giving a substantial bonus if
+the stock is held over ten years.
+
+If you wish an illustration on a larger scale, consider the mass
+formation tactics of the German soldiers, in contrast to the individual
+courage, initiative and action of the French.  There are the two types
+of efficiency in sheerest contrast, but beyond is always the question of
+their effect on manhood.  France has saved and regenerated her soul; but
+Germany--?
+
+Further, the breakdown of paternalistically achieved efficiency has been
+evident in Germany's utter failure to understand the mind of other
+peoples, particularly of democracies.  She had voluminous data, gathered
+by the most atrociously efficient spy system ever developed, yet she
+utterly misread the mind of France, England and the United States.  The
+same break-down is evident in Germany's failure in colonization in
+contrast to England's success.
+
+For offensive war, it must be admitted, the efficiency under the boss's
+whip will go further.  For defensive war, or war for high moral aims, it
+is desirable that the individual soldier should think for himself,
+respond to the high appeal.  Thus for such warfare the efficiency of
+voluntary effort and cooperation is superior.  An autocracy would better
+rule its soldiers by a military caste; there can be no excuse for such
+in a democracy.  Thus, the utmost possible fraternization of officers
+and men is desirable, and social snobbery, the snubbing of officers who
+come up from the ranks, and other anachronistic survivals, should be
+stamped out, as utterly foreign to what should be the spirit of the
+military arm of democracy.
+
+Further, in estimating the two types, one must remember that paternalism
+may exercise its power in secret and that it accomplishes much in the
+dark. Democracy, on the other hand, is afflicted and blessed with
+pitiless publicity.  Thus its evils are all exposed, it washes all its
+dirty linen in public; but the main thing is to get it clean.
+
+When it comes to invention and initiative, as already indicated,
+democracy has the advantage, immediately, as in the long run.  We are
+the most inventive people on earth, and that quality is a direct result
+of our democratic individualism.  It is a significant fact that most of
+the startling inventions used in this War were made in America--but
+_developed and applied in Germany._  There, again, are evident the
+contrasting results of the two types of social organization.  The
+indefatigably industrious and docile German mind can work out and apply
+the inventions furnished it, with marvelous persistency and
+effectiveness, under paternal control. We have the problem of achieving
+by voluntary effort and cooperation a persistent thoroughness in working
+out the ideas and inventions that come to us in such abundant measure.
+
+The path of democracy is education.
+
+
+
+
+XIX
+
+THE SOLUTION FOR DEMOCRACY
+
+When we say that the path of democracy is education, we do not mean that
+there is an easy solution of its problem.  There is no patent medicine
+we can feed the American people and cure it of its diseases.  There is
+no specific for the menaces that threaten.  Eternal vigilance and effort
+are the price, not only of liberty, but of every good of man.  Let
+things alone, and they get bad; to keep them good, we must struggle
+everlastingly to make them better.  Leave the pool of politics unstirred
+by putting into it ever new individual thought and ideal, and how
+quickly it becomes a stagnant, ill-smelling pond.  Leave a church
+unvitalized, by ever fresh personal consecration, and how quickly it
+becomes a dead form, hampering the life of the spirit.  Leave a
+university uninfluenced by ever new earnestness and devotion on the part
+of student and teacher, and how soon it becomes a scholastic machine,
+positively oppressing the mind and spirit.
+
+There is a true sense in which the universe exists momentarily by the
+grace of God.  Take light away, and you have darkness.  Take darkness
+away, and you have not necessarily light; you might have chaos. Take
+health away, and you have disease.  Take disease away, and you have not
+necessarily health; you may have death.  Take virtue away, and you have
+vice.  Take vice away, and you have not necessarily virtue; you might
+have negative respectability.  Thus it is the continual affirmation of
+the good that keeps the heritage of yesterday and takes the step toward
+to-morrow.
+
+Nevertheless, if there is no easy solution of the problem, there are
+certain big lines of attack.  If we are right in our diagnosis, that the
+problem of democracy is a problem of education, then our whole system of
+education, for child, youth and adult, should be reconstructed to focus
+upon the building of positive and effective moral personality.
+
+American education began as a subsidiary process.  Children got organic
+education in the home, on the farm, in the work shop.  They went to
+school to get certain formal disciplines, to learn to read, write and
+cipher and to acquire formal grammar.  With the moving into the cities,
+the industrial revolution and the entire transformation of our life, the
+school has had to take over more and more of the process of organic
+education. If children fail to get such education in the school, they
+are apt to miss it altogether.
+
+With this entire change in the meaning of the school, old notions of its
+purpose still survive.  Probably no one is so benighted to-day as to
+imagine that the chief function of the school is to fill the mind with
+information; but there are many who still hold to the tradition that the
+chief purpose of education is to sharpen the intellectual tools of the
+individual for the sake of his personal success.  This notion is a
+misleading survival, for tools are of value only in terms of the
+character using them.  The same equipment may serve, equally, good or
+bad ends.  Only as education focusses on the development of positive and
+effective moral character can it aid in solving the problem of
+democracy.
+
+Need it be added that this does not mean teaching morals and manners to
+children, thirty minutes a day, three times a week?  That is a minor
+fragment of moral education.  It means that all phases of the process--
+the relation of pupil and teacher, school and home, the government and
+discipline, the lessons taught in every subject, the environment, the
+proportioning of the curriculum, of physical, emotional and intellectual
+culture--all shall be focussed and organized upon the one significant
+aim of the whole--_character_.
+
+Further, if education is to overcome the menaces and solve the dilemma
+of democracy, it must be carried beyond childhood and youth and outside
+the walls of academic institutions.  The ever wider education of adult
+citizenship is indispensable to the progress and safety of democracy. It
+is one of the glaring illustrations of the inefficiency of our democracy
+that there are still communities where school boards build school houses
+with public money, open them five or six hours, five days in the week,
+and refuse to allow them to be opened any other hour of the day or
+night, for a civic forum, parents' meeting, public lecture or other
+activity of adult education; and yet we call ourselves a practical
+people!  Surely, in a democracy, the state is as vitally interested in
+the education of the adult citizen as of the child.
+
+Herein is the significance of those various extensions of education,
+developing and spreading so widely to-day.  University-extension and
+Chautauqua movements, civic forums, free lectures to the people by
+boards of education and public libraries, summer schools, night schools
+for adults--all are illustrations of this movement, so vital to the
+progress of democracy.  Through these instrumentalities the popular
+ideal may be elevated, the public mind may be trained to more logical
+and earnest thought, citizenship may be made more serious and
+intelligent, and finally a most helpful influence may be exerted on the
+academic institutions themselves.  It is an easily verifiable truth that
+any academic institution that builds around itself an enclosing
+scholastic wall, refuses to go outside and serve and learn in the larger
+world of humanity, in the long run inevitably dies of academic dry rot.
+
+In the endeavor to solve the problem of democracy cannot we do more than
+we have done hitherto in cultivating reverence for moral leadership--the
+quality so much needed in democracy at the present hour?  This may be
+achieved through many aspects of education, but especially through
+contact with noble souls in literature and history.  History, above all,
+is the great opportunity, and, from this point of view, is it not
+necessary to rewrite our histories: instead of portraying solely
+statesmen and warriors, to fill them with lofty examples of leadership
+in all walks of life?
+
+Women as well as men: for surely ideals of both should be fostered. A
+colleague, interested in this problem, recently took one of the most
+widely used text-books of American history, and counted the pages on
+which a woman was mentioned.  Of the five hundred pages, there were
+four: not four pages devoted to women; but four mentioning a woman.
+What does it mean: that women have contributed less than one part in a
+hundred and five to the development of American life?  Surely no one
+would think that.  What, then, are the reasons for the discrepancy?
+There are several, but one may be mentioned: men have written the
+histories, and they have written chiefly of the two fields of action
+where men have been most important and women least, war and
+statesmanship.  Surely, however, if American history is to reveal the
+American spirit, exercise the contagion of noble ideals and develop
+reverence for true moral leadership, it must present types of both
+manhood and womanhood in all fields of action and endeavor.
+
+One who has stood with Socrates in the common criminal prison in Athens
+and watched him drink the hemlock poison, saying "No evil can happen to
+a good man in life or after death," who has heard the oration of Paul on
+Mars Hill or that of Pericles over the Athenian dead, who has thrilled
+to the heroism of Joan of Arc and Edith Cavell, the noble service of
+Elizabeth Fry and Florence Nightingale, the high appeal of Helen Hunt
+Jackson and Elizabeth Barrett Browning, who has heard Giordano Bruno
+exclaim as the flames crept up about him, "I die a martyr, and
+willingly," who has responded to the calm elevation of Marcus Aurelius,
+the cosmopolitan wisdom of Goethe, the sweet gentleness of Maeterlinck's
+spirit and the titan dreams of Ibsen, can scarcely fail to appreciate
+the brotherhood of all men and to learn that reverence for the true
+moral leader, that dignifies alike giver and recipient.
+
+
+
+
+XX
+
+TRAINING FOR MORAL LEADERSHIP
+
+Since the path of democracy is education, moral leadership is more
+necessary to it, than in any other form of society; yet there are
+exceptional obstacles to its development.  We speak of "the white light
+that beats upon a throne": it is nothing compared to the search light
+played upon every leader of democracy.  With our lack of reverence, we
+delight in pulling to pieces the personalities of those who lead us.
+Thus it is increasingly difficult to get men of sensitive spirit to pay
+the price of leadership for democracy.
+
+Is it not possible to do more than we have done, consciously to develop
+such leadership?  Where is it trained?  In life, the college and
+university, the normal school, the schools of law, medicine and
+theology.  Yes, but if not one boy and girl in ten graduates from the
+high school, surely we want one man and woman in ten to fulfill some
+measure of moral leadership, and the high school is directly concerned
+with the task of furnishing such leadership for American democracy.
+
+If that is true, is it not a pity that the high school is so largely
+dominated from above by the demand of the college upon the entering
+freshman?  It is not to be taken for granted that the particular regimen
+of studies, best fitting the student to pass the entrance examinations
+of a college or university, is the best possible for the nine out of ten
+students, who go directly from the high school into the world, and must
+fulfill some measure of moral leadership for American democracy.  The
+presumption is to the contrary.  College professors are human--some of
+them.  They want students prepared to enter as smoothly as possible into
+the somewhat artificial curricula of academic studies they have
+arranged. The Latin professor wishes not to go back and start with the
+rudiments of his subject, as the professor of mathematics with the
+beginnings of Algebra and Geometry.  The result is they demand of the
+high school what fits most smoothly into their scheme.
+
+Now if it is not possible to serve equally the needs of both groups,
+would it not be better to neglect the one tenth of the students, going
+on to college, even assuming they are the pick of the flock, which they
+are not always?  They have four more years to correct their mistakes and
+round out their culture.  If any one must be subordinated, it would be
+better to neglect them, and focus upon the needs of the nine out of ten,
+who go directly from the high school into life and have not another
+chance; yet there are states in the Union, where it is possible for a
+committee of the state university at the top to say to every high school
+teacher in the state, "Conform to our requirements, or leave the state,
+or get out of the profession."  The threat, moreover, has been carried
+out more than once.
+
+That situation is utterly wrong.  We want organization of the
+educational system, with each unit cooperating with the next higher, but
+if education is to solve the problem of democracy and furnish moral
+leadership for American life, we want each unit to be free, first of
+all, to serve its own constituency to the best of its power.  The
+problem is not serious for the big city high school, with its multiplied
+elective courses, but for the small rural or town high school, with its
+limited corps of teachers and its necessarily fixed courses, the burden
+is onerous indeed.
+
+Is the American college and university doing all that it might do in
+cultivating moral leadership for American democracy?  The last decades
+have seen an astounding and unparalleled development of higher education
+in America.  In the old days, the college was usually on a
+denominational foundation.  It was supported by the dollars and pennies
+of earnest religionists who believed that education was necessary to
+religion and morality.  The president was generally a clergyman of the
+denomination; he taught the ethics course, and all students were
+required to take it. There was compulsory chapel attendance, and once a
+day the entire student body gathered together to listen to some moral
+and religious thought.
+
+Then came the immense expansion of higher education.  Courses were
+multiplied and diversified.  Universities were established or endowed by
+the state.  Academies became colleges, and colleges, universities.
+Institutions were generally secularized.  Compulsory chapel attendance
+was rightly abandoned.  Each department served its own interest apart.
+Until to-day certain of our great universities are not unlike vast
+intellectual department stores, with each professor calling his goods
+across the counter, and the president, a sort of superior floorwalker,
+to see that no one clerk gets too many customers.  It is an impressive
+illustration of what has happened to our higher institutions that, in
+certain of them, the one regular meeting place of the entire student
+body in a common interest, is the bleachers by the athletic field. One
+continues to believe in college athletics, in spite of the frequent
+absurdities and worse, done in their name; only if the numbers of those
+playing the game and those exercising only their lungs and throats from
+the bleachers, were reversed, better all-round athletic education would
+result.  Is it not, however, a trenchant criticism on the situation in
+our higher education, that so often the one common interest should be in
+something that is, at least, aside from the main business of the
+institution?
+
+Moreover, no institution can rightly serve democracy, unless it is
+itself democratic.  Thus the growth of an aristocratic spirit in our
+colleges and universities is an ominous sign.  For instance, it is still
+true that any boy or girl, with a sound body and a good mind and no
+family to support, can get a college education.  Money is not
+indispensable: it is possible to work one's way through.  Will this
+always be true?  One wonders.  It is significant that it is easiest to
+work your way through college, and keep your self-respect and the
+respect of your fellows, in the small, meagerly endowed college on the
+frontier.  It is most difficult, with a few exceptions one gladly
+recognizes, in the great, rich universities of the East. What does that
+mean?
+
+Straws show the tide: it was announced some time ago by the president of
+one of our richest and oldest universities that henceforth scholarships
+in that institution would be given solely on the basis of intellectual
+scholarship, as tested by examination; and applause went up from the
+alumni all across the country; yet what does it mean?  It means that the
+boy who has to work on a threshing machine, sell books to an
+unsuspecting public, or do some other semi-honorable work all summer to
+get back into college in the Fall, cannot pass those examinations
+equally with a rich man's son of equal mind, who can take a tutor to the
+seashore or the mountains and coach up all summer.  Thus foundations,
+established by well-meaning people to help poor boys self-respectingly
+through college, become intellectual prizes for those who do not need
+them.  That is all wrong.
+
+Take the special student problem.  When a college or university is
+founded, it needs students: they are the life-blood of the institution.
+Really all that is needed to make a college is a teacher and some
+students: buildings are not indispensable, but students the school must
+have.  Thus it is apt to keep its bars down and its entrance
+requirements flexible.  Special students, often mature men and women,
+who are not prepared to pass the freshman examinations, are admitted on
+the recommendation of heads of d epartments, to special courses they are
+well fitted to take.  Students are admitted freely, and then sifted out
+afterward, if they prove unworthy of their opportunity: not a bad
+method, by the way.
+
+A dozen years pass, and the institution wants to become respectable.
+It is just as with the individual: the man, at first, is absorbed in
+money-getting, and when he has it, yearns for respectability.  Now
+getting respectable, for a college or university, is called "raising the
+standard of scholarship."  Let this not be misunderstood: painstaking,
+infinitely laborious, accurate scholarship is a noble aim, well worth
+the consistent effort of a lifetime; but there are two sides to raising
+the standard of scholarship.  Does an educational institution exist for
+the sake of its reputation, or to serve its constituency?  If it seeks
+to advance its reputation at the expense of its fullest and best service
+to those who need its help, is it not recreant to its duty and
+opportunity?
+
+Well, in the mood cited, the institution raises and standardizes its
+entrance-requirements and generally excludes special students.  One
+readily sees why: it is much easier to work with the regularly prepared
+freshman, he fits much more smoothly and comfortably into the machinery
+of the institution.  Many a wise teacher will admit, nevertheless, that
+the best students he ever taught and the ones whose lives he is proudest
+of having influenced, were often men and women, thirty, forty, fifty
+years of age--teachers who suddenly realized that the ruts of their
+calling had become so deep they could no longer see over them, ministers
+awakening to the fact that they had given all their store and must get a
+new supply, business men aware of a call to another field of action--
+working with a consistent earnestness the average fledgling freshman
+cannot imagine--he is not old enough; yet generally the tendency is to
+exclude such students, unless they will go back and do the arduous, and
+often for them useless, work of preparing to pass the examinations for
+entrance to the freshman class.  That, too, is all wrong.
+
+The American college and university stands to-day at the parting of the
+ways: this generation will largely determine its future.  If the
+American college and university ever becomes a social club for the sons
+and daughters of the rich, an institution making it easy for them to
+secure business and professional opportunity and advancement, to the
+exclusion of their poorer fellows, it may be as necessary to
+disestablish the foundations of our great universities, as statesmen in
+Europe thought it necessary to disestablish the monastic foundations at
+the close of the middle age.  They, too, began as educational
+institutions. If, on the other hand, the American college and university
+remains true to its task, if it keeps its doors open and its spirit
+democratic, if it seeks to render ever larger service to the great
+public and to develop moral leadership for American democracy, then,
+indeed, it will go ever forward upon its noble path.
+
+
+
+
+XXI
+
+DEMOCRACY AND SACRIFICE
+
+We have seen the conflict of ideas in the War: the German philosophy
+that man exists for the state, the contrasting idea of democracy that
+the state exists for man.  We may well ask why any institution should be
+regarded as sacred, except as it has the adventitious sacredness, coming
+from time, convention and hoary tradition.  It was said long ago that
+"the Sabbath was made for man and not man for the Sabbath," and the
+statement may be universalized.  Every institution on earth--marriage,
+the family, education, the church, the state--was made for man and not
+man for the institution.  Humanity must always be the end.  Why should
+we perpetuate any institution that does not serve life?  Kant voiced the
+principle in his second imperative of duty: "Always treat humanity,
+whether in thine own person or that of any other, as an end withal, and
+never as a means only."  Kant was a Prussian philosopher: one wonders
+what he would have thought of the "Kanonen-Futter" theory of manhood!
+
+An organization or institution is only a machine, an instrument for a
+purpose.  Thus always it is a means, never an end: its value lies in
+serving its purpose--the end of human life.  So the whole existing order
+must justify itself.  Where it rests on forms of injustice, it must be
+broken or destroyed, and there is no reason to fear the breaking.
+
+Thus there is no "divine right" of kings.  They represent a vested
+interest, surviving from the past.  They must justify themselves by the
+service of those under them, or pass.
+
+Similarly, there is no divine right of a class or caste, enjoying
+supremacy or special privilege.  It also is a surviving vested interest,
+that must justify itself, or be swept aside as an incubus.
+
+The same test applies to an empire.  It, too, is a vested interest,
+developed out of conditions prevailing in the past.  If it does not
+justify itself by the largest service of all within it, then it, too, is
+an anachronistic survival, no longer to be tolerated.
+
+The principle is universal: the institution of private property, the
+controlling power of captains of industry, the capitalistic system,
+finally, the state itself, in every form: all are vested interests that
+may be permitted to continue in the exercise of power only as they prove
+their superiority to any other form of organization in serving the good
+of all.
+
+This does not mean that, under democracy, the individual shall fail of
+sacrifice and the dedication to something higher than himself. That is
+the glory of life, transfiguring human nature, and without it, life
+sinks to sordid selfishness.  Your life is worth, not what you have, but
+what you are, and what you are is determined by that to which you
+dedicate yourself.  Is it creature comforts, pleasure, selfish
+privilege, or the largest life and the fullest service of humanity? What
+you have is merely the condition, the important question is, what do you
+do with it?  Is it wealth, prosperity: do you sit down comfortably on
+the fact of it, to secure all the selfish pleasures possible; or do you
+regard your fortunate circumstances as so much more opportunity and
+obligation of leadership and service?  Is it poverty, even starvation:
+do you whine and grovel, or stand erect, with shut teeth, andwring
+heroic manhood from the breast of suffering?
