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+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 10159 ***
+
+ENGLAND AND THE WAR
+
+being
+
+SUNDRY ADDRESSES
+
+delivered during the war
+and now first collected
+
+by
+
+WALTER RALEIGH
+
+OXFORD
+
+1918
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+MIGHT IS RIGHT
+ First published as one of the Oxford Pamphlets,
+ October 1914.
+
+THE WAR OF IDEAS
+ An Address to the Royal Colonial Institute,
+ December 12, 1916.
+
+THE FAITH OF ENGLAND
+ An Address to the Union Society of University
+ College, London, March 22, 1917.
+
+SOME GAINS OF THE WAR
+ An Address to the Royal Colonial Institute,
+ February 13, 1918.
+
+THE WAR AND THE PRESS
+ A Paper read to the Essay Society, Eton College,
+ March 14, 1918.
+
+SHAKESPEARE AND ENGLAND
+ The Annual Shakespeare Lecture of the British
+ Academy, delivered July 4, 1918.
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+This book was not planned, but grew out of the troubles of the time.
+When, on one occasion or another, I was invited to lecture, I did not
+find, with Milton's Satan, that the mind is its own place; I could speak
+only of what I was thinking of, and my mind was fixed on the War. I am
+unacquainted with military science, so my treatment of the War was
+limited to an estimate of the characters of the antagonists.
+
+The character of Germany and the Germans is a riddle. I have seen no
+convincing solution of it by any Englishman, and hardly any confident
+attempt at a solution which did not speak the uncontrolled language of
+passion. There is the same difficulty with the lower animals; our
+description of them tends to be a description of nothing but our own
+loves and hates. Who has ever fathomed the mind of a rhinoceros; or has
+remembered, while he faces the beast, that a good rhinoceros is a
+pleasant member of the community in which his life is passed? We see
+only the folded hide, the horn, and the angry little eye. We know that
+he is strong and cunning, and that his desires and instincts are
+inconsistent with our welfare. Yet a rhinoceros is a simpler creature
+than a German, and does not trouble our thought by conforming, on
+occasion, to civilized standards and humane conditions.
+
+It seems unreasonable to lay great stress on racial differences. The
+insuperable barrier that divides England from Germany has grown out of
+circumstance and habit and thought. For many hundreds of years the
+German peoples have stood to arms in their own defence against the
+encroachments of successive empires; and modern Germany learned the
+doctrine of the omnipotence of force by prolonged suffering at the hands
+of the greatest master of that immoral school--the Emperor Napoleon. No
+German can understand the attitude of disinterested patronage which the
+English mind quite naturally assumes when it is brought into contact
+with foreigners. The best example of this superiority of attitude is to
+be seen in the people who are called pacifists. They are a peculiarly
+English type, and they are the most arrogant of all the English. The
+idea that they should ever have to fight for their lives is to them
+supremely absurd. There must be some mistake, they think, which can be
+easily remedied once it is pointed out. Their title to existence is so
+clear to themselves that they are convinced it will be universally
+recognized; it must not be made a matter of international conflict.
+Partly, no doubt, this belief is fostered by lack of imagination. The
+sheltered conditions and leisured life which they enjoy as the parasites
+of a dominant race have produced in them a false sense of security. But
+there is something also of the English strength and obstinacy of
+character in their self-confidence, and if ever Germany were to conquer
+England some of them would spring to their full stature as the heroes of
+an age-long and indomitable resistance. They are not held in much esteem
+to-day among their own people; they are useless for the work in hand;
+and their credit has suffered from the multitude of pretenders who make
+principle a cover for cowardice. But for all that, they are kin to the
+makers of England, and the fact that Germany would never tolerate them
+for an instant is not without its lesson.
+
+We shall never understand the Germans. Some of their traits may possibly
+be explained by their history. Their passionate devotion to the State,
+their amazing vulgarity, their worship of mechanism and mechanical
+efficiency, are explicable in a people who are not strong in individual
+character, who have suffered much to achieve union, and who have
+achieved it by subordinating themselves, soul and body, to a brutal
+taskmaster. But the convulsions of war have thrown up things that are
+deeper than these, primaeval things, which, until recently, civilization
+was believed to have destroyed. The old monstrous gods who gave their
+names to the days of the week are alive again in Germany. The English
+soldier of to-day goes into action with the cold courage of a man who is
+prepared to make the best of a bad job. The German soldier sacrifices
+himself, in a frenzy of religious exaltation, to the War-God. The
+filthiness that the Germans use, their deliberate befouling of all that
+is elegant and gracious and antique, their spitting into the food that
+is to be eaten by their prisoners, their defiling with ordure the sacred
+vessels in the churches--all these things, too numerous and too
+monotonous to describe, are not the instinctive coarsenesses of the
+brute beast; they are a solemn ritual of filth, religiously practised,
+by officers no less than by men. The waves of emotional exaltation which
+from time to time pass over the whole people have the same character,
+the character of savage religion.
+
+If they are alien to civilization when they fight, they are doubly alien
+when they reason. They are glib and fluent in the use of the terms which
+have been devised for the needs of thought and argument, but their use
+of these terms is empty, and exhibits all the intellectual processes
+with the intelligence left out. I know nothing more distressing than the
+attempt to follow any German argument concerning the War. If it were
+merely wrong-headed, cunning, deceitful, there might still be some
+compensation in its cleverness. There is no such compensation. The
+statements made are not false, but empty; the arguments used are not
+bad, but meaningless. It is as if they despised language, and made use
+of it only because they believe that it is an instrument of deceit. But
+a man who has no respect for language cannot possibly use it in such a
+manner as to deceive others, especially if those others are accustomed
+to handle it delicately and powerfully. It ought surely to be easy to
+apologize for a war that commands the whole-hearted support of a nation;
+but no apology worthy of the name has been produced in Germany. The
+pleadings which have been used are servile things, written to order, and
+directed to some particular address, as if the truth were of no
+importance. No one of these appeals has produced any appreciable effect
+on the minds of educated Frenchmen, or Englishmen, or Americans, even
+among those who are eager to hear all that the enemy has to say for
+himself. This is a strange thing; and is perhaps the widest breach of
+all. We are hopelessly separated from the Germans; we have lost the use
+of a common language, and cannot talk with them if we would.
+
+We cannot understand them; is it remotely possible that they will ever
+understand us? Here, too, the difficulties seem insuperable. It is true
+that in the past they have shown themselves willing to study us and to
+imitate us. But unless they change their minds and their habits, it is
+not easy to see how they are to get near enough to us to carry on their
+study. While they remain what they are we do not want them in our
+neighbourhood. We are not fighting to anglicize Germany, or to impose
+ourselves on the Germans; our work is being done, as work is so often
+done in this idle sport-loving country, with a view to a holiday. We
+wish to forget the Germans; and when once we have policed them into
+quiet and decency we shall have earned the right to forget them, at
+least for a time. The time of our respite perhaps will not be long. If
+the Allies defeat them, as the Allies will, it seems as certain as any
+uncertain thing can be that a mania for imitating British and American
+civilization will take possession of Germany. We are not vindictive to a
+beaten enemy, and when the Germans offer themselves as pupils we are not
+likely to be either enthusiastic in our welcome or obstinate in our
+refusal. We shall be bored but concessive. I confess that there are
+some things in the prospect of this imitation which haunt me like a
+nightmare. The British soldier, whom the German knows to be second to
+none, is distinguished for the levity and jocularity of his bearing in
+the face of danger. What will happen when the German soldier attempts to
+imitate that? We shall be delivered from the German peril as when Israel
+came out of Egypt, and the mountains skipped like rams.
+
+The only parts of this book for which I claim any measure of authority
+are the parts which describe the English character. No one of purely
+English descent has ever been known to describe the English character,
+or to attempt to describe it. The English newspapers are full of praises
+of almost any of the allied troops other than the English regiments. I
+have more Scottish and Irish blood in my veins than English; and I think
+I can see the English character truly, from a little distance. If, by
+some fantastic chance, the statesmen of Germany could learn what I tell
+them, it would save their country from a vast loss of life and from many
+hopeless misadventures. The English character is not a removable part of
+the British Empire; it is the foundation of the whole structure, and the
+secret strength of the American Republic. But the statesmen of Germany,
+who fall easy victims to anything foolish in the shape of a theory that
+flatters their vanity, would not believe a word of my essays even if
+they were to read them, so they must learn to know the English character
+in the usual way, as King George the Third learned to know it from
+Englishmen resident in America.
+
+A habit of lying and a belief in the utility of lying are often
+attended by the most unhappy and paralysing effects. The liars become
+unable to recognize the truth when it is presented to them. This is the
+misery which fate has fixed on the German cause. War, the Germans are
+fond of remarking, is war. In almost all wars there is something to be
+said on both sides of the question. To know that one side or the other
+is right may be difficult; but it is always useful to know why your
+enemies are fighting. We know why Germany is fighting; she explained it
+very fully, by her most authoritative voices, on the very eve of the
+struggle, and she has repeated it many times since in moments of
+confidence or inadvertence. But here is the tragedy of Germany: she does
+not know why we are fighting. We have told her often enough, but she
+does not believe it, and treats our statement as an exercise in the
+cunning use of what she calls ethical propaganda. Why ethics, or morals,
+should be good enough to inspire sympathy, but not good enough to
+inspire war, is one of the mysteries of German thought. No German, not
+even any of those few feeble German writers who have fitfully criticized
+the German plan, has any conception of the deep, sincere, unselfish, and
+righteous anger that was aroused in millions of hearts by the cruelties
+of the cowardly assault on Serbia and on Belgium. The late German
+Chancellor became uneasily aware that the crucifixion of Belgium was one
+of the causes which made this war a truceless war, and his offer, which
+no doubt seemed to him perfectly reasonable, was that Germany is willing
+to bargain about Belgium, and to relax her hold, in exchange for solid
+advantages elsewhere. Perhaps he knew that if the Allies were to spend
+five minutes in bargaining about Belgium they would thereby condone the
+German crime and would lose all that they have fought for. But it seems
+more likely that he did not know it. The Allies know it.
+
+There is hope in these clear-cut issues. Of all wars that ever were
+fought this war is least likely to have an indecisive ending. It must be
+settled one way or the other. If the Allied Governments were to make
+peace to-day, there would be no peace; the peoples of the free countries
+would not suffer it. Germany cannot make peace, for she is bound by
+heavy promises to her people, and she cannot deliver the goods. She is
+tied to the stake, and must fight the course. Emaciated, exhausted,
+repeating, as if in a bad dream, the old boastful appeals to military
+glory, she must go on till she drops, and then at last there will be
+peace.
+
+These may themselves seem boastful words; they cannot be proved except
+by the event. There are some few Englishmen, with no stomach for a
+fight, who think that England is in a bad way because she is engaged in
+a war of which the end is not demonstrably certain. If the issues of
+wars were known beforehand, and could be discounted, there would be no
+wars. Good wars are fought by nations who make their choice, and would
+rather die than lose what they are fighting for. Military fortunes are
+notoriously variable, and depend on a hundred accidents. Moral causes
+are constant, and operate all the time. The chief of these moral causes
+is the character of a people. Germany, by her vaunted study of the art
+and science of war, has got herself into a position where no success can
+come to her except by way of the collapse or failure of the
+English-speaking peoples. A study of the moral causes, if she were
+capable of making it, would not encourage her in her old impious belief
+that God will destroy these peoples in order to clear the way for the
+dominion of the Hohenzollerns.
+
+
+
+
+MIGHT IS RIGHT
+
+_First published as one of the Oxford Pamphlets, October 1914_
+
+
+It is now recognized in England that our enemy in this war is not a
+tyrant military caste, but the united people of modern Germany. We have
+to combat an armed doctrine which is virtually the creed of all Germany.
+Saxony and Bavaria, it is true, would never have invented the doctrine;
+but they have accepted it from Prussia, and they believe it. The
+Prussian doctrine has paid the German people handsomely; it has given
+them their place in the world. When it ceases to pay them, and not till
+then, they will reconsider it. They will not think, till they are
+compelled to think. When they find themselves face to face with a
+greater and more enduring strength than their own, they will renounce
+their idol. But they are a brave people, a faithful people, and a stupid
+people, so that they will need rough proofs. They cannot be driven from
+their position by a little paper shot. In their present mood, if they
+hear an appeal to pity, sensibility, and sympathy, they take it for a
+cry of weakness. I am reminded of what I once heard said by a genial and
+humane Irish officer concerning a proposal to treat with the leaders of
+a Zulu rebellion. 'Kill them all,' he said, 'it's the only thing they
+understand.' He meant that the Zulu chiefs would mistake moderation for
+a sign of fear. By the irony of human history this sentence has become
+almost true of the great German people, who built up the structure of
+modern metaphysics. They can be argued with only by those who have the
+will and the power to punish them.
+
+The doctrine that Might is Right, though it is true, is an unprofitable
+doctrine, for it is true only in so broad and simple a sense that no one
+would dream of denying it. If a single nation can conquer, depress, and
+destroy all the other nations of the earth and acquire for itself a sole
+dominion, there may be matter for question whether God approves that
+dominion; what is certain is that He permits it. No earthly governor who
+is conscious of his power will waste time in listening to arguments
+concerning what his power ought to be. His right to wield the sword can
+be challenged only by the sword. An all-powerful governor who feared no
+assault would never trouble himself to assert that Might is Right. He
+would smile and sit still. The doctrine, when it is propounded by weak
+humanity, is never a statement of abstract truth; it is a declaration of
+intention, a threat, a boast, an advertisement. It has no value except
+when there is some one to be frightened. But it is a very dangerous
+doctrine when it becomes the creed of a stupid people, for it flatters
+their self-sufficiency, and distracts their attention from the
+difficult, subtle, frail, and wavering conditions of human power. The
+tragic question for Germany to-day is what she can do, not whether it is
+right for her to do it. The buffaloes, it must be allowed, had a
+perfect right to dominate the prairie of America, till the hunters came.
+They moved in herds, they practised shock-tactics, they were violent,
+and very cunning. There are but few of them now. A nation of men who
+mistake violence for strength, and cunning for wisdom, may conceivably
+suffer the fate of the buffaloes and perish without knowing why.
+
+To the English mind the German political doctrine is so incredibly
+stupid that for many long years, while men in high authority in the
+German Empire, ministers, generals, and professors, expounded that
+doctrine at great length and with perfect clearness, hardly any one
+could be found in England to take it seriously, or to regard it as
+anything but the vapourings of a crazy sect. England knows better now;
+the scream of the guns has awakened her. The German doctrine is to be
+put to the proof. Who dares to say what the result will be? To predict
+certain failure to the German arms is only a kind of boasting. Yet there
+are guarded beliefs which a modest man is free to hold till they are
+seen to be groundless. The Germans have taken Antwerp; they may possibly
+destroy the British fleet, overrun England and France, repel Russia,
+establish themselves as the dictators of Europe--in short, fulfil their
+dreams. What then? At an immense cost of human suffering they will have
+achieved, as it seems to us, a colossal and agonizing failure. Their
+engines of destruction will never serve them to create anything so fair
+as the civilization of France. Their uneasy jealousy and self-assertion
+is a miserable substitute for the old laws of chivalry and regard for
+the weak, which they have renounced and forgotten. The will and high
+permission of all-ruling Heaven may leave them at large for a time, to
+seek evil to others. When they have finished with it, the world will
+have to be remade.
+
+We cannot be sure that the Ruler of the world will forbid this. We
+cannot even be sure that the destroyers, in the peace that their
+destruction will procure for them, may not themselves learn to rebuild.
+The Goths, who destroyed the fabric of the Roman Empire, gave their
+name, in time, to the greatest mediaeval art. Nature, it is well known,
+loves the strong, and gives to them, and to them alone, the chance of
+becoming civilized. Are the German people strong enough to earn that
+chance? That is what we are to see. They have some admirable elements of
+strength, above any other European people. No other European army can be
+marched, in close order, regiment after regiment, up the slope of a
+glacis, under the fire of machine guns, without flinching, to certain
+death. This corporate courage and corporate discipline is so great and
+impressive a thing that it may well contain a promise for the future.
+Moreover, they are, within the circle of their own kin, affectionate and
+dutiful beyond the average of human society. If they succeed in their
+worldly ambitions, it will be a triumph of plain brute morality over all
+the subtler movements of the mind and heart.
+
+On the other hand, it is true to say that history shows no precedent for
+the attainment of world-wide power by a people so politically stupid as
+the German people are to-day. There is no mistake about this; the
+instances of German stupidity are so numerous that they make something
+like a complete history of German international relations. Here is one.
+Any time during the last twenty years it has been matter of common
+knowledge in England that one event, and one only, would make it
+impossible for England to remain a spectator in a European war--that
+event being the violation of the neutrality of Holland or Belgium. There
+was never any secret about this, it was quite well known to many people
+who took no special interest in foreign politics. Germany has maintained
+in this country, for many years, an army of spies and secret agents; yet
+not one of them informed her of this important truth. Perhaps the
+radical difference between the German and the English political systems
+blinded the astute agents. In England nothing really important is a
+secret, and the amount of privileged political information to be gleaned
+in barbers' shops, even when they are patronized by Civil servants, is
+distressingly small. Two hours of sympathetic conversation with an
+ordinary Englishman would have told the German Chancellor more about
+English politics than ever he heard in his life. For some reason or
+other he was unable to make use of this source of intelligence, so that
+he remained in complete ignorance of what every one in England knew and
+said.
+
+Here is another instance. The programme of German ambition has been
+voluminously published for the benefit of the world. France was first to
+be crushed; then Russia; then, by means of the indemnities procured from
+these conquests, after some years of recuperation and effort, the naval
+power of England was to be challenged and destroyed. This programme was
+set forth by high authorities, and was generally accepted; there was no
+criticism, and no demur. The crime against the civilization of the world
+foreshadowed in the horrible words 'France is to be crushed' is before a
+high tribunal; it would be idle to condemn it here. What happened is
+this. The French and Russian part of the programme was put into action
+last July. England, who had been told that her turn was not yet, that
+Germany would be ready for her in a matter of five or ten years, very
+naturally refused to wait her turn. She crowded up on to the scaffold,
+which even now is in peril of breaking down under the weight of its
+victims, and of burying the executioner in its ruins. But because
+England would not wait her turn, she is overwhelmed with accusations of
+treachery and inhumanity by a sincerely indignant Germany. Could
+stupidity, the stupidity of the wise men of Gotham, be more fantastic or
+more monstrous?
+
+German stupidity was even more monstrous. A part of the accusation
+against England is that she has raised her hand against the nation
+nearest to her in blood. The alleged close kinship of England and
+Germany is based on bad history and doubtful theory. The English are a
+mixed race, with enormous infusions of Celtic and Roman blood. The Roman
+sculpture gallery at Naples is full of English faces. If the German
+agents would turn their attention to hatters' shops, and give the
+barbers a rest, they would find that no English hat fits any German
+head. But suppose we were cousins, or brothers even, what kind of
+argument is that on the lips of those who but a short time before were
+explaining, with a good deal of zest and with absolute frankness, how
+they intended to compass our ruin? There is something almost amiable in
+fatuity like this. A touch of the fool softens the brute.
+
+The Germans have a magnificent war-machine which rolls on its way,
+crushing all that it touches. We shall break it if we can. If we fail,
+the German nation is at the beginning, not the end, of its troubles.
+With the making of peace, even an armed peace, the war-machine has
+served its turn; some other instrument of government must then be
+invented. There is no trace of a design for this new instrument in any
+of the German shops. The governors of Alsace-Lorraine offer no
+suggestions. The bald fact is that there is no spot in the world where
+the Germans govern another race and are not hated. They know this, and
+are disquieted; they meet with coldness on all hands, and their remedy
+for the coldness is self-assertion and brag. The Russian statesman was
+right who remarked that modern Germany has been too early admitted into
+the comity of European nations. Her behaviour, in her new international
+relations, is like the behaviour of an uneasy, jealous upstart in an
+old-fashioned quiet drawing-room. She has no genius for equality; her
+manners are a compound of threatening and flattery. When she wishes to
+assert herself, she bullies; when she wishes to endear herself, she
+crawls; and the one device is no more successful than the other.
+
+Might is Right; but the sort of might which enables one nation to govern
+another in time of peace is very unlike the armoured thrust of the
+war-engine. It is a power compounded of sympathy and justice. The
+English (it is admitted by many foreign critics) have studied justice
+and desired justice. They have inquired into and protected rights that
+were unfamiliar, and even grotesque, to their own ideas, because they
+believed them to be rights. In the matter of sympathy their reputation
+does not stand so high; they are chill in manner, and dislike all
+effusive demonstrations of feeling. Yet those who come to know them know
+that they are not unimaginative; they have a genius for equality; and
+they do try to put themselves in the other fellow's place, to see how
+the position looks from that side. What has happened in India may
+perhaps be taken to prove, among many other things, that the inhabitants
+of India begin to know that England has done her best, and does feel a
+disinterested solicitude for the peoples under her charge. She has long
+been a mother of nations, and is not frightened by the problems of
+adolescence.
+
+The Germans have as yet shown no sign of skill in governing other
+peoples. Might is Right; and it is quite conceivable that they may
+acquire colonies by violence. If they want to keep them they will have
+to shut their own professors' books, and study the intimate history of
+the British Empire. We are old hands at the business; we have lost more
+colonies than ever they owned, and we begin to think that we have learnt
+the secret of success. At any rate, our experience has done much for us,
+and has helped us to avoid failure. Yet the German colonial party stare
+at us with bovine malevolence. In all the library of German theorizing
+you will look in vain for any explanation of the fact that the Boers
+are, in the main, loyal to the British Empire. If German political
+thinkers could understand that political situation, which seems to
+English minds so simple, there might yet be hope for them. But they
+regard it all as a piece of black magic, and refuse to reason about it.
+How should a herd of cattle be driven without goads? Witchcraft,
+witchcraft!
+
+Their world-wide experience it is, perhaps, which has made the English
+quick to appreciate the virtues of other peoples. I have never known an
+Englishman who travelled in Russia without falling in love with the
+Russian people. I have never heard a German speak of the Russian people
+without contempt and dislike. Indeed the Germans are so unable to see
+any charm in that profound and humane people that they believe that the
+English liking for them must be an insincere pretence, put forward for
+wicked or selfish reasons. What would they say if they saw a sight that
+is common in Indian towns, a British soldier and a Gurkha arm in arm,
+rolling down the street in cheerful brotherhood? And how is it that it
+has never occurred to any of them that this sort of brotherhood has its
+value in Empire-building? The new German political doctrine has bidden
+farewell to Christianity, but there are some political advantages in
+Christianity which should not be overlooked. It teaches human beings to
+think of one another and to care for one another. It is an antidote to
+the worst and most poisonous kind of political stupidity.
+
+Another thing that the Germans will have to learn for the welfare of
+their much-talked Empire is the value of the lone man. The architects
+and builders of the British Empire were all lone men. Might is Right;
+but when a young Englishman is set down at an outpost of Empire to
+govern a warlike tribe, he has to do a good deal of hard thinking on the
+problem of political power and its foundations. He has to trust to
+himself, to form his own conclusions, and to choose his own line of
+action. He has to try to find out what is in the mind of others. A young
+German, inured to skilled slavery, does not shine in such a position.
+Man for man, in all that asks for initiative and self-dependence,
+Englishmen are the better men, and some Germans know it. There is an old
+jest that if you settle an Englishman and a German together in a new
+country, at the end of a year you will find the Englishman governor, and
+the German his head clerk. A German must know the rules before he can
+get to work.
+
+More than three hundred years ago a book was written in England which is
+in some ways a very exact counterpart to General von Bernhardi's
+notorious treatise. It is called _Tamburlaine_, and, unlike its
+successor, is full of poetry and beauty. Our own colonization began with
+a great deal of violent work, and much wrong done to others. We suffered
+for our misdeeds, and we learned our lesson, in part at least. Why, it
+may be asked, should not the Germans begin in the same manner, and by
+degrees adapt themselves to the new task? Perhaps they may, but if they
+do, they cannot claim the Elizabethans for their model. Of all men on
+earth the German is least like the undisciplined, exuberant Elizabethan
+adventurer. He is reluctant to go anywhere without a copy of the rules,
+a guarantee of support, and a regular pension. His outlook is as prosaic
+as General von Bernhardi's or General von der Golt's own, and that is
+saying a great deal. In all the German political treatises there is an
+immeasurable dreariness. They lay down rules for life, and if they be
+asked what makes such a life worth living they are without any hint of
+an answer. Their world is a workhouse, tyrannically ordered, and full of
+pusillanimous jealousies.
+
+It is not impious to be hopeful. A Germanized world would be a
+nightmare. We have never attempted or desired to govern them, and we
+must not think that God will so far forget them as to permit them to
+attempt to govern us. Now they hate us, but they do not know for how
+many years the cheerful brutality of their political talk has shocked
+and disgusted us. I remember meeting, in one of the French Mediterranean
+dependencies, with a Prussian nobleman, a well-bred and pleasant man,
+who was fond of expounding the Prussian creed. He was said to be a
+political agent of sorts, but he certainly learned nothing in
+conversation. He talked all the time, and propounded the most monstrous
+paradoxes with an air of mathematical precision. Now it was the
+character of Sir Edward Grey, a cunning Machiavel, whose only aim was to
+set Europe by the ears and make neighbours fall out. A friend who was
+with me, an American, laughed aloud at this, and protested, without
+producing the smallest effect. The stream of talk went on. The error of
+the Germans, we were told, was always that they are too humane; their
+dislike of cruelty amounts to a weakness in them. They let France escape
+with a paltry fine, next time France must be beaten to the dust. Always
+with a pleasant outward courtesy, he passed on to England. England was
+decadent and powerless, her rule must pass to the Germans. 'But we shall
+treat England rather less severely than France,' said this bland apostle
+of Prussian culture, 'for we wish to make it possible for ourselves to
+remain in friendly relations with other English-speaking peoples.' And
+so on--the whole of the Bernhardi doctrine, explained in quiet fashion
+by a man whose very debility of mind made his talk the more impressive,
+for he was simply parroting what he had often heard. No one criticized
+his proposals, nor did we dislike him. It all seemed too mad; a rather
+clumsy jest. His world of ideas did not touch our world at any point, so
+that real talk between us was impossible. He came to see us several
+times, and always gave the same kind of mesmerized recital of Germany's
+policy. The grossness of the whole thing was in curious contrast with
+the polite and quiet voice with which he uttered his insolences. When I
+remember his talk I find it easy to believe that the German Emperor and
+the German Chancellor have also talked in such a manner that they have
+never had the smallest opportunity of learning what Englishmen think and
+mean.
+
+While the German doctrine was the plaything merely of hysterical and
+supersensitive persons, like Carlyle and Nietzsche, it mattered little
+to the world of politics. An excitable man, of vivid imagination and
+invalid constitution, like Carlyle, feels a natural predilection for the
+cult of the healthy brute. Carlyle's English style is itself a kind of
+epilepsy. Nietzsche was so nervously sensitive that everyday life was an
+anguish to him, and broke his strength. Both were poets, as Marlowe was
+a poet, and both sang the song of Power. The brutes of the swamp and the
+field, who gathered round them and listened, found nothing new or
+unfamiliar in the message of the poets. 'This', they said, 'is what we
+have always known, but we did not know that it is poetry. Now that great
+poets teach it, we need no longer be ashamed of it.' So they went away
+resolved to be twice the brutes that they were before, and they named
+themselves Culture-brutes.
+
+It is difficult to see how the world, or any considerable part of it,
+can belong to Germany, till she changes her mind. If she can do that,
+she might make a good ruler, for she has solid virtues and good
+instincts. It is her intellect that has gone wrong. Bishop Butler was
+one day found pondering the problem whether, a whole nation can go mad.
+If he had lived to-day what would he have said about it? Would he have
+admitted that that strangest of grim fancies is realized?
+
+It would be vain for Germany to take the world; she could not keep it;
+nor, though she can make a vast number of people miserable for a long
+time, could she ever hope to make all the inhabitants of the world
+miserable for all time. She has a giant's power, and does not think it
+infamous to use it like a giant. She can make a winter hideous, but she
+cannot prohibit the return of spring, or annul the cleansing power of
+water. Sanity is not only better than insanity; it is much stronger, and
+Might is Right.
+
+Meantime, it is a delight and a consolation to Englishmen that England
+is herself again. She has a cause that it is good to fight for, whether
+it succeed or fail. The hope that uplifts her is the hope of a better
+world, which our children shall see. She has wonderful friends. From
+what self-governing nations in the world can Germany hear such messages
+as came to England from the Dominions oversea? 'When England is at war,
+Canada is at war.' 'To the last man and the last shilling, Australia
+will support the cause of the Empire.' These are simple words, and
+sufficient; having said them, Canada and Australia said no more. In the
+company of such friends, and for the creed that she holds, England might
+be proud to die; but surely her time is not yet.
+
+ Our faith is ours, and comes not on a tide;
+ And whether Earth's great offspring by decree
+ Must rot if they abjure rapacity,
+ Not argument, but effort shall decide.
+ They number many heads in that hard flock,
+ Trim swordsmen they push forth, yet try thy steel;
+ Thou, fighting for poor human kind, shalt feel
+ The strength of Roland in thy wrist to hew
+ A chasm sheer into the barrier rock,
+ And bring the army of the faithful through.
+
+
+
+
+THE WAR OF IDEAS
+
+_An Address to the Royal Colonial Institute, December 12, 1916_
+
+
+I hold, as I daresay you do, that we are at a crisis of our history
+where there is not much room for talk. The time when this struggle might
+have been averted or won by talk is long past. During the hundred years
+before the war we have not talked much, or listened much, to the
+Germans. For fifty of those years at least the head of waters that has
+now been let loose in a devastating flood over Europe was steadily
+accumulating; but we paid little attention to it. People sometimes speak
+of the negotiations of the twelve days before the war as if the whole
+secret and cause of the war could be found there; but it is not so.
+Statesmen, it is true, are the keepers of the lock-gates, but those
+keepers can only delay, they cannot prevent an inundation that has great
+natural causes. The world has in it evil enough, and darkness enough.
+But it is not so bad and so dark that a slip in diplomacy, a careless
+word, or an impolite gesture, can instantaneously, as if by magic,
+involve twenty million men in a struggle to the death. It is only
+clever, conceited men, proud of their neat little minds, who think that
+because they cannot fathom the causes of the war, it might easily have
+been prevented. I confess I find it difficult to conceive of the war in
+terms of simple right and wrong. We must respect the tides, and their
+huge unintelligible force teaches us to respect them.
+
+It is not a war of race. For all our differences with the Germans, any
+cool and impartial mind must admit that we have many points of kinship
+with them. During the years before the war our naval officers in the
+Mediterranean found, I believe, that it was easier to associate on terms
+of social friendship with the Austrians than with the officers of any
+other foreign navy. We have a passionate admiration for France, and a
+real devotion to her, but that is a love affair, not a family tie. We
+begin to be experienced in love affairs, for Ireland steadily refuses to
+be treated on any other footing. In any case, we are much closer to the
+Germans than they are to the Bulgarians or the Turks. Of these three we
+like the Turks the best, because they are chivalrous and generous
+enemies, which the Germans are not.
+
+It is a war of ideas. We are fighting an armed doctrine. Yet Burke's use
+of those words to describe the military power of Revolutionary France
+should warn us against fallacious attempts to simplify the issue. When
+ideas become motives and are filtered into practice, they lose their
+clearness of outline and are often hard to recognize. They leaven the
+lump, but the lump is still human clay, with its passions and
+prejudices, its pride and its hate. I remember seeing in a provincial
+paper, in the early days of the war, two adjacent columns, both dealing
+with the war. The first was headed 'A Holy War' and set forth the great
+principles of nationality, respect for treaties, and protection of the
+weak, which in our opinion are the main motives of the Allies in this
+war. The second was headed 'The War on Commerce; Tips to capture German
+trade', and set forth those other principles and motives which, in the
+opinion of the Germans, brought England into this war.
+
+I am not going to defend England against the charge that she entered
+this war on a cold calculation of mercantile profit. Every one here
+knows that the charge is utterly untrue. Those who believe the charge
+could not be shaken in their belief except by being educated all over
+again, and introduced to some knowledge of human nature. It is enough to
+remark that this charge is a commonplace between belligerent nations.
+They all like to believe that their adversaries entertain only base
+motives, while they themselves act only on the loftiest ideal
+promptings. If the charge means only that every nation at war is bound
+to think of its own interests, to conserve its own strength, and to
+seize on all material gains that are within its reach, the charge is
+true and harmless. When two angry women quarrel in a back street, they
+commonly accuse each other of being amorous. They might just as well
+accuse each other of being human. The charge is true and insignificant.
+So also with nations; they all cherish themselves and seek to preserve
+their means of livelihood.
+
+If this were their sole concern, there would be few wars; certainly this
+war, which is desolating and impoverishing Europe, would be impossible.
+No one, surely, can look at the war and say that nations are moved only
+by their material interests. It would be more plausible to say that they
+are too little moved by those interests. Bacon, in his essay _Of Death_,
+remarks that the fear of death does not much affect mankind. 'There is
+no passion in the mind of man so weak, but it mates and masters the
+fear of death; and therefore death is no such terrible enemy when a man
+hath so many attendants about him that can win the combat of him.
+Revenge triumphs over death; love slights it; honour aspireth to it;
+grief flieth to it, fear pre-occupateth it; nay, we read, after Otho the
+Emperor had slain himself, pity (which is the tenderest of affections)
+provoked many to die out of mere compassion to their sovereign, and as
+the truest sort of followers.' If this is true of the fear of death, how
+much truer it is of the love of material gain. Any whim, or point of
+pride, or fixed idea, or old habit, is enough to make a man or a nation
+forgo the hope of profit and fight for a creed.
+
+The German creed is by this time well known. Before the war we took
+little notice of it. We sometimes saw it stated in print, but it seemed
+to us too monstrous and inhuman to be the creed of a whole people. We
+were wrong; it was the creed of a whole people. By the mesmerism of
+State education, by the discipline of universal military service, by the
+pride of the German people in their past victories, and by the fears
+natural to a nation that finds enemies on all its fronts, an absolute
+belief in the State, in war as the highest activity of the State, and in
+the right of the State to enslave all its subjects, body and soul, to
+its purposes, had become the creed of all those diverse peoples that are
+united under the Prussian Monarchy. Most of them are not naturally
+warlike peoples. They have been lured, and frightened, and drilled, and
+bribed into war, but it is true to say that, on the whole, they enjoy
+fighting less than we do. One of the truest remarks ever made on the war
+was that famous remark of a British private soldier, who was telling
+how his company took a trench from the enemy. Fearing that his account
+of the affair might sound boastful, he added, 'You see, Sir, they're not
+a military people, like we are.' Only the word was wrong, the meaning
+was right. They are, as every one knows, an enormously military people,
+and, if they want to fight at all, they have to be a military people,
+for the vast majority of them are not a warlike people. A first-class
+army could never have been fashioned in Germany out of volunteer
+civilians, like our army on the Somme. That army has a little shaken the
+faith of the Germans in their creed. Again I must quote one of our
+soldiers: 'I don't say', he remarked, 'that our average can run rings
+round their best; what I say is that our average is better than their
+average, and our best is better than their best.' The Germans already
+are uneasy about their creed and their system, but there is no escape
+for them; they have sacrificed everything to it; they have impoverished
+the mind and drilled the imagination of every German citizen, so that
+Germany appears before the world with the body of a giant and the mind
+of a dwarf; they have sacrificed themselves in millions that their creed
+may prevail, and with their creed they must stand or fall. The State,
+organized as absolute power, responsible to no one, with no duties to
+its neighbour, and with only nominal duties to a strictly subordinate
+God, has challenged the soul of man in its dearest possessions. We
+cannot predict the course of military operations; but if we were not
+sure of the ultimate issue of this great struggle, we should have no
+sufficient motive for continuing to breathe. The State has challenged
+the soul of man before now, and has always been defeated. A miserable
+remnant of men and women, tied to stakes or starved in dungeons, have
+before now shattered what seemed an omnipotent tyranny, because they
+stood for the soul and were not prompted by vanity or self-regard. They
+had great allies--
+
+ 'Their friends were exultations, agonies,
+ And love, and man's unconquerable mind.'
+
+If we are defeated we shall be defeated not by German strength but by
+our own weakness. The worst enemy of the martyr is doubt and the divided
+mind, which suggests the question, 'Is it, after all, worth while?' We
+must know what we have believed. What do we stand for in this war? It is
+only the immovable conviction that we stand for something ultimate and
+essential that can help us and carry us through. No war of this kind and
+on this scale is good enough to fight unless it is good enough to fail
+in. 'The calculation of profit', said Burke,'in all such wars is false.
+On balancing the account of such wars, ten thousand hogs-heads of sugar
+are purchased at ten thousand times their price. The blood of man should
+never be shed but to redeem the blood of man. It is well shed for our
+family, for our friends, for our God, for our country, for our kind. The
+rest is vanity; the rest is crime.'
+
+The question I have asked is a difficult question to answer, or, rather,
+the answer is not easy to formulate briefly and clearly. Most of the men
+at the front know quite well what they are fighting for; they know that
+it is for their country, but that it is also for their kind--for certain
+ideals of humanity. We at home know that we are at war for liberty and
+humanity. But these words are invoked by different nations in different
+senses; the Germans, or at least most of them, have as much liberty as
+they desire, and believe that the highest good of humanity is to be
+found in the prevalence of their own ideas and of their own type of
+government and society. No abstract demonstration can help us. Liberty
+is a highly comparative notion; no one asks for it complete. Humanity is
+a highly variable notion; it is interpreted in different senses by
+different societies. What we are confronted by is two types of
+character, two sets of aims, two ideals for society. There can be no
+harm in trying to understand both.
+
+The Germans can never be understood by those who neglect their history.
+They are a solid, brave, and earnest people, who, till quite recent
+times, have been denied their share in the government of Europe. In the
+sixteenth century they were deeply stirred by questions of religion, and
+were rent asunder by the Reformation. Compromise proved futile; the
+small German states were ranked on this side or on that at the will of
+their rulers and princes; men of the same race were ranged in mortal
+opposition on the question of religious belief, and there was no
+solution but war. For thirty years in the seventeenth century the war
+raged. It was conducted with a fierceness and inhumanity that even the
+present war has not equalled. The civilian population suffered
+hideously. Whole provinces were desolated and whole states were bereaved
+of their men. When, from mere exhaustion, the war came to an end,
+Germany lay prostrate, and the chief gains of the war fell to the rising
+monarchy of France, which had intervened in the middle of the struggle.
+By the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 Alsace and Lorraine went to France,
+and the rule of the great monarch, Louis XIV, had nothing to fear from
+the German peoples. The ambitions of Germany, for long after this, were
+mainly cosmopolitan and intellectual. But political ambitions, though
+they seemed almost dead, were revived by the hardy state of Prussia, and
+the rest of Germany's history, down to our own time, is the history of
+the welding of the Germanic peoples into a single state by Prussian
+monarchs and statesmen.
+
+This history explains many things. If a people has a corporate memory,
+if it can learn from its own sufferings, Germany has reason enough to
+cherish with a passionate devotion her late achieved unity. And German
+brutality, which is not the less brutality because Germans regard it as
+quite natural and right, has its origin in German history. The Prussian
+is a Spartan, a natural brute, but brutal to himself as well as to
+others, capable of extremes of self-denial and self-discipline. From the
+Prussians the softer and more emotional German peoples of the South
+received the gift of national unity, and they repaid the debt by
+extravagant admiration for Prussian prowess and hardihood, which had
+been so serviceable to their cause. The Southern Germans, the Bavarians
+especially, have developed a sort of sentimentalism of brutality,
+expressed in the hysterical Hymn of Hate (which hails from Munich),
+expressed also in those monstrous excesses and cruelties, surpassing
+anything that mere insensibility can produce, which have given the
+Bavarian troops their foul reputation in the present war.
+
+The last half century of German history must also be remembered. Three
+assaults on neighbouring states were rewarded by a great increase of
+territory and of strength. From Denmark, in 1864, Prussia took
+Schleswig-Holstein. The defeat of Austria in 1866 brought Hanover and
+Bavaria under the Prussian leadership; Alsace and Lorraine were regained
+from France in 1870. The Prussian mind, which is not remarkable for
+subtlety, found a justification in these three wars for its favourite
+doctrine of frightfulness. That doctrine, put briefly, is that people
+can always be frightened into submission, and that it is cheaper to
+frighten them than to fight them to the bitter end. Denmark was a small
+nation, and moreover was left utterly unsupported by the European powers
+who had guaranteed her integrity. Bavaria was frightened, and will be
+frightened again when her hot fit gives way to her cold fit. France was
+divided and half-hearted under a tinsel emperor. It is Germany's
+misfortune that on these three special cases she based a general
+doctrine of war. A very little knowledge of human nature--a knowledge so
+alien to her that she calls it psychology and assigns it to
+specialists--would have taught her that, for the most part, human beings
+when they are fighting for their homes and their faith cannot be
+frightened, and must be killed or conciliated. The practice of
+frightfulness has not worked very well in this war. It has steeled the
+heart of Germany's enemies. It has produced in her victims a temper of
+hate that will outlive this generation, and will make the small peoples
+whom she has kicked and trampled on impossible subjects of the German
+Empire. Worst of all it has suggested to onlookers that the people who
+have so plenary a belief in frightfulness are not themselves strangers
+to fear. There is an old English proverb, hackneyed and stale three
+hundred years ago, but now freshened again by disuse, that the goodwife
+would never have looked for her daughter in the oven unless she had been
+there herself.
+
+How shall I describe the English temper, which the Germans, high and
+low, learned and ignorant, have so profoundly mistaken? You can get no
+description of it from the Englishman pure and simple; he has no theory
+of himself, and it bores him to hear himself described. Yet it is this
+temper which has given England her great place in the world and which
+has cemented the British Empire. It is to be found not in England alone,
+but wherever there is a strain of English blood or an acceptance of
+English institutions. You can find it in Australia, in Canada, in
+America; it infects Scotland, and impresses Wales. It is everywhere in
+our trenches to-day. It is not clannish, or even national, it is
+essentially the lonely temper of a man independent to the verge of
+melancholy. An admirable French writer of to-day has said that the best
+handbook and guide to the English temper is Defoe's romance of _Robinson
+Crusoe_. Crusoe is practical, but is conscious of the over-shadowing
+presence of the things that are greater than man. He makes his own
+clothing, teaches his goats to dance, and wrestles in thought with the
+problems suggested by his Bible. Another example of the same temper may
+be seen in Bunyan's _Pilgrim's Progress_, and yet another in
+Wordsworth's _Prelude_. There is no danger that English thought will
+ever underestimate the value and meaning of the individual soul. The
+greatest English literature, it might almost be said, from Shakespeare's
+_Hamlet_ to Browning's _The Ring and the Book_, is concerned with no
+other subject. The age-long satire against the English is that in
+England every man claims the right to go to heaven his own way. English
+institutions, instead of subduing men to a single pattern, are devised
+chiefly with the object of saving the rights of the subject and the
+liberty of the individual. 'Every man in his humour' is an English
+proverb, and might almost be a statement of English constitutional
+doctrine. But this extreme individualism is the right of all, and does
+not favour self-exaltation. The English temper has an almost morbid
+dislike of all that is showy or dramatic in expression. I remember how a
+Winchester boy, when he was reproached with the fact that Winchester has
+produced hardly any great men, replied, 'No, indeed, I should think not.
+We would pretty soon have knocked that out of them.' And the epigrams of
+the English temper usually take the form of understatement. 'Give
+Dayrolles a chair' were the last dying words of Lord Chesterfield,
+spoken of the friend who had come to see him. When the French troops go
+over the parapet to make an advance, their battle cry shouts the praises
+of their Country. The British troops prefer to celebrate the advance in
+a more trivial fashion, 'This way to the early door, sixpence extra.'
+
+I might go on interminably with this dissertation, but I have said
+enough for my purpose. The history of England has had much to do with
+moulding the English temper. We have been protected from direct
+exposure to the storms that have swept the Continent. Our wars on land
+have been adventures undertaken by expeditionary forces. At sea, while
+the power of England was growing, we have been explorers, pirates,
+buccaneers. Now that we are involved in a great European war on land,
+our methods have been changed. The artillery and infantry of a modern
+army cannot act effectively on their own impulse. We hold the sea, and
+the pirates' work for the present has passed into other hands. But our
+spirit and temper is the same as of old. It has found a new world in the
+air. War in the air, under the conditions of to-day, demands all the old
+gallantry and initiative. The airman depends on his own brain and nerve;
+he cannot fall back on orders from his superiors. Our airmen of to-day
+are the true inheritors of Drake; they have the same inspired
+recklessness, the same coolness, and the same chivalry to a vanquished
+enemy.
+
+I am a very bad example of the English temper; for the English temper
+grumbles at all this, to the great relief of our enemies, who believe
+that what a man admits against his own nation must be true. Our
+pessimists, by indulging their natural vein, serve us, without reward,
+quite as well as Germany is served by her wireless press. They deceive
+the enemy.
+
+Modern Germany has organized and regimented her people like an ant-hill
+or a beehive. The people themselves, including many who belong to the
+upper class, are often simple villagers in temper, full of kindness and
+anger, much subject to envy and jealousy, not magnanimous, docile and
+obedient to a fault. If they claimed, as individuals, to represent the
+highest reach of European civilization, the claim would be merely
+absurd. So they shift their ground, and pretend that society is greater
+than man, and that by their painstaking organization their society has
+been raised to the pinnacle of human greatness. They make this claim so
+insistently, and in such obvious good faith, that some few weak tempers
+and foolish minds in England have been impressed by it. These
+panic-stricken counsellors advise us, without delay, to reform our
+institutions and organize them upon the German model. Only thus, they
+tell us, can we hold our own against so huge a power. But if we were to
+take their advice, we should have nothing of our own left to hold. It is
+reasonable and good to co-operate and organize in order to attain an
+agreed object, but German organization goes far beyond this. The German
+nation is a carefully built, smooth-running machine, with powerful
+engines. It has only one fault--that any fool can drive it; and seeing
+that the governing class in Germany is obstinate and unimaginative,
+there is no lack of drivers to pilot it to disaster. The best ability of
+Germany is seen in her military organization. Napoleon is her worshipped
+model, and, like many admirers of Napoleon, she thinks only of his great
+campaigns; she forgets that he died in St. Helena, and that his schemes
+for the reorganization of Europe failed.
+
+I know that many people in England are not daunted but depressed by the
+military successes of the enemy. Our soldiers in the field are not
+depressed. But we who are kept at home suffer from the miasma of the
+back-parlour. We read the headlines of newspapers--a form of literature
+that is exciting enough, but does not merit the praise given to
+Sophocles, who saw life steadily and saw it whole. We keep our ears to
+the telephone, and we forget that the great causes which are always at
+work, and which will shape the issues of this war, are not recorded upon
+the telephone. There are things truer and more important than the latest
+dispatches. Here is one of them. The organization of the second-rate can
+never produce anything first-rate. We do not understand a people who,
+when it comes to the last push of man against man, throw up their hands
+and utter the pathetic cry of 'Kamerad'. To surrender is a weakness that
+no one who has not been under modern artillery fire has any right to
+condemn; to profess a sudden affection for the advancing enemy is not
+weakness but baseness. Or rather, it would be baseness in a voluntary
+soldier; in the Germans it means only that the war is not their own war;
+that they are fighting as slaves, not as free men. The idea that we
+could ever live under the rule of these people is merely comic. To do
+them justice, they do not now entertain the idea, though they have
+dallied with it in the past.
+
+No harm can be done, I think, by preaching to the English people the
+necessity for organization and discipline. We shall still be ourselves,
+and there is no danger that we shall overdo discipline or make
+organization a thing to be worshipped for its own sake. The danger is
+all the other way. We have learnt much from the war, and the work that
+we shall have to do when it ends is almost more important than the terms
+of peace, or concessions made this way and that. If the treacherous
+assault of the Germans on the liberties and peace of Europe is rewarded
+by any solid gain to the German Empire, then history may forgive them,
+but this people of the British Empire will not forgive them. Nothing
+will be as it was before; and our cause, which will not be lost in the
+war, will still have to be won in the so-called peace. I know that some
+say, 'Let us have war when we are at war, and peace when we are at
+peace'. It sounds plausible and magnanimous, but it is Utopian. You must
+reckon with your own people. They know that when we last had peace, the
+sunshine of that peace was used by the Germans to hatch the spawn of
+malice and treason. If the Germans are defeated in the war, we shall, I
+suppose, forgive them, for the very English reason that it is a bore not
+to forgive your enemies. But if they escape without decisive defeat in
+battle, their harder trial is yet to come.
+
+In some ways we are stronger than we have been in all our long history.
+We have found ourselves, and we have found our friends. Our dead have
+taught the children of to-day more and better than any living teachers
+can teach them. No one in this country will ever forget how the people
+of the Dominions, at the first note of war, sprang to arms like one man.