+
+That is why peace can never be an end: it, too, is merely a condition or
+means.  The question is, what do you do with your peace, for peace may
+mean merely sloth and cowardly ease, where war may mean unselfish
+heroism.  That is what the peace promoters forget.  War has its
+brutalities, and terrible indeed they are: unleashed hate, lust, cruelty
+and revenge; but war has its heroisms.  It calls out the devotion to
+something higher than the individual from even the commonest of men.
+To-day all over the earth, ordinary men are quietly going out to
+probable death or mutilation in its most horrible forms, and going for
+the sake of an ideal larger than themselves.  Women are doing even more
+than that. For it is not so hard to die, but to send out those you love,
+dearer than life itself, to almost certain death--that, indeed, is
+difficult, and women are doing it everywhere with a smile on their lips
+and choked-back tears.
+
+Peace, on the other hand, has its virtues: the softening and refining of
+life, gradual development of sympathy, achievement of comfort and
+beauty; but peace has its vices.  In times of peace and prosperity there
+seems to be no great cause at stake.  Of course, always it is there, but
+we do not see it.  We become increasingly absorbed in selfish interests,
+in the good of our immediate family.  Thus petty, time-serving
+selfishness is the vice peculiarly characteristic of times of peace and
+prosperity. Consider, for instance, the spirit of France during the
+closing years of the nineteenth century, and at the present dark, but
+pregnant, hour of destiny.
+
+Thus the question is not whether you have peace or war, but what you do
+with your peace or war.  It is not whether you are rich or poor, but
+what you do with your riches or poverty.
+
+Suppose we were able to reconstruct our entire social and industrial
+world, so that every human being would have plenty to eat, plenty to
+wear and a comfortable house to live in: would we have the kingdom of
+heaven? Not necessarily: we might have merely a comfortable,
+well-decorated pig-sty, if men lived to nothing higher than pigs.  "Man
+cannot live by bread alone," important as bread is, but by dedication to
+the things of the spirit.
+
+Thus there must ever be the capacity for self-forgetfulness,
+self-sacrifice, the dedication of life to supreme aims, but that does
+not mean the dedication of man to the institution.  Rather it is the
+consecration to the welfare of humanity.  Man for the State means
+autocracy and imperialism; Man for Mankind is the soul of democracy.
+That is the ideal to which we must rise, if democracy is to prove itself
+worthy to be the form of human society for the great future.
+
+This ideal is realized through many lesser forms and instruments, but
+always with the same final test.  The family, for instance, is one of
+these lesser forms, and the subordination of the individual to the
+family unit is just.  Thus there is a measure of right in seeking first
+the interest of the family group; but when this is sought to the end of
+special privilege and debauching luxury, against the welfare of all, it
+becomes, as we have seen, an evil.
+
+There is, similarly, a certain justice in the subordination of the
+individual to the social class or group interest.  It is right that
+artisans should unite in trade unions, that employers should get
+together in associations for common benefit.  One need only contrast the
+conditions where each workman had to bid in competition against all
+others, and each manufacturer, the same, to realize the advance made
+through group union and cooperation.  When either group, however, seeks
+to further its own interest at the expense of the welfare of the whole
+society, as in securing class legislation, achieving monopolies, holding
+efficient workers to the level of production of the slowest and least
+capable of the group, then the class or group spirit becomes an evil
+that must be fought for the good of all.
+
+It is exactly the same with the nation.  Its interest is justly served
+only in harmony with the welfare of humanity.  Any current problem will
+illustrate the principle, as, for instance, that of immigration.
+
+Certainly the nation has the right to prohibit immigration which
+produces unassimilated plague-spots and threatens to cause racial
+deterioration, as in phases of Oriental immigration to the Pacific
+coast.  Similarly, it is right to restrict immigration that would
+further economic prosperity, at the expense of the manhood of the
+nation.  We must answer the question, whether we want factories or men.
+It is desirable to have some of both, of course, but when one is to be
+obtained at the expense of the other, it is manhood that must be the
+deciding end.
+
+On the other hand, when it comes to refusing a refuge to the poor and
+oppressed, who are physically and morally acceptable, but lack a small
+amount of money, or are unable to respond to a literary test, then the
+welfare of humanity demands the opposite decision.  Better give them the
+fifty dollars--a healthy slave was worth more than that in the old days.
+So teach them to read and write.  The nation, can readily pay the small
+economic price and accept the incidental difficulties for the sake of
+the larger end.
+
+Thus the deciding principle must always be the welfare, happiness,
+growth, intelligence, helpfulness of each individual in harmony with all
+others. Humanity is incarnatein each man.  While, therefore, the
+individual must dedicate and, at times, sacrifice himself, it is for the
+sake, not of the state, church or other institution, but for the welfare
+of all--_Man for Mankind_.
+
+From so many sources the view finds expression that modern life has been
+"weakened by humanitarianism."  If there is truth in the view, we would
+better take account of it and radically revise our ethical philosophy.
+If it is false, it is a damning error, the reiteration of which tends to
+undermine all that has been achieved for the spirit.
+
+An interesting comment on the view is the fact that, in spite of all its
+horrors, this War has given _no attested instance of arrant cowardice on
+any front_.  Cruelty, lust, brutality, hate: these have appeared in
+unspeakable guise, but apparently no cowardice or weak timidity; yet the
+mail clad heroes of ancient wars, who met their adversaries face to
+face, were subjected to no such strain as the men standing in trenches
+waiting momentarily death or mutilation from an unseen foe.  No, modern
+life has not lost strong fiber and is capable of supreme heroism.
+
+The old society secured its leadership through _noblesse oblige_--the
+obligation of nobility.  Men of aristocratic family and rank felt that,
+because they stood above the people, they owed a certain leadership and
+service, and they gave it, often in abundant measure, but always
+condescendingly from above.
+
+We have lost "noblesse oblige": we may even be glad it is gone, if we
+can substitute for it something larger and better.  It is not the
+obligation of nobility, but the obligation of humanity that is the need:
+to realize that all power is obligation.  As you can, you owe; and as
+you know, you owe.  If you have money, it is so much obligation of
+leadership and service.  If you have talent, education, social or
+political influence, it is all so much obligation of leadership and
+service.  If, as individuals, we can generally realize that and act upon
+it, then indeed we may hope to carry to successful completion the
+experiment of democracy and see our beloved country fulfill the measure
+of moral leadership to which we believe she is called among the nations
+of the earth, but fulfilling it not as master over slave, nor as one
+empire among others, but as a more experienced brother toward others
+following the same open path.
+
+
+
+
+
+XXII
+
+THE HOUR OF SACRIFICE
+
+The supreme world crisis is on.  We have entered the War in the purest
+spirit of democracy.  We state frankly in advance that we want no
+indemnity, no extension of territory.  We war with no people, except as
+that people identifies itself with aggressive autocracy and imperialism,
+imperilling our safety, as of all democracies, and seeking to ride
+tyrannically and unjustly over the rights and liberties of other
+peoples. Thus we enter the War solely for the cause of democracy and
+humanity.
+
+The hour of sacrifice has struck for the American people: will it rise
+to the test?  When one considers the characteristics of our surface life
+for recent decades--the devotion to money-getting, the rapid increase of
+senseless and debauching luxury, the reckless frivolity, the unthinking
+haste and selfish pleasure-seeking--one questions.  Underneath, however,
+is a tremendous latent idealism.  We are young, enthusiastic, capable of
+glorious consecration.  Cynical disillusionment is all upon the surface
+--the cult of the clique of cleverness, uprooted from the soil of common
+life and the deeps of the eternal verities.  Beneath in the great mass
+of the people is profound faith in life, deep trust in the ideal, belief
+in the great future of humanity.  Democracy will justify itself.  We
+shall rise to the test; but how we need to hear and heed the call!
+
+"Awake America" means Americans awake!  For in democracy the individual
+is the soul.  On each person rests the responsibility.  Let us accept
+the bitter burden and meet the supreme test, giving time, money,
+service, life and those we love better than life, for the sake of the
+safer, freer, nobler world that is to be.  Since we stood apart so long
+and entered the horrible devastation so late, it is our privilege to do
+all we can to save the spiritual heritage of humanity, to keep our
+hearts clean from the corrosive acid of national and racial hatred, to
+do all in our power to remove it from the breasts of others.  Injustice
+in high places is possible only because there is injustice in the hearts
+of men.  To overthrow tyranny is but the initial step of emancipation:
+unless the tyrant hate in the heart is dethroned, the external tyrant,
+in some form of social injustice will surely return.  He who conquers
+hate and the lust for revenge in his own breast is spiritually free and
+master of the tyrant that wrongs him.  Thus it is our privilege and duty
+to hate no one; but to hate injustice, greed, tyranny, aggressive
+selfishness, the wicked ambitions of autocratic imperialism, to resist
+and help to overthrow them, and so do our part in bringing in the free
+brotherhood of the nations and peoples in one humanity, that will be the
+dawn of the longed-for era of universal and permanent peace for mankind.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of Project Gutenberg's The Soul of Democracy, by Edward Howard Griggs
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 10837 ***
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Soul of Democracy, by Edward Howard Griggs
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Soul of Democracy
+       The Philosophy Of The World War In Relation To Human Liberty
+
+Author: Edward Howard Griggs
+
+Release Date: January 26, 2004 [EBook #10837]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SOUL OF DEMOCRACY ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Al Haines
+
+
+
+
+THE SOUL OF DEMOCRACY
+
+THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE WORLD WAR
+IN RELATION TO HUMAN LIBERTY
+
+BY
+
+EDWARD HOWARD GRIGGS
+
+
+
+
+Man for the State means autocracy and imperialism;
+MAN FOR MANKIND is the soul of democracy.
+
+
+
+1918
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+I     THE WORLD TRAGEDY
+II    THE CONFLICT OF IDEAS IN THE WAR
+III   THE IDEAS FOR WHICH THE ALLIED NATIONS FIGHT
+IV    MORAL STANDARDS AND THE MORAL ORDER
+V     THE PRESENT STATE OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
+VI    THE ETHICS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONSHIP
+VII   AMERICA'S DUTY IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
+VIII  THE GOSPEL AND THE SUPERSTITION OF NON-RESISTANCE
+IX    PREPAREDNESS FOR SELF-DEFENSE
+X     RECONSTRUCTION FROM THE WAR
+XI    THE WAR AND EDUCATION
+XII   SOCIALISM AND THE WAR
+XIII  THE WAR AND FEMINISM
+XIV   THE TRANSFORMATION OF DEMOCRACY
+XV    DEMOCRACY AND EDUCATION
+XVI   MENACES OF DEMOCRACY
+XVII  THE DILEMMA OF DEMOCRACY
+XVIII PATERNALISM VERSUS DEMOCRACY
+XIX   THE SOLUTION FOR DEMOCRACY
+XX    TRAINING FOR MORAL LEADERSHIP
+XXI   DEMOCRACY AND SACRIFICE
+XXII  THE HOUR OF SACRIFICE
+
+
+
+THE SOUL OF DEMOCRACY
+
+
+I
+
+THE WORLD TRAGEDY
+
+We are living under the shadow of the greatest world tragedy in the
+history of mankind.  Not even the overthrow of the old Roman empire was
+so colossal a disaster as this.  Inevitably we are bewildered by it.
+Utterly unanticipated, at least in its world extent, for we had believed
+mankind too far advanced for such a chaos of brute force to recur, it
+overwhelms our vision.  Man had been going forward steadily, inventing
+and discovering, until in the last hundred years his whole world had
+been transformed. Suddenly the entire range of invention is turned
+against Man.  The machinery of comfort and progress becomes the enginery
+of devastation.  Under such a shock, we ask, "Has civilization
+over-reached itself?  Has the machine run away with its maker?"  The
+imagination is staggered.  We are too much in the storm to see across
+the storm.
+
+When the War began, it was over our minds as a dark cloud.  It was the
+last conscious thought as we went to sleep at night, and the first to
+which we awakened in the morning: wakening with a dumb sense of
+something wrong, as if we had suffered a personal tragedy, and then as
+we came to clear consciousness we said, "O yes, the War!"  The days have
+passed into weeks, the weeks into months and years: inevitably we become
+benumbed to the long continued disaster.  It is impossible to think
+deaths and mutilations in terms of millions.  Even those who stand in
+the immediate presence of it and suffer most terribly become calloused
+to it: much more must we who stood so long apart and have not yet felt
+the brunt of it.  Even our entrance into the whirling vortex, drawing
+ever nearer our shores, has failed to waken us to a realizing sense of
+it.  Nevertheless, these years through which we are now living are the
+most important in the entire history of the world.  It is probable that
+the future will look back upon them as the years determining the destiny
+of mankind for ages to come.
+
+How this terrible fact of War falls across all philosophies!  Complacent
+optimisms, so widely current recently, are put out of court by it. The
+pleasant interpretations mediocrity formulates of the universe are torn
+to tatters.  There is at least the refreshment of standing face to face
+with brute actuality, though it crash all our "little systems" to the
+ground. Philosophy must wait.  The interpretations cannot be hastened,
+while the facts are multiplying with such bewildering rapidity.  The one
+certainty is that an entirely new world is being born--_what_ it will
+be, no one knows.
+
+Nevertheless, we have gone far enough to recognize that all our thinking
+will be transformed under the influence of the struggle.  It will be
+impossible for us, after the War, to do what we have done so widely
+hitherto: proclaim one range of ethical ideals and standards, and live
+to something widely different in practice.  Either we shall have to
+abandon the standards, or bring our conduct measurably into harmony with
+them. We shall be unable longer to hold unconsciously in solution
+Christianity and the gospel of brute force.  One or the other must be
+rejected, or both consciously reconstructed. The effect on the thought
+life of the world will be even greater--vastly greater--than that of the
+French Revolution.  The twentieth century will differ from the
+nineteenth more than that did from the eighteenth. The effect on the
+relations of different social groups throughout the world will be so
+far-reaching that possibly the democracy and socialism of the nineteenth
+century may look like remote historic phenomena, such as the Athenian
+tribal system or mediaeval feudalism.
+
+Thus our whole social philosophy will have to be remolded.  We Americans
+are still in the patent medicine period of politics, trusting to
+political devices on the surface for the cure of any evils that arise.
+All across the country, like an epidemic of disease has gone the notion
+--if anything is the matter with us, just pass another law.  Thus we are
+suffering under an ill-considered mass of legislation, while blindly
+trusting to it to solve all problems.  Legislation is no solution for
+moral evils.  It is possible, to some extent, to suppress vice by
+legislation, but not to create virtue.  Virtue can be developed only by
+conduct and education. You cannot drive men into the kingdom of heaven
+with the whip of legislation; and if you could, you would so change the
+atmosphere of the place that one would prefer to take the other road.
+
+If our democracy is to survive, we must think it through; carrying it
+down, from these superficial political devices, into our industry and
+commerce, still so largely dominated by feudal ideas of the middle age,
+into our science and art, far more completely into our education, into
+our social relationship, and beyond all else, into our fundamental
+attitude of mind.  Democracy is, at bottom, not a series of political
+forms, but a way of life.
+
+Thus the War will be the supreme test of democracy.  The question it
+will settle is this: can free men, by voluntary cooperation, develop an
+efficiency and an endurance which will make it possible for them to
+stand and protect their liberties against the machinery and aggressive
+ambitions of autocratic empires where everything is done paternally from
+the top?  If they can, then democracy will survive and grow as the
+highest form of society for ages to come; if not, then democracy will
+pass and be succeeded by some other social order.
+
+That is why this War has been our war from the beginning, though we have
+entered it so late.  As we look back upon the struggle of Athens and the
+other free Greek cities with the overwhelming hordes of Asia, at
+Marathon and Salamis, as the conflict that saved democracy for Europe
+and made possible the civilization of the Occident, so it is probable
+that the world will look back upon this colossal War as the same
+struggle, multiplied a thousand times in the men and munitions employed,
+the struggle determining the future of democracy and civilization for
+generations, perhaps for all time.
+
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+THE CONFLICT OF IDEAS IN THE WAR
+
+The world has been confused as to the issue in this War, because of the
+multitude of its causes and of the antagonisms it involves; yet under
+all the national and racial hatreds, the economic jealousies, certain
+great ideas are being tested out.
+
+Apologists for Germany have told us, even with pride, that in Germany
+the supreme conception is the dedication of Man to the State.  This was
+not true of old Germany.  Before the formation of the Prussian empire,
+her spirit was intensely individualistic.  She stood preeminently for
+freedom of thought and action.  It was this that gave her noble
+spiritual heritage. Goethe is the most individualistic of world masters.
+Froebel developed, in the Kindergarten, one of the purest of
+democracies.  Luther and German protestantism represented the
+affirmation of individual conscience as against hierarchical control.
+It was this spirit that gave Germany her golden age of literature, her
+unmatched group of spiritual philosophers, her religious teachers, her
+pre-eminence in music.
+
+Nevertheless, the Prussian state, autocratic from its inception,
+received philosophic justification in a series of thinkers, culminating
+in Hegel, who regarded the individual as a capricious egotist, the
+state, incarnate in its sovereign, as the supreme spiritual entity.  He
+justified war, regarding it as a permanent necessity, and practically
+made might, right, in arguing that a conquering nation is justified by
+its more fruitful idea in annexing the weaker, while the conquered, in
+being conquered, is judged of God.  Here is the philosophic
+justification of that Prussian arrogance which in Nietzsche is carried
+into glittering rhetoric.  Thus the Prussian state from afar back was
+opposed to the general spirit of old Germany.
+
+Since 1870, it must be admitted, that spirit is gone.  With the
+formation of the Prussian empire and for the half century of its
+existence, every force of social control--press, church, state,
+education, social opinion--was deliberately employed to stamp on the
+German people one idea--the subordination of the individual to the
+state, as the supreme and only virtue. How far has the policy succeeded?
+Apparently absolutely.  To the outside observer the old spirit seems
+utterly gone.  How far this policy has been helped by the cultivation of
+the fear of the Slav, one cannot say. Looking at the map of Europe, one
+sees that the geographical relation of Germany to the great Slavic
+empire is not unlike the relation of Holland to Germany.  Thus the
+deliberate fostering of fear of the vast empire of the East has done
+much to strengthen the hands of the Prussian regime in its chosen task.
+
+Nevertheless, when one recalls the spiritual heritage of Germany: when
+one thinks of Herder, Schiller and Goethe; Tauler, Luther and
+Schleiermacher; Froebel, Herbart and Richter; Kant, Fichte and Novalis;
+Mozart, Beethoven and Wagner; one feels that something of the old German
+heritage must survive. When the German people find out what has happened
+to them and why, that heritage surely ought to show in some reaction
+against the present autocratic regime, after the War closes, if not
+before, perhaps even to the extent of making Germany a republic.  That
+would be some compensation for the waste and destruction of the War.
+Meantime Germany stands now, ruthlessly, for the dedication of Man to
+the State.
+
+One can understand why a Prussian minister forbade the teaching of
+Froebel's ideas in Prussia during the latter period of the educator's
+life.  So one understands the hatred of Goethe because he refused
+allegiance to a narrow nationalism and remained cosmopolitan in his
+world-view.  Similarly Hegel, with his justification of absolute
+monarchy and his theory of the German state as the acme of all spiritual
+evolution, was the acclaimed orthodox philosopher of Prussia, while the
+individualist, Schopenhauer, was neglected and despised.
+
+One must have lived in Germany to realize the absolute control of the
+State over the individual--the incessant surveillance, the petty
+regulations, the constant interference with private life.  It was to
+escape just this vexatious control, with the arduous militarism in which
+it culminates, that so vast a multitude of Germans left their native
+land and came to the United States--not all of whom have shown
+appreciation and loyalty to the free land that welcomed them.
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+THE IDEAS FOR WHICH THE ALLIED NATIONS FIGHT
+
+In contrast to the idea for which Germany now stands, the Anglo-Saxon
+instinctively and tenaciously believes in the liberty and initiative of
+the individual.  We, of course, are no longer Anglo-Saxon. When De
+Tocqueville in 1831 visited our country, surveyed our institutions and,
+after returning home, made his trenchant diagnosis of our democracy, he
+could justly designate us Anglo-Americans.  That time is past; we are
+to-day everything and nothing: a great nation in the womb of time,
+struggling to be born.