+We must not thank or praise them; like the Navy, they regard our thanks
+and praise as something of an impertinence. They are not fighting, they
+say, for us. But that is how we discovered them. They are doing much
+better than fighting for us, they are fighting with us, because, without
+a word of explanation or appeal, their ideas and ours are the same. We
+never have discussed with them, and we never shall discuss, what is
+decent and clean and honourable in human behaviour. A philosopher who
+is interested in this question can find plenty of intellectual exercise
+by discussing it with the Germans, Where an Englishman, a Canadian, and
+an Australian are met, there is no material for such a debate.
+
+It would be extravagant to suppose that a discovery like this can leave
+our future relations untouched. We now know that we are profoundly
+united in a union much stronger and deeper than any mechanism can
+produce. I know how difficult a problem it is to hit on the best device
+for giving political expression to this union between States separated
+from one another by the whole world's diameter, differing in their
+circumstances, their needs, and their outlook. I do not dare to
+prescribe; but I should like to make a few remarks, and to call
+attention to a few points which are perhaps more present to the mind of
+the ordinary citizen than they are in the discussions of constitutional
+experts.
+
+We must arrange for co-operation and mutual support. If the arrangement
+is complicated and lengthy, we must not wait for it; we must meet and
+discuss our common affairs. Ministers from the Dominions have already
+sat with the British Cabinet. We can never go back on that; it is a
+landmark in our history. Our Ministers must travel; if their supporters
+are impatient of their absence on the affairs of the Empire, they must
+find some less parochial set of supporters. We have begun in the right
+way; the right way is not to pass laws determining what you are to do;
+but to do what is needful, and do it at once,--do a lot of things, and
+regularize your successes by later legislation. Now is the time, while
+the Empire is white-hot. Our first need is not lawyers, but men who,
+feeling friendly, know how to behave as friends do. They will not be
+impeached if they go beyond the letter of the law. One act of faith is
+worth a hundred arguments. This is a family affair; the habits of an
+affectionate and united family are the only good model.
+
+As for the Crown Colonies and India, the Dominions must share our
+burden. It is objected, both here and in India, that life in the
+Dominions is a very inadequate education for the sympathetic handling of
+alien races and customs. So is life in many parts of this island. The
+fact is that the process of learning to govern these alien peoples is
+the best education in the world. The Indian Civil Service is a great
+College, and it governs India. I can speak to this point, for I have
+lived there and seen it at work. If India were really governed by the
+ideas of the young novices who go out there fresh from their
+examinations, she would be a distressful country. But the novice is
+taken in hand at once by the older members of the service; he works
+under the eye of the Collector and the Assistant Collector; they
+shoulder him and instruct him as tame elephants shoulder and instruct
+the wild; they are kind to him, and he lives in their company while his
+prejudices and follies peel off him; so that within a few years he
+becomes a tolerant, wise, and devoted civil servant, who speaks the
+language of the College and is proud to belong to it. The success of the
+Government of India is not to be credited to the classes from which the
+Civil Service is recruited, but to the discipline of the Service itself,
+a Service so high in tradition and so free from corruption that
+advancement in it is to be gained only by intelligence and sympathy.
+What I am saying is that I can imagine no finer raw material for the
+political discipline of the Indian Civil Service than some of the
+generous and clean-run spirits who have come from the Dominions to help
+in this war. They could be introduced to a share of our responsibilities
+without impeding or retarding the movement to give to selected natives
+of India a larger share in the government of their country.
+
+But the war is not over, so I return to the main issue--the conflict
+between the English idea and the German idea of world government. It is
+not an accident, as Baron von Hügel remarks in his book on _The German
+Soul_, that the chief colonizing nation of the world should be a nation
+without a national army. We have depended enormously in the past on the
+initiative and virtue of the individual adventurer; if our adventurers
+were to fail us, which is not likely, or if the State were to supersede
+them, and attempt to do their work, which is not conceivable, our
+political power and influence would vanish with them. The world might
+perhaps be well ordered, but there would be no freedom, and no fun. The
+beauty of the adventurer is that he is practically invincible. He does
+not wait for orders. Under the most perfect police system that Germany
+could devise, he would be up and at it again. We are not so numerous as
+the Germans, but there are enough and to spare of us to make German
+government impossible in any place where we pitch our tents. We are
+practised hands at upsetting governments. Our political system is a
+training school for rebels. This is what makes our very existence an
+offence to the moral instincts of the German people. They are quite
+right to want to kill us; the only way to abolish fun and freedom is to
+abolish life. But I must not be unjust to them; their forethought
+provides for everything, and no doubt they would prescribe authorized
+forms of fun for half an hour a week, and would gather together their
+subjects in public assembly, under municipal regulations, to perform
+approved exercises in freedom.
+
+Mankind lives by ideas; and if an irreconcilable difference in ideas
+makes a good war, then this is a good war. The contrast between the two
+ideas is profound and far-reaching. My business lies in a University.
+For a good many years before the war certain selected German students,
+who had had a University education in their own country, came as Rhodes
+scholars to Oxford. The intention of Mr. Rhodes was benevolent; he
+thought that if German students were to reside for four years at Oxford
+and to associate there, at an impressionable time of life, with young
+Englishmen, understanding and fellowship would be encouraged between the
+two peoples. But the German government took care to defeat Mr. Rhodes's
+intention. Instead of sending a small number of students for the full
+period, as Mr. Rhodes had provided, Germany asked and (by whose mistake
+I do not know) obtained leave to send a larger number for a shorter
+stay. The students selected were intended for the political and
+diplomatic service, and were older than the usual run of Oxford
+freshmen. Their behaviour had a certain ambassadorial flavour about it.
+They did not mix much in the many undergraduate societies which flourish
+in a college, but met together in clubs of their own to drink patriotic
+toasts. They were nothing if not superior. I remember a conversation I
+had with one of them who came to consult me. He wished, he said, to do
+some definite piece of research work in English literature. I asked him
+what problems or questions in English literature most interested him,
+and he replied that he would do anything that I advised. We had a talk
+of some length, wholly at cross-purposes. At last I tried to make my
+point of view clear by reminding him that research means finding the
+answer to a question, and that if his reading of English literature,
+which had been fairly extensive, had suggested no questions to his mind,
+he was not in the happiest possible position to begin research. This
+touched his national pride, and he gave me something not unlike a
+lecture. In Germany, he said, the professor tells you what you are to
+do; he gives you a subject for investigation, he names the books you are
+to read, and advises you on what you are to write; you follow his
+advice, and produce a thesis, which gains you the degree of Doctor of
+Letters. I have seen a good many of these theses, and I am sure this
+account is correct. With very rare exceptions they are as dead as
+mutton, and much less nourishing. The upshot of our conversation was
+that he thought me an incompetent professor, and I thought him an
+unprofitable student.
+
+There are many people in England to-day who praise the thoroughness of
+the Germans, and their devotion to systematic thought. Has any one ever
+taken the trouble to trace the development of the thesis habit, and its
+influence on their national life? They theorize everything, and they
+believe in their theories. They have solemn theories of the English
+character, of the French character, of the nature of war, of the history
+of the world. No breath of scepticism dims their complacency, although
+events steadily prove their theories wrong. They have courage, and when
+they are seeking truth by the process of reasoning, they accept the
+conclusions attained by the process, however monstrous these conclusions
+may be. They not only accept them, they act upon them, and, as every one
+knows, their behaviour in Belgium was dictated to them by their
+philosophy.
+
+Thought of this kind is the enemy of the human race. It intoxicates
+sluggish minds, to whom thought is not natural. It suppresses all the
+gentler instincts of the heart and supplies a basis of orthodoxy for all
+the cruelty and treachery in the world. I do not know, none of us knows,
+when or how this war will end. But I know that it is worth fighting to
+the end, whatever it may cost to all and each of us. We may have peace
+with the Germans, the peace of exhaustion or the peace that is only a
+breathing space in a long struggle. We can never have peace with the
+German idea. It was not the idea of the older German thinkers--of Kant,
+or of Goethe, who were good Europeans. Kant said that there is nothing
+good in the world except the good will. The modern German doctrine is
+that there is nothing good in the world except what tends to the power
+and glory of the State. The inventor of this doctrine, it may be
+remembered, was the Devil, who offered to the Son of Man the glory of
+all the kingdoms of the world, if only He would fall down and worship
+him. The Germans, exposed to a like temptation, have accepted the offer
+and have fulfilled the condition. They can have no assurance that faith
+will be kept with them. On the other hand, we can have no assurance that
+they will suffer any signal or dramatic reverse. Human history does not
+usually observe the laws of melodrama. But we know that their newly
+purchased doctrine can be fought, in war and in peace, and we know that
+in the end it will not prevail.
+
+
+
+
+THE FAITH OF ENGLAND
+
+_An Address to the Union Society of University College, London, March
+22,1917_
+
+
+When Professor W.P. Ker asked me to address you on this ceremonial
+occasion I felt none of the confidence of the man who knows what he
+wants to say, and is looking for an audience. But Professor Ker is my
+old friend, and this place is the place where I picked up many of those
+fragmentary impressions which I suppose must be called my education. So
+I thought it would be ungrateful to refuse, even though it should prove
+that I have nothing to express save goodwill and the affections of
+memory.
+
+When I matriculated in the University of London and became a student in
+this place, my professors were Professor Goodwin, Professor Church,
+Professor Henrici, Professor Groom Robertson, and Professor Henry
+Morley. I remember all these, though, if they were alive, I do not think
+that any of them would remember me. The indescribable exhilaration,
+which must be familiar to many of you, of leaving school and entering
+college, is in great part the exhilaration of making acquaintance with
+teachers who care much about their subject and little or nothing about
+their pupils. To escape from the eternal personal judgements which make
+a school a place of torment is to walk upon air. The schoolmaster looks
+at you; the college professor looks the way you are looking. The
+statements made by Euclid, that thoughtful Greek, are no longer
+encumbered at college with all those preposterous and irrelevant moral
+considerations which desolate the atmosphere of a school. The question
+now is not whether you have perfectly acquainted yourself with what
+Euclid said, but whether what he said is true. In my earliest days at
+college I heard a complete exposition of the first six books of Euclid,
+given in four lectures, with masterly ease and freedom, by Professor
+Henrici, who did not hesitate to employ methods of demonstration which,
+though they are perfectly legitimate and convincing, were rejected by
+the daintiness of the Greek. Professor Groom Robertson introduced his
+pupils to the mysteries of mental and moral philosophy, and incidentally
+disaffected some of us by what seemed to us his excessive reverence for
+the works of Alexander Bain. Those works were our favourite theme for
+satirical verse, which we did not pain our Professor by publishing.
+Professor Henry Morley lectured hour after hour to successive classes in
+a room half way down the passage, on the left. Even overwork could not
+deaden his enormous vitality; but I hope that his immediate successor
+does not lecture so often. Outside the classrooms I remember the
+passages, which resembled the cellars of an unsuccessful sculptor, the
+library, where I first read _Romeo and Juliet_, and the refectory, where
+we discussed human life in most, if not in all, of its aspects. In the
+neighbourhood of the College there was the classic severity of Gower
+Street, and, for those who preferred the richer variety of romance,
+there was always the Tottenham Court Road. Beyond all, and throughout
+all, there was friendship, and there was freedom. The College was
+founded, I believe, partly in the interests of those who object to
+subscribe to a conclusion before they are permitted to examine the
+grounds for it. It has always been a free place; and if I remember it as
+a place of delight, that is because I found here the delights of
+freedom.
+
+My thoughts in these days are never very long away from the War, so that
+I should feel it difficult to speak of anything else. Yet there are so
+many ways in which it would be unprofitable for me to pretend to speak
+of it, that the difficulty remains. I have no knowledge of military or
+naval strategy. I am not intimately acquainted with Germany or with
+German culture. I could praise our own people, and our own fighting men,
+from a full heart; but that, I think, is not exactly what you want from
+me. So I am reduced to attempting what we have all had to attempt during
+the past two years or more, to try to state, for myself as much as for
+you, the meaning of this War so far as we can perceive it.
+
+It seems to be a decree of fate that this country shall be compelled
+every hundred years to fight for her very life. We live in an island
+that lies across the mouths of the Rhine, and guards the access to all
+the ports of northern Europe. In this island we have had enough safety
+and enough leisure to develop for ourselves a system of constitutional
+and individual liberty which has had an enormous influence on other
+nations. It has been admired and imitated; it has also been hated and
+attacked. To the majority of European statesmen and politicians it has
+been merely unintelligible. Some of them have regarded it with a kind
+of superstitious reverence; for we have been very successful in the
+world at large, and how could so foolish and ineffective a system
+achieve success except by adventitious aid? Others, including all the
+statesmen and political theorists who prepared Germany for this War,
+have refused to admire; the power of England, they have taught, is not
+real power; she has been crafty and lucky; she has kept herself free
+from the entanglements and strifes of the Continent, and has enriched
+herself by filching the property of the combatants. If once she were
+compelled to hold by force what she won by guile, her pretensions would
+collapse, and she would fall back into her natural position as a small
+agricultural island, inhabited by a people whose proudest boast would
+then be that they are poor cousins of the Germans.
+
+It is difficult to discuss this question with German professors and
+politicians: they have such simple minds, and they talk like angry
+children. Their opinions concerning England are not original; their
+views were held with equal fervour and expressed in very similar
+language by Philip of Spain in the sixteenth century, by Louis XIV of
+France in the seventeenth century, and by Napoleon at the close of the
+eighteenth century. 'These all died in faith, not having received the
+promises, but having seen them afar off.' I will ask you to consider the
+attack made upon England by each of these three powerful rulers.
+
+Any one who reads the history of these three great wars will feel a
+sense of illusion, as if he were reading the history of to-day. The
+points of resemblance in all four wars are so many and so great that it
+seems as if the four wars were all one war, repeated every century. The
+cause of the war is always an ambitious ruler who covets supremacy on
+the European Continent. England is always opposed to him--inevitably and
+instinctively. It took the Germans twenty years to prepare their people
+for this War. It took us two days to prepare ours. Our instinct is quick
+and sound; for the resources and wealth of the Continent, if once they
+were controlled by a single autocratic power, would make it impossible
+for England to follow her fortunes upon the sea. But we never stand
+quite alone. The smaller peoples of the Continent, who desire
+self-government, or have achieved it, always give the conqueror trouble,
+and rebel against him or resist him. England always sends help to them,
+the help of an expeditionary force, or, failing that, the help of
+irregular volunteers. Sir Philip Sidney dies at Zutphen; Sir John Moore
+at Corunna. There is always desperate fighting in the Low Countries; and
+the names of Mons, Liège, Namur, and Lille recur again and again.
+England always succeeds in maintaining herself, though not without some
+reverses, on the sea. In the end the power of the master of legions,
+Philip, Louis, Napoleon, and shall we say William, crumbles and melts;
+his ambitions are too costly to endure, his people chafe under his lash,
+and his kingdom falls into insignificance or is transformed by internal
+revolution.
+
+In all these wars there is one other resemblance which it is good to
+remember to-day. The position of England, at one time or another in the
+course of the war, always seems desperate. When Philip of Spain invaded
+England with the greatest navy of the world, he was met on the seas by a
+fleet made up chiefly of volunteers. When Louis overshadowed Europe and
+threatened England, our king was in his pay and had made a secret treaty
+with him; our statesmen, moreover, had destroyed our alliance with the
+maritime powers of Sweden and Holland, we had war with the Dutch, and
+our fleet was beaten by them. During the war against Napoleon we were in
+an even worse plight; the plausible political doctrines of the
+Revolution found many sympathizers in this country; our sailors mutinied
+at the Nore; Ireland was aflame with discontent; and we were involved in
+the Mahratta War in India, not to mention the naval war with America.
+Even after Trafalgar, our European allies failed us, Napoleon disposed
+of Austria and Prussia, and concluded a separate treaty with Russia. It
+was then that Wordsworth wrote--
+
+ ''Tis well! from this day forward we shall know
+ That in ourselves our safety must be sought;
+ That by our own right hands it must be wrought;
+ That we must stand unpropped, or be laid low.
+ O dastard whom such foretaste doth not cheer!
+ We shall exult, if they who rule the land
+ Be men who hold its many blessings dear,
+ Wise, upright, valiant; not a servile band,
+ Who are to judge of dangers which they fear,
+ And honour which they do not understand.'
+
+Always in the same cause, we have suffered worse things than we are
+suffering to-day, and if there is worse to come we hope that we are
+ready. The youngest and best of us, who carry on and go through with
+it, though many of them are dead and many more will not live to see the
+day of victory, have been easily the happiest and most confident among
+us. They have believed that, at a price, they can save decency and
+civilization in Europe, and, if they are wrong, they have known, as we
+know, that the day when decency and civilization are trampled under the
+foot of the brute is a day when it is good to die.
+
+When I speak of the German nation as the brute I am not speaking
+controversially or rhetorically; the whole German nation has given its
+hearty assent to a brutal doctrine of war and politics; no facts need be
+disputed between us: what to us is their shame, to them is their glory.
+This is a grave difference; yet it would be wrong to suppose that we can
+treat it adequately by condemning the whole German nation as a nation of
+confessed criminals. It is the paradox of war that there is always right
+on both sides. When a man is ready and willing to sacrifice his life,
+you cannot deny him the right to choose what he will die for. The most
+beautiful virtues, faith and courage and devotion, grow like weeds upon
+the battle-field. The fighters recognize these virtues in each other,
+and the front lines, for all their mud and slaughter, are breathed on by
+the airs of heaven. Hate and pusillanimity have little there to nourish
+them. To find the meaner passions you must seek further back. Johnson,
+speaking in the _Idler_ of the calamities produced by war, admits that
+he does not know 'whether more is to be dreaded from streets filled with
+soldiers accustomed to plunder, or from garrets filled with scribblers
+accustomed to lie'. Now that our army is the nation in arms, the danger
+from a lawless soldiery has become less, or has vanished; but the other
+danger has increased. Journalists are not the only offenders. It is a
+strange, squalid background for the nobility of the soldier that is made
+by the deceits and boasts of diplomatists and statesmen. In one of the
+prison camps of England, some weeks ago, I saw a Saxon boy who had
+fought bravely for his country. Simplicity and openness and loyalty were
+written on his face. There are hundreds like him, and I would not
+mention him if it were not that that same day I read with a new and
+heightened sense of disgust a speech by the German Chancellor, writhing
+with timidity and dishonesty and uneasy braggadocio. Those who feel this
+contrast as I did may be excused, I think, if they come to the
+conclusion that to talk about war is an accursed trade, and that to
+fight well, whether on the one side or the other, is the only noble
+part.
+
+Yet there is no escape for us; if we are to avoid chaos, if the daily
+life of the world is to be re-established and carried on, there must be
+an understanding between nations, and there is no possible way to come
+to an understanding save by the action and words of representative men
+on the one side and the other. Such representative men there are; there
+is no reason to doubt that they do in the main truly express the
+aspirations and wishes of their people, and on both sides they have
+either explicitly or virtually made offers. The offer of the Allied
+Powers is on record. What does Germany offer? She has refused to make a
+definite statement, but her rulers have talked a great deal, and what
+she intends is not really in doubt; only she is not sure whether she can
+get it, and still clings to the hope that a favourable turn of events
+may relieve her of the duty of making proposals, and put her in a
+position to dictate a settlement. We all know what that settlement would
+be.
+
+The German offer for a solution of the problem of world-government is
+German sentiments, German racial pride, German manners and customs, an
+immense increase of German territory and German influence, and above all
+an acknowledged supremacy for the German race among the nations of the
+world. She thinks she has not stated these aims in so many words; but
+she has. When it was suggested that the future peace of the world might
+be assured by the formation of a League to Enforce Peace, Germany,
+through her official spokesmen, expressed her sympathy with that idea,
+and stated that she would very gladly put herself at the head of such a
+League. I can hardly help loving the Germans when their rustic
+simplicity and rustic cunning lead them all unconsciously into
+self-revelation. The very idea of a League to Enforce Peace implies
+equality among the contracting parties; and Germany does not understand
+equality. 'By all means', she says,'let us sit at a round table, and I
+will sit at the top of it.' Her panacea for human ills is Germanism. She
+has nothing to offer but a purely national sentiment, which some,
+greatly privileged, may share, and the rest must revere and bow to. In
+the Book of Genesis we are told how Joseph was thrown into a pit by his
+elder brothers for talking just like this; but he meant it quite
+innocently, and so do the Germans. They do not intend irreverence to God
+when they call Him the good German God. On the contrary, they choose for
+His praise a word that to them stands for all goodness and all
+greatness. Their worship expresses itself naturally in the tribal ritual
+and the tribal creed. This tribal creed, there can be no doubt, is what
+they offer us for a talisman to ensure the right ordering of the world.
+
+Patriotism and loyalty to hearth and home are passions so strong in
+humanity that a creed like this, when men are under its influence, is
+not easily seen to be absurd. The Saxon boy, whom I saw in his prison
+camp, probably would not quarrel with it. And even in the wider world of
+thought the illusions of nationalism are all-pervading. I once heard
+Professor Henry Sidgwick remark that it is not easy for us to understand
+how the troops of Portugal are stirred to heroic effort when their
+commanders call on them to remember that they are Portuguese. He would
+no doubt have been the first to admit, for he had an alert and sceptical
+mind, that it is only our stupidity which finds anything comic in such
+an appeal. But it is stupidity of this kind which unfits men to deal
+with other races, and it is stupidity of this kind which has been
+exalted by the Germans as a primal duty, and has, indeed, been advanced
+by them as their principal claim to undertake the government of the
+world.
+
+This extreme nationalism, this unwillingness to feel any sympathy for
+other peoples, or to show them any consideration, has stupefied and
+blinded the Germans. One of the heaviest charges that can be brought
+against them is that they have seen no virtue in France, I do not ask
+that they shall interrupt the War to express admiration for their
+enemies: I am speaking of the time before the War. France is the chief
+modern inheritor of that great Roman civilization which found us painted
+savages, and made us into citizens of the world. The French mind, it is
+admitted, and admitted most readily by the most intelligent men, is
+quick and delicate and perceptive, surer and clearer in its operation
+than the average European mind. Yet the Germans, infatuated with a
+belief in their own numbers and their own brute strength, have dared to
+express contempt for the genius of France. A contempt for foreigners is
+common enough among the vulgar and unthinking of all nations, but I do
+not believe that you will find anywhere but in Germany a large number of
+men trained in the learned professions who are so besotted by vanity as
+to deny to France her place in the vanguard of civilization. These louts
+cannot be informed or argued with; they are interested in no one but
+themselves, and naked self-assertion is their only idea of political
+argument. Treitschke, who was for twenty years Professor of History at
+Berlin, and who did perhaps more than any other man to build up the
+modern German creed, has crystallized German politics in a single
+sentence. 'War', he says, 'is politics _par excellence_,' that is to
+say, politics at their purest and highest. Our political doctrine, if it
+must be put in as brief a form, would be better expressed in the
+sentence, 'War is the failure of politics'.
+
+If England were given over to nationalism as Germany is given over,
+then a war between these two Powers, though it would still be a great
+dramatic spectacle, would have as little meaning as a duel between two
+rival gamebirds in a cockpit. We know, and it will some day dawn on the
+Germans, that this War has a deeper meaning than that. We are not
+nationalist; we are too deeply experienced in politics to stumble into
+that trap. We have had a better and longer political education than has
+come to Germany in her short and feverish national life. It is often
+said that the Germans are better educated than we are, and in a sense
+that is true; they are better furnished with schools and colleges and
+the public means of education. The best boy in a school is the boy who
+best minds his book, and even if he dutifully believes all that it tells
+him, that will not lose him the prize. When he leaves school and
+graduates in a wider world, where men must depend on their own judgement
+and their own energy, he is often a little disconcerted to find that
+some of his less bookish fellows easily outgo him in quickness of
+understanding and resource. German education is too elaborate; it
+attempts to do for its pupils much that they had better be left to do
+for themselves. The pupils are docile and obedient, not troubled with
+unruly doubts and questionings, so that the German system of public
+education is a system of public mesmerism, and, now that we see it in
+its effects, may be truly described as a national disease.
+
+I have said that England is not nationalist. If the English believed in
+England as the Germans believe in Germany, there would be nothing for
+it but a duel to the death, the extinction of one people or the other,
+and darkness as the burier of the dead. Peace would be attained by a
+great simplification and impoverishment of the world. But the English do
+not believe in themselves in that mad-bull fashion. They come of mixed
+blood, and have been accustomed for many long centuries to settle their
+differences by compromise and mutual accommodation. They do not inquire
+too curiously into a man's descent if he shares their ideas. They have
+shown again and again that they prefer a tolerant and intelligent
+foreigner to rule over them rather than an obstinate and wrong-headed
+man of native origin. The earliest strong union of the various parts of
+England was achieved by William the Norman, a man of French and
+Scandinavian descent. Our native-born king, Charles the First, was put
+to death by his people; his son, James the Second, was banished, and the
+Dutchman, William the Third, who had proved himself a statesman and
+soldier of genius in his opposition to Louis the Fourteenth, was elected
+to the throne of England. The fierce struggles of the seventeenth
+century, between Royalists and Parliamentarians, between Cavaliers and
+Puritans, were settled at last, not by the destruction of either party,
+but by the stereotyping of the dispute in the milder and more tolerable
+shape of the party system. The only people we have ever shown ourselves
+unwilling to tolerate are the people who will tolerate no one but their
+own kind. We hate all Acts of Uniformity with a deadly hatred. We are
+careful for the rights of minorities. We think life should be made
+possible, and we do not object to its being made happy, for dissenters.
+Voltaire, the acutest French mind of his age, remarked on this when he
+visited England in 1726. 'England', he says, 'is the country of sects.
+"In my father's house are many mansions".... Although the Episcopalians
+and the Presbyterians are the two dominant sects in Great Britain, all
+the others are welcomed there, and live together very fairly, whilst
+most of the preachers hate one another almost as cordially as a
+Jansenist damns a Jesuit. Enter the London Exchange, a place much more
+worthy of respect than most Courts, and you see assembled for the
+benefit of mankind representatives of all nations. There the Jew, the
+Mohammedan, and the Christian deal with each other as if they were of
+the same religion, and call infidels only those who become bankrupt.
+There the Presbyterian trusts the Anabaptist, and the Anabaptist relies
+on the promise of the Quaker. On leaving these free and peaceful
+assemblies, some proceed to the synagogue, others to the tavern.... If
+in England there were only one religion, its despotism would be to be
+dreaded; if there were only two, their followers would cut each other's
+throats; but there are thirty of them, and they live in peace and
+happiness.'
+
+Since we have had so much practice in tolerating one another, and in
+living together even when our ideas on life and the conduct of life seem
+absolutely incompatible, it is no wonder that we approach the treatment
+of international affairs in a temper very unlike the solemn and dogmatic
+ferocity of the German. We do not expect or desire that other peoples
+shall resemble us. The world is wide; and the world-drama is enriched
+by multiplicity and diversity of character. We like bad men, if there is
+salt and spirit in their badness. We even admire a brute, if he is a
+whole-hearted brute. I have often thought that if the Germans had been
+true to their principles and their programme--if, after proclaiming that
+they meant to win by sheer strength and that they recognized no other
+right, they had continued as they began, and had battered and hacked,
+burned and killed, without fear or pity, a certain reluctant admiration
+for them might have been felt in this country. There is no chance of
+that now, since they took to whining about humanity. Yet it is very
+difficult wholly to alienate the sympathies of the English people. It is
+perhaps in some ways a weakness, as it is certainly in other ways a
+strength, that we are fanciers of other peoples. Our soldiers have a
+tendency to make pets of their prisoners, to cherish them as curiosities
+and souvenirs. The fancy becomes a passion when we find a little fellow
+struggling valiantly against odds. I suppose we should be at war with
+Germany to-day, even if the Germans had respected the neutrality of
+Belgium. But the unprovoked assault upon a little people that asked only
+to be let alone united all opinions in this country and brought us in
+with a rush. I believe there is one German, at least (I hope he is
+alive), who understands this. Early in July, 1914, a German student at
+Oxford, who was a friend and pupil of mine, came to say good-bye to me.
+I have since wondered whether he was under orders to join his regiment.
+Anyhow, we talked very freely of many things, and he told me of an
+adventure that had befallen him in an Oxford picture-palace. Portraits
+of notabilities were being thrown on the screen. When a portrait of the
+German Emperor appeared, a youth, sitting just behind my friend, shouted
+out an insulting and scurrilous remark. So my friend stood up and turned
+round and, catching him a cuff on the head, said,'That's my emperor'.
+The house was full of undergraduates, and he expected to be seized and
+thrown into the street. To his great surprise the undergraduates, many
+of whom have now fallen on the fields of France, broke into rounds of
+cheering. 'I should like to think', my friend said, 'that a thing like
+that could possibly happen in a German city, but I am afraid that the
+feeling there would always be against the foreigner. I admire the
+English; they are so just.' I have heard nothing of him since, except a
+rumour that he is with the German army of occupation in Belgium. If so,
+I like to think of him at a regimental mess, suggesting doubts, or, if
+that is an impossible breach of military discipline, keeping silence,
+when the loud-voiced major explains that the sympathy of the English for
+Belgium is all pretence and cant.
+
+Ideal and disinterested motives are always to be reckoned with in human
+nature. What the Germans call 'real politics', that is to say, politics
+which treat disinterested motives as negligible, have led them into a
+morass and have bogged them there. How easy it is to explain that the
+British Empire depends on trade, that we are a nation of traders, that
+all our policy is shaped by trade, that therefore it can only be
+hypocrisy in us to pretend to any of the finer feelings. This is not,
+as you might suppose, the harmless sally of a one-eyed wit; it is the
+carefully reasoned belief of Germany's profoundest political thinkers.
+They do not understand a cavalier, so they confidently assert that there
+is no such thing in nature. That is a bad mistake to make about any
+nation, but perhaps worst when it is made about the English, for the
+cavalier temper in England runs through all classes. You can find it in
+the schoolmaster, the small trader, the clerk, and the labourer, as
+readily as in the officer of dragoons, or the Arctic explorer. The
+Roundheads won the Civil War, and bequeathed to us their political
+achievements. From the Cavaliers we have a more intimate bequest: it is
+from them, not from the Puritans, that the fighting forces of the
+British Empire inherit their outlook on the world, their freedom from
+pedantry, and that gaiety and lightness of courage which makes them
+carry their lives like a feather in the cap.
+
+I am not saying that our qualities, good or bad, commend us very readily
+to strangers. The people of England, on the whole, are respected more
+than they are liked. When I call them fanciers of other nations, I feel
+it only fair to add that some of those other nations express the same
+truth in different language. I have often heard the complaint made that
+Englishmen cannot speak of foreigners without an air of patronage. It is
+impossible to deny this charge, for, in a question of manners, the
+impressions you produce are your manners; and there is no doubt about
+this impression. There is a certain coldness about the upright and
+humane Englishman which repels and intimidates any trivial human being
+who approaches him. Most men would forgo their claim to justice for the
+chance of being liked. They would rather have their heads broken, or
+accept a bribe, than be the objects of a dispassionate judgement,
+however kindly. They feel this so strongly that they experience a dull
+discomfort in any relationship that is not tinctured with passion. As
+there are many such relationships, not to be avoided even by the most
+emotional natures, they escape from them by simulating lively feeling,
+and are sometimes exaggerated and insincere in manner. They issue a very
+large paper currency on a very small gold reserve. This, which is
+commonly known as the Irish Question, is an insoluble problem, for it is
+a clash not of interests but of temperaments. The English, it must in
+fairness be admitted, do as they would be done by. No Englishman pure
+and simple is incommoded by the coldness of strangers. He prefers it,
+for there are many stupid little businesses in the world, which are
+falsified when they are made much of; and even when important facts are
+to be told, he would rather have them told in a dreary manner. He hates
+a fuss.
+
+The Germans, who are a highly emotional and excitable people, have
+concentrated all their energy on a few simple ideas. Their moral outlook
+is as narrow as their geographical outlook is wide. Will their faith
+prevail by its intensity, narrow and false though it be? I cannot prove
+that it will not, but I have a suspicion, which I think has already
+occurred to some of them, that the world is too large and wilful and
+strong to be mastered by them. We have seen what their hatchets and
+explosives can do, and they are nearing the end of their resources. They
+can still repeat some of their old exploits, but they make no headway,
+and time is not their friend.
+
+One service, perhaps, they have done to civilization. There is a growing
+number of people who hold that when this War is over international
+relations must not be permitted to slip back into the unstable condition
+which tempted the Germans to their crime. A good many pacific theorists,
+no doubt, have not the experience and the imagination which would enable
+them to pass a useful judgement, or to make a valuable suggestion, on
+the affairs of nations. The abolition of war would be easily obtained if
+it were generally agreed that war is the worst thing that can befall a
+people. But this is not generally agreed; and, further, it is not true.
+While men are men they cannot be sure that they will never be challenged
+on a point of deep and intimate concern, where they would rather die
+than yield. But something can perhaps be done to discourage gamblers'
+wars, though even here any stockbroker will tell you how difficult it is
+to suppress gambling without injuring the spirit of enterprise. The only
+real check on war is an understanding between nations. For the
+strengthening of such an understanding the Allies have a great
+opportunity, and admirable instruments. I do not think that we shall
+call on Germany to preside at our conferences. But we shall have the
+help of all those qualities of heart and mind which are possessed by
+France, by Russia, by Italy, and by America, who, for all her caution,
+hates cruelty even more than she loves peace. There has never been an
+alliance of greater promise for the government and peace of the world.
+
+What is the contribution of the British Empire, and of England, towards
+this settlement? Many of our domestic problems, as I have said, bear a
+curious resemblance to international problems. We have not solved them
+all. We have had many stumblings and many backslidings. But we have
+shown again and again that we believe in toleration on the widest
+possible basis, and that we are capable of generosity, which is a virtue
+much more commonly shown by private persons than by communities. We
+abolished the slave trade. We granted self-government to South Africa
+just after our war with her. Only a few days ago we gave India her will,
+and allowed her to impose a duty on our manufactures. Ireland could have
+self-government to-morrow if she did not value her feuds more than
+anything else in the world. All these are peoples to whom we have been
+bound by ties of kinship or trusteeship. A wider and greater opportunity
+is on its way to us. We are to see whether we are capable of generosity
+and trust towards peoples who are neither our kin nor our wards. Our
+understanding with France and Russia will call for great goodwill on
+both sides, not so much in the drafting of formal treaties as in
+indulging one another in our national habits. Families who fail to live
+together in unity commonly fail not because they quarrel about large
+interests, but because they do not like each other's little ways. The
+French are not a dull people; and the Russians are not a tedious people
+(what they do they do suddenly, without explanation); so that if we
+fail to take pleasure in them we have ourselves to blame. If we are not
+equal to our opportunities, if we do not learn to feel any affection for
+them, then not all the pacts and congresses in the world can make peace
+secure.
+
+Of Germany it is too early to speak. We have not yet defeated her. If we
+do defeat her, no one who is acquainted with our temper and our record
+believes that we shall impose cruel or vindictive terms. If it were only
+the engineers of this war who were in question, we would destroy them
+gladly as common pests. But the thing is not so easy. A single home is
+in many ways a greater and more appealing thing than a nation; we should
+find ourselves thinking of the miseries of simple and ignorant people
+who have given their all for the country of their birth; and our hearts
+would fail us.
+
+The Germans would certainly despise this address of mine, for I have
+talked only of morality, while they talk and think chiefly of machines.
+Zeppelins are a sad disappointment; but if any address on the War is
+being delivered to-night by a German professor, there can be no doubt
+that it deals with submarines, and treats them as the saviours of the
+Fatherland. Well, I know very little about submarines, but I notice that
+they have not had much success against ships of war. We are so
+easy-going that we expected to carry on our commerce in war very much as
+we did in peace. We have to change all that, and it will cost us not a
+little inconvenience, or even great hardships. But I cannot believe that
+a scheme of privy attacks on the traders of all nations, devised as a
+last resort, in lieu of naval victory, can be successful when it is no
+longer a surprise. And when I read history, I am strengthened in my
+belief that morality is all-important. I do not find that any war
+between great nations was ever won by a machine. The Trojan horse will
+be trotted out against me, but that was a municipal affair. Wars are won
+by the temper of a people. Serbia is not yet defeated. It is a frenzied
+and desperate quest that the Germans undertook when they began to seek
+for some mechanical trick or dodge, some monstrous engine, which should
+enable the less resolved and more excited people to defeat the more
+resolved and less excited. If we are to be defeated, it must be by them,
+not by their bogey-men. We got their measure on the Somme, and we found
+that when their guns failed to protect them, many of them threw up their
+hands. These men will never be our masters until we deserve to be their
+slaves.
+
+So I am glad to be able to end on a note of agreement with the German
+military party. If they defeat us, it will be no more than we deserve.
+Till then, or till they throw up their hands, we shall fight them, and
+God will defend the right.
+
+
+
+
+SOME GAINS OF THE WAR
+
+_An Address to the Royal Colonial Institute, February 13, 1918_
+
+
+Our losses in this War continue to be enormous, and we are not yet near
+to the end. So it may seem absurd to speak of our gains, of gains that
+we have already achieved. But if you will look at the thing in a large
+light, I think you will see that it is not absurd.
+
+I do not speak of gains of territory, and prisoners, and booty. It is
+true that we have taken from the Germans about a million square miles of
+land in Africa, where land is cheap. We have taken more prisoners from
+them than they have taken from us, and we have whole parks of German
+artillery to set over against the battered and broken remnants of
+British field-guns which were exhibited in Berlin--a monument to the
+immortal valour of the little old Army. I am speaking rather of gains
+which cannot be counted as guns are counted, or measured as land is
+measured, but which are none the less real and important.
+
+The Germans have achieved certain great material gains in this War, and
+they are fighting now to hold them. If they fail to hold them, the
+Germany of the war-lords is ruined. She will have to give up all her
+bloated ambitions, to purge and live cleanly, and painfully to
+reconstruct her prosperity on a quieter and sounder basis. She will not
+do this until she is forced to it by defeat. No doubt there are moderate
+and sensible men in Germany, as in other countries; but in Germany they
+are without influence, and can do nothing. War is the national industry
+of Prussia; Prussia has knit together the several states of the larger
+Germany by means of war, and has promised them prosperity and power in
+the future, to be achieved by war. You know the Prussian doctrine of
+war. Every one now knows it. According to that doctrine it is a foolish
+thing for a nation to wait till it is attacked. It should carefully
+calculate its own strength and the strength of its neighbours, and, when
+it is ready, it should attack them, on any pretext, suddenly, without
+warning, and should take from them money and land. When it has gained
+territory in this fashion, it should subject the population of the
+conquered territory to the strictest laws of military service, and so
+supply itself with an instrument for new and bolder aggression. This is
+not only the German doctrine; it is the German practice. In this way and
+no other modern Germany has been built up. It is a huge new State,
+founded on force, cemented by fear, and financed on speculative gains to
+be derived from the great gamble of war. You may have noticed that the
+German people have not been called on, as yet, to pay any considerable
+sum in taxation towards the expenses of this war. Those expenses (that,
+at least, was the original idea) were to be borne wholly by the
+conquered enemy. There are hundreds of thousands of Germans to-day who
+firmly believe that their war-lords will return in triumph from the
+stricken field, bringing with them the spoils of war, and scattering a
+largess of peace and plenty.
+
+To us it seems a marvel that any people should accept such a doctrine,
+and should willingly give their lives and their fortunes to the work of
+carrying it out in practice; but it is not so marvellous as it seems.
+The German peoples are brave and obedient, and so make good soldiers;
+they are easily lured by the hope of profit; they are naturally
+attracted by the spectacular and sentimental side of war; above all,
+they are so curiously stupid that many of them do actually believe that
+they are a divinely chosen race, superior to the other races of the
+world. They are very carefully educated, and their education, which is
+ordered by the State, is part of the military machine. Their thinking is
+done for them by officials. It would require an extraordinary degree of
+courage and independence for a German youth to cut himself loose and
+begin thinking and judging for himself. It must always be remembered,
+moreover, that their recent history seems to justify their creed. I will
+not go back to Frederick the Great, though the history of his wars is
+the Prussian handbook, which teaches all the characteristic Prussian
+methods of treachery and deceit. But consider only the last two German
+wars. How, in the face of these, can it be proved to any German that war
+is not the most profitable of adventures? In 1866 Prussia had war with
+Austria. The war lasted forty days, and Prussia had from five to six
+thousand soldiers killed in action. As a consequence of the war Prussia
+gained much territory, and established her control over the states of
+greater Germany. In 1870 she had war with France. Her total casualties
+in that war were approximately a hundred thousand, just about the same
+as our casualties in Gallipoli. From the war she gained, besides a great
+increase of strength at home, the rich provinces of Alsace and Lorraine,
+with all their mineral wealth, and an indemnity of two hundred million
+pounds, that is to say, four times the actual cost of the war in money.
+How then can it be maintained that war is not good business? If you say
+so to any Prussian, he thinks you are talking like a child.
+
+Not only were these two wars rich in profit for the Germans, but they
+did not lose them much esteem. There was sympathy in this country for
+the union of the German peoples, just as there was sympathy, a few years
+earlier, for the union of the various states of Italy. There was not a
+little admiration for German efficiency and strength. So that Bismarck,
+who was an expert in all the uses of bullying, blackmail, and fraud, was
+accepted as a great European statesman. I have always believed, and I
+still believe, that Germany will have to pay a heavy price for
+Bismarck--all the heavier because the payment has been so long deferred.
+
+The present War, then, is in the direct line of succession to these
+former wars; it was planned by Germany, elaborately and deliberately
+planned, on a calculation of the profits to be derived from operations
+on a large scale.
+
+Well, as I said, we, as a people, do not believe in gambling in human
+misery to attain uncertain speculative gains. We hold that war can be
+justified only by a good cause, not by a lucky event. The German
+doctrine seems to us impious and wicked. Though we have defined our war
+aims in detail, and the Germans have not dared publicly to define
+theirs, our real and sufficient war aim is to break the monstrous and
+inhuman doctrine and practice of the enemy--to make their calculations
+miscarry. And observe, if their calculations miscarry, they have fought
+and suffered for nothing. They entered into this War for profit, and in
+the conduct of the War, though they have made many mistakes, they have
+made none of those generous and magnanimous mistakes which redeem and
+beautify a losing cause.
+
+The essence of our cause, and its greatest strength, is that we are not
+fighting for profit. We are fighting for no privilege except the
+privilege of possessing our souls, of being ourselves--a privilege which
+we claim also for other weaker nations. The inestimable strength of that
+position is that if the odds are against us it does not matter. If you
+see a ruffian torturing a child, and interfere to prevent him, do you
+feel that your attempt was a wrong one because he knocks you down? And
+if you succeed, what material profit is there in saving a child from
+torture? We have sometimes fought in the past for doubtful causes and
+for wrong causes, but this time there is no mistake. Our cause is better
+than we deserve; we embraced it by an act of faith, and it is only by
+continuing in that faith that we shall see it through. The little old
+Army, when they went to France in August 1914, did not ask what profits
+were likely to come their way. They knew that there were none, but they
+were willing to sacrifice themselves to save decency and humanity from
+being trampled in the mud. This was the Army that the Germans called a
+mercenary Army, and its epitaph has been written by a good poet:
+
+ These, in the day when heaven was falling,
+ The hour when earth's foundations fled,
+ Followed their mercenary calling,
+ And took their wages, and are dead.
+
+ Their shoulders held the heavens suspended,
+ They stood, and earth's foundations stay,
+ What God abandoned these defended,
+ And saved the sum of things for pay.
+
+We must follow their example, for we shall never get a better. We must
+not make too much of calculation, especially when it deals with
+incalculable things. Nervous public critics, like Mr. H.G. Wells, are
+always calling out for more cleverness in our methods, for new and
+effective tricks, so that we may win the War. I would never disparage
+cleverness; the more you can get of it, the better; but it is useless
+unless it is in the service of something stronger and greater than
+itself, and that is character. Cleverness can grasp; it is only
+character that can hold. The Duke of Wellington was not a clever man; he
+was a man of simple and honourable mind, with an infinite capacity for
+patience, persistence, and endurance, so that neither unexpected
+reverses abroad nor a flood of idle criticism at home could shake him or
+change him. So he bore a chief part in laying low the last great tyranny
+that desolated Europe.
+
+None of our great wars was won by cleverness; they were all won by
+resolution and perseverance. In all of them we were near to despair and
+did not despair. In all of them we won through to victory in the end.
+
+But in none of them did victory come in the expected shape. The worst of
+making elaborate plans of victory, and programmes of all that is to
+follow victory, is that the mixed event is sure to defeat those plans.
+Not every war finds its decision in a single great battle. Think of our
+war with Spain in the sixteenth century. Spain was then the greatest of
+European Powers. She had larger armies than we could raise; she had
+more than our wealth, and more than our shipping. The newly discovered
+continent of America was an appanage of Spain, and her great galleons
+were wafted lazily to and fro, bringing her all the treasures of the
+western hemisphere. We defeated her by standing out and holding on. We
+fought her in the Low Countries, which she enslaved and oppressed. We
+refused to recognize her exclusive rights in America, and our merchant
+seamen kept the sea undaunted, as they have kept it for the last three
+years. When at last we became an intolerable vexation to Spain, she
+collected a great Armada, or war-fleet, to invade and destroy us; and it
+was shattered, by the winds of heaven and the sailors of England, in
+1588. The defeat of the Armada was the turning-point of the war, but it
+was not the end. It lifted a great shadow of fear from the hearts of the
+people, as a great shadow of fear has already been lifted from their
+hearts in the present War, but during the years that followed we
+suffered many and serious reverses at the hand of Spain, before peace
+and security were reached. So late as 1601, thirteen years after the
+defeat of the Armada, the King of Denmark offered to mediate between
+England and Spain, so that the long and disastrous war might be ended.
+Queen Elizabeth was then old and frail, but this was what she said--and
+if you want to understand why she was almost adored by her people,
+listen to her words: 'I would have the King of Denmark, and all Princes
+Christian and Heathen to know, that England hath no need to crave peace;
+nor myself endured one hour's fear since I attained the crown thereof,
+being guarded with so valiant and faithful subjects.' In the end the
+power and menace of Spain faded away, and when peace was made, in 1604,
+this nation never again, from that day to this, feared the worst that
+Spain could do.
+
+What were our gains from the war with Spain? Freedom to live our lives
+in our own way, unthreatened; freedom to colonize America. The gains of
+a great war are never visible immediately; they are deferred, and
+extended over many years. What did we gain by our war with Napoleon,
+which ended in the victory of Waterloo? For long years after Waterloo
+this country was full of riots and discontents; there were
+rick-burnings, agitations, popular risings, and something very near to
+famine in the land. But all these things, from a distance, are now seen
+to have been the broken water that follows the passage of a great storm.
+The real gains of Waterloo, and still more of Trafalgar, are evident in
+the enormous commercial and industrial development of England during the
+nineteenth century, and in the peaceful foundation of the great
+dominions of Canada, Australia, and South Africa, which was made
+possible only by our unchallenged use of the seas. The men who won those
+two great battles did not live to gather the fruits of their victory;
+but their children did. If we defeat Germany as completely as we hope,
+we shall not be able to point at once to our gains. But it is not a rash
+forecast to say that our children and children's children will live in
+greater security and freedom than we have ever tasted.
+
+A man must have a good and wide imagination if he is to be willing to
+face wounds and death for the sake of his unborn descendants and
+kinsfolk. We cannot count on the popular imagination being equal to the
+task. Fortunately, there is a substitute for imagination which does the
+work as well or better, and that is character. Our people are sound in
+instinct; they understand a fight. They know that a wrestler who
+considers, while he is in the grip of his adversary, whether he would
+not do well to give over, and so put an end to the weariness and the
+strain, is no sort of a wrestler. They have never failed under a strain
+of this kind, and they will not fail now. The people who do the
+half-hearted and timid talking are either young egotists, who are angry
+at being deprived of their personal ease and independence; or elderly
+pensive gentlemen, in public offices and clubs, who are no longer fit
+for action, and, being denied action, fall into melancholy; or feverish
+journalists, who live on the proceeds of excitement, who feel the pulse
+and take the temperature of the War every morning, and then rush into
+the street to announce their fluttering hopes and fears; or cosmopolitan
+philosophers, to whom the change from London to Berlin means nothing but
+a change in diet and a pleasant addition to their opportunities of
+hearing good music; or aliens in heart, to whom the historic fame of
+England, 'dear for her reputation through the world,' is less than
+nothing; or practical jokers, who are calm and confident enough
+themselves, but delight in startling and depressing others. These are
+not the people of England; they are the parasites of the people of
+England. The people of England understand a fight.
+
+That brings me to the first great gain of the War. We have found
+ourselves. Which of us, in the early months of 1914, would have dared
+to predict the splendours of the youth of this Empire--splendours which
+are now a part of our history? We are adepts at self-criticism and
+self-depreciation. We hate the language of emotion. Some of us, if we
+were taken to heaven and asked what we thought of it, would say that it
+is decent, or not so bad. I suppose we are jealous to keep our standard
+high, and to have something to say if a better place should be found.