+
+Nevertheless, Anglo-American ideas still dominate and inspire our
+civilization. It is, indeed, remarkable to what an extent this is true,
+in the face of the mingling of heterogeneous races in our population.
+As English is our speech, so Anglo-American ideas are still the soul of
+our life and institutions.
+
+This is evident in the jealousy of authority.  We resent the intrusion
+of the government into affairs of private life, and prefer to submit to
+annoyances and even injustice on the part of other individuals, rather
+than to have protection at the price of paternalistic regulation by the
+state. We resent any law that we do not see is necessary to the general
+welfare, and are rather lawless even then.  This shows clearly in our
+reaction on legislation in regard to drink.  The prohibition of
+intoxicating liquor is about the surest way to make an Anglo-Saxon want
+to go out and get drunk, even when he has no other inclination in that
+direction.  In Boston, under the eleven o'clock closing law, men in
+public restaurants will at times order, at ten minutes of eleven, eight
+or ten glasses of beer or whiskey, for fear they might want them,
+whereas, if the restriction had not been present, two or three would
+have sufficed.
+
+Not long ago we saw the very labor leaders who forced the Adamson law
+through congress, threatening to disobey any legislation limiting their
+own freedom of action, even though vitally necessary to the freedom of
+all.
+
+The general behavior under automobile and traffic regulation illustrates
+the tendency evenmore clearly.  Thinking over the list of acquaintances
+who own automobiles, one finds it hard to recall one who would not break
+the speed law at a convenient opportunity.  Even a staid college
+professor, who has walked the walled-in path all his life: let him get a
+Ford runabout, and in three months he is exultant in running as close as
+possible to every foot traveler and in exceeding the speed limit at any
+favorable chance. These are not beautiful expressions of our national
+spirit, but they serve to illustrate our instinctive individualism.
+
+Especially are we jealous of highly centralized authority.  De
+Tocqueville argued that we would never be able to develop a strong
+central government, and that our democracy would be menaced with failure
+by that lack.  That his prophecy has proved false and our federal
+government has become so strong is due only to the accidents of our
+history and the exigency of the tremendous problems we have had to
+solve.
+
+The same individualistic spirit is strong in England.  It has been
+particularly evident, during the War, in the resentment of military
+authority as applied to labor conditions.  The artisans and their
+leaders dreaded to give up liberties for which they had struggled
+through generations, for fear that those rights would not be readily
+accorded them again after the War. It must be admitted that this fear is
+justified.  The same spirit was evident in the fight on conscription.
+This attitude has been a handicap to England in successfully carrying on
+the War, as it is to us; but it shows how strong is the essential spirit
+of democracy in both lands.
+
+In France, the Revolution was at bottom an affirmation of individualism
+--of the right of the people, as against classes and kings, to seek life,
+liberty and happiness. The great words, _Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,_
+that the French placed upon their public buildings in the period of the
+Revolution, are the essential battle-cry of true democracy,--as it is to
+be, rather than as it is at present.
+
+Through her peculiar situation, threatened and overshadowed by potential
+enemies, France has been forced to a policy of militarism, with a large
+subordination of the individual to the state.  The subordination,
+however, is voluntary.  That is touchingly evident in the beautiful
+fraternization of French officers and men in the present War.  With our
+Anglo-Saxon reserve, we smile at the pictures of grave generals kissing
+bearded soldiers, in recognition of valor, but it is a significant
+expression of the voluntary equality and brotherhood of Frenchmen in
+this War.  The reason France has risen with such splendid courage and
+unity is the consciousness of every Frenchman that complete defeat in
+this War would mean that there would be no France in the future, that
+Paris would be a larger Strassburg, and France a greater
+Alsace-Lorraine.  While the subordination has been thus voluntary,
+surely the French soldiers, man for man, have proved themselves the
+equal of any soldiers on earth.
+
+The anomaly of the first two years of the War was the presence of the
+vast Russian autocratic empire on the side of the allied democracies.
+For Russia, however, the War was of the people, rather than of the
+autocracy at the top, and one saw that Russia would emerge from the War
+changed and purified.  What one could not foresee was that, under the
+awakening of the people, Russia could pass, in a day, through a
+Revolution as profound in its character and consequences as the great
+explosion in France.  It would be almost a miracle if so complete a
+Revolution, in such a vast, benighted empire, were not followed by
+decades of recurrent chaos and anarchy.  If Russia avoids this fate, she
+will present a unique experience in history. The tendency to abrogate
+all authority, the spectacle of regiments of soldiers becoming debating
+societies to discuss whether or not they shall obey orders and fight,
+are ominous signs for the next period.  Emancipated Russia must learn,
+if necessary through bitter suffering, that liberty is not license, that
+democracy is not anarchy, but voluntary and intelligent obedience to
+just laws and the chosen executors of those laws.  Meantime, whatever
+her immediate future may be, Russia's transformation has clarified the
+issue and justified her place with the allied democracies.  However long
+and confused her struggle, there can be no return to the past, and, in
+the end, her Revolution means democracy.
+
+Thus, in democracy, the State exists for Man.  Other forms of society
+seek the interest or welfare of an individual, a group or a class,
+democracy aims at the welfare, that is, the liberty, happiness, growth,
+intelligence, helpfulness of _all the people_.  Under all the welter of
+this world struggle, it is therefore these great contrasting ideas that
+are being tested out, perhaps for all time.  What is their relative
+value for efficiency, initiative, invention, endurance, permanence;
+beneath all, what is their final value for the happiness and helpfulness
+of all human beings?
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+MORAL STANDARDS AND THE MORAL ORDER
+
+There is only one moral order of the universe--one range of moral as of
+physical law.  For instance, the law of gravitation--simplest of
+physical principles--holds the last star in the abyss of space, rounds
+the dew-drop on the petal of a spring violet and determines the symmetry
+of living organisms; but it is one and unchanging, a fundamental pull in
+the nature of matter itself.  So with moral laws: they are not
+superadded to life by some divine or other authority.  They are simply
+the fundamental principles in the nature of life itself, which we must
+obey to grow and be happy.
+
+If the moral order is one and unchanging, man does change in relation to
+it, and moral standards are relative to the stage of his growth.
+History is filled with illustrations of this relativity of ethical
+standards.
+
+For instance: human slavery doubtless began as an act of beneficence on
+the part of some philanthropist well in advance of his age.  The first
+man who, in the dim dawn of history, said to the captive he had made in
+war, "I will not kill you and eat you; I will let you live and work for
+me the rest of your life": that man instituted human slavery; but it was
+distinctly a step upward, from something that had been far worse.
+
+Homer represents Ulysses as the favorite pupil of Pallas Athena, goddess
+of wisdom: why?  Baldly stated, because Ulysses was the shrewdest and
+most successful liar in classic antiquity.  If Ulysses were to appear in
+a society of decent men to-day, he would be excluded from their
+companionship, and for the same reason that led Homer to glorify him as
+the favorite pupil of the goddess of wisdom.  Thus what is a virtue at
+one stage of development becomes a vice as man climbs to higher
+recognition of the moral order.
+
+Just because the moral standard is relative, it is absolutely binding
+where it applies.  In other words, if you see the light shining on your
+path, you owe obedience to the light; one who does not see it, does not
+owe obedience in the same way.  If you do not obey your light, your
+punishment is that you lose the light--degenerate to a lower plane, and
+it is the worst punishment imaginable.
+
+Thus the same act may be for the undeveloped life, non-moral, for the
+developed, distinctly immoral.  Before the instincts of personal modesty
+and purity were developed, careless sex-promiscuity meant something
+entirely different from what a descent to it means in our society.  When
+a man of some primitive tribe went out and killed a man of another
+tribe, the action was totally different morally from .the murder by a
+man of one community of a citizen of a neighboring town to-day.
+
+This gradual elevation of moral standards, or growth in the recognition
+of the sacredness of life and the obligation to other individuals, can
+be traced historically as a long and confused process.  There was a
+time, in the remote past, when no law was recognized except that of the
+strong arm. The man who wanted anything, took it, if he was strong
+enough, and others submitted to his superior force.  Then follows an age
+when the family is the supreme social unit.  Each member of the family
+group feels the pain or pleasure of all the others as something like his
+own, but all outside this circle are as the beasts.  This is the
+condition among the Veddahs of Ceylon, studied so interestingly by
+Haeckel.  Living in isolated family groups, scattered through the
+tropical wilderness: one man, one woman and their children forming the
+social unit: they as nearly represent primitive life as any other body
+of people now on the earth.
+
+Then follows a long roll of ages when the tribe is the highest social
+unit. Each member of the tribe is conscious of the sacredness of life of
+all the other members and of some obligation toward them; but men of
+other tribes may be slain as freely as the beasts.  Then comes a period
+when appreciation of the sacredness of life is extended over all those
+of the same race, tested generally by their speaking somewhat the same
+language.  That was the condition in classic antiquity: it was "Jew and
+Gentile," "Greek and barbarian"--the very word "barbarous" coming from
+the unintelligible sounds, to the Greeks, of those who spoke other than
+the Hellenic tongue.  Even Plato, with all his far-sighted humanism,
+says, in the _Republic_, that in the ideal state, "Greeks should deal
+with barbarians as Greeks now deal with one another."  If one remembers
+what occurred in the Peloponnesian war--how Greek men voted to kill all
+the men of military age in a conquered Greek city and sell all the women
+and children into slavery--one will see that Plato's dream of humanity
+was not so very wide.
+
+From that time on, there has been further extension of the appreciation
+of the sacredness of life and of the consciousness of moral obligation
+toward other human beings.  We are far from the end of the path.  Our
+sympathies are still limited by accidents of time and place, race and
+color; but we have gone far enough to see what the end would be, were we
+to reach it: a sympathy so wide, an appreciation of the sacredness of
+life so universal, that each of us would feel the joy or sorrow of every
+other human being, alive to-day or to be alive to-morrow, as something
+like his own.  Moreover, in all civilized society, we have gone far
+enough to renounce the right to private vengeance and adjustment of
+quarrels: we live under established courts of law, with organized civil
+force to carry out their judgments.  This gives relative peace and
+security, and a general, if imperfect, application of the moral law.
+
+
+
+
+V
+
+THE PRESENT STATE OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
+
+The astounding anomaly of modern civilization is the way we have lagged
+behind in applying to groups and nations of men the moral laws,
+universally recognized as binding over individuals.  For instance, about
+twenty years ago we coined and used widely the phrase, "soulless
+corporation," to designate our great combinations of capital in industry
+and commerce.  Why was that phrase used so widely?  The answer is
+illuminating: we took it for granted that an individual employer would
+treat his artisans to some extent as human beings and not merely as
+cog-wheels in a productive machine; but we also took it for granted that
+an impersonal corporation, where no individual was dominantly
+responsible, would regard its artisans merely as pieces of machinery,
+with no respect whatever for their humanity.
+
+The supreme paradox, however, is in the relation of nations: it is there
+that we have most amazingly lagged behind in applying the moral laws
+universally accepted in the relations of individuals.  For instance,
+long before this War began we heard it proclaimed, even proudly, by
+certain philosophers, in more than one nation, that the state is the
+supreme spiritual unit, that there is no law higher than its interest,
+that the state makes the law and may break it at will.  When a great
+statesman in Germany, doubtless in a moment of intense anger and
+irritation, used the phrase that has gone all across the earth, "_scrap
+of paper_," for a sacred treaty between nations, he was only making a
+pungent practical application of the philosophy in question.
+
+Do we regard self-preservation as the highest law for the individual?
+Distinctly not.  Here is a crowded theater and a sudden cry of fire,
+with the ensuing panic: if strong men trample down and kill women and
+children, in the effort to save their own lives, we regard them with
+loathing and contempt.  On the other hand, it is just this plea of
+national self-preservation that the German regime has used in cynical
+justification of its every atrocity--the initial violation of Belgium,
+the making war ruthlessly on civil populations, the atrocious spying and
+plotting in the bosom of neutral and friendly nations, the destruction
+of monuments of art and devastation of the cities, fields, orchards and
+forests of northern France, and finally the submarine warfare on the
+world's shipping.  No civilized human being would, for a moment, think
+of using the plea of self-preservation to justify comparable conduct in
+individual life.
+
+Consider international diplomacy: much of it has been merely shrewd and
+skillful lying.  If you will review the list of the most famous
+diplomats of Europe for the last thousand years, you will find that a
+considerable portion of them won their fame and reputation by being a
+little more shrewd and successful liars than the diplomats with whom
+they had to deal in other lands.  In other words, their conduct has been
+exactly on the plane that Ulysses represented in personal life, afar
+back in classic antiquity.
+
+Take an illustration a little nearer home.  If you were doing business
+on one side of the street and had two competitors in the same line,
+across the way, and a cyclone swept the town, destroying their
+establishments and sparing yours: you, as an individual, would be
+ashamed to take advantage of the disaster under which your rivals were
+suffering, using the time while they were out of business to lure their
+customers away from them and bind those customers to you so securely
+that your competitors would never be able to get them back.  You would
+scorn such conduct as an individual; but when it comes to a relation of
+the nations: during the first two years of the War, from the highest
+government circles down to the smallest country newspaper, we were urged
+to take advantage of the disaster under which our European rivals were
+suffering, win their international customers away from them and bind
+those customers to us so securely that Europe would never be able to get
+them back.  Not that we were urged to industry and enterprise--that is
+always right--but actually to seek to profit by the sufferings of
+others--conduct we would regard as utterly unworthy in personal life.
+
+If your neighbor were to say, "My personal aspirations demand this
+portion of your front yard," and he were to attempt to fence it in: the
+situation is unimaginable; but when a nation says, "My national
+aspirations demand this portion of your territory," and proceeds to
+annex it: if the nation is strong enough to carry it out, a large part
+of the world acquiesces.
+
+The relations of nations are thus still largely on the plane of
+primitive life among individuals, or, since nations are made up of
+civilized and semi-civilized persons, it would be fairer to say that the
+relations of nations are comparable to those prevailing among
+individuals when a group of men goes far out from civil society, to the
+frontier, beyond the reach of courts of law and their police forces:
+then nearly always there is a reversion to the rule of the strong arm.
+That is what Kipling meant in exclaiming,
+
+"There's never a law of God or man runs north of fifty-three."
+
+That condition prevailed all across our frontier in the early days. For
+instance, the cattle men came, pasturing their herds on the hills and
+plains, using the great expanse of land not yet taken up by private
+ownership.  A little later came the sheep men, with vast flocks of
+sheep, which nibbled every blade of grass and other edible plant down to
+the ground, thus starving out the cattle.  What followed?  The cattle
+men got together by night, rode down the sheep-herders, shot them or
+drove them out, or were themselves driven out.
+
+So on the frontier, in the early days, a weakling staked out an
+agricultural or mining claim.  A ruffian appears, who is a sure shot,
+jumps the claim and drives the other out.  It was the rule of the strong
+arm, and it was evident on the frontier all across the country.
+
+This is exactly the state that a considerable part of the world has
+reached in international relationship to-day.  Claim-jumping is still
+accepted and widely practised among the nations.  That is, in fact, the
+way in which all empires have been built--by a succession of successful
+claim-jumpings. Consider the most impressive of them all, the old Roman
+empire.  Rome was a city near the mouth of the Tiber.  She reached out
+and conquered a few neighboring cities in the Latin plain, binding them
+securely to herself by domestic and economic ties.  Then she extended
+her power south and north, crossed into northern Africa, conquered Gaul
+and Spain, swept Asia Minor, until a territory three thousand by two
+thousand miles in extent was under the sway of her all-conquering arm.
+
+What justified Rome, as far as she had justification, was the remarkable
+strength and wisdom with which she established law and order and the
+protections of civil society over all the conquered territory, until
+often the subject populations were glad they had come under the
+all-dominant sway of Rome, since their situation was so much more
+peaceful and happy than before.  Such justification, however, is after
+the fact: it is not moral justification of the building of the empire.
+That represented a succession of claim-jumpings.
+
+For an illustration from more modern history, take the greatest
+international crime of the last five hundred years, with one exception--
+the partition of Poland. It is true the Polish nobles were a nuisance to
+their neighbors, ever quarreling among themselves, with no central
+authority powerful enough to restrain them, but that did not justify the
+action taken.  Three nations, or rather the autocratic sovereigns of
+those nations, powerful enough to accomplish the crime, agreed to
+partition Poland among themselves.  They did it, with the result that
+there are plenty of Poles in the world to-day, but there is no Poland.
+
+Consider the possession of Silesia by Prussia.  Silesia was an integral
+part of the Austrian domain, long so recognized.  Friedrich the Great
+wanted it.  He annexed it.  The deed caused him many years of recurring,
+devastating wars; again and again he was near the point of utter defeat;
+but he succeeded in bringing the war to a successful conclusion, and
+Silesia is part of Prussia to-day.  The strong arm conquest is the only
+reason.
+
+So is it with Germany's possession of Schleswig-Holstein, with Austria
+in Herzegovina and Bosnia, France in Algiers, Italy in Tripoli: they are
+all instances of claim-jumping, reprehensible in varying degrees.
+
+I suppose no thoughtful Englishman would attempt to justify, on high
+moral grounds, the building up of the British empire: for instance, the
+possession of Egypt and India by Britain.  How does India happen to be a
+part of the British realm?  Every one knows the answer. The East India
+Company was simply the most adventurous and enterprising trading company
+then in the world.  It grew rich trading with the Orient, established
+the supremacy of the British merchant marine, got into difficulties with
+French rivals and native rulers, fought brilliantly for its rights, as
+it had every reason to do, conquered territory and consolidated its
+possessions, ruling chiefly through native princes. It became so
+powerful that it did not seem wise to the British government to permit a
+private corporation to exercise such ever-growing political authority.
+It was regulated, and in the end abolished, by act of Parliament; its
+possessions were taken over by the Crown; the conquests were extended
+and completed, and India today is a gem in the crown of the British
+empire.
+
+What justifies Britain, as far as she has justification, is the
+remarkable wisdom and generosity with which she has extended, not
+onlylaw and order and protection to life and property, but freedom and
+autonomous self-government, to her colonies and subject populations,
+with certain tragic exceptions, about as fast as this could safely be
+done.  It is that which holds the British empire together.  Great
+irregular empire, stretching over a large part of the globe: but for
+this it would fall to pieces over night.  It would be impossible for
+force, administered at the top, to hold it together.  The splendid
+response of her colonies in this War has been purely voluntary.  That
+Canada has four hundred thousand trained men at the front, or ready to
+go, is due wholly to her free response to the wise generosity of
+England's policy, and in no degree to compulsion, which would have been
+impossible.  This justification of the British empire is, nevertheless,
+as in the case of Rome, after the fact, and does not justify morally the
+building up of the empire.
+
+Our own hands are not entirely clean.  It is true we came late on the
+stage of history, and, starting as a democracy, were instinctively
+opposed to empire building.  Thus our brief record is cleaner than that
+of the older nations.  Nevertheless, there are examples of claim-jumping
+in our history. The most tragic of all is a large part of our treatment
+of the American Indians.  It is true, with Anglo-Saxon hypocrisy, we
+tried to make every steal a bargain.  Many an expanse of territory has
+been bought with a jug of rum.  The Indian knew nothing about the
+ownership of land; we did. So we made the deed, and he accepted it.
+Then, to his surprise, he found he had to move off from land where for
+generations his ancestors had hunted and fought, with no idea of private
+ownership.  So we pushed him on and on. Of late decades we have become
+ashamed, tried in awkward fashion to render some compensation for the
+wrongs done, but the larger part of the story is sad indeed.
+
+There is, of course, another side to all this: the more highly developed
+nations do owe leadership and service in helping those below to climb
+the path of civilization; but let one answer fairly how much of empire
+building has been due to this altruistic spirit, and how much to
+selfishness and the lust for power and possession.