+But in spite of all this, we do now know, and it is worth knowing, that
+we are not weaker than our fathers. We know that the people who inhabit
+these islands and this commonwealth of nations cannot be pushed on one
+side, or driven under, or denied a great share in the future ordering of
+the world. We know this, and our knowledge of it is the debt that we owe
+to our dead. It is not vanity to admit that we know it; on the contrary,
+it would be vanity to pretend that we do not know it. It is visible to
+other eyes than ours. Some time ago I heard an address given by a friend
+of mine, an Indian Mohammedan of warrior descent, to University students
+of his own faith. He was urging on them the futility of dreams and the
+necessity of self-discipline and self-devotion. 'Why do the people of
+this country', he said, 'count for so much all the world over? It is not
+because of their dreams; it is because thousands of them are lying at
+the bottom of the sea.'
+
+Further, we have not only found ourselves; we have found one another. A
+new kindliness has grown up, during the War, between people divided by
+the barriers of class, or wealth, or circumstance. A statesman of the
+seventeenth century remarks that _It is a Misfortune for a Man not to
+have a Friend in the World, but for that reason he shall have no Enemy_.
+I might invert his maxim and say, _It is a Misfortune for a Man to have
+many Enemies, but for that reason he shall know who are his Friends_. No
+Radical member of Parliament will again, while any of us live, cast
+contempt on 'the carpet Captains of Mayfair'. No idle Tory talker will
+again dare to say that the working men of England care nothing for their
+country. Even the manners of railway travel have improved. I was
+travelling in a third-class compartment of a crowded train the other
+day; we were twenty in the compartment, but it seemed a pity to leave
+any one behind, and we made room for number twenty-one. Nothing but a
+very kindly human feeling could have packed us tight enough for this.
+Yet now is the time that has been chosen by some of these pensive
+gentlemen that I spoke of, and by some of these excitable journalists,
+to threaten us with class-war, and to try to make our flesh creep by
+conjuring up the horrors of revolution. I advise them to take their
+opinions to the third-class compartment and discuss them there. It is a
+good tribunal, for, sooner or later, you will find every one there--even
+officers, when they are travelling in mufti at their own expense. I have
+visited this tribunal very often, and I have always come away from it
+with the same impression, that this people means to win the War. But I
+do not travel much in the North of England, so I asked a friend of mine,
+whose dealings are with the industrial North, what the workpeople of
+Lancashire and Yorkshire think of the War. He said, 'Their view is very
+simple: they mean to win it; and they mean to make as much money out of
+it as ever they can.' Certainly, that is very simple; but before you
+judge them, put yourselves in their place. There are great outcries
+against profiteers, for making exorbitant profits out of the War, and
+against munition workers, for delaying work in order to get higher
+wages. I do not defend either of them; they are unimaginative and
+selfish, and I do not care how severely they are dealt with; but I do
+say that the majority of them are not wicked in intention. A good many
+of the more innocent profiteers are men whose sin is that they take an
+offer of two shillings rather than an offer of eighteenpence for what
+cost them one and a penny. Some of us, in our weaker moments, might be
+betrayed into doing the same. As for the munition workers, I remember
+what Goldsmith, who had known the bitterest poverty, wrote to his
+brother. 'Avarice', he said, 'in the lower orders of mankind is true
+ambition; avarice is the only ladder the poor can use to preferment.
+Preach then, my dear Sir, to your son, not the excellence of human
+nature nor the disrespect of riches, but endeavour to teach him thrift
+and economy. Let his poor wandering uncle's example be placed in his
+eyes. I had learned from books to love virtue before I was taught from
+experience the necessity of being selfish.'
+
+The profiteers and the munition workers are endeavouring, incidentally,
+to better their own position. But make no mistake; the bulk of these
+people would rather die than allow one spire of English grass to be
+trodden under the foot of a foreign trespasser. Their chief sin is that
+they do not fear. They think that there is plenty of time to do a little
+business for themselves on the way to defeat the enemy. I cannot help
+remembering the mutiny at the Nore, which broke out in our fleet during
+the Napoleonic wars. The mutineers struck for more pay and better
+treatment, but they agreed together that if the French fleet should put
+in an appearance during the mutiny, all their claims should be postponed
+for a time, and the French fleet should have their first attention.
+
+Employers and employed do, no doubt, find in some trades to-day that
+their relations are strained and irksome. They would do well to take a
+lesson from the Army, where, with very few exceptions, there is harmony
+and understanding between those who take orders and those who give them.
+It is only in the Army that you can see realized the ideal of ancient
+Rome.
+
+ Then none was for a party,
+ Then all were for the State;
+ Then the great man helped the poor,
+ And the poor man loved the great.
+
+Why is the Army so far superior to most commercial and industrial
+businesses? The secret does not lie in State employment. There is plenty
+of discontent and unrest among the State-employed railway men and
+munition workers. It lies rather in the habit of mutual help and mutual
+trust. If any civilian employer of labour wants to have willing
+workpeople, let him take a hint from the Army. Let him live with his
+workpeople, and share all their dangers and discomforts. Let him take
+thought for their welfare before his own, and teach self-sacrifice by
+example. Let him put the good of the nation before all private
+interests; and those whom he commands will do for him anything that he
+asks.
+
+I cannot believe that the benefits which have come to us from the Army
+will pass away with the passing of the War. Those who have been comrades
+in danger will surely take with them something of the old spirit into
+civil life. And those who have kept clear of the Army in order to carry
+on their own trades and businesses will surely realize that they have
+missed the great opportunity of their lives.
+
+In a wider sense the War has brought us to an understanding of one
+another. This great Commonwealth of independent nations which is called
+the British Empire is scattered over the surface of the habitable globe.
+It embraces people who live ten thousand miles apart, and whose ways of
+life are so different that they might seem to have nothing in common.
+But the War has brought them together, and has done more than half a
+century of peace could do to promote a common understanding. Hundreds of
+thousands of men of our blood who, before the War, had never seen this
+little island, have now made acquaintance with it. Hundreds of thousands
+of the inhabitants of this island to whom the Dominions were strange,
+far places, if, after the War, they should be called on to settle there,
+will not feel that they are leaving home. I can only hope that the
+Canadians and Anzacs think as well of us as we do of them. We do not
+like to praise our friends in their hearing, so I will say no more than
+this: I am told that a new kind of peerage, very haughty and very
+self-important, has arisen in South London. Its members are those
+house-holders who have been privileged to have Anzac soldiers billeted
+on them. It is private ties of this kind, invisible to the
+constitutional lawyer and the political historian, which make the fine
+meshes of the web of Empire.
+
+Because he knew that the strength of the whole texture depends on the
+strength of the fine meshes, Earl Grey, who died last year, will always
+be remembered in our history. Not many men have his opportunity to make
+acquaintance with the domain that is their birthright, for he had
+administered a province of South Africa, and had been Governor-General
+of Canada, He rediscovered the glory of the Empire, as poets rediscover
+the glory of common speech. 'He had breathed its air,' a friend of his
+says, 'fished its rivers, walked in its valleys, stood on its mountains,
+met its people face to face. He had seen it in all the zones of the
+world. He knew what it meant to mankind. Under the British flag,
+wherever he journeyed, he found men of English speech living in an
+atmosphere of liberty and carrying on the dear domestic traditions of
+the British Isles. He saw justice firmly planted there, industry and
+invention hard at work unfettered by tyrants of any kind, domestic life
+prospering in natural conditions, and our old English kindness and
+cheerfulness and broad-minded tolerance keeping things together. But he
+also saw room under that same flag, ample room, for millions and
+millions more of the human race. The Empire wasn't a word to him. It was
+a vast, an almost boundless, home for honest men.'
+
+The War did not dishearten him. When he died, in August, 1917, he said,
+'Here I lie on my death-bed, looking clear into the Promised Land. I'm
+not allowed to enter it, but there it is before my eyes. After the War
+the people of this country will enter it, and those who laughed at me
+for a dreamer will see that I wasn't so wrong after all. But there's
+still work to do for those who didn't laugh, hard work, and with much
+opposition in the way; all the same, it is work right up against the
+goal. My dreams have come true.'
+
+One of the clear gains of the War is to be found in the increased
+activity and alertness of our own people. The motto of to-day is, 'Let
+those now work who never worked before, And those who always worked now
+work the more.' Before the War we had a great national reputation for
+idleness--in this island, at least. I remember a friendly critic from
+Canada who, some five or six years ago, expressed to me, with much
+disquiet, his opinion that there was something very far wrong with the
+old country; that we had gone soft. As for our German critics, they
+expressed the same view in gross and unmistakable fashion. Wit is not a
+native product in Germany, it all has to be imported, so they could not
+satirize us; but their caricatures of the typical Englishman showed us
+what they thought. He was a young weakling with a foolish face, and was
+dressed in cricketing flannels. It would have been worth their while to
+notice what they did not notice, that his muscles and nerves are not
+soft. They learned that later, when the bank-clerks of Manchester broke
+the Prussian Guard into fragments at Contalmaison. This must have been a
+sad surprise, for the Germans had always taught, in their delightful
+authoritative fashion, that the chief industries of the young Englishman
+are lawn-tennis and afternoon tea. They are a fussy people, and they
+find it difficult to understand the calm of the man who, having nothing
+to do, does it. Perhaps they were right, and we were too idle. The
+disease was never so serious as they thought it, and now, thanks to
+them, we are in a fair way to recovery. The idle classes have turned
+their hand to the lathe and the plough. Women are doing a hundred things
+that they never did before, and are doing them well. The elasticity and
+resourcefulness that the War has developed will not be lost or destroyed
+by the coming of peace. Least of all will those qualities be lost if we
+should prove unable, in this War, to impose our own terms on Germany.
+Then the peace that follows will be a long struggle, and in that
+struggle we shall prevail. In the last long peace we were not
+suspicious; we felt friendly enough to the Germans, and we gave them
+every advantage. They despised us for our friendliness and used the
+peace to prepare our downfall. That will never happen again. If we
+cannot tame the cunning animal that has assaulted humanity, at least we
+can and will tether him. Laws will not be necessary; there are millions
+of others besides the seamen of England who will have no dealings with
+an unsubdued and unrepentant Germany. What the Germans are not taught by
+the War they will have to learn in the more tedious and no less costly
+school of peace.
+
+In any case, whether we win through to real peace and real security, or
+whether we are thrown back on an armed peace and the duty of unbroken
+vigilance, we shall be dependent for our future on the children who are
+now learning in the schools or playing in the streets. It is a good
+dependence. The children of to-day are better than the children whom I
+knew when I was a child. I think they have more intelligence and
+sympathy; they certainly have more public spirit. We cannot do too much
+for them. The most that we can do is nothing to what they are going to
+do for us, for their own nation and people. I am not concerned to
+discuss the education problem. Formal education, carried on chiefly by
+means of books, is a very small part of the making of a man or a woman.
+But I am interested to know what the children are thinking. You cannot
+fathom a child's thoughts, but we know who are their best teachers, and
+what lessons have been stamped indelibly on their minds. Their teachers,
+whom they never saw, and whose lessons they will never forget, lie in
+graves in Flanders and France and Gallipoli and Syria and Mesopotamia,
+or unburied at the bottom of the sea. The runner falls, but the torch is
+carried forward. This is what Julian Grenfell, who gave his mind and his
+life to the War, has said in his splendid poem called _Into Battle_:
+
+ And life is colour and warmth and light,
+ And a striving evermore for these;
+ And he is dead who will not fight,
+ And who dies fighting hath increase.
+
+Those who died fighting will have such increase that a whole new
+generation, better even than the old, will be ready, no long time hence,
+to uphold and extend and decorate the Commonwealth of nations which
+their fathers and brothers saved from ruin.
+
+One thing I have never heard discussed, but it is the clearest gain of
+all, and already it may be called a certain gain. After the War the
+English language will have such a position as it has never had before.
+It will be established in world-wide security. Even before the War, it
+may be truly said, our language was in no danger from the competition of
+the German language. The Germans have never had much success in the
+attempt to get their language adopted by other peoples. Not all the
+military laws of Prussia can drive out French from the hearts and homes
+of the people of Alsace. In the ports of the near and far East you will
+hear English spoken--pidgin English, as it is called, that is to say, a
+selection of English words suited for the business of daily life. But
+you may roam the world over, and you will hear no pidgin German. Before
+the War many Germans learned English, while very few English-speaking
+people learned German. In other matters we disagreed, but we both knew
+which way the wind was blowing. It may be said, and said truly, that our
+well-known laziness was one cause of our failing or neglecting to learn
+German. But it was not the only cause; and we are not lazy in tasks
+which we believe to be worth our while. Rather we had an instinctive
+belief that the future does not belong to the German tongue. That belief
+is not likely to be impaired by the War. Armed ruffians can do some
+things, but one thing they cannot do; they cannot endear their language
+to those who have suffered from their violence. The Germans poisoned the
+wells in South-West Africa; in Europe they did all they could to poison
+the wells of mutual trust and mutual understanding among civilized men.
+Do they think that these things will make a good advertisement for the
+explosive guttural sounds and the huddled deformed syntax of the speech
+in which they express their arrogance and their hate? Which of the
+chief European languages will come first, after the War, with the little
+nations? Will Serbia be content to speak German? Will Norway and Denmark
+feel a new affection for the speech of the men who have degraded the old
+humanity of the seas? Neighbourhood, kinship, and the necessities of
+commerce may retain for the German language a certain measure of custom
+in Sweden and Switzerland, and in Holland. But for the most part Germans
+will have to be content to be addressed in their own tongue only by
+those who fear them, or by those who hope to cheat them.
+
+This gain, which I make bold to predict for the English language, is a
+real gain, apart from all patriotic bias. The English language is
+incomparably richer, more fluid, and more vital than the German
+language. Where the German has but one way of saying a thing, we have
+two or three, each with its distinctions and its subtleties of usage.
+Our capital wealth is greater, and so are our powers of borrowing.
+English sprang from the old Teutonic stock, and we can still coin new
+words, such as 'food-hoard' and 'joy-ride', in the German fashion. But
+long centuries ago we added thousands of Romance words, words which came
+into English through the French or Norman-French, and brought with them
+the ideas of Latin civilization and of mediaeval Christianity. Later on,
+when the renewed study of Latin and Greek quickened the intellectual
+life of Europe, we imported thousands of Greek and Latin words direct
+from the ancient world, learned words, many of them, suitable for
+philosophers, or for writers who pride themselves on shooting a little
+above the vulgar apprehension. Yet many of these, too, have found their
+way into daily speech, so that we can say most things in three ways,
+according as we draw on one or another of the three main sources of our
+speech. Thus, you can Begin, or Commence, or Initiate an undertaking,
+with Boldness, or Courage, or Resolution. If you are a Workman, or
+Labourer, or Operative, you can Ask, or Bequest, or Solicit your
+employer to Yield, or Grant, or Concede, an increase in the Earnings, or
+Wages, or Remuneration which fall to the lot of your Fellow, or
+Companion, or Associate. Your employer is perhaps Old, or Veteran, or
+Superannuated, which may Hinder, or Delay, or Retard the success of your
+application. But if you Foretell, or Prophesy, or Predict that the War
+will have an End, or Close, or Termination that shall not only be
+Speedy, or Rapid, or Accelerated, but also Great, or Grand, or
+Magnificent, you may perhaps Stir, or Move, or Actuate him to have Ruth,
+or Pity, or Compassion on your Mate, or Colleague, or Collaborator. The
+English language, then, is a language of great wealth--much greater
+wealth than can be illustrated by any brief example. But wealth is
+nothing unless you can use it. The real strength of English lies in the
+inspired freedom and variety of its syntax. There is no grammar of the
+English speech which is not comic in its stiffness and inadequacy. An
+English grammar does not explain all that we can do with our speech; it
+merely explains what shackles and restraints we must put upon our speech
+if we would bring it within the comprehension of a school-bred
+grammarian. But the speech itself is like the sea, and soon breaks down
+the dykes built by the inland engineer. It was the fashion, in the
+eighteenth century, to speak of the divine Shakespeare. The reach and
+catholicity of his imagination was what earned him that extravagant
+praise; but his syntax has no less title to be called divine. It is not
+cast or wrought, like metal; it leaps like fire, and moves like air. So
+is every one that is born of the spirit. Our speech is our great
+charter. Far better than in the long constitutional process whereby we
+subjected our kings to law, and gave dignity and strength to our
+Commons, the meaning of English freedom is to be seen in the illimitable
+freedom of our English speech.
+
+Our literature is almost as rich as our language. Modern German
+literature begins in the eighteenth century. Modern English literature
+began with Chaucer, in the fourteenth century, and has been full of
+great names and great books ever since. Nothing has been done in German
+literature for which we have not a counterpart, done as well or
+better--except the work of Heine, and Heine was a Jew. His opinion of
+the Prussians was that they are a compost of beer, deceit, and sand.
+French literature and English literature can be compared, throughout
+their long course, sometimes to the great advantage of the French.
+German literature cannot seriously be compared with either.
+
+It may be objected that literature and art are ornamental affairs, which
+count for little in the deadly strife of nations. But that is not so.
+Our language cannot go anywhere without taking our ideas and our creed
+with it, not to mention our institutions and our games. If the Germans
+could understand what Chaucer means when he says of his Knight that
+
+ he lovèd chivalry,
+ Truth and honoùr, freedom and courtesy,
+
+then indeed we might be near to an understanding. I asked a good German
+scholar the other day what is the German word for 'fair play'. He
+replied, as they do in Parliament, that he must ask for notice of that
+question. I fear there is no German word for 'fair play'.
+
+The little countries, the pawns and victims of German policy, understand
+our ideas better. The peoples who have suffered from tyranny and
+oppression look to England for help, and it is a generous weakness in us
+that we sometimes deceive them by our sympathy, for our power is
+limited, and we cannot help them all. But it will not count against us
+at the final reckoning that in most places where humanity has suffered
+cruelty and indignity the name of England has been invoked: not always
+in vain.
+
+And now, for I have kept to the last what I believe to be the greatest
+gain of all, the entry of America into the War assures the triumph of
+our common language. America is peopled by many races; only a minority
+of the inhabitants--an influential and governing minority--are of the
+English stock. But here, again, the language carries it; and the ideas
+that inspire America are ideas which had their origin in the long
+English struggle for freedom. Our sufferings in this War are great, but
+they are not so great that we cannot recognize virtue in a new recruit
+to the cause. No nation, in the whole course of human history, has ever
+made a more splendid decision, or performed a more magnanimous act, than
+America, when she decided to enter this War. She had nothing to gain,
+for, to say the bare truth, she had little to lose. If Germany were to
+dominate the world, America, no doubt, would be ruined; but in all human
+likelihood, Germany's impious attempt would have spent itself and been
+broken long before it reached the coasts of America. America might have
+stood out of the War in the assurance that her own interests were safe,
+and that, when the tempest had passed, the centre of civilization would
+be transferred from a broken and exhausted Europe to a peaceful and
+prosperous America. Some few Americans talked in this strain, and
+favoured a decision in this sense. But it was not for nothing that
+America was founded upon religion. When she saw humanity in anguish, she
+did not pass by on the other side. Her entry into the War has put an
+end, I hope for ever, to the family quarrel, not very profound or
+significant, which for a century and a half has been a jarring note in
+the relations of mother and daughter. And it has put an end to another
+danger. It seemed at one time not unlikely that the English language as
+it is spoken overseas would set up a life of its own, and become
+separated from the language of the old country. A development of this
+kind would be natural enough. The Boers of South Africa speak Dutch, but
+not the Dutch spoken in Holland. The French Canadians speak French, but
+not the French of Molière. Half a century ago, when America was
+exploring and settling her own country, in wild and lone places, her
+pioneers enriched the English speech with all kinds of new and vivid
+phrases. The tendency was then for America to go her own way, and to
+cultivate what is new in language at the expense of what is old. She
+prided herself even on having a spelling of her own, and seemed almost
+willing to break loose from tradition and to coin a new American
+English.
+
+This has not happened; and now, I think, it will not happen. For one
+thing, the American colonists left us when already we had a great
+literature. Chaucer, Shakespeare, and Spenser belong to America no less
+than to us, and America has never forgotten them. The education which
+has been fostered in American schools and colleges keeps the whole
+nation in touch with the past. Some of their best authors write in a
+style that Milton and Burke would understand and approve. There is no
+more beautiful English prose than Nathaniel Hawthorne's. The best
+speeches of Abraham Lincoln, and, we may truly add, of President Wilson,
+are merely classic English. During my own lifetime I am sure I have seen
+the speech usages of the two peoples draw closer together. For one
+thing, we on this side now borrow, and borrow very freely, the more
+picturesque colloquialisms of America. On informal occasions I sometimes
+brighten my own speech with phrases which I think I owe to one of the
+best of living American authors, Mr. George Ade, of Chicago, the author
+of _Fables in Slang_. The press, the telegraph, the telephone, and the
+growing habit of travel bind us closer together every year; and the
+English that we speak, however rich and various it may be, is going to
+remain one and the same English, our common inheritance.
+
+One question, the most important and difficult of all, remains to be
+asked. Will this War, in its course and in its effects, tend to prevent
+or discourage later wars? If the gains that it brings prove to be merely
+partial and national gains, if it exalts one nation by unjustly
+depressing another, and conquers cruelty by equal cruelty, then nothing
+can be more certain than that the peace of the world is farther off than
+ever. When she was near her death, Edith Cavell, patriot and martyr,
+said that patriotism is not enough. Every one who thinks on
+international affairs knows this; almost every one forgets it in time of
+war. What can be done to prevent nations from appealing to the wild
+justice of revenge?
+
+A League of Nations may do good, but I am surprised that any one who has
+imagination and a knowledge of the facts should entertain high hopes of
+it as a full solution. There is a League of Nations to-day which has
+given a verdict against the Central Powers, and that verdict is being
+enforced by the most terrible War in all human history. If the verdict
+had been given before the War began, it may be said, then Germany might
+have accepted it, and refrained. So she might, but what then? She would
+have felt herself wronged; she would have deferred the War, and, in ways
+that she knows so well, would have set about making a party for herself
+among the nations of the League. Who can be confident that she would
+have failed either to divide her judges, or to accumulate such elements
+of strength that she might dare to defy them? A League of Nations would
+work well only if its verdicts were loyally accepted by all the nations
+composing it. To make majority-rule possible you must have a community
+made up of members who are reasonably well informed upon one another's
+affairs, and who are bound together by a tie of loyalty stronger and
+more enduring than their causes of difference. It would be a happy thing
+if the nations of the world made such a community; and the sufferings of
+this War have brought them nearer to desiring it. But those who believe
+that such a community can be formed to-day or to-morrow are too
+sanguine. It must not be forgotten that the very principle of the
+League, if its judgements are to take effect, involves a world-war in
+cases where a strong minority resists those judgements. Every war would
+become a world-war. Perhaps this very fact would prevent wars, but it
+cannot be said that experience favours such a conclusion.
+
+There is no escape for us by way of the Gospels. The Gospel precept to
+turn the other cheek to the aggressor was not addressed to a meeting of
+trustees. Christianity has never shirked war, or even much disliked it.
+Where the whole soul is set on things unseen, wounds and death become of
+less account. And if the Christians have not helped us to avoid war, how
+should the pacifists be of use? Those of them whom I happen to know, or
+to have met, have shown themselves, in the relations of civil life, to
+be irritable, self-willed, combative creatures, where the average
+soldier is calm, unselfish, and placable. There is something incongruous
+and absurd in the pacifist of British descent. He has fighting in his
+blood, and when his creed, or his nervous sensibility to physical
+horrors, denies him the use of fighting, his blood turns sour. He can
+argue, and object, and criticize, but he cannot lead. All that he can
+offer us in effect is eternal quarrels in place of occasional fights.
+
+No one can do anything to prevent war who does not recognize its
+splendour, for it is by its splendour that it keeps its hold on
+humanity, and persists. The wickedest and most selfish war in the world
+is not fought by wicked and selfish soldiers. The spirit of man is
+immense, and for an old memory, a pledged word, a sense of fellowship,
+offers this frail and complicated tissue of flesh and blood, which a pin
+or a grain of sand will disorder, to be the victim of all the atrocities
+that the wit of man can compound out of fire and steel and poison. If
+that spirit is to be changed, or directed into new courses, it must be
+by one who understands it, and approaches it reverently, with bared
+head.
+
+The best hope seems to me to lie in paying chief attention to the
+improvement of war rather than to its abolition; to the decencies of the
+craft; to the style rather than the matter. Style is often more
+important than matter, and this War would not have been so fierce or so
+prolonged if it had not become largely a war on a point of style, a war,
+that is to say, to determine the question how war should be waged. If
+the Germans had behaved humanely and considerately to the civil
+population of Belgium, if they had kept their solemn promise not to use
+poison-gas, if they had refrained from murder at sea, if their valour
+had been accompanied by chivalry, the War might now have been ended,
+perhaps not in their disfavour, for it would not have been felt, as it
+now is felt, that they must be defeated at no matter how great a cost,
+or civilization will perish.
+
+Even as things are, there have been some gains in the manner of
+conducting war, which, when future generations look back on them, will
+be seen to be considerable. It is true that modern science has devised
+new and appalling weapons. The invention of a new weapon in war always
+arouses protest, but it does not usually, in the long run, make war more
+inhuman. There was a great outcry in Europe when the broadsword was
+superseded by the rapier, and a tall man of his hands could be spitted
+like a cat or a rabbit by any dexterous little fellow with a trained
+wrist. There was a wave of indignation, which was a hundred years in
+passing, when musketry first came into use, and a man-at-arms of great
+prowess could be killed from behind a wall by one who would not have
+dared to meet him in open combat. But these changes did not, in effect,
+make war crueller or more deadly. They gave more play to intelligence,
+and abolished the tyranny of the bully, who took the wall of every man
+he met, and made himself a public nuisance. The introduction of
+poison-gas, which is a small thing compared with the invention of
+fire-arms, has given the chemist a place in the ranks of fighting-men.
+And if science has lent its aid to the destruction of life, it has spent
+greater zeal and more prolonged effort on the saving of life. No
+previous war will compare with this in care for the wounded and maimed.
+In all countries, and on all fronts, an army of skilled workers devote
+themselves to this single end. I believe that this quickening of the
+human conscience, for that is what it is, will prove to be the greatest
+gain of the War, and the greatest advance made in restraint of war. If
+the nations come to recognize that their first duty, and their first
+responsibility, is to those who give so much in their service, that
+recognition will of itself do more than can be done by any conclave of
+statesmen to discourage war. It was the monk Telemachus, according to
+the old story, who stopped the gladiatorial games at Rome, and was
+stoned by the people. If war, in process of time, shall be abolished,
+or, failing that, shall be governed by the codes of humanity and
+chivalry, like a decent tournament; then the one sacrificial figure
+which will everywhere be honoured for the change will be the figure not
+of a priest or a politician, but of a hospital nurse.
+
+
+
+
+THE WAR AND THE PRESS
+
+_A paper read to the Essay Society, Eton College, March 14, 1918._
+
+
+When you asked me to read or speak to you, I promised to speak about the
+War. What I have to say is wholly orthodox, but it is none the worse for
+that. Indeed, when I think how entirely the War possesses our thoughts
+and how entirely we are agreed concerning it, I seem to see a new
+meaning in the creeds of the religions. These creeds grew up by general
+consent, and no one who believed them grudged repeating them. In the
+face of an indifferent or hostile world the faithful found themselves
+obliged to define their belief, and to strengthen themselves by an
+unwearying and united profession of faith. It is the enemy who gives
+meaning to a religious creed: without our creed we cannot win. So I am
+willing to remind you of what you know, rather than to try to introduce
+you to novelties.
+
+The strength of the enemy lies in his creed; not in the lands that he
+has ravished from his neighbours. If his creed does not prevail, his
+lands will not help him. Germany has taken lands from Belgium, Serbia,
+Roumania, Russia, and the rest, but unless her digestion is as strong as
+her appetite, she will fail to keep them. If she is to hold them in
+peace, the peoples who inhabit these lands must be either exterminated
+or converted to the German creed. Lands can be annexed by a successful
+campaign; they can be permanently conquered only by the operations of
+peace. The people who survive will be a weakness to the German Empire
+unless they accept what they are offered, a share in the German creed.
+
+That creed has not many natural attractions for the peoples on whom it
+is imposed by force. It is an intensely patriotic creed; it insists on
+racial supremacy, and on unity to be achieved by violence. Pleading and
+persuasion have little part in it except as instruments of deceit. There
+is no use in listening to what the Germans say; they do not believe it
+themselves. What they say is for others; what they do is for themselves.
+While they are at war, language for them has only two uses--to conceal
+their thoughts, and to deceive their enemies.
+
+The creed of Western civilization, for which they feel nothing but
+contempt, and on which they will be broken, is not a simple thing, like
+theirs. The words by which it is commonly expressed--democracy,
+parliamentarism, individual liberty, diversity, free development--are
+puzzling theoretic words, which make no instinctive appeal to the heart.
+Nevertheless, we stand for growth as against order; and for life as
+against death. If Germany wins this war, her system will have to be
+broken or to decay before growth can start again. Must we lose even a
+hundred years in shaking ourselves free from the paralysis of the German
+nightmare?
+
+The Germans have shown themselves strong in their unity, and strong in
+their willingness to make great sacrifices to preserve that unity. No
+one can deny nobility to the sacrifice made by the simple-minded German
+soldier who dies fighting bravely for his people and his creed. His
+narrowness is his strength, and makes unselfishness easier by saving his
+mind from question. 'This one thing you shall do', his country says to
+him, 'fight and die for your country, so that your country and your
+people shall have lordship over other countries and other peoples. You
+are nothing; Germany is everything.'
+
+We who live in this island love our country with at least as deep a
+passion; but a creed so simple as the German creed will never do for us.
+We are patriotic, but our patriotism is often overlaid and confused by a
+wider thought and a wider sympathy than the Germans have ever known.
+Much extravagant praise has lately been given to the German power of
+thinking, which produces the elaborate marvels of German organization.
+But this thinking is slave-thinking, not master-thinking; it spends
+itself wholly on devising complicated means to achieve a very simple
+end. That is what makes the Germans so like the animals. Their wisdom is
+all cunning. I have had German friends, two or three, in the course of
+my life, but none of them ever understood a word that I said if I tried
+to say what I thought. You could talk to them about food, and they
+responded easily. It was all very restful and pleasant, like talking to
+an intelligent dog.
+
+If each of the allied nations were devoted to the creed of nationalism,
+the alliance could not endure. We depend for our strength on what we
+hold in common. The weakness of this wider creed is that it makes no
+such immediate and strong appeal to the natural instincts as is made by
+the mother-country. It demands the habitual exercise of reason and
+imagination. Further, seeing that we are infinitely less tame and less
+docile than the Germans, we depend for our strength on informing and
+convincing our people, and on obtaining agreement among them. Questions
+which in Germany are discussed only in the gloomy Berlin head-quarters
+of the General Staff are discussed here in the newspapers. In the press,
+even under the censorship, we think aloud. It records our differences
+and debates our policy. You could not suppress these differences and
+these debates without damaging our cause. There is no freedom worth
+having which does not, sooner or later, include the freedom to say what
+you think.
+
+No doubt we could, if necessary, carry on for a time without the press;
+and I agree with those newspaper writers who have been saying recently
+that the importance of the press is monstrously exaggerated by some of
+its critics. The working-man, so far as I know him, does not depend for
+his patriotism on the leader-writers of the newspapers. He takes even
+the news with a very large grain of salt. 'So the papers say', he
+remarks; 'it may be true or it may not.' Yet the press has done good
+service, and might do better, in putting the meaning of the War before
+our people and in holding them together. Freedom means that we must love
+our diversity well enough to be willing to unite to protect it. We must
+die for our differences as cheerfully as the Germans die for their
+pattern. Or, if we can sketch a design of our cause, we must be as
+passionate in defence of that large vague design as the Germans are
+passionate in defence of their tight uniformity and their drill. If we
+were to fail to keep together, our cause, I believe, would still
+prevail, but at a cost that we dare not contemplate, by way of anarchy,
+and the dissolution of societies, by long tortures, and tears, and
+martyrdoms. If we refuse to die in the ranks against the German tyranny
+we can keep our faith by dying at the stake. There are those who think
+martyrdom the better way; and certainly that was how Christianity
+prevailed in Europe; you can read the story in Caxton's translation of
+the _Golden Legend_. But these saints and martyrs were making a
+beginning; we are fighting to keep what we have won, and it would be a
+huge failure on our part if we could keep nothing of it, but had to
+begin all over again.
+
+The business of the press, then, at this present crisis, is to keep the
+cause for which we are fighting clearly before us, and this it has done
+well; also, because we do not fight best in blinders, to tell us all
+that can be known of the facts of the situation, and this it has done
+not so well.
+
+The power of the newspapers is that most people read them, and that many
+people read nothing else. Their weakness is that they have to sell or
+cease to be, so that by a natural instinct of self-preservation they
+fall back on the two sure methods whereby you can always capture the
+attention of the public. Any man who is trying to say what he thinks,
+making full allowance for all doubts and differences, runs the risk of
+losing his audience. He can regain their attention by flattering them or
+by frightening them. Flattery and fright, the one following the other
+from day to day, and often from paragraph to paragraph, is a very large
+part of the newspaper reader's diet. If he is a sane and busy man, he is
+not too much impressed by either. He is not mercurial enough for the
+quick changes of an orator's or journalist's fancy, whereby he is called
+on, one day, to dig the German warships like rats out of their harbour,
+and, not many days later, to spend his last shilling on the purchase of
+the last bullet to shoot at the German invader. He knows that this is
+such stuff as dreams are made of. He knows also that the orator or
+journalist, after calling on him for these achievements, goes home to
+dinner. No great harm is done, just as no great harm is done by bad
+novels. But an opportunity is lost; the press and the platform might do
+more than they do to strengthen us and inform us, and help forward our
+cause.
+
+I name the press and the platform together because they are essentially
+the same thing. Journalism is a kind of talk. The press, it is fair to
+say, is ourselves; and every people, it may truly be said, has the press
+that it deserves. But reading is a thing that we do chiefly for
+indulgence and pleasure in our idle time; and the press falls in with
+our mood, and supplies us with what we want in our weaker and lazier
+moments. No responsible man, with an eager and active mind, spends much
+of his time on the newspapers. Those who are excited to action by what
+they read in the papers are mostly content with the mild exercise of
+writing to these same papers to explain that some one else ought to do
+something and to do it at once. Their excitement worries themselves more
+than it hurts others. When the devil, with horns and hooves, appeared to
+Cuvier, the naturalist, and threatened to devour him, Cuvier, who was
+asleep at the time, opened his eyes and looked at the terrible
+apparition. 'Hm,' he said, 'cloven-footed; graminivorous; needn't be
+afraid of you;' and he went to sleep again. A man who says that he has
+not time to read the morning papers carefully is commonly a man who
+counts; he knows what he has to do, and he goes on doing it. So far as I
+have observed, the cadets who are training for command in the army take
+very little interest in the exhortations of the newspapers. They even
+prefer the miserable trickle which is all that is left of football news.
+
+One of the chief problems connected with the press is therefore
+this--how can it be prevented from producing hysteria in the
+feeble-minded? In time of war the censorship no doubt does something to
+prevent this; and I think it might do more. 'Scare-lines', as they are
+called--that is, sensational headings in large capital letters--might be
+reduced by law to modest dimensions. More important, the censorship
+might insist that all who write shall sign their names to their
+articles. Why should journalists alone be relieved of responsibility to
+their country? Is it possible that the Government is afraid of the
+press? There is no need for fear. 'Beware of Aristophanes', says Landor,
+'he can cast your name as a byword to a thousand cities of Asia for a
+thousand years. But all that the press can do by its disfavour is to
+keep your name obscure in a hundred cities of England for a hundred
+days. Signed articles are robbed of their vague impressiveness, and are
+known for what they are--the opinions of one man. I would also recommend
+that a photograph of the author be placed at the head of every article.
+I have been saved from many bad novels by the helpful pictorial
+advertisements of modern publishers.
+
+The real work of the Press, as I said, is to help to hold the people
+together. Nothing else that it can do is of any importance compared with
+this. We are at one in this War as we have never been at one before
+within living memory, as we were not at one against Napoleon or against
+Louis XIV. Our trial is on us; and if we cannot preserve our oneness, we
+fail. What would be left to us I do not know; but I am sure that an
+England which had accepted conditions of peace at Germany's hands would
+not be the England that any of us know. There might still be a few
+Englishmen, but they would have to look about for somewhere to live.
+Serbia would be a good place; it has made no peace-treaty with Germany.
+
+We are profoundly at one; and are divided only by illusions, which the
+press, in times past, has done much to keep alive. One of these
+illusions is the illusion of party. I have never been behind the scenes,
+among the creaking machinery, but my impression, as a spectator, is that
+parties in England are made very much as you pick up sides for a game. I
+have observed that they are all conservative. The affections are
+conservative; every one has a liking for his old habits and his old
+associates. There is something comic in a well-nourished rich man who
+believes that he is a bold reformer and a destructive thinker. For real
+clotted reactionary sentiment I know nothing to match the table-talk of
+any aged parliamentary Radical. When we get a Labour Government, it will
+be patriotic, prejudiced, opposed to all innovation, superstitiously
+reverential of the past, sticky and, probably, tyrannical.
+
+The party illusion has been much weakened by the War, and those who
+still repeat the old catch-words are very near to lunacy. There is a
+deeper and more dangerous illusion which has not been killed--the class
+illusion. We are all very much alike; but we live in water-tight
+compartments called classes, and the inhabitants of each compartment
+tend to believe that they alone are patriotic. This illusion, to be
+just, is not fostered chiefly by the press, which wants to sell its work
+to all classes; but it has strong hold of the Government office. The
+Government does not know the people, except as an actor knows the
+audience; and therefore does not trust the people. It is pathetic to
+hear officials talking timidly of the people--will they endure hardships
+and sacrifices, will they carry through? Yet most of the successes we
+have won in the War have to be credited not so much to the skill of the
+management as to the amazing high courage of the ordinary soldier and
+sailor. Even soldiers are often subject to class illusion. I remember
+listening, in the first month of the War, to a retired colonel, who
+explained, with some heat, that the territorials could never be of any
+use. That illusion has gone. Then it was Kitchener's army--well-meaning
+people, no doubt, but impossible for a European war. Kitchener's army
+made good. Now it is the civil population, who, though they are the
+blood relatives of the soldiers, are distrusted, and believed to be
+likely to fail under a strain. Yet all the time, if you want to hear
+half-hearted, timid, pusillanimous talk, the place where you are most
+likely to hear it is in the public offices. Most of those who talk in
+this way would be brave enough in fight, but they are kept at desks, and
+worried with detailed business, and harassed by speculative dangers, and
+they lose perspective. Soon or late, we are going to win this War; and
+it is the people who are going to win it.
+
+If the press (or perhaps the Government, which controls the press) is
+not afraid of the people, why does it tell them so little about our
+reverses, and the merits of our enemies? For information concerning
+these things we have to depend wholly on conversation with returned
+soldiers. For instance, the horrible stories that we hear of the brutal
+treatment of our prisoners are numerous, and are true, and make a heavy
+bill against Germany, which bill we mean to present. But are they fair
+examples of the average treatment? We cannot tell; the accounts
+published are almost exclusively confined to the worst happenings. Most
+of the officers with whom I have talked who had been in several German
+military prisons said that they had nothing serious to complain of.
+Prison is not a good place, and it is not pleasant to have your
+pea-soup and your coffee, one after the other, in the same tin dipper;
+but they were soldiers, and they agreed that it would be absurd to make
+a grievance of things like that. One private soldier was an even greater
+philosopher. 'No', he said, 'I have nothing to complain of. Of course,
+they do spit at you a good deal.' That man was unconquerable.
+
+In shipping returns and the like we are given averages; why are we told
+nothing at all of the milder experiences of our soldier prisoners? It
+would not make us less resolved to do all that we can to better the lot
+of those who are suffering insult and torture, and to exact full
+retribution from the enemy. And it would bring some hope to those whose
+husbands or children or friends are in German military prisons, and who
+are racked every day by tales of what, in fact, are exceptional
+atrocities.
+
+Or take the question of the conduct of German officers. We know that the
+Prussian military Government, in its approved handbooks, teaches its
+officers the use of brutality and terror as military weapons. The German
+philosophy of war, of which this is a part, is not really a philosophy
+of war; it is a philosophy of victory. For a long time now the Germans
+have been accustomed to victory, and have studied the arts of breaking
+the spirit and torturing the mind of the peoples whom they invade. Their
+philosophy of war will have to be rewritten when the time comes for them
+to accommodate their doctrine to their own defeat. In the meantime they
+teach frightfulness to their officers, and most of their officers prove
+ready pupils. There must be some, one would think, here and there, if
+only a sprinkling, who fall short of the Prussian doctrine, and are
+betrayed by human feeling into what we should recognize as decent and
+honourable conduct. And so there are; only we do not hear of them
+through the press. I should like to tell two stories which come to me
+from personal sources. The first may be called the story of the
+Christmas truce and the German captain. In the lull which fell on the
+fighting at the time of the first Christmas of the War, a British
+officer was disquieted to notice that his men were fraternizing with the
+Germans, who were standing about with them in No-man's land, laughing
+and talking. He went out to them at once, to bring them back to their
+own trenches. When he came up to his men, he met a German captain who
+had arrived on the same errand. The two officers, British and German,
+fell into talk, and while they were standing together, in not unfriendly
+fashion, one of the men took a snapshot photograph of them, copies of
+which were afterwards circulated in the trenches. Then the men were
+recalled to their duty, on the one side and the other, and, after an
+interval of some days, the war began again. A little time after this the
+British officer was in charge of a patrol, and, having lost his way,
+found himself in the German trenches, where he and his men were
+surrounded and captured. As they were being marched off along the
+trenches, they met the German captain, who ordered the men to be taken
+to the rear, and then, addressing the officer without any sign of
+recognition, said in a loud voice, 'You, follow me!' He led him by
+complicated ways along a whole series of trenches and up a sap, at the
+end of which he stopped, saluted, and, pointing with his hand, said
+'Your trenches are there. Good day.'
+
+My second story, the story of the British lieutenant in No-man's land,
+is briefer. I was with a friend of mine, a young officer back from the
+front, wounded, and the conduct of German officers was being discussed.
+He said, 'You can't expect me to be very hard on German officers, for
+one of them saved my life'. He then told how he and a companion crept
+out into No-man's land to bring in some of our wounded who were lying
+there. When they had reached the wounded, and were preparing to bring
+them in, they were discovered by the Germans opposite, who at once
+whipped up a machine-gun and turned it on them. Their lives were not
+worth half a minute's purchase, when suddenly a German officer leapt up
+on to the parapet, and, angrily waving back the machine-gunners, called
+out, in English, 'That's all right. You may take them in.'
+
+These are no doubt exceptional cases; the rule is very different. But a
+good many of such cases are known to soldiers, and I have seen none of
+them in the press. Soldiers are silent by law, and journalists either do
+not hear these things, or, believing that hate is a valuable asset,
+suppress all mention of them. If England could ever be disgraced by a
+mishap, she would be disgraced by having given birth to those
+Englishmen, few and wretched, who, when an enemy behaves generously,
+conceal or deny the fact. And consider the effect of this silence on the
+Germans. There are some German officers, as I said, who are better than
+the German military handbooks, and better than their monstrous chiefs.
+Which of them will pay the smallest attention to what our papers say
+when he finds that they collect only atrocities, and are blind to
+humanity if they see it in an enemy? He will regard our press accounts
+of the German army as the work of malicious cripples; and our perfectly
+true narrative of the unspeakable brutality and filthiness of the German
+army's doings will lose credit with him.
+
+If I had my way, I would staff the newspaper offices, as far as
+possible, with wounded soldiers, and I would give some of the present
+staff a holiday as stretcher-bearers. Then we should hear more of the
+truth.
+
+Is it feared that we should have no heart for the War if once we are
+convinced that among the Germans there are some human beings? Is it
+believed that our people can be heroic on one condition only, that they
+shall be asked to fight no one but orangoutangs? Our airmen fight as
+well as any one, in this world or above it, has ever fought; and we owe
+them a great debt of thanks for maintaining, and, by their example,
+actually teaching the Germans to maintain, a high standard of decency.
+
+This War has shown, what we might have gathered from our history, that
+we fight best up hill. From our history also we may learn that it does
+not relax our sinews to be told that our enemy has some good qualities.
+We should like him better as an enemy if he had more. We know what we
+have believed; and we are not going to fail in resolve or perseverance
+because we find that our task is difficult, and that we have not a
+monopoly of all the virtues.
+
+Most of us will not live to see it, for our recovery from this disease
+will be long and troublesome, but the War will do great things for us.
+It will make a reality of the British Commonwealth, which until now has
+been only an aspiration and a dream. It will lay the sure foundation of
+a League of Nations in the affection and understanding which it has
+promoted among all English-speaking peoples, and in the relations of
+mutual respect and mutual service which it has established between the
+English-speaking peoples and the Latin races. Our united Rolls of Honour
+make the most magnificent list of benefactors that the world has ever
+seen. In the end, the War may perhaps even save the soul of the main
+criminal, awaken him from his bloody dream, and lead him back by degrees
+to the possibility of innocence and goodwill.
+
+
+
+
+SHAKESPEARE AND ENGLAND
+
+_Annual Shakespeare Lecture of the British Academy, delivered July 4,
+1918_
+
+
+There is nothing new and important to be said of Shakespeare. In recent
+years antiquaries have made some additions to our knowledge of the facts
+of his life. These additions are all tantalizing and comparatively
+insignificant. The history of the publication of his works has also
+become clearer and more intelligible, especially by the labours of Mr.
+Pollard; but the whole question of quartos and folios remains thorny and
+difficult, so that no one can reach any definite conclusion in this
+matter without a liberal use of conjecture.
+
+I propose to return to the old catholic doctrine which has been
+illuminated by so many disciples of Shakespeare, and to speak of him as
+our great national poet. He embodies and exemplifies all the virtues,
+and most of the faults, of England. Any one who reads and understands
+him understands England. This method of studying Shakespeare by reading
+him has perhaps gone somewhat out of vogue in favour of more roundabout
+ways of approach, but it is the best method for all that. Shakespeare
+tells us more about himself and his mind than we could learn even from
+those who knew him in his habit as he lived, if they were all alive and
+all talking. To learn what he tells we have only to listen.
+
+I think there is no national poet, of any great nation whatsoever, who
+is so completely representative of his own people as Shakespeare is
+representative of the English. There is certainly no other English poet
+who comes near to Shakespeare in embodying our character and our
+foibles. No one, in this connexion, would venture even to mention
+Spenser or Milton. Chaucer is English, but he lived at a time when
+England was not yet completely English, so that he is only
+half-conscious of his nation. Wordsworth is English, but he was a
+recluse. Browning is English, but he lived apart or abroad, and was a
+tourist of genius. The most English of all our great men of letters,
+next to Shakespeare, is certainly Dr. Johnson, but he was no great poet.
+Shakespeare, it may be suspected, is too poetic to be a perfect
+Englishman; but his works refute that suspicion. He is the Englishman
+endowed, by a fortunate chance, with matchless powers of expression. He
+is not silent or dull; but he understands silent men, and he enters into
+the minds of dull men. Moreover, the Englishman seems duller than he is.
+It is a point of pride with him not to be witty and not to give voice to
+his feelings. The shepherd Corin, who was never in court, has the true
+philosophy. 'He that hath learned no wit by nature nor art may complain
+of good breeding or comes of a very dull kindred.'
+
+Shakespeare knew nothing of the British Empire. He was an islander, and
+his patriotism was centred on
+
+ This precious stone set in the silver sea,
+ Which serves it in the office of a wall,
+ Or as a moat defensive to a house,
+ Against the envy of less happier lands.
+
+When he speaks of Britons and British he always means the Celtic
+peoples of the island. Once only he makes a slip. There is a passage in
+_King Lear_ (IV. vi. 249) where the followers of the King, who in the
+text of the quarto versions are correctly called 'the British party',
+appear in the folio version as 'the English party'. Perhaps the quartos
+contain Shakespeare's own correction of his own inadvertence; but those
+of us, and we are many, who have been blamed by northern patriots for
+the misuse of the word English may claim Shakespeare as a brother in
+misfortune.
+
+Our critics, at home and abroad, accuse us of arrogance. I doubt if we
+can prove them wrong; but they do not always understand the nature of
+English arrogance. It does not commonly take the form of self-assertion.
+Shakespeare's casual allusions to our national characteristics are
+almost all of a kind; they are humorous and depreciatory. Here are some
+of them. Every holiday fool in England, we learn from Trinculo in _The
+Tempest_, would give a piece of silver to see a strange fish, though no
+one will give a doit to relieve a lame beggar. The English are
+quarrelsome, Master Slender testifies, at the game of bear-baiting. They
+are great drinkers, says Iago, 'most potent in potting; your Dane, your
+German, and your swag-bellied Hollander are nothing to your English'.