+
+
+
+
+
+VI
+
+THE ETHICS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONSHIP
+
+We have seen that all empires have been built up by a series of
+successful aggressions, and that claim-jumping still characterizes the
+relations of the nations.  Nevertheless, there has been some progress in
+applying to groups and nations the moral principles we recognize as
+binding upon individuals.  Consider again our internal life: it was
+twenty years ago that we coined and used so widely the phrase "soulless
+corporations" for our great combinations of capital in industry.  To-day
+that phrase is rarely heard.  One sees it seldom even in the pages of
+surviving "muck-raking" magazines.  Why has a phrase, used so widely in
+the past, all but disappeared? Again the answer is illuminating: there
+has been tremendous growth in twenty years, on the part of our great
+corporations, in treating their employees as human beings and not merely
+as cog-wheels in a productive machine.  When the greatest corporation in
+the United States voluntarily raises the wages of all its employees in
+the country ten per cent., five several times, within a few months, as
+the Steel trust has recently done, something has happened.  It may be
+said, "they did it because it was good business": twenty years ago they
+would not have recognized that it was good business. It may be said,
+"they did it to avoid strikes": twenty years ago they would have
+welcomed the strikes, fought them through and gained what selfish
+advantage was possible.  The point is, there has been vast increase in
+the consciousness of moral responsibility on the part of corporations
+toward their artisans.  This has been due partly to legislation, but
+mainly to education and the awakening of public conscience.  If you wish
+to find the greatest arrogance and selfishness now, you will discover
+it, not among the capitalists: they are timid and submissive--strangely
+so.  You will find it rather in certain leaders of the labor  movement,
+with their consciousness of newly-gained powers.
+
+Some growth there has been in the application of the same moral
+principles even to the relations of the nations.  For instance: a
+hundred years ago the Napoleonic wars had just come to an end.  In the
+days of Napoleon men generally gloried in war; to-day most of them
+bitterly regret it, and fight because they believe they are fighting for
+high moral aims or for national self-preservation, whether they are
+right or wrong.
+
+When Napoleon conquered a country, often he pushed the weakling king off
+the throne, and replaced him with a member of his own family--at times a
+worse weakling.  Think of such a thing being attempted to-day: it is
+unimaginable, unless the worst tyranny on earth got the upper hand for
+the next three hundred years of human history.
+
+A more pungent illustration of progress is the feverish desire, shown by
+each of the  combatants in this world struggle, to prove that he did not
+begin it. Now some one began it.  A hundred years ago belligerents would
+not have been so anxious to prove their innocence: then victory closed
+all accounts and no one went behind the returns.  The feverish anxiety
+each combatant has shown to establish his innocence of initiating this
+devastating War is conclusive proof that even the worst of them
+recognizes that they all must finally stand before the moral court of
+the world's conscience and be judged.  The same tendency is shown in the
+efforts of Germany--grotesquely and tragically sophistical as they are--
+to justify her ever-expanding, freshly-invented atrocities.  At least
+she is aware that they require justification.
+
+This explains why we react so bitterly even on what would have been
+accepted a century ago.  What was taken for granted yesterday is not
+tolerated to-day, and what is taken for granted to-day will not be
+tolerated in a to-morrow that maybe is not so distant as in our darker
+moments we imagine.
+
+What would be the conclusion of this process?  It would be, would it
+not, the complete application to the relations of the nations, of the
+moral principles universally accepted as binding upon individuals?  If
+it is true that the moral order of the universe is one and unchanging,
+then _what is right for a man is right for a nation of men, and what is
+wrong for a man is wrong for a nation_; and no fallacious reasoning
+should be allowed to blind us to that basic truth.
+
+This would mean the end of all diplomacy of lying and deceit.  The
+relations of the nations would be placed on the same plane of relative
+honesty and frankness now prevailing among individuals: not absolute
+truth--few of us practice that--but that general ability to trust each
+other, in word and conduct, that is the foundation of our business and
+social life.
+
+It would mean the end of empire building.  Those empires that exist
+would fall naturally into their component parts.  If those parts
+remained affiliated with the central government, it would be only
+through the voluntary choice of the majority of the population dwelling
+upon the territory.  Thus every people would be affiliated with the
+government to which it naturally belonged and with which it wished to be
+affiliated.
+
+It would mean finally a voluntary federation of the nations, with the
+establishment of a world court of justice; but no weak-kneed, spineless
+arbitration court: rather a court of justice, comparable to those
+established over individuals, whose judgments would be enforced by an
+international military and naval police, contributed by the federated
+nations.
+
+People misunderstand this proposal.  They imagine it would mean the
+giving over of the entire military and naval equipment of each federated
+nation to the central court.  Far from it: each nation would retain, for
+defense purposes, the mass of its manhood and the larger fraction of its
+limited equipment, while a minor fraction would be contributed to the
+world court.
+
+When this is achieved there will be, for the first time in the history
+of the world, the dawn of the longed-for era of universal and relatively
+permanent peace for mankind.
+
+It is a far-off dream, is it not?  Let us admit it frankly, and it seems
+further off than it did four years ago; for the approximations to it,
+achieved through international law, we have seen go down in a blind
+welter, through the invention of new instruments of destruction and the
+willful perpetration of illegal and immoral atrocities in this horrible
+War.
+
+Nevertheless, it is not so far off as in ourdarker moments we fear.  If
+this world War ends justly; which means if it ends so that the people
+dwelling on any territory are affiliated with the government to which
+they naturally belong and with which they wish to be affiliated, the
+dream will be brought appreciably nearer.  If the War ends unjustly,
+which means if it ends with the gratification of the ambitions of
+aggressive tyranny, the dream will be put remotely far off.  If a peace
+is patched up meantime, with no solution, it will mean Europe sleeping
+on its arms, and the breaking out of the war with multiplied devastation
+within twenty years.  That is why these blithely undertaken peace
+missions and other efforts at peace without victory, even when not
+cloaks for pro-German movements, are such preposterous absurdities or
+else play directly into the hands of tyranny.
+
+At best, however, the dream is a long way ahead.  Men dislike to give up
+power, nations equally.  It will take a long process of international
+moral education to induce the nations to renounce their arbitrary
+powers, their right to adjust all their own quarrels, and lead them to
+enter voluntarily a federation under a world court of Justice.  This,
+nevertheless, is the hope of the world, toward which we should work with
+all our might.
+
+
+
+
+VII
+
+AMERICA'S DUTY IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
+
+Since the world solution is, at best, so remote, our question is: what
+are we to do meantime?  Our entrance into the War partially answers the
+question.  We have before us the immediate task of aiding in
+overthrowing autocracy and tyranny and of defending our liberties and
+those of the nations that stand for democracy.  This is the first duty,
+but not the only one.
+
+More definitely than any other nation we have thrown down to the world
+the challenge of democracy.  We have said, "Away with kings, we will
+have no more of them!  Away with castes and ruling classes, we will have
+no more of them!"  As a matter of fact, democracies have no rulers--the
+word survives from an older order of society--they have guides, leaders
+and representatives.  If you wish to use the word, in a democracy every
+man is the ruler--and every woman too, we hope, before long.  To this
+ideal we are committed and it carries certain obligations; for every
+right carries a duty, and every duty, a right.  Often the best way to
+get a privilege is by assuming a responsibility.  That is a truth it
+would be well for the leaders of the feminist and labor movements to
+recognize. The obligations carried by the challenge of our democracy are
+clear.
+
+We Americans should have done, once and for all time, with the diplomacy
+of lying and deceit.  Fortunately our recent traditions are in harmony
+with this demand; but we should not depend upon the happy accident of an
+administration which takes the right attitude.  It should be the open
+and universal demand of the American people that those who represent us
+shall place the relations we sustain to other nations permanently on the
+same plane of frank honesty, generally prevailing among individuals.
+Incidentally, any politician or statesman who, at this heart-breaking
+crisis of the world's life, dares play party politics with our
+international relations, should be damned forever by the vote of the
+American people.
+
+Further, it is our duty to have done with all dream of empire building.
+It is not for us: let us abandon it frankly and forever.  Those
+dependencies which have come to us through the accidents of our history
+should be granted autonomous self-government at the earliest moment at
+which they can safely take it over--which does not necessarily mean
+to-morrow.  If they remain affiliated with us it should be only through
+the voluntary choice of the majority of the population dwelling upon
+them.
+
+It is, moreover, our duty to lead the world in the effort to form a
+federation of the nations and establish the aforesaid world court of
+justice, with the international military and naval police to enforce its
+judgments.
+
+More than this is demanded: on the basis of the challenge of our
+democracy, it is our duty to rise to the point of placing justice higher
+than commercial interest.  It is a hard demand; but, with the latent
+idealism in our American life, surely we can rise to it.  For instance,
+the vexed puzzle of the tariff will never be justly and permanently
+settled, till it is settled primarily as a problem of moral
+international relationship, and not as one merely of economic interest
+and advantage.
+
+For example, a tariff wall between the United States and Canada is as
+preposterous an absurdity as would be a long line of bristling
+fortifications along the three thousand and more miles of international
+boundary.  We are not protecting ourselves from slave labor over there.
+They are not protecting themselves from slave labor here.  Barring a few
+lines of industry, there are the same conditions of labor, production
+and distribution both sides of the line.  The only reason for a tariff
+wall is their wish, or our wish, or the wish of each, to gain some
+advantage at the expense of the other party.  Now every business man
+knows that any trade that benefits one and injures the other party to it
+is bad business, as well as bad ethics, in the long run.  Good business
+benefits both traders all the time.
+
+On the other hand, when it comes to protecting our labor from
+competition with slave labor in other quarters of the earth, we have not
+only the right, but the duty to do it.  So when it is a matter of
+protecting our industries from being swamped by the unloading of vast
+quantities of goods, produced under the feverish and abnormal
+conditions, sure to prevail in Europe after the War, we have again, not
+only the right, but the duty to do it.
+
+Finally, a still higher call is upon us: we must somehow rise to the
+point of placing humanity above the nation.  It is true, "Charity begins
+at home," certainly justice should.  One should educate one's own
+children, before worrying over the children of the neighborhood; clean
+up one's own town, before troubling about the city further away.  Often
+the whole is helped best by serving the part; but it is with national
+patriotism as it is with family affection.  The latter is a lovely
+quality and the source of much that is best in the world; but when
+family affection is an instrument for gaining special privilege at the
+expense of the good of society, a means of attaining debauching luxury
+and selfish aggrandisement, it is an abomination.  The man who prays
+God's blessing on himself, his wife and his children, and nobody else,
+is a mean man, and he never gets blessed--not from God.  Similarly, the
+man who seeks the interest of his own nation, against the welfare of
+mankind, who prays God's blessing only on his own people, is equally a
+mean man, and his prayer, also, is never answered from the Most High.
+The world has advanced too far for the spirit of a narrow nationalism.
+The recrudescence of such a spirit is one of the sad consequences of
+this world War.  Only in a spirit of international brotherhood, in
+dedication to the welfare of humanity, can democracy go towards its
+goal.
+
+These are the obligations following upon the challenge of democracy we
+have proclaimed to the nations.
+
+
+
+
+
+VIII
+
+THE GOSPEL AND THE SUPERSTITION OF NON-RESISTANCE
+
+The first condition of fulfilling the responsibilities imposed upon us
+by the challenge of our democracy is, now and hereafter, readiness and
+willingness for self-respecting self-defense, defense of our liberties
+and of the principles and ideals for which we stand.  There is much
+nonsense talked about non-resistance to evil.  It is a lovely thing in
+certain high places of the moral life.  It was well that Socrates
+remained in the common criminal prison in Athens and drank the hemlock
+poison; but nine times out of ten it would have been better to run away,
+as he had an opportunity to do. It was good that Jesus healed the ear of
+the servant of the high priest,--and good that St. Peter cut it off.
+
+In other words, acts of non-resistance and self-sacrifice are fine
+flowers of the moral life; but you cannot have flowers unless their
+roots are below ground, otherwise they quickly wither.  Thus, to have
+sound value, these acts of non-resistance and self-sacrifice must rest
+on a solid foundation of self-affirmation and resistance to evil.
+
+As with the individual, so with the nation: there come high moments in a
+nation's life, when a strong people might resist and deliberately
+chooses not to.  As an illustration, take our Mexican problem.  The
+announcement that under no circumstances would we intervene, may have
+led to misunderstanding.  Our purpose to let the Mexican people work out
+their own problem may have been taken to mean that we would not justly
+protect ourselves, with consequent encouragement to border raiding.
+Nevertheless, if there has been any error in handling the situation, it
+has been on the better side--on the side of patience, generosity,
+long-suffering, giving the other fellow another chance, and another and
+another, even though he does not deserve them.  Now that is not the side
+on which human nature usually errs.  The common temptation is to
+selfishness and unjust aggression. Since that is the case, if we cannot
+strike the just balance, it is better to push too far on the other side
+and avoid the common mistake.
+
+Suppose, after the War, Japan, alone or in conjunction with one or
+another European power, closes the door to China: one can imagine
+circumstances where we, with the right to insist that the door be kept
+open, and perhaps, by that time, something of the strength to enforce
+that right, might deliberately say, "No, we will not resist."  Not that,
+with our present situation, such action is desirable, but that one can
+imagine conditions arising where it might be the higher choice.
+
+Let me repeat that, for the nation as with the individual, these high
+moments must rest on something else.  They are the high mountain peaks
+of the moral life; but detached mountain peaks are impossible,--except
+as a mirage.  They must rest upon the granite foundation of the hills
+and plateaus below. So these high virtues of non-resistance, magnanimity
+and self-sacrifice must always rest upon the granite foundation of the
+masculine virtues of self-affirmation, endurance, heroism, strong
+conflict with evil. It takes strength to make magnanimity and
+self-sacrifice  possible, if their lesson is not lost.  A weak man
+cannot be magnanimous, since his generosity is mistaken for servile
+cowardice. After all, the best time to forgive your enemy, for his good
+and yours, is not when he has his foot on your neck: he is apt to
+misunderstand and think you are afraid.  It is often better to wait
+until you can get on your feet and face him, man to man, and then if you
+can forgive him, it is so much the better for you, for him and for all
+concerned.
+
+Thus there are two opposite lines of error in the moral life.  The
+philosophy of the one is given by Nietzsche, while Tolstoy, in certain
+extremes of his teaching, represents the other.  Nietzsche, I suppose,
+should be regarded as a symptom, rather than a cause of anything
+important; but the ancestors of Nietzsche were Goethe and Ibsen, with
+their splendid gospel of self-realization.  Nietzsche, on the contrary,
+with his contempt for the morality of Christianity as the morality of
+slaves and weaklings, with his eulogy of the blond brute striding over
+forgotten multitudes of his weaker fellows to a stultifying isolation
+apart--Nietzsche is self-realization in the mad-house.  It has always
+seemed to me not without significance that his own life ended there.
+
+On the other hand, when Tolstoy responded to an inquirer that, if he saw
+a child being attacked by a brutal ruffian, he would not use force to
+intervene and protect the child: that, too, is non-resistance fit for
+the insane asylum. One of these is just as far from sane, balanced human
+morality as the other.
+
+It is a terrible thing to suffer injustice; it is far worse to
+perpetrate it. If one had to choose between being victim or tyrant, one
+would always choose to be victim: it is safer for the moral life and
+there is more recovery afterward.  If, however, it is better to suffer
+injustice than to perpetrate it, better than either is to resist it,
+fight it and, if possible, overthrow it.
+
+It has been said so many times by extreme pacifists that even sane human
+beings sometimes take it for granted, that "force never accomplished
+anything permanent in human history."  It is false, and the reasoning by
+which it is supported involves the most sophistical of fallacies.  All
+depends on who uses the force and the purpose for which it is used.  The
+force employed by tyranny and injustice accomplishes nothing permanent
+in history.  Why? Because tyranny and injustice are in their very nature
+transient, they are opposed to the moral order of the universe and, in
+the end, must pass. On the other hand, the force employed on the part of
+liberty and justice has attained most of the ends of civilization we
+cherish to-day.  The force of the million of mercenaries, collected
+through Asia and Africa by Darius and Xerxes, to overwhelm a few Greek
+cities, accomplished nothing permanent in history; but the force of the
+ten thousand Athenians who fought at Marathon and of the other thousands
+at Salamis, saved democracy for Europe and made possible the
+civilization of the Occident.  The force employed by King Louis of
+France to support a tottering throne and continue the exploitation of
+the people by an idle and selfish aristocratic caste, accomplished
+nothing permanent in history; but the force of those Frenchmen who
+marched upon Paris, singing the Marseillaise, made possible the freedom
+and culture of the last hundred years.  The force employed by King
+George of England, to wring taxes without representation from reluctant
+colonies, accomplished nothing permanent in history, but the force
+which, at Bunker Hill and Concord Bridge, "fired the shot heard round
+the world," achieved the liberty and democracy of the American
+continent.
+
+It may be freely admitted that all use of force is a confession of
+failure to find a better way.  If you use force in the education of a
+child, it is such a confession of failure.  So is it if force is used in
+controlling defectives and criminals, or in adjusting the relations of
+the nations; but note that the failure may be one for which the
+individual parent, teacher, society, state or nation is in no degree
+responsible.   Force is a tragic weapon--and the ultimate one.
+
+
+
+
+
+IX
+
+PREPAREDNESS FOR SELF-DEFENSE
+
+Since force is still the weapon of international justice, readiness and
+willingness to use it for defense, when necessary, is then the first
+condition of fulfilling the aims and serving the causes for which
+America stands.  In other words, since the relations of the nations are
+still so largely those of individuals under the conditions of frontier
+life, as with the honest man on the frontier, so for the
+self-respecting, peace-loving nation to-day, it is well to carry a gun
+and know how to shoot.
+
+Carrying a gun is a dangerous practice, for two reasons: it may go off
+in your pocket; you may get drunk and shoot when you ought not.  Those
+are the only two rational arguments against national preparation for
+defense, in the present state of the world.  Let us see.  The gun may go
+off in your pocket: that is, if a strong armament for defense is built
+up, there is always danger that it may be used internally, against the
+people, unjustly.  That, indeed, has been one of the curses of Europe
+for a thousand years. It is a grave danger, but recognizing it is partly
+forestalling it; moreover, we would better face that danger than one far
+worse.  So with the other menace: you may get drunk and shoot when you
+ought not.  Nations get drunk: they get drunk with pride, arrogance,
+aggressive ambition, revenge, even with panic terror, and so shoot when
+they should not.  This, also, is a grave danger; but here, as well,
+recognizing it is part way forestalling it, and this danger, too, we
+would better face than one far more terrible. Moreover, it is armament
+for the gratification of aggressive ambition, and under the control of
+the arbitrary authority of a despotic individual or group, that tends to
+initiate war, not armament solely to defend the liberties of a people.
+
+Thus, under the conditions cited, it is well to be armed and prepared.
+If a wolf is at large, if a mad dog is loose, if a madman is abroad with
+an ax, it is the part of wisdom to have an adequate weapon and be
+prepared to use it.  If the Athenians had not resisted the hordes of
+Asia, what would have been the history of Europe?  If the French had not
+resisted tyranny and injustice in the Revolution, what would have been
+the civilization of the last hundred years?  If the English colonists
+had not resisted taxation without representation, what would be the
+present status of America?  If the artisan groups had not united and
+fought economic exploitation, what would be their life to-day?  If
+Belgium had not resisted Germany, what would be the future of democracy
+in Europe?  Thus, now and after the War, the need is for all necessary
+armament for self-respecting self-defense and not an atom to gratify
+aggressive ambition.  This does not mean that, once involved in war, the
+military tactics of democracy should be merely defensive.  As has often
+and wisely been said, in war the best defense is a swift and hard
+attack.
+
+It is widely argued, however, since our aim is peace and a world-court
+of justice to settle the disputes among the nations, making general
+disarmament possible, should not one great nation, fortunately free from
+the quarrels of Europe, occupying the major portion of a continent, its
+shores washed by two great oceans, with peaceful friendship on the north
+and weak anarchy on the south--should not such a nation take the lead,
+disarm and set an example to mankind?  It is a beautiful dream!  Would
+that those who really believe in non-resistance to evil would be
+logical, and apply it to internal as well as external policy.  What is a
+police force? It is a body of men, trained, employed and paid to use
+force in resisting evil.  If you wish to try out non-resistance, why not
+let some city apply it? Let Chicago do it: abolish its police force and
+set the example to the rest of the benighted cities of the country.
+What would happen?  As long as there are criminals in all cities of the
+land, how they would flock to that fat pasturage.  What devastation of
+property, destruction of life, injury to innocent women and children!
+Until the best men of Chicago would get together, form a vigilance
+committee, shoot some of the criminals, hang others, drive the rest out;
+and Chicago would get back to law and order, with courts of justice and
+a regular police body, composed of men trained, employed and paid to use
+force in resisting evil.
+
+The example of Canada and the United States is cited, and a noble
+example it is: three thousand and more miles of international boundary,
+with never a shining gun or bristling fortress on the entire frontier.
+A glorious example, prophetic of what is coming all over the world,
+perhaps more quickly than we dare hope to-day; but what made it
+possible?  Agreement in advance, and that at a time when one of the
+parties was too weak to be feared. Canada is getting strong: she has at
+present four hundred thousand trained men at the front or ready to go.
+Before the War closes she will have over a half million.  Now suppose
+Canada fortified: we would be compelled to, there would be no other way.
+
+Thus one nation cannot disarm while the others are strongly armed, and
+among them are those whose autocratic rulers and imperialistic castes
+are watching for signs of weakness in order to perpetrate international
+claim-jumping.
+
+It is true that, on the frontier, in the early days, there were
+individuals who went about unarmed among the gun men, did it
+successfully, and some of them died peacefully in their beds: Christian
+ministers--sky-pilots, they were called.  Please note, however, that the
+sky-pilot never had any money. He had no claims to be jumped.
+
+We are not sky-pilots--far from it.  As to money: the wealth of the
+world has been flowing into our coffers in a golden stream, to the
+embarrassment of our financial institutions, to the exaltation of the
+cost of living to such a point that, with more money than we ever
+dreamed of having, we find it more difficult to buy enough to eat and
+wear.  As for claims to be jumped: they are on every hand: Panama Canal,
+Hawaiian Islands, Philippine Islands, ports of New York and San
+Francisco, vast reaches of unprotected coast.  No, we are not
+sky-pilots, we cannot claim exemption on that ground.
+
+Suppose, after the War, we attempted to disarm, without the protection
+of a world court and international police, while the other nations
+retained war armament.  They, the victors and perhaps the defeated,
+would possess a great army and navy, manned with seasoned veterans, and
+be burdened with an intolerable debt; for the War has gone too far for
+any one to be able to pay adequate indemnity.  We, rich, young,
+heedless, sure that no one on earth could ever whip us, chiefly because
+no one worth while has ever seriously tried: suppose we were completely
+disarmed.  It would require only a little meddling with Mexico or
+Brazil, and we should have to give up the Monroe Doctrine or fight.
+Well, perhaps we shall give it up: it has even been suggested in the
+halls of Congress that we should--to the shame of the suggester, be it
+said.  People do not understand the Monroe Doctrine: they talk of it as
+if it were a law.  It is in no sense a law, but is merely a rather
+arrogant expression of our desires. We said to the other nations: "We
+desire that none of you henceforth shall fence in any part of our front
+or back yard, or the front or back yard of any of our neighbors,
+dwelling on the North and South American continents."  That is the
+Monroe Doctrine, and that is all that it is: an expression of our
+wishes.  All very well if others choose to respect them, but suppose
+some one does not?  Perhaps, as stated, we may abandon the Monroe
+Doctrine: that is the easiest way, and the easiest way, for a nation or
+an individual, is usually the way of damnation. Even so, suppose the
+nation in question to say, "My national aspirations demand the Panama
+Canal, the Philippine Islands, or Long Island and the Port of New York."
+Why not?  The Atlantic Ocean is only a mill-pond. It is not half so wide
+as Lake Erie was fifty years ago, in relation to modern means of
+transportation and communication.  People say, "Do we want to give up
+our traditional isolation?"  They are too late in asking the question:
+that isolation is irrecoverably gone.  That should be now evident even
+to people dwelling in fatuously fancied security between the Alleghenies
+and the Rockies.  We are inevitably drawn into relation with the rest of
+mankind.  The question is no longer, "Shall we take a part in world
+problems?", but "What part shall we take?"
+
+The point is, that if, under the circumstances cited, any one wished to
+do so, we could quickly be driven to such a condition of abject
+humiliation that we should be compelled to fight.  Now suppose,
+disarmed, we should enter the conflict utterly unprepared?  The result
+would be, hundreds of thousands of young men, going out bravely in
+obedience to an ideal--untrained and half equipped--to be butchered, a
+humiliating peace, and an indemnity of many billions to be groaned under
+for fifty years.
+
+On the other hand, if we were adequately armed for defense, there would
+be much less temptation to any one to trouble us; and if we were
+compelled to fight, would it not be better to fight reasonably prepared?
+
+There is a story, going the rounds of the press, about the bandit, Jesse
+James: telling how, on one occasion, he went to a lonely farm house to
+commandeer a meal.  Entering, he found one woman, a widow, alone and
+weeping bitterly.  He asked her what was the matter, and she replied
+that, in one hour, the landlord was coming, and if she did not have her
+mortgage money, she would lose her little farm and home and be out in
+the world, shelterless.  The heart of the bandit was touched.  He gave
+her the money to pay off the mortgage, hid in the brush and held up the
+landlord on the way back.
+
+Need the moral be pointed?  We have been getting the mortgage money.
+During the first years of the War it rolled in, an ever-increasing
+golden stream, until we held a mortgage on numerous European nations.
+We have the mortgage money, but _beware of the way back!_
+
+Thus the agitation, in one nation, for disarmament, unpreparedness and a
+patched up peace, while the other nations are armed and embittered, not
+only renders the situation of the one people critically perilous, but
+actually cripples its power to serve the cause of world peace and
+humanity.  If only the peace-at-any-price people had to pay the price,
+one would be willing to wait and see what happened; but they never pay
+it, they take to cover.  It is those hundreds of thousands of splendid
+young men, going out blithely in obedience to duty, to be butchered, it
+is the millions of women and children, who cannot escape from a
+devastated area, who pay that price.
+
+Every people in the past that turned to money and mercenaries for
+defense has gone down.  No people ever survived that was unable and
+unwilling to fight for its liberties and spend, if necessary, the last
+drop of its blood for the principles it believed.
+
+
+
+
+
+X
+
+RECONSTRUCTION FROM THE WAR
+
+We have seen how impossible it is to forecast the new world that will
+follow the War, we know merely that it will be utterly new.
+Nevertheless, the great tendencies already at work we can partly discern
+and recognize something of what they promise.  It is well to try to see
+them, that we may be not too unready to welcome the opportunity and
+accept the burden of the world that is being born in pain.
+
+Peace and prosperity produce a peculiar type of conservatism.  People
+are then relatively free in action and expression, things are going well
+with them, and they are instinctively inclined to let well enough alone.
+Thus in thought they tend to a conservative inertia.
+
+On the other hand, in periods of great strain and suffering, as in war
+time, thought is stimulated, all ordinary views are broken down and the
+most radical notions are widely disseminated and even taken for granted
+by those who, shortly before, would have been scandalized by them.
+Action and certain phases of free speech are, in such a period, much
+more widely restrained by authority.  There is a swift and strong
+development of social control, urged by necessity.
+
+Thus, in war time, there is the curious paradox of ever widening
+radicalism in thought, with constantly decreasing freedom in action and
+expression. When the discrepancy becomes too great, you have the
+explosion--Revolution. This cause hastened and made more extreme the
+Russian Revolution, which had been simmering for a century.  It has not
+yet appeared in Germany because of the forty years of successful work in
+drilling the mind of the German people to march in goose-step; yet the
+increasing signs of questioning the infallibility of the existing regime
+and system in Germany give evidence that there, too, the conflict is at
+work.
+
+With ourselves, the opposition appears, as yet, only in minor degree.
+Nevertheless, it is here.  On the one hand, are the registration,
+conscription and espionage measures, the effort to control news, the
+governmental supervision of food supplies, transportation, production
+and corporation earnings, the war taxes.  On the other hand, thought is
+so stimulated that everything is questioned: our political system, our
+social institutions--marriage, the family, education.  As some one says,
+"Nothing is radical now."  We probably shall escape a sudden revolution,
+but the conflict must produce profound readjustment in every aspect of
+our life; for thought and action must come measurably together, since
+they are related as soul and body.
+
+There are singular eddies in the main current both ways.  For instance,
+the exigencies and sufferings of war produce a reaction toward narrower,
+orthodox forms of religion and a harsher spirit of nationalism; while in
+fields of action apart from the struggle, freedom and even license may
+increase, as in sex-relations.  Nevertheless these cross-currents, while
+they may obscure, do not alter the main tendencies, which move swiftly
+and increasingly toward the essential conflict.
+
+Even before our actual entrance into the War, its profound influence
+upon both our thinking and our conduct and institutions was evident.
+Now that we are in the conflict that influence is multiplied.  We are
+aroused to new seriousness of thought.  The frivolity and selfish
+pleasure-seeking that have marked our life for recent decades are
+decreasing.  We may reasonably hope that the literature of superficial
+cleverness and smart cynicism, which has been in vogue for the last
+period, will have had its day, that the perpetrators of such literature
+will be, measurably speaking, without audience at the conclusion of the
+War.
+
+The philosophy of complacency, at least, will be at an end, and the
+world will face with new earnestness the problem of life.  This
+generation will be tired, perhaps exhausted, by the titanic struggle;
+but youth comes on, fresh and eager, with exhaustless vital energy, and
+the generations to come will take the heritage and work out the new
+philosophy.  As Nature quickly and quietly covers the worst scars we
+make in her breast, so Man has a power of recovery, beyond all that we
+could dream.  It is to that we must look, across the time of demoniac
+destruction.
+
+We may even dare to hope that the next half-century will see a great
+development of noble literature in our own land.  War for liberty,
+justice and humanity always tends to create such a productive period in
+literature and the other fine arts.  The struggle with Persia was behind
+the Periclean age in Athens.  It was the conflict of England with the
+overshadowing might of Spain that so vitalized the Elizabethan period.
+The Revolution was behind the one important school of literature our own
+country has produced hitherto.
+
+Since this War is waged on a scale far more colossal than any other in
+human history, and since liberty and democracy are at stake, not only in
+one land, but throughout the world and for the entire future of
+humanity, it is reasonable to expect that the stimulation to the
+creation of art and literature will be far greater than that following
+any previous struggle. Where the sacrifice for high aims has been
+greatest, the inspiration should be greatest, as in France.  The
+literature currently produced, as in the books of Loti, Maeterlinck and
+Rolland, is scrappy and disappointing, it is true; but that is to be
+expected when the whole nation is strained to its last energy and
+gasping for breath, under the titanic struggle, and is no test of what
+will be.  In spite of the destruction of so large a fraction of her
+manhood, France will surely rise from the ashes of this world
+conflagration regenerated and reinspired.  The pessimism of her late
+decades will be gone.  The literature and other art she will produce
+will be instinct with new earnestness and exalted vision, and she may
+excel even her own great past.
+
+We too are awakening.  Since the War began, all over the United States,
+men and women have been thinking more earnestly and have been more
+willing to listen to the expression of serious thought than ever before
+for the last quarter century.  Now that the hour of sacrifice has
+struck, this earnestness must greatly deepen.  Perhaps we, too, may have
+our golden age of art.
+
+The same inspiration carries naturally into the religious life.  It is
+true, as we have seen, that there is a cross-current of reversion to
+narrower orthodoxy, caused by the War.  The Gods of War are all national
+and tribal divinities.  While they rule, the face of the God of Humanity
+is veiled. The Kaiser's possessive attitude toward the Divine is but the
+extreme case of what War does to the religious life.  Even among
+ourselves the tendency shows in such phenomena as the current popular
+evangelism--an eloquent, if artfully calculated and vulgarized preaching
+of the purely personal virtues, with an ignorance that there is a social
+problem in modern civilization, profound as that displayed by a
+mediaeval churchman. The evangelist's list of inmates, whom he relegates
+to the kingdom of the lost, makes the place singularly attractive to the
+lover of good intellectual society.
+
+Nevertheless, the reversion to narrower creeds but indicates the newly
+awakened hunger of the religious life.  Men who sacrifice live with
+graver earnestness than those who are carelessly prosperous.  Cynicism
+and pessimism are children of idleness and frivolity, never of heroic
+sacrifice and nobly accepted pain.  These latter foster faith in life
+and its infinite and eternal meaning.  Thus, with all the tragic
+submerging of our spiritual heritage the War involves, we may hope that
+it will cause a revival, not of emotional hysteria, but of deepened
+faith in the spirit, in the supreme worth of life, until at last we may
+see the dawn of the religion of humanity.
+
+
+
+
+XI
+
+THE WAR AND EDUCATION
+
+Equally far-reaching are the changes the War must produce in our
+education. Temporarily, our higher institutions will be crippled by the
+drawing off of the youth of the land for war.  This is one of the
+unfortunate sacrifices such a struggle involves.  We must see to it that
+it is not carried too far. One still hears old men in the South
+pathetically say, "I missed my education because of the Civil War."  Let
+us strive to keep open our educational institutions and continue all our
+cultural activities, in spite of the drain and strain of the War.  For
+never was intellectual guidance and leadership more needed than in the
+present crisis.
+
+The paramount effect of the War on education is, however, in the
+multiplied demand for efficiency.  This is the cry all across the
+country to-day, and, in the main, it is just.  Our education has been
+too academic, too much molded by tradition.  It must be more closely
+related to life and to the changed conditions of industry and commerce.
+Each boy and girl, youth and maiden, must leave the school able to take
+hold somewhere and make a significant contribution to the society of
+which he or she is an integral part.  Vocational training must be
+greatly increased.  The problems of the school must be increasingly
+practical problems, and thought and judgment must be trained to the
+solution of those problems.  This is all a part of that socialization of
+democracy which must be achieved if democracy is to survive in the new
+world following the War.
+
+There is, nevertheless, an element of emotional hysteria in the demand
+for efficiency and only efficiency.  Efficiency is too narrow a standard
+by which to estimate anything concerning human conduct and character.
+In the effort to meet and conquer Germany, let us beware of the mistake
+of Germany. One of the world tragedies of this epoch is the way in which
+Germany has sacrificed her spiritual heritage, first for economic, then
+for purely military efficiency.  When we recall that spiritual heritage,
+as previously described, when we think of Schiller, Herder and Goethe,
+Froebel, Herbart and Richter, Tauler, Luther and Schleiermacher, Kant,
+Fichte and Schopenhauer, Mozart, Beethoven and Wagner, we stand aghast
+at the way in which she has plunged it all into the abyss,--for what?
+Shall it profit a people, more than a man, if it gain the whole world
+and lose its own soul?
+
+In such a time, then, all of us who believe in the spirit must hold high
+the torch of humanistic culture.  Education is for life and not merely
+for efficiency.  Of what worth is life, if one is only a cog-wheel in
+the economic machine?  It is to save the spiritual heritage of humanity
+that we are fighting, and it is that heritage that education must bring
+to every child and youth, if it fulfills its supreme trust.  Education
+for the purposes of autocratic imperialism seeks to make a people a
+perfect economically productive and militarily aggressive machine.
+Education for democracy means the development of each individual to the
+most intelligent, self-directed and governed, unselfish and devoted,
+sane, balanced and effective humanity.
+
+
+
+
+
+XII
+
+SOCIALISM AND THE WAR
+
+One of the surprises of the War was the complete breakdown of
+international socialism.  Not only socialists, but those of us who had
+been thoughtfully watching the movement from without, had come to
+believe that the measure of consciousness of international brotherhood
+it had developed in the artisan groups of many lands, would be a
+powerful lever against war.  We were wrong: the superficial
+international sympathy evaporated like mist under the rays of a revived
+nationalism.  The socialists fell in line, almost as completely as any
+other group, with the purely nationalist aims in each land.
+
+This must have gratified certain despots; for one cause of the War, not
+the cause, was undoubtedly the preference on the part of various
+autocrats, to face an external war rather than the rising tide of
+democracy within the nation.  Temporarily, they have been successful,
+but surely only for a brief time.  The victory of democracy will vastly
+accelerate the growth of the spirit of brotherhood throughout the world.
+
+The terrible waste of the War must of itself produce a reaction of the
+people on kings and castes in all lands.  The suffering that will follow
+the War, in the period of economic readjustment, will accentuate this.
+Surely the _people_, in England, France, America, Italy, Russia, and
+among the neutral nations, will strive that no such war may come again.
+Even in Germany, when the people find out what they have paid and why,
+inevitably they must struggle so to reform their institutions that no
+ruler or class may again plunge them into such disaster for the selfish
+benefit or ambitions of that ruler or class.  How our hearts have warmed
+to Liebknecht!
+
+The realignment of nations must work to the same end.  War, like
+politics, makes strange bed-fellows.  Germany and Austria, for centuries
+rivals, and, at times, enemies, we behold united so completely that it
+is difficult to imagine them disentangled after the War.
+
+France and England, long regarding each other as natural enemies, are
+fused heart and soul.  Strangest of all, we have seen England struggling
+to win for Russia that prize of Constantinople, which for generations it
+has been a main object of British diplomacy to keep from Russian grasp.
+Most impressive of all, has been the new consciousness of unity and
+common cause among the nations of the earth, and the groups within all
+nations, standing for democracy.
+
+Thus the tide, checked for a time, will inevitably break forth with
+renewed force.  It is probable that the next fifty years will be a
+period of great change--even of revolutions, peaceful or otherwise,
+throughout the earth.
+
+To understand the effect on the whole socialist movement, one must
+distinguish clearly the two contrasting types of socialism.  It is the
+curse of the orthodox, or Marxian, type of socialism, that it was "made
+in Germany." Its economic state is modeled directly on the Prussian
+bureaucratic and paternalistic state.  Its dream realized, would mean
+Prussian efficiency carried to the _nth_ power, in a society of as
+merciless slavery as that prevailing among the ants and the bees.  It is
+doubtless this characteristic that has made so many bureaucratic or
+orthodox socialists instinctively Pro-German in sentiment and sympathy
+during the War.
+
+The contrasting type of socialism is that which is really the full
+development of democracy, its movement from a narrow individualism to
+ever wider voluntary co-operation.  It moves, not toward government
+ownership, but toward ownership by the people, of natural monopolies.
+It means, not the turning over to a bureaucratic government, of plants
+and instruments of production, but the progressive cooperative ownership
+of them by the workers themselves.  It will end, not in the overthrow of
+the capitalist regime, but in all workers becoming co-operative
+capitalists, and all capitalists, productive workers, since no idle
+rich--or poor, will be tolerated.  Such socialism, if it be so called,
+will depend upon the highest individual initiative, the most voluntary
+co-operation and will include the individualism which is the cherished
+boon of democracy.  It is significant that those who represent this type
+of socialism and who think for themselves, are breaking away from the
+orthodox party, under the courageous leadership and example of John
+Spargo, in increasing numbers, since our entrance into the War.  They
+are as instinctively American and democratic in sympathy, as those of
+the opposite type are Pro-German.
+
+Even in the most democratic countries, however, the War has caused a
+vast increase of the undesirable type of socialism: that is one of its
+temporary penalties.  To carry on such a war successfully, it is
+necessary to multiply the authority of the central government.  That has
+been the experience of England, now being repeated here.  Men, who were
+_citizens_ of a democracy, become, as soldiers, and in part as workers,
+_subjects_ of the government in war.  To some extent we are forced to
+imitate the tendencies we deplore and seek to overthrow in Germany, to
+be able to meet and defeat Germany.
+
+Even so, the difference is profound.  The subordination to the
+government is, for the people as a whole, voluntary, achieved through
+laws passed by chosen representatives of the people, and not by the
+arbitrary will of a kaiser and ruling caste.  Thus the freedom,
+voluntarily relinquished for a time, can be quickly regained when the
+crisis is past.  Subjects will become citizens again, when soldiers
+return to civil life.