+They are epicures, says Macbeth. They will eat like wolves and fight
+like devils, says the Constable of France. An English nobleman,
+according to the Lady of Belmont, can speak no language but his own. An
+English tailor, according to the porter of Macbeth's castle, will steal
+cloth where there is hardly any cloth to be stolen, out of a French
+hose. The devil, says the clown in _All's Well_, has an English name; he
+is called the Black Prince.
+
+Nothing has been changed in this vein of humorous banter since
+Shakespeare died. One of the best pieces of Shakespeare criticism ever
+written is contained in four words of the present Poet Laureate's Ode
+for the Tercentenary of Shakespeare, 'London's laughter is thine'. The
+wit of our trenches in this war, especially perhaps among the Cockney
+and South country regiments, is pure Shakespeare. Falstaff would find
+himself at home there, and would recognize a brother in Old Bill.
+
+The best known of Shakespeare's allusions to England are no doubt those
+splendid outbursts of patriotism which occur in _King John_, and
+_Richard II,_ and _Henry V_. And of these the dying speech of John of
+Gaunt, in _Richard II_, is the deepest in feeling. It is a lament upon
+the decay of England, 'this dear, dear land'. Since we began to be a
+nation we have always lamented our decay. I am afraid that the Germans,
+whose self-esteem takes another form, were deceived by this. To the
+right English temper all bragging is a thing of evil omen. That temper
+is well expressed, where perhaps you would least expect to find it, in
+the speech of King Henry V to the French herald:
+
+ To say the sooth,--
+ Though 'tis no wisdom to confess so much
+ Unto an enemy of craft and vantage,--
+ My people are with sickness much enfeebled,
+ My numbers lessened, and those few I have
+ Almost no better than so many French;
+ Who, when they were in health, I tell thee, herald,
+ I thought upon one pair of English legs
+ Did march three Frenchmen. Yet, forgive me, God,
+ That I do brag thus! This your air of France
+ Hath blown that vice in me; I must repent.
+ Go therefore, tell thy master here I am:
+ My ransom is this frail and worthless trunk;
+ My army but a weak and sickly guard;
+ Yet, God before, tell him we will come on,
+ Though France himself and such another neighbour
+ Stand in our way. There's for thy labour, Montjoy.
+ Go bid thy master well advise himself:
+ If we may pass, we will; if we be hindered,
+ We shall your tawny ground with your red blood
+ Discolour; and so, Montjoy, fare you well.
+ The sum of all our answer is but this:
+ We would not seek a battle as we are;
+ Nor, as we are, we say we will not shun it;
+ So tell your master.
+
+That speech might have been written for the war which we are waging
+to-day against a less honourable enemy. But, indeed, Shakespeare is full
+of prophecy. Here is his description of the volunteers who flocked to
+the colours in the early days of the war:
+
+ Rash inconsiderate fiery voluntaries,
+ With ladies' faces and fierce dragons' spleens,
+ Have sold their fortunes at their native homes,
+ Bearing their birthrights proudly on their backs,
+ To make a hazard of new fortunes here.
+ In brief, a braver choice of dauntless spirits
+ Than now the English bottoms have waft o'er
+ Did never float upon the swelling tide.
+
+And here is his sermon on national unity, preached by the Bishop of
+Carlisle:
+
+ O, if you rear this house against this house,
+ It will the woefullest division prove
+ That ever fell upon this cursed earth.
+ Prevent it, resist it, let it not be so,
+ Lest child, child's children, cry against you 'Woe!'
+
+The patriotism of the women is described by the Bastard in _King John_:
+
+ Your own ladies and pale-visag'd maids
+ Like Amazons come tripping after drums:
+ Their thimbles into armed gauntlets change,
+ Their needles to lances, and their gentle hearts
+ To fierce and bloody inclination.
+
+Lastly, Queen Isabella's blessing, spoken over King Henry V and his
+French bride, predicts an enduring friendship between England and
+France:
+
+ As man and wife, being two, are one in love,
+ So be there 'twixt your kingdoms such a spousal,
+ That never may ill office, or fell jealousy,
+ Which troubles oft the bed of blessed marriage,
+ Thrust in between the paction of these kingdoms,
+ To make divorce of their incorporate league;
+ That English may as French, French Englishmen,
+ Receive each other! God speak this Amen!
+
+One of the delights of a literature as rich and as old as ours is that
+at every step we take backwards we find ourselves again. We are
+delivered from that foolish vein of thought, so dear to ignorant
+conceit, which degrades the past in order to exalt the present and the
+future. It is easy to feel ourselves superior to men who no longer
+breathe and walk, and whom we do not trouble to understand. Here is the
+real benefit of scholarship; it reduces men to kinship with their race.
+Science, pressing forward, and beating against the bars which guard the
+secrets of the future, has no such sympathy in its gift.
+
+Anyhow, in Shakespeare's time, England was already old England; which if
+she could ever cease to be, she might be Jerusalem, or Paradise, but
+would not be England at all. What Shakespeare and his fellows of the
+sixteenth century gave her was a new self-consciousness and a new
+self-confidence. They foraged in the past; they recognized themselves in
+their ancestors; they found feudal England, which had existed for many
+hundreds of years, a dumb thing; and when she did not know her own
+meaning, they endowed her purposes with words. They gave her a new
+delight in herself, a new sense of power and exhilaration, which has
+remained with her to this day, surviving all the airy philosophic
+theories of humanity which thought to supersede the old solid national
+temper. The English national temper is better fitted for traffic with
+the world than any mere doctrine can ever be, for it is marked by an
+immense tolerance. And this, too, Shakespeare has expressed. Falstaff is
+perhaps the most tolerant man who was ever made in God's image. But it
+is rather late in the day to introduce Falstaff to an English audience.
+Perhaps you will let me modernize a brief scene from Shakespeare,
+altering nothing essential, to illustrate how completely his spirit is
+the spirit of our troops in Flanders and France.
+
+A small British expeditionary force, bound on an international mission,
+finds itself stranded in an unknown country. The force is composed of
+men very various in rank and profession. Two of them, whom we may call
+a non-commissioned officer and a private, go exploring by themselves,
+and take one of the natives of the place prisoner. This native is an
+ugly low-born creature, of great physical strength and violent criminal
+tendencies, a liar, and ready at any time for theft, rape, and murder.
+He is a child of Nature, a lover of music, slavish in his devotion to
+power and rank, and very easily imposed upon by authority. His captors
+do not fear him, and, which is more, they do not dislike him. They found
+him lying out in a kind of no-man's land, drenched to the skin, so they
+determine to keep him as a souvenir, and to take him home with them.
+They nickname him, in friendly fashion, the monster, and the mooncalf,
+as who should say Fritz, or the Boche. But their first care is to give
+him a drink, and to make him swear allegiance upon the bottle. 'Where
+the devil should he learn our language?' says the non-commissioned
+officer, when the monster speaks. 'I will give him some relief, if it be
+but for that.' The prisoner then offers to kiss the foot of his captor.
+'I shall laugh myself to death', says the private, 'at this puppy-headed
+monster. A most scurvy monster! I could find in my heart to beat him,
+but that the poor monster's in drink.' When the private continues to
+rail at the monster, his officer calls him to order. 'Trinculo, keep a
+good tongue in your head: if you prove a mutineer, the next tree------
+The poor monster's my subject, and he shall not suffer indignity.'
+
+In this scene from _The Tempest_, everything is English except the
+names. The incident has been repeated many times in the last four years.
+'This is Bill,' one private said, introducing a German soldier to his
+company. 'He's my prisoner. I wounded him, and I took him, and where I
+go he goes. Come on, Bill, old man.' The Germans have known many
+failures since they began the War, but one failure is more tragic than
+all the rest. They love to be impressive, to produce a panic of
+apprehension and a thrill of reverence in their enemy; and they have
+completely failed to impress the ordinary British private. He remains
+incurably humorous, and so little moved to passion that his daily
+offices of kindness are hardly interrupted.
+
+Shakespeare's tolerance, which is no greater than the tolerance of the
+common English soldier, may be well seen in his treatment of his
+villains. Is a liar, or a thief, merely a bad man? Shakespeare does not
+much encourage you to think so. Is a murderer a bad man? He would be an
+undiscerning critic who should accept that phrase as a true and adequate
+description of Macbeth. Shakespeare does not dislike liars, thieves, and
+murderers as such, and he does not pretend to dislike them. He has his
+own dislikes. I once asked a friend of mine, long since dead, who
+refused to condemn almost anything, whether there were any vices that he
+could not find it in his heart to tolerate. He replied at once that
+there were two--cruelty, and bilking; which, if the word is not
+academic, I may paraphrase as cheating the helpless, swindling a child
+out of its pennies, or leaving a house by the back door in order to
+avoid paying your cabman his lawful fare. These exclusions from mercy
+Shakespeare would accept; and I think he would add a third. His worst
+villains are all theorists, who cheat and murder by the book of
+arithmetic. They are men of principle, and are ready to expound their
+principle and to defend it in argument. They follow it, without remorse
+or mitigation, wherever it leads them. It is Iago's logic that makes him
+so terrible; his mind is as cold as a snake and as hard as a surgeon's
+knife. The Italian Renaissance did produce some such men; the modern
+German imitation is a grosser and feebler thing, brutality trying to
+emulate the glitter and flourish of refined cruelty.
+
+With his wonderful quickness of intuition and his unsurpassed subtlety
+of expression Shakespeare drew the characters of the Englishmen that he
+saw around him. Why is it that he has given us no full-length portrait,
+carefully drawn, of a hypocrite? It can hardly have been for lack of
+models. Outside England, not only among our enemies, but among our
+friends and allies, it is agreed that hypocrisy is our national vice,
+our ruling passion. There must be some meaning in so widely held an
+opinion; and, on our side, there are damaging admissions by many
+witnesses. The portrait gallery of Charles Dickens is crowded with
+hypocrites. Some of them are greasy and servile, like Mr. Pumblechook or
+Uriah Heep; others rise to poetic heights of daring, like Mr. Chadband
+or Mr. Squeers. But Shakespeare's hypocrites enjoy themselves too much;
+they are artists to the finger-tips. It may be said, no doubt, that
+Shakespeare lived before organized religious dissent had developed a new
+type of character among the weaker brethren. But the Low Church
+Protestant, whom Shakespeare certainly knew, is not very different from
+the evangelical dissenter of later days; and he did not interest
+Shakespeare.
+
+My own impression is that Shakespeare had a free and happy childhood,
+and grew up without much check from his elders. It is the child who sees
+hypocrites. These preposterous grown-up people, who, if they are
+well-mannered, do not seem to enjoy their food, who are fussy about
+meaningless employments, and never give way to natural impulses, must
+surely assume this veil of decorum with intent to deceive. Charles
+Dickens was hard driven in his childhood, and the impressions that were
+then burnt into him governed all his seeing. The creative spirit in him
+transformed his sufferings into delight; but he never outgrew them; and,
+when he died, the eyes of a child were closed upon a scene touched, it
+is true, here and there with rapturous pleasure, rich in oddity, and
+trembling with pathos, but, in the main, as bleak and unsatisfying as
+the wards of a workhouse. The intense emotions of his childhood made the
+usual fervours of adolescence a faint thing in the comparison, and if
+you want to know how lovers think and feel you do not go to Dickens to
+tell you. You go to Shakespeare, who put his childhood behind him, so
+that he almost forgot it, and ran forward to seize life with both hands.
+He sometimes looked back on children, and saw them through the eyes of
+their elders. Dickens saw men and women as they appear to children.
+
+This comparison suggests a certain lack of sympathy or lack of
+understanding in those who are quick to see hypocrisy in others. In
+Dickens lack of sympathy was a fair revenge; moreover, his hypocrites
+amused him so much that he did not wish to understand them. What a loss
+it would have been to the world if he had explained them away! But it is
+difficult, I think, to see a hypocrite in a man whose intimacy you have
+cultivated, whose mind you have entered into, as Shakespeare entered
+into the mind of his creatures. Hypocrisy, in its ordinary forms, is a
+superficial thing--a skin disease, not a cancer. It is not easy, at
+best, to bring the outward and inward relations of the soul into perfect
+harmony; a hypocrite is one who too readily consents to their
+separation. The English, for I am ready now to return to my point, are a
+people of a divided mind, slow to drive anything through on principle,
+very ready to find reason in compromise. They are passionate, and they
+are idealists, but they are also a practical people, and they dare not
+give the rein to a passion or an idea. They know that in this world an
+unmitigated principle simply will not work; that a clean cut will never
+take you through the maze. So they restrain themselves, and listen, and
+seem patient. They are not so patient as they seem; they must be
+hypocrites! A cruder, simpler people like the Germans feel indignation,
+not unmixed perhaps with envy, when they hear the quiet voice and see
+the white lips of the thoroughbred Englishman who is angry. It is not
+manly or honest, they think, to be angry without getting red in the
+face. They certainly feel pride in their own honesty when they give
+explosive vent to their emotions. They have not learned the elements of
+self-distrust. The Englishman is seldom quite content to be himself;
+often his thoughts are troubled by something better. He suffers from the
+divided mind; and earns the reputation of a hypocrite. But the simpler
+nature that indulges itself and believes in itself has an even heavier
+penalty to pay. If, in the name of honesty, you cease to distinguish
+between what you are and what you would wish to be, between how you act
+and how you would like to act, you are in some danger of reeling back
+into the beast. It is true that man is an animal; and before long you
+feel a glow of conscious virtue in proclaiming and illustrating that
+truth. You scorn the hypocrisy of pretending to be better than you are,
+and that very scorn fixes you in what you are. 'He that is unjust, let
+him be unjust still; and he which is filthy, let him be filthy still.'
+That is the epitaph on German honesty. I have drifted away from
+Shakespeare, who knew nothing of the sea of troubles that England would
+one day take arms against, and who could not know that on that day she
+would outgo his most splendid praise and more than vindicate his
+reverence and his affection. But Shakespeare is still so live a mind
+that it is vain to try to expound him by selected texts, or to pin him
+to a mosaic of quotations from his book. Often, if you seek to know what
+he thought on questions which must have exercised his imagination, you
+can gather it only from a hint dropped by accident, and quite
+irrelevant. What were his views on literature, and on the literary
+controversies which have been agitated from his day to our own? He tells
+us very little. He must have heard discussions and arguments on metre,
+on classical precedent, on the ancient and modern drama; but he makes no
+mention of these questions. He does not seem to have attached any
+prophetic importance to poetry. The poets who exalt their craft are of a
+more slender build. Is it conceivable that he would have given his
+support to a literary academy,--a project which began to find advocates
+during his lifetime? I think not. It is true that he is full of good
+sense, and that an academy exists to promulgate good sense. Moreover his
+own free experiments brought him nearer and nearer into conformity with
+classical models. _Othello_ and _Macbeth_ are better constructed plays
+than _Hamlet_. The only one of his plays which, whether by chance or by
+design, observes the so-called unities, of action and time and place, is
+one of his latest plays--_The Tempest_. But he was an Englishman, and
+would have been jealous of his freedom and independence. When the
+grave-digger remarks that it is no great matter if Hamlet do not recover
+his wits in England, because there the men are as mad as he, the satire
+has a sympathetic ring in it. Shakespeare did not wish to see the mad
+English altered. Nor are they likely to alter; our fears and our hopes
+are vain. We entered on the greatest of our wars with an army no bigger,
+so we are told, than the Bulgarian army. Since that time we have
+regimented and organized our people, not without success; and our
+soothsayers are now directing our attention to the danger that after the
+war we shall be kept in uniform and shall become tame creatures, losing
+our independence and our spirit of enterprise. There is nothing that
+soothsayers will not predict when they are gravelled for lack of matter,
+but this is the stupidest of all their efforts. The national character
+is not so flimsy a thing; it has gone through good and evil fortune for
+hundreds of years without turning a hair. You can make a soldier, and a
+good soldier, of a humorist; but you cannot militarize him. He remains a
+free thinker.
+
+New institutions do not flourish in England. The town is a comparatively
+modern innovation; it has never, so to say, caught on. Most schemes of
+town-planning are schemes for pretending that you live in the country.
+This is one of the most persistent of our many hypocrisies. Wherever
+working people inhabit a street of continuous red-brick cottages, the
+names that they give to their homes are one long catalogue of romantic
+lies. The houses have no gardens, and the only prospect that they
+command is the view of over the way. But read their names--The Dingle,
+The Elms, Pine Grove, Windermere, The Nook, The Nest. Even social
+pretence, which is said to be one of our weaknesses, and which may be
+read in such names as Belvoir or Apsley House, is less in evidence than
+the Englishman's passion for the country. He cannot bear to think that
+he lives in a town. He does not much respect the institutions of a town.
+A policeman, before he has been long in the force, has to face the fact
+that he is generally regarded as a comic character. The police are
+Englishmen and good fellows, and they accept a situation which would
+rouse any continental gendarme to heroic indignation. Mayors, Aldermen,
+and Justices of the Peace are comic, and take it not quite so well.
+Beadles were so wholly dedicated to the purposes of comedy that I
+suppose they found their position unendurable and went to earth; at any
+rate it is very difficult to catch one in his official costume.
+
+All this is reflected in Shakespeare. He knew the country, and he knew
+the town; and he has not left it in doubt which was the cherished home
+of his imagination. He preferred the fields to the streets, but the
+Arcadia of his choice is not agricultural or even pastoral; it is rather
+a desert island, or the uninhabited stretches of wild and woodland
+country. Indeed, he has both described it and named it. 'Where will the
+old Duke live?' says Oliver in _As You Like It_. 'They say he is already
+in the forest of Arden,' says Charles the wrestler, 'and a many merry
+men with him; and there they live like the old Robin Hood of England.
+They say many young gentlemen flock to him every day, and fleet the time
+carelessly, as they did in the golden world.' That is Shakespeare's
+Arcadia; and who that has read _As You Like It_ will deny that it
+breathes the air of Paradise?
+
+It is quite plain that the freedom that Shakespeare valued was in fact
+freedom, not any of those ingenious mechanisms to which that name has
+been applied by political theorists. He thought long and profoundly on
+the problems of society; and anarchy has no place among his political
+ideals. It is by all means to be avoided--at a cost. But what harm would
+anarchy do if it meant no more than freedom for all the impulses of the
+enlightened imagination and the tender heart? The ideals of his heart
+were not political; and when he indulges himself, as he did in his
+latest plays, you must look for him in the wilds; whether on the road
+near the shepherd's cottage, or in the cave among the mountains of
+Wales, or on the seashore in the Bermudas. The laws that are imposed
+upon the intricate relations of men in society were a weariness to him;
+and in this he is thoroughly English. The Englishman has always been an
+objector, and he has a right to object, though it may very well be held
+that he is too fond of larding his objection with the plea of
+conscience. But even this has a meaning in our annals; as a mere
+question of right we are very slow to prefer the claim of the organized
+opinions of society to the claim of the individual conscience. We know
+that there is no good in a man who is doing what he does not will to do.
+We are not like our poets or our men of action to be void of
+inspiration. A gift is nothing if there is no benevolence in the giver:
+
+ For to the noble mind
+ Rich gifts wax poor when givers prove unkind.
+
+We ask for the impulse as well as the deed. Even when he is speaking of
+social obligations Shakespeare makes his strongest appeal not to force
+or command, but to the natural piety of the heart:
+
+ If ever you have looked on better days,
+ If ever been where bells have knolled to church,
+ If ever sat at any good man's feast,
+ If ever from your eyelids wiped a tear,
+ And know what 'tis to pity and be pitied,
+ Let gentleness my strong enforcement be:
+ In the which hope I blush, and hide my sword.
+
+So speaks Orlando when the Duke has met his threats with fair words;
+and he adds an apology:
+
+ Pardon me, I pray you;
+ I thought that all things had been savage here,
+ And therefore put I on the countenance
+ Of stern commandment.
+
+The ultimate law between man and man, according to Shakespeare, is the
+law of pity. I suppose that most of us have had our ears so dulled by
+early familiarity with Portia's famous speech, which we probably knew by
+heart long before we were fit to understand it, that the heavenly
+quality of it, equal to almost anything in the New Testament, is
+obscured and lost. There is no remedy but to read it again; to remember
+that it was conceived in passion; and to notice how the meaning is
+raised and perfected as line follows line:
+
+ _Portia_. Then must the Jew be merciful.
+
+ _Shylock_. On what compulsion must I? Tell me that.
+
+ _Portia_. The quality of mercy is not strained.
+ It droppeth as the gentle rain from heaven
+ Upon the place beneath; it is twice bless'd;
+ It blesseth him that gives and him that takes:
+ 'Tis mightiest in the mightiest; it becomes
+ The throned monarch better than his crown.
+ His sceptre shows the force of temporal power,
+ The attribute to awe and majesty,
+ Wherein doth sit the dread and fear of kings;
+ But mercy is above this sceptred sway,
+ It is enthroned in the hearts of kings,
+ It is an attribute to God himself,
+ And earthly power doth then show likest God's
+ When mercy seasons justice. Therefore, Jew,
+ Though justice be thy plea, consider this,
+ That in the course of justice none of us
+ Should see salvation: we do pray for mercy,
+ And that same prayer doth teach us all to render
+ The deeds of mercy.
+
+That speech rises above the strife of nations; it belongs to humanity.
+But an Englishman wrote it; and the author, we may be sure, if he ever
+met with the doctrine that a man who is called on to help his own people
+is in duty bound to set aside the claims of humanity, and to stop his
+ears to the call of mercy, knew that the doctrine is an invention of the
+devil, stupid and angry, as the devil commonly is. There are hundreds of
+thousands of Englishmen who, though they could not have written the
+speech, yet know all that it teaches, and act on the knowledge. It is
+part of the creed of the Navy. We can speak more confidently than we
+could have spoken three or four years ago. We know that not the
+extremest pressure of circumstance could ever bring the people of
+England to forget all the natural pieties, to permit official duties to
+annul private charities, and to join in the frenzied dance of hate and
+lust which leads to the mouth of the pit.
+
+Yet Germany, where all this seems to have happened, was not very long
+ago a country where it was easy to find humanity, and simplicity, and
+kindness. It was a country of quiet industry and content, the home of
+fairy stories, which Shakespeare himself would have loved. The Germans
+of our day have made a religion of war and terror, and have used
+commerce as a means for the treacherous destruction of the independence
+and freedom of others. They were not always like that. In the fifteenth
+century they spread the art of printing through Europe, for the service
+of man, by the method of peaceful penetration. My friend Mr. John
+Sampson recently expressed to me a hope that our air-forces would not
+bomb Mainz, 'for Mainz', he said, 'is a sacred place to the
+bibliographer'. According to a statement published in Cologne in 1499,
+'the highly valuable art of printing was invented first of all in
+Germany at Mainz on the Rhine. And it is a great honour to the German
+nation that such ingenious men are to be found among them....And in the
+year of our Lord 1450 it was a golden year, and they began to print, and
+the first book they printed was the Bible in Latin: it was printed in a
+large character, resembling the types with which the present mass-books
+are printed.' Gutenberg, the printer of this Bible, never mentions his
+own name, and the only personal note we have of his, in the colophon of
+the _Catholicon_, printed in 1460, is a hymn in praise of his city:
+'With the aid of the Most High, who unlooses the tongues of infants and
+oft-times reveals to babes that which is hidden from learned men, this
+admirable book, the _Catholicon_, was finished in the year of the
+incarnation of our Saviour MCCCCLX, in the foster town of Mainz, a town
+of the famous German nation, which God in his clemency, by granting to
+it this high illumination of the mind, has preferred before the other
+nations of the world.'
+
+There is something not quite unlike modern Germany in that; and yet
+these older activities of the Germans make a strange contrast with their
+work to-day. It was in the city of Cologne that Caxton first made
+acquaintance with his craft. Everywhere the Germans spread printing like
+a new religion, adapting it to existing conditions. In Bavaria they used
+the skill of the wood-engravers, and at Augsburg, Ulm, and Nuremberg
+produced the first illustrated printed books. It was two Germans of the
+old school, Conrad Sweynheym and Arnold Pannartz, who carried the art to
+Italy, casting the first type in Roman characters, and printing editions
+of the classics, first in the Benedictine monastery of St. Scholastica
+at Subiaco, and later at Rome. They also cast the first Greek type. It
+was three Germans, Gering, Kranz, and Freyburger, who first printed at
+Paris, in 1470. It was a German who set up the first printing-press in
+Spain, in 1474. The Germans were once the cherishers, as now they are
+the destroyers, of the inheritance of civilization. I do not pretend to
+explain the change. Perhaps it is a tragedy of education. That is a
+dangerous moment in the life of a child when he begins to be uneasily
+aware that he is valued for his simplicity and innocence. Then he
+resolves to break with the past, to put away childish things, to forgo
+affection, and to earn respect by imitating the activities of his
+elders. The strange power of words and the virtues of abstract thought
+begin to fascinate him. He loses touch with the things of sense, and
+ceases to speak as a child. If his first attempts at argument and dogma
+win him praise and esteem, if he proves himself a better fighter than an
+older boy next door, who has often bullied him, and if at the same time
+he comes into money, he is on the road to ruin. His very simplicity is a
+snare to him. 'What a fool I was', he thinks, 'to let myself be put
+upon; I now see that I am a great philosopher and a splendid soldier,
+born to subdue others rather than to agree with them, and entitled to a
+chief share in all the luxuries of the world. It is for me to say what
+is good and true, and if any of these people contradict me I shall knock
+them down.' He suits his behaviour to his new conception of himself, and
+is soon hated by all the neighbours. Then he turns bitter. These people,
+he thinks, are all in a plot against him. They must be blind to goodness
+and beauty, or why do they dislike him! His rage reaches the point of
+madness; he stabs and poisons the villagers, and burns down their
+houses. We are still waiting to see what will become of him.