+
+Nevertheless, there will be no return to the old, selfishly
+individualistic regime.  The lesson of organized action will have been
+learned, and a vast increase of voluntary co-operation, that is, of the
+socialism that is true democracy may be anticipated as a beneficent
+result of the War.  This will be one of the great compensations for the
+waste of our heritage, spiritual and material, through the War.  _The
+voluntary socialization of previously individualistic democracy will be
+the next great forward movement of the human spirit_.
+
+
+
+
+
+XIII
+
+THE WAR AND FEMINISM
+
+Of all consequences of the War, perhaps none is more significant than
+its effect upon the position of women.  Militarism and feminism are
+counter currents in the tide of history.  All recrudescence of brute
+force carries the subjugation of women.  In the degree to which
+professional militarism prevails in any society, women are forced into
+hard industrial activities, despised because fulfilled by women.  On the
+other hand, a group of carefully protected women is held apart as a fine
+adornment of life. Both ways militarism accentuates the property idea in
+reference to women: the one type, useful, the other, adorning, property.
+The one shows in marriage by purchase, the other in the dowry system.
+It is hard to say which is more dishonoring to women.  It would,
+perhaps, seem preferable and less offensive to be bought as useful,
+rather than accepted with a money payment, as an adorning but expensive
+possession, where, as with the automobile, "it is the upkeep that
+counts."  Surely, however, either attitude is degrading enough.
+
+The accentuation, in the present War, of the notion of women as
+property, is evident in more brutal form in the horrors of rape, in the
+deliberate and organized use of women as breeders, with the same
+efficiency with which Germany breeds her swine.
+
+Nevertheless, here, too, strong counter currents are at work.  As this
+is a war of nations, not of armies, it is the whole people that, in each
+instance, has had to be mobilized and organized.  In all the democracies
+women have voluntarily risen to this need, just as citizens have
+voluntarily become soldiers.  Thus women, by the legion, are working in
+munition factories, on the farms, in productive plants of every kind, in
+public service and commerce organizations.  The noble way in which women
+have accepted the double burden has created a wave of reverent
+admiration throughout the world.  Thus where professional militarism
+tends to despise the industrial activities into which it forces women,
+war for defense and justice causes reverence for the same socially
+necessary activities and for the women who so courageously undertake
+them for the sake of all.
+
+Moreover, the increased freedom of action for women will outlast its
+temporary cause.  Once so admitted to new fields of industrial, business
+and professional activity, women can never be generally excluded from
+them again.  Thus when the soldiers become citizens, many of the women
+will remain producers, working beside men under new conditions of
+equality.
+
+The result, with the general stimulation of radical thinking that the
+War involves, will be a profound acceleration of the feminist movement
+throughout, at least, the democracies of the world.  Already it is being
+recognized that all valid principles of democracy apply to women equally
+with men. Regenerated, if chaotic, Russia takes for granted the farthest
+reaches of feminism.  The regime in England, that bitterly opposed
+suffrage for women, is now voluntarily granting it before the close of
+the War.
+
+Thus the victory of the allied nations will mean the fruition of much of
+the feminism that is a phase of humanism.  It will mean freeing women
+from outgrown custom and tradition, from unjust limitations in
+industrial, social and political life.  It will mean men and women
+working together, on a plane of moral equality, with free initiative and
+voluntary co-operation, for the fruition of democracy.  Just as that
+fruition will see the end of idle rich and poor, so there will be no
+more women slaves or parasites, none regarded or possessed as property,
+but only free human beings, each self-directed and self-controlled, and
+responsible for his or her own personality and conduct.
+
+
+
+
+
+XIV
+
+THE TRANSFORMATION OF DEMOCRACY
+
+The nineteenth century was the period of rapid growth in adhesion to
+those ideals of democracy for which the War is being fought.  It is not
+so well recognized that during the same hundred years democracy was so
+transformed as to be to-day a new thing under the sun.
+
+Up to the time of the French and American revolutions democracy rested
+largely upon certain abstract ideas of human nature.  Rousseau could
+argue that in primitive times men sat down together to form a state,
+each giving up a part of his natural right to a central authority, and
+thus justifying it.  We now know that nothing of the kind ever happened,
+that society had undergone a long process of development before men
+began to think about it at all.  We continue to repeat the splendid at
+all. I refer, of course, to the women of antiquity.  Where respectable,
+these were the head of the household slaves, scarcely removed from the
+condition of the latter.  The few women who did achieve freedom of
+thought and action, and became the companions of cultivated men--the
+Aspasias of antiquity--bought their freedom at a sad price.
+
+So Rome is called a republic, and it is true that, during the first half
+of her long history, freedom gradually broadened down from the patrician
+class to the plebeian multitude.  When Rome reached out, however, to the
+mastery of the most impressive empire the world has seen, she never
+dreamed of extending that freedom to the conquered populations.  If she
+did grant Roman citizenship to an occasional community, to enjoy the
+rights and exercise the privileges of that citizenship, it was necessary
+to journey to Rome.  It was the city and the world: the city ruling the
+world as subject.
+
+The same principle holds with the republics developing at the close of
+the middle age, in Italy, in the towns of the Hanseatic League and
+elsewhere. Always the freedom achieved was for a city, a group or a
+class, never for all the people.  Our dream, on the contrary, is to take
+all the men and women in the land, ultimately in the world, and help
+them, through the free and cooperative activity of each with all the
+rest, on toward life, liberty, happiness, intelligence--all the ends of
+life that are worth while.  If we demand life for ourselves, we ask it
+only in harmony with the best life for all.  We want no special
+privilege, no benefit apart, bought at the price of the best welfare of
+humanity.  "We," unfortunately, does not yet mean all of us, but it does
+signify an increasing multitude, rallying to this that is the standard
+of to-morrow.
+
+A third transformation, at least equally important with these, is in the
+invention, for it is no less, of representative government.  Political
+thinkers, such as John Fiske, have tried to make us understand what this
+invention means: we do not yet realize it.  The development of
+representative government is the cause, first of all, of the tremendous
+expansion of the area over which we apply democracy.  Plato, in the
+_Laws_, limits the size of the ideal state--the one realizable in this
+world--to 5040 citizens.  Why?  Well, the exact number has a certain
+mystical significance, but the main reason is, Plato could not imagine a
+much larger body of citizens than 5000 meeting together in public
+assembly and fulfilling the functions of citizenship.
+
+We have extended democracy over a hundred millions of population,
+dwelling on the larger part of a continent; and if one travels North,
+South, East, West, to-day, one is impressed that, in spite of
+unassimilated elements, everywhere men and women are proud, first of
+all, of being American citizens, and only in subordinate ways devoted to
+the section or community to which they belong.  This has been made
+possible by the invention and development of representative government.
+
+That is not all: it is representative government that takes the sting
+out of all the older criticisms of democracy.  Plato devotes one of the
+saddest portions of his _Republic_ to showing how in a brief time,
+democracy must inevitably fall and be replaced by tyranny.  With the
+democracy Plato knew this was true.  It was impossible for Athens to
+protect and make permanent her constitution.  She might pass a law
+declaring the penalty of death on any one proposing a change in the
+constitution.  It did no good.  Let some demagogue arise, sure of the
+suffrage of a majority of the citizens: he could call them into public
+assembly, cause a repeal of the law, and make any change in the
+constitution he desired.  There was no way to prevent it.
+
+It is the invention and development of representative government that
+has changed all that.  We chafe under the slow-moving character of our
+democracy--over the time it takes to get laws enacted and the longer
+time to get them executed.  We may well be patient: this slow-moving
+character of democracy is the other side of its greatest safe-guard.  It
+is because we cannot immediately express in action the popular will and
+opinion, but must think two, three, many times, working through chosen
+and responsible representatives of the people, that our democracy is not
+subject to the perils and criticisms of those of antiquity.
+
+The voice of the people in the day and hour, under the impulse of sudden
+caprice or passion, is anything but the voice of God: it is much more
+apt to be the voice of all the powers of darkness.  It is common
+thought, sifted through uncommon thought, that approaches as near the
+voice of God as we can hope to get in this world.  It is not the surface
+whim of public opinion, it is its _greatest common denominator_ that
+approximates the truth.
+
+It behooves us to remember this at a time when changes are coming with
+such swiftness.  Our life has developed so rapidly that the old
+political forms proved inadequate to the solution of the new problems.
+As a practical people, we therefore quickly adopted or invented new
+forms. Doubtless this is, in the main, right, but we should understand
+clearly what we are doing.
+
+For instance, one of the great changes, recently inaugurated, is the
+election of national senators by popular vote.  Our forefathers planned
+that the national upper house should represent a double sifting of
+popular opinion. We elected state legislatures; they, in turn, chose the
+national senators: thus these were twice removed from the popular will.
+It proved easy to corrupt state legislatures; the national senate came
+to represent too much the moneyed interests; and so, through an
+amendment to the constitution, we changed the process, and now elect our
+senators by direct vote of the people.  This makes them more immediately
+representative of the popular will, and perhaps the change was wise; but
+we should recognize that we have removed one more safe-guard of
+democracy.
+
+A story, told for a generation, and fixed upon various British
+statesmen, will illustrate my meaning.  The last repetition attributed
+it to John Burns. On one occasion, while he was a member of Parliament,
+it is said he was at a tea-party in the West End of London.  The
+hostess, pouring his cup of tea, anxious to make talk and show her deep
+interest in politics, said, "Mr. Burns, what is the use of the house of
+Lords anyway?"  The statesman, without replying, poured his tea from the
+cup into the saucer.  The hostess, surprised at the breach of etiquette,
+waited, and then said, "but Mr. Burns, you didn't answer my question."
+He pointed to the tea, cooling in the saucer: that was the function, to
+cool the tea of legislation.  That was the function intended for our
+national senate.  The trouble was, the tea of legislation often became
+so stone cold in the process that it was fit only for the political
+slop-pail, and that was not what we wanted.  So we have changed it all,
+but one more safe-guard of democracy is gone.
+
+So with other reforms, loudly acclaimed, as the initiative and
+referendum. With the new problems and complications of an
+extraordinarily developed life, it is doubtless wise that the people
+should be able to initiate legislation and should have the final word as
+to what legislation shall stand.  On the other hand, if we are not to
+suffer under a mass of hasty and ill-considered legislation, if laws are
+to stand, they must always be formulated by a body of trained
+legislators, and not by the changing whim of popular opinion.
+
+So with the recall, now so widely demanded in many sections of the
+country. In the old days, our candidates were most obsequious and
+profuse in promises to their constituents _before_ election; but once
+elected, only too often they turned their backs on their constituents,
+went merrily their own way, making deals and bargains, in the spirit
+that "to the victor belong the spoils."  Therefore we justly demanded
+some control of them, after, as before, election: hence the recall.
+Again the movement is right; but if the fundamentals of democracy are to
+be permanent, that body of men, concerned with the interpretation of the
+constitution and the fundamental law of the land, must not be subject to
+the immediate whim of mob mind, and the power to recall those judges
+occupied with this task would be a graver danger than advantage.  They
+will make mistakes, at times they will be ultra conservative and
+servants of special interests, but that is one of the incidental prices
+we have to pay for the permanence of free institutions.  The problem is
+to keep the basic principles of democracy unchanged, the forms on the
+surface as fluid and adjustable as possible.
+
+It is these three transformations--the abandonment of the old abstract
+notions and the testing of democracy by its results, the expansion of
+its application over the entire population, and the invention and
+development of representative government--it is these three changes that
+make our democracy a new order of society, new in its problems, its
+menaces, its solutions.
+
+
+
+
+
+XV
+
+DEMOCRACY AND EDUCATION
+
+All just government is a transient device to make ordered progress
+possible. In the kingdom of heaven there would be no government, for if
+all human beings saw the best, loved the best and willed the best, the
+function of government would be at an end.  Obviously there is no hope
+or fear that we shall get into the kingdom of heaven soon, and the
+necessity for government will exist for an indefinitely long time.
+Nevertheless, government is due to the imperfection of human nature and,
+as stated, its aim is ordered progress.  Progress without order is
+anarchy; order without progress is stagnation and death.
+
+It must frankly be admitted, moreover, that democracy is not the
+shortest road to good government nor to economic efficiency.  That we
+recognize this as a people is proved by the drift of our opinion and of
+the changes in our lesser institutions.  Take, for instance, our city
+government. A few decades ago our cities were so notoriously misgoverned
+that they were the scandal of the world.  Our boards of aldermen or
+councilmen, representing ward constituencies, with all sorts of local
+strings tied to them, were clumsy and unwieldy and easily subject to
+corruption.
+
+So, about twenty years ago, all across the country went the cry, "Get a
+good mayor, and give him a free hand."  That is the way our great
+industries are conducted: a wise captain of industry is secured and
+given full control. Being a practical people, and imagining ourselves to
+be much more practical than really we are, we said, let us conduct our
+city business in the same way. Why not?  Plato showed long ago that you
+can get the best government in the shortest time by getting a good
+tyrant, and giving him a free hand.
+
+There arc just two objections.  The first is incidental: it is
+exceedingly difficult to keep your tyrant good.  Arbitrary authority
+over one's fellows is about the most corrupting influence known to man.
+No one is great and good enough to be entrusted with it.  Responsible
+power sobers and educates, irresponsible power corrupts.  Nevertheless
+we pay the price of this error and learn the lesson.
+
+The other objection is more significant.  It is the effect on the rank
+and file of the citizenship, for the meaning of democracy is not
+immediate results in government, but the education of the citizen, and
+that education can come only by fulfilling the functions of citizenship.
+Thus it is better to be the free citizen of a democracy, with all the
+waste and temporary inefficiency democracy involves, than to be the
+inert slave of the most perfect paternal despotism ever devised by man.
+Thus the movement away from democratic city government is gravely to be
+questioned, no matter what economic results it secures.
+
+The same argument applies to more recent changes, as the commission form
+of city government.  As in the previous case, reacting upon the
+scandalous situation, we said, "Let us choose the three to five best men
+in the community, and let them run the city's business for us."  Nearly
+every time this change has been made, the result has been an immediate
+cleaning up of the city government; but why?  Chiefly because "a new
+broom sweeps clean,"--not so much for the reason that it is new, as
+because you are interested in the instrument.  You can get a dirty room
+remarkably clean with an old broom, if you will sweep hard enough.  The
+cleaning up is due, not primarily to the instrument, but to the hand
+that wields it.
+
+To speak less figuratively: the cleaning up of the city government with
+the inauguration of the commission system, came because the change was
+made by an awakening of the good people of the community.  Good people
+have a habit, however, of going to sleep in an astoundingly short time;
+but _the gang never sleeps_.  Now suppose, while the good people are
+dozing in semi-somnolence, assured that the new broom will sweep of
+itself, the gang gets together and elects the three to five worst
+gangsters in the city to be the commission?  Is it not evident that the
+very added efficiency of the instrument means greater graft and
+corruption?
+
+Equally the argument applies to the most recent device suggested--the
+city manager plan.  As we have largely taken our schools out of
+politics, and have a non-partisan educational expert as superintendent,
+so it is suggested we should conduct our city business.  Again, suppose
+the gang appoints the city manager: he will be an expert in graft,
+rather than in government.
+
+The moment a people gets to trusting to a device it is headed for
+danger. There is just one safeguard of democracy, and that is _to keep
+the good people awake and at the task all the time_.  Some instruments
+are better and some are worse, but the instrument never does the work,
+it is the hand and brain that wield it.
+
+If there is one field where we could reasonably expect to find pure
+democracy, it is in our higher educational institutions.  In a college
+or university, where a group of young men and women, and a group of
+older men and women are gathered apart, out of the severer economic
+struggle, dedicated to ideal ends: there, surely, we could expect pure
+democracy in organization and relationship; yet the tendency has been
+steadily toward autocracy.  One can count the fingers of both hands and
+not cover the list of college and university presidents who have taken
+office during the last fifteen years, only on condition that they have
+complete authority over the educational policy of the institution, and
+often over its financial policy as well.  The reason is obvious: we run
+a railroad efficiently by getting a good president and giving him
+arbitrary control; why not a university?
+
+There are just the two objections cited above: even in a university, it
+is difficult to keep your tyrant good.  This, again, is the minor
+objection.  The real evil is in the effect upon the rank and file of
+those governed by the autocrat.  There are men in university faculties
+to-day who say, privately, that if they could get any other opportunity,
+they would resign to-morrow, for they feel like clerks in a department
+store, with no opportunity to help determine the educational policy of
+the institutions of which they are integral parts.
+
+The German university, under all the autocracy and bureaucracy of the
+German state, is more democratic in its organization than our own. Its
+faculty is a self-governing body, electing to its own membership. The
+Rectorship is an honor conferred for the year on some faculty member for
+superior worth and scholarship.  Each member of the faculty may thus
+feel the self-respect and dignity, resulting from the power and
+initiative he possesses as a free citizen of the institution.
+
+Let me suggest what would be the ideal democratic organization of a
+college or university.  Why not apply the same division of functions of
+government that has proved so successful in the state?  The board of
+Trustees is the natural judiciary; the President, the executive.  The
+faculty is the legislative body, with the student body as a sort of
+lower house, cooperating in enacting the legislation for its own
+government.  Where has such a plan been tried?
+
+If the primary purpose of democracy is thus, not immediate results in
+government, but the education of the citizen, on the other hand,
+democracy rests, for its safety and progress, on the ever better
+education of the citizen.  Under the older forms of human society, laws
+may be passed and executed that are far in advance of public opinion.
+That cannot be done in a democracy.  The law may be a slight step in
+advance, and so perhaps educate public opinion to its level; but if it
+goes beyond that step, after the first flurry of interest in the law is
+past, it remains a dead letter on the statute books--worse than useless,
+because cultivating that dangerous disrespect for all law, which we have
+seen growing upon us as a people.
+
+Thus from either side, the problem of democracy is a problem of
+education. It rests upon education, its aim is education.  In a
+democracy, the supreme function of the state is, not to establish a
+military system for defense, or a police system for protection, it is
+not the enforcement of public and private contract: it is to take the
+children and youth of each generation and develop them into men and
+women able to fulfill the responsibility and enjoy the opportunity of
+free citizenship in a free society.
+
+
+
+
+
+XVI
+
+MENACES OF DEMOCRACY
+
+Since modern democracy is a new thing under the sun, so its menaces are
+new, or, if old, they take misleadingly new forms.  For instance, the
+greatest danger in the path of our democracy is the world-old evil of
+selfishness, but it does take surprisingly new form.  It is not
+aggressive selfishness that we have primarily to dread.  There are
+those, it is true, who believe we may soon be endangered by the
+ambitions of some arrogant leader in the nation.  The fear is
+unwarranted, for our people are still so devoted to the fundamental
+principles of democracy, that if any leader were to take one clear step
+toward over-riding the constitution and making himself despot, that step
+would be his political death-blow.  No, we are not yet endangered by the
+aggressive ambitions of those at the front, but we are in grave danger
+from the negative selfishness of indifference, shown in its worst form
+by just those people who imagine they are good because they are
+respectable, whereas they may be merely good--for nothing.
+
+Plato argued that society could never have patriotism in full measure
+until the family was abolished.  A singular notion that any school boy
+to-day can readily answer, yet here is the curious situation.  Family
+life, among ourselves, in its better aspects, has reached a higher plane
+than ever before in any people.  More marriages are made on the only
+decent basts of any marriage.  This is the woman's land.  Children have
+their rights and privileges, even to their physical, mental and moral
+detriment.  It is here that men most willingly sacrifice for their
+families, slaving through the hot summer in the cities, to send wife and
+children to the seashore or the mountains; yet it is just here that men
+most readily unhinge their consciences when they turn from private to
+public life.
+
+Some cynic has said that there is not an American citizen who would not
+smuggle to please his wife.  Of course the statement is not true, but if
+you have ever crossed the ocean on a transatlantic liner, and watched
+the devices to which ordinarily decent men--men who would be ashamed to
+steal your pocket handkerchief or to lie to you as an individual--will
+resort, in order to lie to the government or steal from the government,
+you begin to wonder if the cynic was not right.  The law, obviously, may
+be unjust: if so, protest against it and seek to have it changed, but
+while it is the law, does it not deserve your respectful obedience,
+unless you would add to the dangerously growing disrespect for all law?
+
+Next to the menace of selfishness is that of ignorance, and this, too,
+takes confusingly new form.  It is not ignorance of scientific fact and
+law, dangerous as that is, that threatens, but ignorance of what our
+institutions mean, of what they have cost, of the ideal for which we
+stand among the nations.  The celerity with which, even during the past
+two decades, the younger generation has abandoned old standards and
+ideals, is an ominous illustration.  It is true:
+
+"New occasions teach new duties, time makes ancient goods uncouth; 'They
+must upward still, and onward, who would keep abreast of Truth."
+
+Those words of Lowell's are as fully applicable to the present crisis,
+as to that for which Lowell wrote them; but to give up the past, without
+knowing that you are letting go, is surely not the part of wisdom.
+
+A third menace shows in that fickleness of temper and false standard of
+life that cause us to admire the wrong type of leader.  Probably one
+half of all the attacks on men of unusual wealth and success come from
+other men, who would like to be in the same situation with those they
+attack, and have failed of their ambition.  Part of the attack is
+sincere, no doubt, but if you assumed that all the abuse heaped upon
+conspicuous men came from moral conviction, you would utterly misread
+the situation.
+
+On the other hand, men of moral excellence make us ashamed.  Now it
+takes a rarely magnanimous spirit to be shamed and not resent it.  We
+are apt to feel that, if we can pull another down, we raise ourselves.
+To realize this, consider the growl of joy that comes from the worse
+sort of citizen and newspaper when some public leader is caught in a
+private scandal.  As if pulling him down, raised us!  We are all tarred
+with his disgrace.  There are, indeed, two ways of stating the ideal of
+democracy: you can say, "I am just as good as any one else," which in
+the first place, is not true, and, in the second, would be unlovely of
+you to express, were it true.  You can say, on the contrary, "Every
+other human being ought to have just as good a chance as I have," which
+is right; and yet you will hear the ideal of democracy phrased a dozen
+times the first way, where it is expressed once in the second form.
+
+That democracies are fickle is one of the oldest criticisms upon them.
+We had thought that we were not subject to that criticism, and in the
+old days we were not.  We had the country debating club and the village
+lyceum.  We were an agricultural people, sober and slow-moving. We had
+few books, they were good books and we read them many times. We had few
+newspapers, we knew the men who wrote in them, and when we read an
+editorial, our mind was actively challenged by the sincere thinking of
+another mind.
+
+To-day, everywhere, we have moved into the cities.  The strength of the
+country-side is sobriety and slow incubation of the forces of life. Its
+vice is stupidity.  The strength of the city is keen wittedness,
+versatility, quick response.  Its vice is fickleness, morbidity,
+exhaustion.  We have our great blanket sheet newspapers, representing a
+party, a clique, a financial interest, with writers lending their brains
+out, for money, to write editorials for causes in which they do not
+believe.  We have the multitude of books, incessantly and hastily
+produced; we read much, and scarcely think at all.  We have got rid of
+the old "three decker" novel, reduced it to a single volume, and then
+taken out the climax of the story, publishing it in the corner of the
+daily newspaper, as the short story of the day, so that he who runs may
+read.  If he is a wise man he will run as fast as he can and not read
+that stuff at all.  We have our ever increasing "movies," with their
+incessant titillation of the mind with swift passing impressions, as
+disintegrating to intellectual concentration, as they are injurious to
+the eyes.  The result of it all is an increasing fickleness of temper,
+so that the same people who shout most loudly when the popular hero goes
+by, the next week cover his very name with vituperation and abuse, if he
+offends their slightest whim.
+
+This evil breeds another: fickleness in the people means demagoguery in
+the leader, inevitably.  We have said to our public men--not in words,
+but by the far more impressive language of our conduct--"get money,
+power, success, and we will give you more money, power and success, and
+not ask you how you got them nor what ends you serve in using them."
+That so many have refused the bribe is to their credit, not ours; we
+have done what we could to corrupt them.
+
+Finally, we are the most irreverent people in the world.  We believe in
+youth, we scorn age.  We have splendid enthusiasm, we do not know what
+wisdom means.  One hears college presidents say--half jokingly, of
+course--that there is no use appointing a man over thirty to the faculty
+these days.  So one hears Christian ministers, in those denominations
+where the minister is called by the particular church, say there is no
+use trying to get another call after one is fifty!  Of course, it is not
+true, but it is true enough to be a serious criticism upon us.  For what
+other vocation is there where the mellowness that comes only from time
+and long experience, from presiding at weddings and standing beside open
+graves, sharing the joys and sorrows of innumerable persons, is so
+indispensable, as in the pastor, the physician of the spirit?  Still, we
+will turn out some wise, shy, mellow old man, just ripened to the point
+of being the true minister to the souls of others, and replace him with
+a recent graduate of a theological school, because the latter can talk
+the language of the higher criticism or whatever else happens to
+interest us for the moment.  Obviously, we pay the price, but think what
+it indicates of our civilization.
+
+
+
+
+
+XVII
+
+THE DILEMMA OF DEMOCRACY
+
+We have seen that the gravest menaces of democracy are the faults in
+mind and character in the multitude.  Selfishness, fickleness,
+ignorance, irreverence in the people, with demagoguery in the leader--
+these are the menaces of American democracy.  How then can the people be
+trusted, since democracy depends upon trusting them?  This is an old
+indictment, searching to the very heart of democracy.  Plato made it of
+ancient Athens, while, more recently and trenchantly, Ibsen has made it
+for all modern society.
+
+The argument runs thus: democracy means the rule of the majority.  Well,
+there are more fools than wise men in the world, more ignorant than
+intelligent.  Thus the rule of the majority must mean the rule of the
+fools over the wise men, of the ignorant over the intelligent.  Such is
+the significant indictment, and we are compelled to admit that our
+political life is filled with illustrations that would seem to
+substantiate it. The ward bosses, the demagogues and grafters who are
+given power by the multitude, one campaign after another, would seem to
+justify the pessimism of Plato and Ibsen.
+
+Is there not, however, a subtle fallacy in the very phrasing of the
+indictment?  The majority does not "rule": it elects representatives who
+guide.  That is something entirely different.  When the worst is said of
+them those representatives of the people are distinctly above the
+average of the majorities electing them.  Take the roll of our
+presidents, for instance.  With all the corruption and vulgarity of our
+national politics, that list, from Washington, through such altitudes as
+Jefferson and Lincoln, to the present occupant of the White House, is
+superior to any roster of kings or emperors in the history of mankind.
+
+What does this mean?  It means that _the hope of democracy is the
+instinctive power in the breast of common humanity to recognize the
+highest when it appears_.  Were this not true, democracy would be the
+most hopeless of mistakes, and the sooner we abandoned it, with its
+vulgarity and waste, the better it would be for us.  The instinctive
+power is there, however: to recognize, not to live, the highest.
+
+How many have followed the example of Socrates, remaining in prison and
+accepting the hemlock poison for the sake of truth?  Yet all who know of
+him thrill to his sacrifice.  Of all who have borne the name, Christian,
+how many have followed consistently the footsteps of Jesus and obeyed
+literally and unvaryingly the precepts of the Sermon on the Mount?  Of
+the millions, perhaps ten or twenty individuals--to be generous in our
+view; but _all the world recognizes him_.
+
+Here, then, is the hope that takes the sting from the indictment of
+Plato, Ibsen and how many other critics of democracy.  Plato said,
+"Until philosophers are kings, . . . cities will never have rest from
+their evils,--no, nor the human race, as I believe."  Once, perhaps once
+only, Plato's dream was realized: in that noblest of philosopher
+emperors, wholly dedicated to the welfare of the world he ruled with
+autocratic power; yet the soul of Marcus Aurelius was burdened with an
+impossible task. It is one of the tragic ironies of history that, in
+this one realization of Plato's lofty dream, the noble emperor could
+postpone, he could not avert, the colossal doom that threatened the
+world he ruled.  So he wrapped his Roman cloak about him and lay down to
+sleep, with stoic consciousness that he had done his part in the place
+where Zeus had put him, but relieved that he might not see the disaster
+he knew must swiftly come.
+
+How different our dream: it is no illusion of a happy accident of
+philosopher kings.  We want no arbitrary monarchs, wise or brutal: from
+the noblest of emperors to the butcher of Berlin, we would sweep them
+all aside, to the ash-heap of outworn tools.  Our dream is the awakening
+and education of the multitude, so that the majority will be able and
+glad to choose, as its guides, leaders and representatives, the noblest
+and best.  When that day comes, there will be, for the first time in the
+history of mankind, the dawn of a true _aristocracy_ or rule of the
+best; and it will come through the fulfillment of democracy. A long and
+troubled path, with many faults and evils meantime?  Yes, but not so
+hopelessly long, when one considers the ages of slow struggle up the
+mountain and the swiftly multiplying power of education over the mind of
+all.
+
+
+
+
+
+XVIII
+
+PATERNALISM VERSUS DEMOCRACY
+
+The contrast between paternalism and democracy in aim and method is thus
+extreme.  Paternalism seeks directly organization, order, production and
+efficiency, incidentally and occasionally the welfare of the subject
+population.  Democracy seeks directly the highest development of all men
+and women, their freedom, happiness and culture, in the end it hopes
+this will give social order, good government and productive power.  It
+is willing, meantime, to sacrifice some measure of order for freedom, of
+good government for individual initiative, of efficiency for life.
+Paternalism seeks to achieve its aims, quickly and effectively, through
+the boss's whip of social control.  Democracy works by the slower, but
+more permanently hopeful path of education, never sacrificing life to
+material ends.  Paternalism ends in a social hierarchy, materially
+prosperous, but caste-ridden and without soul.  Democracy ends in the
+abolishment of castes, equality of opportunity, with the freest
+individual initiative and finest flowering of the personal spirit. Which
+shall it be: God or Mammon, Men or Machines?
+
+There is no doubt that efficiency can be achieved most quickly under a
+well-wielded boss's whip, but at the sacrifice of initiative and
+invention. Moreover, remove the whip, and the efficiency quickly goes to
+pieces. On the other hand, the efficiency achieved by voluntary effort
+and free cooperation comes much more slowly, but it lasts.  Moreover, it
+develops, hand in hand, with initiative and invention.
+
+The negro, doubtless, has never been so generally efficient as before
+the civil war, in the South, under the overseer's whip; yet every negro
+who, to-day, has character enough to save up and buy a mule and an acre
+of ground, tills it with a consistent and permanent effectiveness of
+which slave labor is never capable.  In the one case, moreover, there is
+the average economic result, in the other, the gradual development of
+manhood.
+
+Organize a factory on the feudal lines so prevalent in current industry.
+Get a strong, dominating superintendent and give him autocratic
+authority. Quickly he will show results.  Always, however, there is the
+danger of strikes, and if the strong hand falters, the organization
+disintegrates. On the other hand, let a corporation take its artisans
+into its confidence, give each a small proportionate share in the annual
+earnings.  Each worker will feel increasingly that the business is his
+business.  He will take pride in his accomplishment.  Gradually he will
+attain efficiency, and work permanently, without oversight, with a
+consistent earnestness no boss's whip ever attained,
+
+The experience of the National Cash Register Company at Dayton, Ohio,
+proves this.  The experiments of Henry Ford are a step toward the same
+solution.  So, in lesser measure, is the plan of the Steel trust to
+permit and encourage its employees to purchase annually its stock,
+somewhat below the current market price, giving a substantial bonus if
+the stock is held over ten years.
+
+If you wish an illustration on a larger scale, consider the mass
+formation tactics of the German soldiers, in contrast to the individual
+courage, initiative and action of the French.  There are the two types
+of efficiency in sheerest contrast, but beyond is always the question of
+their effect on manhood.  France has saved and regenerated her soul; but
+Germany--?
+
+Further, the breakdown of paternalistically achieved efficiency has been
+evident in Germany's utter failure to understand the mind of other
+peoples, particularly of democracies.  She had voluminous data, gathered
+by the most atrociously efficient spy system ever developed, yet she
+utterly misread the mind of France, England and the United States.  The
+same break-down is evident in Germany's failure in colonization in
+contrast to England's success.
+
+For offensive war, it must be admitted, the efficiency under the boss's
+whip will go further.  For defensive war, or war for high moral aims, it
+is desirable that the individual soldier should think for himself,
+respond to the high appeal.  Thus for such warfare the efficiency of
+voluntary effort and cooperation is superior.  An autocracy would better
+rule its soldiers by a military caste; there can be no excuse for such
+in a democracy.  Thus, the utmost possible fraternization of officers
+and men is desirable, and social snobbery, the snubbing of officers who
+come up from the ranks, and other anachronistic survivals, should be
+stamped out, as utterly foreign to what should be the spirit of the
+military arm of democracy.
+
+Further, in estimating the two types, one must remember that paternalism
+may exercise its power in secret and that it accomplishes much in the
+dark. Democracy, on the other hand, is afflicted and blessed with
+pitiless publicity.  Thus its evils are all exposed, it washes all its
+dirty linen in public; but the main thing is to get it clean.
+
+When it comes to invention and initiative, as already indicated,
+democracy has the advantage, immediately, as in the long run.  We are
+the most inventive people on earth, and that quality is a direct result
+of our democratic individualism.  It is a significant fact that most of
+the startling inventions used in this War were made in America--but
+_developed and applied in Germany._  There, again, are evident the
+contrasting results of the two types of social organization.  The
+indefatigably industrious and docile German mind can work out and apply
+the inventions furnished it, with marvelous persistency and
+effectiveness, under paternal control. We have the problem of achieving
+by voluntary effort and cooperation a persistent thoroughness in working
+out the ideas and inventions that come to us in such abundant measure.
+
+The path of democracy is education.
+
+
+
+
+XIX
+
+THE SOLUTION FOR DEMOCRACY
+
+When we say that the path of democracy is education, we do not mean that
+there is an easy solution of its problem.  There is no patent medicine
+we can feed the American people and cure it of its diseases.  There is
+no specific for the menaces that threaten.  Eternal vigilance and effort
+are the price, not only of liberty, but of every good of man.  Let
+things alone, and they get bad; to keep them good, we must struggle
+everlastingly to make them better.  Leave the pool of politics unstirred
+by putting into it ever new individual thought and ideal, and how
+quickly it becomes a stagnant, ill-smelling pond.  Leave a church
+unvitalized, by ever fresh personal consecration, and how quickly it
+becomes a dead form, hampering the life of the spirit.  Leave a
+university uninfluenced by ever new earnestness and devotion on the part
+of student and teacher, and how soon it becomes a scholastic machine,
+positively oppressing the mind and spirit.
+
+There is a true sense in which the universe exists momentarily by the
+grace of God.  Take light away, and you have darkness.  Take darkness
+away, and you have not necessarily light; you might have chaos. Take
+health away, and you have disease.  Take disease away, and you have not
+necessarily health; you may have death.  Take virtue away, and you have
+vice.  Take vice away, and you have not necessarily virtue; you might
+have negative respectability.  Thus it is the continual affirmation of
+the good that keeps the heritage of yesterday and takes the step toward
+to-morrow.
+
+Nevertheless, if there is no easy solution of the problem, there are
+certain big lines of attack.  If we are right in our diagnosis, that the
+problem of democracy is a problem of education, then our whole system of
+education, for child, youth and adult, should be reconstructed to focus
+upon the building of positive and effective moral personality.
+
+American education began as a subsidiary process.  Children got organic
+education in the home, on the farm, in the work shop.  They went to
+school to get certain formal disciplines, to learn to read, write and
+cipher and to acquire formal grammar.  With the moving into the cities,
+the industrial revolution and the entire transformation of our life, the
+school has had to take over more and more of the process of organic
+education. If children fail to get such education in the school, they
+are apt to miss it altogether.
+
+With this entire change in the meaning of the school, old notions of its
+purpose still survive.  Probably no one is so benighted to-day as to
+imagine that the chief function of the school is to fill the mind with
+information; but there are many who still hold to the tradition that the
+chief purpose of education is to sharpen the intellectual tools of the
+individual for the sake of his personal success.  This notion is a
+misleading survival, for tools are of value only in terms of the
+character using them.  The same equipment may serve, equally, good or
+bad ends.  Only as education focusses on the development of positive and
+effective moral character can it aid in solving the problem of
+democracy.
+
+Need it be added that this does not mean teaching morals and manners to
+children, thirty minutes a day, three times a week?  That is a minor
+fragment of moral education.  It means that all phases of the process--
+the relation of pupil and teacher, school and home, the government and
+discipline, the lessons taught in every subject, the environment, the
+proportioning of the curriculum, of physical, emotional and intellectual
+culture--all shall be focussed and organized upon the one significant
+aim of the whole--_character_.
+
+Further, if education is to overcome the menaces and solve the dilemma
+of democracy, it must be carried beyond childhood and youth and outside
+the walls of academic institutions.  The ever wider education of adult
+citizenship is indispensable to the progress and safety of democracy. It
+is one of the glaring illustrations of the inefficiency of our democracy
+that there are still communities where school boards build school houses
+with public money, open them five or six hours, five days in the week,
+and refuse to allow them to be opened any other hour of the day or
+night, for a civic forum, parents' meeting, public lecture or other
+activity of adult education; and yet we call ourselves a practical
+people!  Surely, in a democracy, the state is as vitally interested in
+the education of the adult citizen as of the child.
+
+Herein is the significance of those various extensions of education,
+developing and spreading so widely to-day.  University-extension and
+Chautauqua movements, civic forums, free lectures to the people by
+boards of education and public libraries, summer schools, night schools
+for adults--all are illustrations of this movement, so vital to the
+progress of democracy.  Through these instrumentalities the popular
+ideal may be elevated, the public mind may be trained to more logical
+and earnest thought, citizenship may be made more serious and
+intelligent, and finally a most helpful influence may be exerted on the
+academic institutions themselves.  It is an easily verifiable truth that
+any academic institution that builds around itself an enclosing
+scholastic wall, refuses to go outside and serve and learn in the larger
+world of humanity, in the long run inevitably dies of academic dry rot.
+
+In the endeavor to solve the problem of democracy cannot we do more than
+we have done hitherto in cultivating reverence for moral leadership--the
+quality so much needed in democracy at the present hour?  This may be
+achieved through many aspects of education, but especially through
+contact with noble souls in literature and history.  History, above all,
+is the great opportunity, and, from this point of view, is it not
+necessary to rewrite our histories: instead of portraying solely
+statesmen and warriors, to fill them with lofty examples of leadership
+in all walks of life?
+
+Women as well as men: for surely ideals of both should be fostered. A
+colleague, interested in this problem, recently took one of the most
+widely used text-books of American history, and counted the pages on
+which a woman was mentioned.  Of the five hundred pages, there were
+four: not four pages devoted to women; but four mentioning a woman.
+What does it mean: that women have contributed less than one part in a
+hundred and five to the development of American life?  Surely no one
+would think that.  What, then, are the reasons for the discrepancy?
+There are several, but one may be mentioned: men have written the
+histories, and they have written chiefly of the two fields of action
+where men have been most important and women least, war and
+statesmanship.  Surely, however, if American history is to reveal the
+American spirit, exercise the contagion of noble ideals and develop
+reverence for true moral leadership, it must present types of both
+manhood and womanhood in all fields of action and endeavor.
+
+One who has stood with Socrates in the common criminal prison in Athens
+and watched him drink the hemlock poison, saying "No evil can happen to
+a good man in life or after death," who has heard the oration of Paul on
+Mars Hill or that of Pericles over the Athenian dead, who has thrilled
+to the heroism of Joan of Arc and Edith Cavell, the noble service of
+Elizabeth Fry and Florence Nightingale, the high appeal of Helen Hunt
+Jackson and Elizabeth Barrett Browning, who has heard Giordano Bruno
+exclaim as the flames crept up about him, "I die a martyr, and
+willingly," who has responded to the calm elevation of Marcus Aurelius,
+the cosmopolitan wisdom of Goethe, the sweet gentleness of Maeterlinck's
+spirit and the titan dreams of Ibsen, can scarcely fail to appreciate
+the brotherhood of all men and to learn that reverence for the true
+moral leader, that dignifies alike giver and recipient.
+
+
+
+
+XX
+
+TRAINING FOR MORAL LEADERSHIP
+
+Since the path of democracy is education, moral leadership is more
+necessary to it, than in any other form of society; yet there are
+exceptional obstacles to its development.  We speak of "the white light
+that beats upon a throne": it is nothing compared to the search light
+played upon every leader of democracy.  With our lack of reverence, we
+delight in pulling to pieces the personalities of those who lead us.
+Thus it is increasingly difficult to get men of sensitive spirit to pay
+the price of leadership for democracy.
+
+Is it not possible to do more than we have done, consciously to develop
+such leadership?  Where is it trained?  In life, the college and
+university, the normal school, the schools of law, medicine and
+theology.  Yes, but if not one boy and girl in ten graduates from the
+high school, surely we want one man and woman in ten to fulfill some
+measure of moral leadership, and the high school is directly concerned
+with the task of furnishing such leadership for American democracy.
+
+If that is true, is it not a pity that the high school is so largely
+dominated from above by the demand of the college upon the entering
+freshman?  It is not to be taken for granted that the particular regimen
+of studies, best fitting the student to pass the entrance examinations
+of a college or university, is the best possible for the nine out of ten
+students, who go directly from the high school into the world, and must
+fulfill some measure of moral leadership for American democracy.  The
+presumption is to the contrary.  College professors are human--some of
+them.  They want students prepared to enter as smoothly as possible into
+the somewhat artificial curricula of academic studies they have
+arranged. The Latin professor wishes not to go back and start with the
+rudiments of his subject, as the professor of mathematics with the
+beginnings of Algebra and Geometry.  The result is they demand of the
+high school what fits most smoothly into their scheme.
+
+Now if it is not possible to serve equally the needs of both groups,
+would it not be better to neglect the one tenth of the students, going
+on to college, even assuming they are the pick of the flock, which they
+are not always?  They have four more years to correct their mistakes and
+round out their culture.  If any one must be subordinated, it would be
+better to neglect them, and focus upon the needs of the nine out of ten,
+who go directly from the high school into life and have not another
+chance; yet there are states in the Union, where it is possible for a
+committee of the state university at the top to say to every high school
+teacher in the state, "Conform to our requirements, or leave the state,
+or get out of the profession."  The threat, moreover, has been carried
+out more than once.
+
+That situation is utterly wrong.  We want organization of the
+educational system, with each unit cooperating with the next higher, but
+if education is to solve the problem of democracy and furnish moral
+leadership for American life, we want each unit to be free, first of
+all, to serve its own constituency to the best of its power.  The
+problem is not serious for the big city high school, with its multiplied
+elective courses, but for the small rural or town high school, with its
+limited corps of teachers and its necessarily fixed courses, the burden
+is onerous indeed.
+
+Is the American college and university doing all that it might do in
+cultivating moral leadership for American democracy?  The last decades
+have seen an astounding and unparalleled development of higher education
+in America.  In the old days, the college was usually on a
+denominational foundation.  It was supported by the dollars and pennies
+of earnest religionists who believed that education was necessary to
+religion and morality.  The president was generally a clergyman of the
+denomination; he taught the ethics course, and all students were
+required to take it. There was compulsory chapel attendance, and once a
+day the entire student body gathered together to listen to some moral
+and religious thought.
+
+Then came the immense expansion of higher education.  Courses were
+multiplied and diversified.  Universities were established or endowed by
+the state.  Academies became colleges, and colleges, universities.
+Institutions were generally secularized.  Compulsory chapel attendance
+was rightly abandoned.  Each department served its own interest apart.
+Until to-day certain of our great universities are not unlike vast
+intellectual department stores, with each professor calling his goods
+across the counter, and the president, a sort of superior floorwalker,
+to see that no one clerk gets too many customers.  It is an impressive
+illustration of what has happened to our higher institutions that, in
+certain of them, the one regular meeting place of the entire student
+body in a common interest, is the bleachers by the athletic field. One
+continues to believe in college athletics, in spite of the frequent
+absurdities and worse, done in their name; only if the numbers of those
+playing the game and those exercising only their lungs and throats from
+the bleachers, were reversed, better all-round athletic education would
+result.  Is it not, however, a trenchant criticism on the situation in
+our higher education, that so often the one common interest should be in
+something that is, at least, aside from the main business of the
+institution?
+
+Moreover, no institution can rightly serve democracy, unless it is
+itself democratic.  Thus the growth of an aristocratic spirit in our
+colleges and universities is an ominous sign.  For instance, it is still
+true that any boy or girl, with a sound body and a good mind and no
+family to support, can get a college education.  Money is not
+indispensable: it is possible to work one's way through.  Will this
+always be true?  One wonders.  It is significant that it is easiest to
+work your way through college, and keep your self-respect and the
+respect of your fellows, in the small, meagerly endowed college on the
+frontier.  It is most difficult, with a few exceptions one gladly
+recognizes, in the great, rich universities of the East. What does that
+mean?
+
+Straws show the tide: it was announced some time ago by the president of
+one of our richest and oldest universities that henceforth scholarships
+in that institution would be given solely on the basis of intellectual
+scholarship, as tested by examination; and applause went up from the
+alumni all across the country; yet what does it mean?  It means that the
+boy who has to work on a threshing machine, sell books to an
+unsuspecting public, or do some other semi-honorable work all summer to
+get back into college in the Fall, cannot pass those examinations
+equally with a rich man's son of equal mind, who can take a tutor to the
+seashore or the mountains and coach up all summer.  Thus foundations,
+established by well-meaning people to help poor boys self-respectingly
+through college, become intellectual prizes for those who do not need
+them.  That is all wrong.
+
+Take the special student problem.  When a college or university is
+founded, it needs students: they are the life-blood of the institution.
+Really all that is needed to make a college is a teacher and some
+students: buildings are not indispensable, but students the school must
+have.  Thus it is apt to keep its bars down and its entrance
+requirements flexible.  Special students, often mature men and women,
+who are not prepared to pass the freshman examinations, are admitted on
+the recommendation of heads of d epartments, to special courses they are
+well fitted to take.  Students are admitted freely, and then sifted out
+afterward, if they prove unworthy of their opportunity: not a bad
+method, by the way.
+
+A dozen years pass, and the institution wants to become respectable.
+It is just as with the individual: the man, at first, is absorbed in
+money-getting, and when he has it, yearns for respectability.  Now
+getting respectable, for a college or university, is called "raising the
+standard of scholarship."  Let this not be misunderstood: painstaking,
+infinitely laborious, accurate scholarship is a noble aim, well worth
+the consistent effort of a lifetime; but there are two sides to raising
+the standard of scholarship.  Does an educational institution exist for
+the sake of its reputation, or to serve its constituency?  If it seeks
+to advance its reputation at the expense of its fullest and best service
+to those who need its help, is it not recreant to its duty and
+opportunity?
+
+Well, in the mood cited, the institution raises and standardizes its
+entrance-requirements and generally excludes special students.  One
+readily sees why: it is much easier to work with the regularly prepared
+freshman, he fits much more smoothly and comfortably into the machinery
+of the institution.  Many a wise teacher will admit, nevertheless, that
+the best students he ever taught and the ones whose lives he is proudest
+of having influenced, were often men and women, thirty, forty, fifty
+years of age--teachers who suddenly realized that the ruts of their
+calling had become so deep they could no longer see over them, ministers
+awakening to the fact that they had given all their store and must get a
+new supply, business men aware of a call to another field of action--
+working with a consistent earnestness the average fledgling freshman
+cannot imagine--he is not old enough; yet generally the tendency is to
+exclude such students, unless they will go back and do the arduous, and
+often for them useless, work of preparing to pass the examinations for
+entrance to the freshman class.  That, too, is all wrong.
+
+The American college and university stands to-day at the parting of the
+ways: this generation will largely determine its future.  If the
+American college and university ever becomes a social club for the sons
+and daughters of the rich, an institution making it easy for them to
+secure business and professional opportunity and advancement, to the
+exclusion of their poorer fellows, it may be as necessary to
+disestablish the foundations of our great universities, as statesmen in
+Europe thought it necessary to disestablish the monastic foundations at
+the close of the middle age.  They, too, began as educational
+institutions. If, on the other hand, the American college and university
+remains true to its task, if it keeps its doors open and its spirit
+democratic, if it seeks to render ever larger service to the great
+public and to develop moral leadership for American democracy, then,
+indeed, it will go ever forward upon its noble path.
+
+
+
+
+XXI
+
+DEMOCRACY AND SACRIFICE
+
+We have seen the conflict of ideas in the War: the German philosophy
+that man exists for the state, the contrasting idea of democracy that
+the state exists for man.  We may well ask why any institution should be
+regarded as sacred, except as it has the adventitious sacredness, coming
+from time, convention and hoary tradition.  It was said long ago that
+"the Sabbath was made for man and not man for the Sabbath," and the
+statement may be universalized.  Every institution on earth--marriage,
+the family, education, the church, the state--was made for man and not
+man for the institution.  Humanity must always be the end.  Why should
+we perpetuate any institution that does not serve life?  Kant voiced the
+principle in his second imperative of duty: "Always treat humanity,
+whether in thine own person or that of any other, as an end withal, and
+never as a means only."  Kant was a Prussian philosopher: one wonders
+what he would have thought of the "Kanonen-Futter" theory of manhood!
+
+An organization or institution is only a machine, an instrument for a
+purpose.  Thus always it is a means, never an end: its value lies in
+serving its purpose--the end of human life.  So the whole existing order
+must justify itself.  Where it rests on forms of injustice, it must be
+broken or destroyed, and there is no reason to fear the breaking.
+
+Thus there is no "divine right" of kings.  They represent a vested
+interest, surviving from the past.  They must justify themselves by the
+service of those under them, or pass.
+
+Similarly, there is no divine right of a class or caste, enjoying
+supremacy or special privilege.  It also is a surviving vested interest,
+that must justify itself, or be swept aside as an incubus.
+
+The same test applies to an empire.  It, too, is a vested interest,
+developed out of conditions prevailing in the past.  If it does not
+justify itself by the largest service of all within it, then it, too, is
+an anachronistic survival, no longer to be tolerated.
+
+The principle is universal: the institution of private property, the
+controlling power of captains of industry, the capitalistic system,
+finally, the state itself, in every form: all are vested interests that
+may be permitted to continue in the exercise of power only as they prove
+their superiority to any other form of organization in serving the good
+of all.
+
+This does not mean that, under democracy, the individual shall fail of
+sacrifice and the dedication to something higher than himself. That is
+the glory of life, transfiguring human nature, and without it, life
+sinks to sordid selfishness.  Your life is worth, not what you have, but
+what you are, and what you are is determined by that to which you
+dedicate yourself.  Is it creature comforts, pleasure, selfish
+privilege, or the largest life and the fullest service of humanity? What
+you have is merely the condition, the important question is, what do you
+do with it?  Is it wealth, prosperity: do you sit down comfortably on
+the fact of it, to secure all the selfish pleasures possible; or do you
+regard your fortunate circumstances as so much more opportunity and
+obligation of leadership and service?  Is it poverty, even starvation:
+do you whine and grovel, or stand erect, with shut teeth, andwring
+heroic manhood from the breast of suffering?
+
+That is why peace can never be an end: it, too, is merely a condition or
+means.  The question is, what do you do with your peace, for peace may
+mean merely sloth and cowardly ease, where war may mean unselfish
+heroism.  That is what the peace promoters forget.  War has its
+brutalities, and terrible indeed they are: unleashed hate, lust, cruelty
+and revenge; but war has its heroisms.  It calls out the devotion to
+something higher than the individual from even the commonest of men.
+To-day all over the earth, ordinary men are quietly going out to
+probable death or mutilation in its most horrible forms, and going for
+the sake of an ideal larger than themselves.  Women are doing even more
+than that. For it is not so hard to die, but to send out those you love,
+dearer than life itself, to almost certain death--that, indeed, is
+difficult, and women are doing it everywhere with a smile on their lips
+and choked-back tears.
+
+Peace, on the other hand, has its virtues: the softening and refining of
+life, gradual development of sympathy, achievement of comfort and
+beauty; but peace has its vices.  In times of peace and prosperity there
+seems to be no great cause at stake.  Of course, always it is there, but
+we do not see it.  We become increasingly absorbed in selfish interests,
+in the good of our immediate family.  Thus petty, time-serving
+selfishness is the vice peculiarly characteristic of times of peace and
+prosperity. Consider, for instance, the spirit of France during the
+closing years of the nineteenth century, and at the present dark, but
+pregnant, hour of destiny.
+
+Thus the question is not whether you have peace or war, but what you do
+with your peace or war.  It is not whether you are rich or poor, but
+what you do with your riches or poverty.
+
+Suppose we were able to reconstruct our entire social and industrial
+world, so that every human being would have plenty to eat, plenty to
+wear and a comfortable house to live in: would we have the kingdom of
+heaven? Not necessarily: we might have merely a comfortable,
+well-decorated pig-sty, if men lived to nothing higher than pigs.  "Man
+cannot live by bread alone," important as bread is, but by dedication to
+the things of the spirit.
+
+Thus there must ever be the capacity for self-forgetfulness,
+self-sacrifice, the dedication of life to supreme aims, but that does
+not mean the dedication of man to the institution.  Rather it is the
+consecration to the welfare of humanity.  Man for the State means
+autocracy and imperialism; Man for Mankind is the soul of democracy.
+That is the ideal to which we must rise, if democracy is to prove itself
+worthy to be the form of human society for the great future.
+
+This ideal is realized through many lesser forms and instruments, but
+always with the same final test.  The family, for instance, is one of
+these lesser forms, and the subordination of the individual to the
+family unit is just.  Thus there is a measure of right in seeking first
+the interest of the family group; but when this is sought to the end of
+special privilege and debauching luxury, against the welfare of all, it
+becomes, as we have seen, an evil.
+
+There is, similarly, a certain justice in the subordination of the
+individual to the social class or group interest.  It is right that
+artisans should unite in trade unions, that employers should get
+together in associations for common benefit.  One need only contrast the
+conditions where each workman had to bid in competition against all
+others, and each manufacturer, the same, to realize the advance made
+through group union and cooperation.  When either group, however, seeks
+to further its own interest at the expense of the welfare of the whole
+society, as in securing class legislation, achieving monopolies, holding
+efficient workers to the level of production of the slowest and least
+capable of the group, then the class or group spirit becomes an evil
+that must be fought for the good of all.
+
+It is exactly the same with the nation.  Its interest is justly served
+only in harmony with the welfare of humanity.  Any current problem will
+illustrate the principle, as, for instance, that of immigration.
+
+Certainly the nation has the right to prohibit immigration which
+produces unassimilated plague-spots and threatens to cause racial
+deterioration, as in phases of Oriental immigration to the Pacific
+coast.  Similarly, it is right to restrict immigration that would
+further economic prosperity, at the expense of the manhood of the
+nation.  We must answer the question, whether we want factories or men.
+It is desirable to have some of both, of course, but when one is to be
+obtained at the expense of the other, it is manhood that must be the
+deciding end.
+
+On the other hand, when it comes to refusing a refuge to the poor and
+oppressed, who are physically and morally acceptable, but lack a small
+amount of money, or are unable to respond to a literary test, then the
+welfare of humanity demands the opposite decision.  Better give them the
+fifty dollars--a healthy slave was worth more than that in the old days.
+So teach them to read and write.  The nation, can readily pay the small
+economic price and accept the incidental difficulties for the sake of
+the larger end.
+
+Thus the deciding principle must always be the welfare, happiness,
+growth, intelligence, helpfulness of each individual in harmony with all
+others. Humanity is incarnatein each man.  While, therefore, the
+individual must dedicate and, at times, sacrifice himself, it is for the
+sake, not of the state, church or other institution, but for the welfare
+of all--_Man for Mankind_.
+
+From so many sources the view finds expression that modern life has been
+"weakened by humanitarianism."  If there is truth in the view, we would
+better take account of it and radically revise our ethical philosophy.
+If it is false, it is a damning error, the reiteration of which tends to
+undermine all that has been achieved for the spirit.
+
+An interesting comment on the view is the fact that, in spite of all its
+horrors, this War has given _no attested instance of arrant cowardice on
+any front_.  Cruelty, lust, brutality, hate: these have appeared in
+unspeakable guise, but apparently no cowardice or weak timidity; yet the
+mail clad heroes of ancient wars, who met their adversaries face to
+face, were subjected to no such strain as the men standing in trenches
+waiting momentarily death or mutilation from an unseen foe.  No, modern
+life has not lost strong fiber and is capable of supreme heroism.
+
+The old society secured its leadership through _noblesse oblige_--the
+obligation of nobility.  Men of aristocratic family and rank felt that,
+because they stood above the people, they owed a certain leadership and
+service, and they gave it, often in abundant measure, but always
+condescendingly from above.
+
+We have lost "noblesse oblige": we may even be glad it is gone, if we
+can substitute for it something larger and better.  It is not the
+obligation of nobility, but the obligation of humanity that is the need:
+to realize that all power is obligation.  As you can, you owe; and as
+you know, you owe.  If you have money, it is so much obligation of
+leadership and service.  If you have talent, education, social or
+political influence, it is all so much obligation of leadership and
+service.  If, as individuals, we can generally realize that and act upon
+it, then indeed we may hope to carry to successful completion the
+experiment of democracy and see our beloved country fulfill the measure
+of moral leadership to which we believe she is called among the nations
+of the earth, but fulfilling it not as master over slave, nor as one
+empire among others, but as a more experienced brother toward others
+following the same open path.
+
+
+
+
+
+XXII
+
+THE HOUR OF SACRIFICE
+
+The supreme world crisis is on.  We have entered the War in the purest
+spirit of democracy.  We state frankly in advance that we want no
+indemnity, no extension of territory.  We war with no people, except as
+that people identifies itself with aggressive autocracy and imperialism,
+imperilling our safety, as of all democracies, and seeking to ride
+tyrannically and unjustly over the rights and liberties of other
+peoples. Thus we enter the War solely for the cause of democracy and
+humanity.
+
+The hour of sacrifice has struck for the American people: will it rise
+to the test?  When one considers the characteristics of our surface life
+for recent decades--the devotion to money-getting, the rapid increase of
+senseless and debauching luxury, the reckless frivolity, the unthinking
+haste and selfish pleasure-seeking--one questions.  Underneath, however,
+is a tremendous latent idealism.  We are young, enthusiastic, capable of
+glorious consecration.  Cynical disillusionment is all upon the surface
+--the cult of the clique of cleverness, uprooted from the soil of common
+life and the deeps of the eternal verities.  Beneath in the great mass
+of the people is profound faith in life, deep trust in the ideal, belief
+in the great future of humanity.  Democracy will justify itself.  We
+shall rise to the test; but how we need to hear and heed the call!
+
+"Awake America" means Americans awake!  For in democracy the individual
+is the soul.  On each person rests the responsibility.  Let us accept
+the bitter burden and meet the supreme test, giving time, money,
+service, life and those we love better than life, for the sake of the
+safer, freer, nobler world that is to be.  Since we stood apart so long
+and entered the horrible devastation so late, it is our privilege to do
+all we can to save the spiritual heritage of humanity, to keep our
+hearts clean from the corrosive acid of national and racial hatred, to
+do all in our power to remove it from the breasts of others.  Injustice
+in high places is possible only because there is injustice in the hearts
+of men.  To overthrow tyranny is but the initial step of emancipation:
+unless the tyrant hate in the heart is dethroned, the external tyrant,
+in some form of social injustice will surely return.  He who conquers
+hate and the lust for revenge in his own breast is spiritually free and
+master of the tyrant that wrongs him.  Thus it is our privilege and duty
+to hate no one; but to hate injustice, greed, tyranny, aggressive
+selfishness, the wicked ambitions of autocratic imperialism, to resist
+and help to overthrow them, and so do our part in bringing in the free
+brotherhood of the nations and peoples in one humanity, that will be the
+dawn of the longed-for era of universal and permanent peace for mankind.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of Project Gutenberg's The Soul of Democracy, by Edward Howard Griggs
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