+
+This outbreak has been long preparing. Seventy years before the War the
+German poet Freiligrath wrote a poem to prove that Germany is Hamlet,
+urged by the spirit of her fathers to claim her inheritance, vacillating
+and lost in thought, but destined, before the Fifth Act ends, to strew
+the stage with the corpses of her enemies. Only a German could have hit
+on the idea that Germany is Hamlet. The English, for whom the play was
+written, know that Hamlet is Hamlet, and that Shakespeare was thinking
+of a young man, not of the pomposities of national ambition. But if
+these clumsy allegories must be imposed upon great poets, Germany need
+not go abroad to seek the likeness of her destiny. Germany is Faust; she
+desired science and power and pleasure, and to get them on a short lease
+she paid the price of her soul.
+
+For the present, at any rate, the best thing the Germans can do with
+Shakespeare is to leave him alone. They have divorced themselves from
+their own great poets, to follow vulgar half-witted political prophets.
+As for Shakespeare, they have studied him assiduously, with the complete
+apparatus of criticism, for a hundred years, and they do not understand
+the plainest words of all his teaching.
+
+In England he has always been understood; and it is only fair, to him
+and to ourselves, to add that he has never been regarded first and
+foremost as a national poet. His humanity is too calm and broad to
+suffer the prejudices and exclusions of international enmities. The
+sovereignty that he holds has been allowed to him by men of all parties.
+The schools of literature have, from the very first, united in his
+praise. Ben Jonson, who knew him and loved him, was a classical scholar,
+and disapproved of some of his romantic escapades, yet no one will ever
+outgo Ben Jonson's praise of Shakespeare.
+
+ Triumph, my Britain, thou hast one to show,
+ To whom all Scenes of Europe homage owe.
+ He was not-of an ago, but for all time!
+
+The sects of religion forget their disputes and recognize the spirit of
+religion in this profane author. He cannot be identified with any
+institution. According to the old saying, he gave up the Church and took
+to religion. Ho gave up the State, and took to humanity. The formularies
+and breviaries to which political and religious philosophers profess
+their allegiance were nothing to him. These formularies are a convenient
+shorthand, to save the trouble of thinking. But Shakespeare always
+thought. Every question that he treats is brought out of the realm of
+abstraction, and exhibited in its relation to daily life and the minds
+and hearts of men. He could never have been satisfied with such a smug
+phrase as 'the greatest happiness of the greatest number'. His mind
+would have been eager for details. In what do the greatest number find
+their happiness? How far is the happiness of one consistent with the
+happiness of another? What difficulties and miscarriages attend the
+business of transmuting the recognized materials for happiness into
+living human joy? Even these questions he would not have been content to
+handle in high philosophic fashion; he would have insisted on instances,
+and would have subscribed to no code that is not carefully built out of
+case-law. He knew that sanity is in the life of the senses; and that if
+there are some philosophers who are not mad it is because they live a
+double life, and have consolations and resources of which their books
+tell you nothing. It is the part of their life which they do not think
+it worth their while to mention that would have interested Shakespeare.
+He loves to reduce things to their elements. 'Is man no more than this?'
+says the old king on the heath, as he gazes on the naked madman.
+'Consider him well. Thou owest the worm no silk, the beast no hide, the
+sheep no wool, the cat no perfume. Ha! here's three of us are
+sophisticated! Thou art the thing itself: unaccommodated man is no more
+but such a poor, bare, forked animal as thou art. Off, off, you
+lendings!' That is how Shakespeare lays the mind of man bare, and strips
+him of his pretences, to try if he be indeed noble. And he finds that
+man, naked and weak, hunted by misfortune, liable to all the sins and
+all the evils that follow frailty, still has faith left to him, and
+charity. King Lear is still every inch a king.
+
+That is not a little discovery, for when his mind came to grips with
+human life Shakespeare did not deal in rhetoric; so that the good he
+finds is real good--''tis in grain; 'twill endure wind and weather'.
+Nothing is easier than to make a party of humanity, and to exalt mankind
+by ignorantly vilifying the rest of the animal creation, which is full
+of strange virtues and abilities. Shakespeare refused that way; he saw
+man weak and wretched, not able to maintain himself except as a
+pensioner on the bounty of the world, curiously ignorant of his nature
+and his destiny, yet endowed with certain gifts in which he can find
+sustenance and rest, brave by instinct, so that courage is not so much
+his virtue as cowardice is his lamentable and exceptional fault, ready
+to forget his pains or to turn them into pleasures by the alchemy of his
+mind, quick to believe, and slow to suspect or distrust, generous and
+tender to others, in so far as his thought and imagination, which are
+the weakest things about him, enable him to bridge the spaces that
+separate man from man, willing to make of life a great thing while he
+has it, and a little thing when he comes to lose it. These are some of
+his gifts; and Shakespeare would not have denied the saying of a thinker
+with whom he has no very strong or natural affinity, that 'the greatest
+of these is charity'.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of England and the War, by Walter Raleigh
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 10159 ***
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of England and the War, by Walter Raleigh
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: England and the War
+
+Author: Walter Raleigh
+
+Release Date: November 20, 2003 [EBook #10159]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ENGLAND AND THE WAR ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Brett Koonce and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team
+
+
+
+
+
+ENGLAND AND THE WAR
+
+being
+
+SUNDRY ADDRESSES
+
+delivered during the war
+and now first collected
+
+by
+
+WALTER RALEIGH
+
+OXFORD
+
+1918
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+MIGHT IS RIGHT
+ First published as one of the Oxford Pamphlets,
+ October 1914.
+
+THE WAR OF IDEAS
+ An Address to the Royal Colonial Institute,
+ December 12, 1916.
+
+THE FAITH OF ENGLAND
+ An Address to the Union Society of University
+ College, London, March 22, 1917.
+
+SOME GAINS OF THE WAR
+ An Address to the Royal Colonial Institute,
+ February 13, 1918.
+
+THE WAR AND THE PRESS
+ A Paper read to the Essay Society, Eton College,
+ March 14, 1918.
+
+SHAKESPEARE AND ENGLAND
+ The Annual Shakespeare Lecture of the British
+ Academy, delivered July 4, 1918.
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+This book was not planned, but grew out of the troubles of the time.
+When, on one occasion or another, I was invited to lecture, I did not
+find, with Milton's Satan, that the mind is its own place; I could speak
+only of what I was thinking of, and my mind was fixed on the War. I am
+unacquainted with military science, so my treatment of the War was
+limited to an estimate of the characters of the antagonists.
+
+The character of Germany and the Germans is a riddle. I have seen no
+convincing solution of it by any Englishman, and hardly any confident
+attempt at a solution which did not speak the uncontrolled language of
+passion. There is the same difficulty with the lower animals; our
+description of them tends to be a description of nothing but our own
+loves and hates. Who has ever fathomed the mind of a rhinoceros; or has
+remembered, while he faces the beast, that a good rhinoceros is a
+pleasant member of the community in which his life is passed? We see
+only the folded hide, the horn, and the angry little eye. We know that
+he is strong and cunning, and that his desires and instincts are
+inconsistent with our welfare. Yet a rhinoceros is a simpler creature
+than a German, and does not trouble our thought by conforming, on
+occasion, to civilized standards and humane conditions.
+
+It seems unreasonable to lay great stress on racial differences. The
+insuperable barrier that divides England from Germany has grown out of
+circumstance and habit and thought. For many hundreds of years the
+German peoples have stood to arms in their own defence against the
+encroachments of successive empires; and modern Germany learned the
+doctrine of the omnipotence of force by prolonged suffering at the hands
+of the greatest master of that immoral school--the Emperor Napoleon. No
+German can understand the attitude of disinterested patronage which the
+English mind quite naturally assumes when it is brought into contact
+with foreigners. The best example of this superiority of attitude is to
+be seen in the people who are called pacifists. They are a peculiarly
+English type, and they are the most arrogant of all the English. The
+idea that they should ever have to fight for their lives is to them
+supremely absurd. There must be some mistake, they think, which can be
+easily remedied once it is pointed out. Their title to existence is so
+clear to themselves that they are convinced it will be universally
+recognized; it must not be made a matter of international conflict.
+Partly, no doubt, this belief is fostered by lack of imagination. The
+sheltered conditions and leisured life which they enjoy as the parasites
+of a dominant race have produced in them a false sense of security. But
+there is something also of the English strength and obstinacy of
+character in their self-confidence, and if ever Germany were to conquer
+England some of them would spring to their full stature as the heroes of
+an age-long and indomitable resistance. They are not held in much esteem
+to-day among their own people; they are useless for the work in hand;
+and their credit has suffered from the multitude of pretenders who make
+principle a cover for cowardice. But for all that, they are kin to the
+makers of England, and the fact that Germany would never tolerate them
+for an instant is not without its lesson.
+
+We shall never understand the Germans. Some of their traits may possibly
+be explained by their history. Their passionate devotion to the State,
+their amazing vulgarity, their worship of mechanism and mechanical
+efficiency, are explicable in a people who are not strong in individual
+character, who have suffered much to achieve union, and who have
+achieved it by subordinating themselves, soul and body, to a brutal
+taskmaster. But the convulsions of war have thrown up things that are
+deeper than these, primaeval things, which, until recently, civilization
+was believed to have destroyed. The old monstrous gods who gave their
+names to the days of the week are alive again in Germany. The English
+soldier of to-day goes into action with the cold courage of a man who is
+prepared to make the best of a bad job. The German soldier sacrifices
+himself, in a frenzy of religious exaltation, to the War-God. The
+filthiness that the Germans use, their deliberate befouling of all that
+is elegant and gracious and antique, their spitting into the food that
+is to be eaten by their prisoners, their defiling with ordure the sacred
+vessels in the churches--all these things, too numerous and too
+monotonous to describe, are not the instinctive coarsenesses of the
+brute beast; they are a solemn ritual of filth, religiously practised,
+by officers no less than by men. The waves of emotional exaltation which
+from time to time pass over the whole people have the same character,
+the character of savage religion.
+
+If they are alien to civilization when they fight, they are doubly alien
+when they reason. They are glib and fluent in the use of the terms which
+have been devised for the needs of thought and argument, but their use
+of these terms is empty, and exhibits all the intellectual processes
+with the intelligence left out. I know nothing more distressing than the
+attempt to follow any German argument concerning the War. If it were
+merely wrong-headed, cunning, deceitful, there might still be some
+compensation in its cleverness. There is no such compensation. The
+statements made are not false, but empty; the arguments used are not
+bad, but meaningless. It is as if they despised language, and made use
+of it only because they believe that it is an instrument of deceit. But
+a man who has no respect for language cannot possibly use it in such a
+manner as to deceive others, especially if those others are accustomed
+to handle it delicately and powerfully. It ought surely to be easy to
+apologize for a war that commands the whole-hearted support of a nation;
+but no apology worthy of the name has been produced in Germany. The
+pleadings which have been used are servile things, written to order, and
+directed to some particular address, as if the truth were of no
+importance. No one of these appeals has produced any appreciable effect
+on the minds of educated Frenchmen, or Englishmen, or Americans, even
+among those who are eager to hear all that the enemy has to say for
+himself. This is a strange thing; and is perhaps the widest breach of
+all. We are hopelessly separated from the Germans; we have lost the use
+of a common language, and cannot talk with them if we would.
+
+We cannot understand them; is it remotely possible that they will ever
+understand us? Here, too, the difficulties seem insuperable. It is true
+that in the past they have shown themselves willing to study us and to
+imitate us. But unless they change their minds and their habits, it is
+not easy to see how they are to get near enough to us to carry on their
+study. While they remain what they are we do not want them in our
+neighbourhood. We are not fighting to anglicize Germany, or to impose
+ourselves on the Germans; our work is being done, as work is so often
+done in this idle sport-loving country, with a view to a holiday. We
+wish to forget the Germans; and when once we have policed them into
+quiet and decency we shall have earned the right to forget them, at
+least for a time. The time of our respite perhaps will not be long. If
+the Allies defeat them, as the Allies will, it seems as certain as any
+uncertain thing can be that a mania for imitating British and American
+civilization will take possession of Germany. We are not vindictive to a
+beaten enemy, and when the Germans offer themselves as pupils we are not
+likely to be either enthusiastic in our welcome or obstinate in our
+refusal. We shall be bored but concessive. I confess that there are
+some things in the prospect of this imitation which haunt me like a
+nightmare. The British soldier, whom the German knows to be second to
+none, is distinguished for the levity and jocularity of his bearing in
+the face of danger. What will happen when the German soldier attempts to
+imitate that? We shall be delivered from the German peril as when Israel
+came out of Egypt, and the mountains skipped like rams.
+
+The only parts of this book for which I claim any measure of authority
+are the parts which describe the English character. No one of purely
+English descent has ever been known to describe the English character,
+or to attempt to describe it. The English newspapers are full of praises
+of almost any of the allied troops other than the English regiments. I
+have more Scottish and Irish blood in my veins than English; and I think
+I can see the English character truly, from a little distance. If, by
+some fantastic chance, the statesmen of Germany could learn what I tell
+them, it would save their country from a vast loss of life and from many
+hopeless misadventures. The English character is not a removable part of
+the British Empire; it is the foundation of the whole structure, and the
+secret strength of the American Republic. But the statesmen of Germany,
+who fall easy victims to anything foolish in the shape of a theory that
+flatters their vanity, would not believe a word of my essays even if
+they were to read them, so they must learn to know the English character
+in the usual way, as King George the Third learned to know it from
+Englishmen resident in America.
+
+A habit of lying and a belief in the utility of lying are often
+attended by the most unhappy and paralysing effects. The liars become
+unable to recognize the truth when it is presented to them. This is the
+misery which fate has fixed on the German cause. War, the Germans are
+fond of remarking, is war. In almost all wars there is something to be
+said on both sides of the question. To know that one side or the other
+is right may be difficult; but it is always useful to know why your
+enemies are fighting. We know why Germany is fighting; she explained it
+very fully, by her most authoritative voices, on the very eve of the
+struggle, and she has repeated it many times since in moments of
+confidence or inadvertence. But here is the tragedy of Germany: she does
+not know why we are fighting. We have told her often enough, but she
+does not believe it, and treats our statement as an exercise in the
+cunning use of what she calls ethical propaganda. Why ethics, or morals,
+should be good enough to inspire sympathy, but not good enough to
+inspire war, is one of the mysteries of German thought. No German, not
+even any of those few feeble German writers who have fitfully criticized
+the German plan, has any conception of the deep, sincere, unselfish, and
+righteous anger that was aroused in millions of hearts by the cruelties
+of the cowardly assault on Serbia and on Belgium. The late German
+Chancellor became uneasily aware that the crucifixion of Belgium was one
+of the causes which made this war a truceless war, and his offer, which
+no doubt seemed to him perfectly reasonable, was that Germany is willing
+to bargain about Belgium, and to relax her hold, in exchange for solid
+advantages elsewhere. Perhaps he knew that if the Allies were to spend
+five minutes in bargaining about Belgium they would thereby condone the
+German crime and would lose all that they have fought for. But it seems
+more likely that he did not know it. The Allies know it.
+
+There is hope in these clear-cut issues. Of all wars that ever were
+fought this war is least likely to have an indecisive ending. It must be
+settled one way or the other. If the Allied Governments were to make
+peace to-day, there would be no peace; the peoples of the free countries
+would not suffer it. Germany cannot make peace, for she is bound by
+heavy promises to her people, and she cannot deliver the goods. She is
+tied to the stake, and must fight the course. Emaciated, exhausted,
+repeating, as if in a bad dream, the old boastful appeals to military
+glory, she must go on till she drops, and then at last there will be
+peace.
+
+These may themselves seem boastful words; they cannot be proved except
+by the event. There are some few Englishmen, with no stomach for a
+fight, who think that England is in a bad way because she is engaged in
+a war of which the end is not demonstrably certain. If the issues of
+wars were known beforehand, and could be discounted, there would be no
+wars. Good wars are fought by nations who make their choice, and would
+rather die than lose what they are fighting for. Military fortunes are
+notoriously variable, and depend on a hundred accidents. Moral causes
+are constant, and operate all the time. The chief of these moral causes
+is the character of a people. Germany, by her vaunted study of the art
+and science of war, has got herself into a position where no success can
+come to her except by way of the collapse or failure of the
+English-speaking peoples. A study of the moral causes, if she were
+capable of making it, would not encourage her in her old impious belief
+that God will destroy these peoples in order to clear the way for the
+dominion of the Hohenzollerns.
+
+
+
+
+MIGHT IS RIGHT
+
+_First published as one of the Oxford Pamphlets, October 1914_
+
+
+It is now recognized in England that our enemy in this war is not a
+tyrant military caste, but the united people of modern Germany. We have
+to combat an armed doctrine which is virtually the creed of all Germany.
+Saxony and Bavaria, it is true, would never have invented the doctrine;
+but they have accepted it from Prussia, and they believe it. The
+Prussian doctrine has paid the German people handsomely; it has given
+them their place in the world. When it ceases to pay them, and not till
+then, they will reconsider it. They will not think, till they are
+compelled to think. When they find themselves face to face with a
+greater and more enduring strength than their own, they will renounce
+their idol. But they are a brave people, a faithful people, and a stupid
+people, so that they will need rough proofs. They cannot be driven from
+their position by a little paper shot. In their present mood, if they
+hear an appeal to pity, sensibility, and sympathy, they take it for a
+cry of weakness. I am reminded of what I once heard said by a genial and
+humane Irish officer concerning a proposal to treat with the leaders of
+a Zulu rebellion. 'Kill them all,' he said, 'it's the only thing they
+understand.' He meant that the Zulu chiefs would mistake moderation for
+a sign of fear. By the irony of human history this sentence has become
+almost true of the great German people, who built up the structure of
+modern metaphysics. They can be argued with only by those who have the
+will and the power to punish them.
+
+The doctrine that Might is Right, though it is true, is an unprofitable
+doctrine, for it is true only in so broad and simple a sense that no one
+would dream of denying it. If a single nation can conquer, depress, and
+destroy all the other nations of the earth and acquire for itself a sole
+dominion, there may be matter for question whether God approves that
+dominion; what is certain is that He permits it. No earthly governor who
+is conscious of his power will waste time in listening to arguments
+concerning what his power ought to be. His right to wield the sword can
+be challenged only by the sword. An all-powerful governor who feared no
+assault would never trouble himself to assert that Might is Right. He
+would smile and sit still. The doctrine, when it is propounded by weak
+humanity, is never a statement of abstract truth; it is a declaration of
+intention, a threat, a boast, an advertisement. It has no value except
+when there is some one to be frightened. But it is a very dangerous
+doctrine when it becomes the creed of a stupid people, for it flatters
+their self-sufficiency, and distracts their attention from the
+difficult, subtle, frail, and wavering conditions of human power. The
+tragic question for Germany to-day is what she can do, not whether it is
+right for her to do it. The buffaloes, it must be allowed, had a
+perfect right to dominate the prairie of America, till the hunters came.
+They moved in herds, they practised shock-tactics, they were violent,
+and very cunning. There are but few of them now. A nation of men who
+mistake violence for strength, and cunning for wisdom, may conceivably
+suffer the fate of the buffaloes and perish without knowing why.
+
+To the English mind the German political doctrine is so incredibly
+stupid that for many long years, while men in high authority in the
+German Empire, ministers, generals, and professors, expounded that
+doctrine at great length and with perfect clearness, hardly any one
+could be found in England to take it seriously, or to regard it as
+anything but the vapourings of a crazy sect. England knows better now;
+the scream of the guns has awakened her. The German doctrine is to be
+put to the proof. Who dares to say what the result will be? To predict
+certain failure to the German arms is only a kind of boasting. Yet there
+are guarded beliefs which a modest man is free to hold till they are
+seen to be groundless. The Germans have taken Antwerp; they may possibly
+destroy the British fleet, overrun England and France, repel Russia,
+establish themselves as the dictators of Europe--in short, fulfil their
+dreams. What then? At an immense cost of human suffering they will have
+achieved, as it seems to us, a colossal and agonizing failure. Their
+engines of destruction will never serve them to create anything so fair
+as the civilization of France. Their uneasy jealousy and self-assertion
+is a miserable substitute for the old laws of chivalry and regard for
+the weak, which they have renounced and forgotten. The will and high
+permission of all-ruling Heaven may leave them at large for a time, to
+seek evil to others. When they have finished with it, the world will
+have to be remade.
+
+We cannot be sure that the Ruler of the world will forbid this. We
+cannot even be sure that the destroyers, in the peace that their
+destruction will procure for them, may not themselves learn to rebuild.
+The Goths, who destroyed the fabric of the Roman Empire, gave their
+name, in time, to the greatest mediaeval art. Nature, it is well known,
+loves the strong, and gives to them, and to them alone, the chance of
+becoming civilized. Are the German people strong enough to earn that
+chance? That is what we are to see. They have some admirable elements of
+strength, above any other European people. No other European army can be
+marched, in close order, regiment after regiment, up the slope of a
+glacis, under the fire of machine guns, without flinching, to certain
+death. This corporate courage and corporate discipline is so great and
+impressive a thing that it may well contain a promise for the future.
+Moreover, they are, within the circle of their own kin, affectionate and
+dutiful beyond the average of human society. If they succeed in their
+worldly ambitions, it will be a triumph of plain brute morality over all
+the subtler movements of the mind and heart.
+
+On the other hand, it is true to say that history shows no precedent for
+the attainment of world-wide power by a people so politically stupid as
+the German people are to-day. There is no mistake about this; the
+instances of German stupidity are so numerous that they make something
+like a complete history of German international relations. Here is one.
+Any time during the last twenty years it has been matter of common
+knowledge in England that one event, and one only, would make it
+impossible for England to remain a spectator in a European war--that
+event being the violation of the neutrality of Holland or Belgium. There
+was never any secret about this, it was quite well known to many people
+who took no special interest in foreign politics. Germany has maintained
+in this country, for many years, an army of spies and secret agents; yet
+not one of them informed her of this important truth. Perhaps the
+radical difference between the German and the English political systems
+blinded the astute agents. In England nothing really important is a
+secret, and the amount of privileged political information to be gleaned
+in barbers' shops, even when they are patronized by Civil servants, is
+distressingly small. Two hours of sympathetic conversation with an
+ordinary Englishman would have told the German Chancellor more about
+English politics than ever he heard in his life. For some reason or
+other he was unable to make use of this source of intelligence, so that
+he remained in complete ignorance of what every one in England knew and
+said.
+
+Here is another instance. The programme of German ambition has been
+voluminously published for the benefit of the world. France was first to
+be crushed; then Russia; then, by means of the indemnities procured from
+these conquests, after some years of recuperation and effort, the naval
+power of England was to be challenged and destroyed. This programme was
+set forth by high authorities, and was generally accepted; there was no
+criticism, and no demur. The crime against the civilization of the world
+foreshadowed in the horrible words 'France is to be crushed' is before a
+high tribunal; it would be idle to condemn it here. What happened is
+this. The French and Russian part of the programme was put into action
+last July. England, who had been told that her turn was not yet, that
+Germany would be ready for her in a matter of five or ten years, very
+naturally refused to wait her turn. She crowded up on to the scaffold,
+which even now is in peril of breaking down under the weight of its
+victims, and of burying the executioner in its ruins. But because
+England would not wait her turn, she is overwhelmed with accusations of
+treachery and inhumanity by a sincerely indignant Germany. Could
+stupidity, the stupidity of the wise men of Gotham, be more fantastic or
+more monstrous?
+
+German stupidity was even more monstrous. A part of the accusation
+against England is that she has raised her hand against the nation
+nearest to her in blood. The alleged close kinship of England and
+Germany is based on bad history and doubtful theory. The English are a
+mixed race, with enormous infusions of Celtic and Roman blood. The Roman
+sculpture gallery at Naples is full of English faces. If the German
+agents would turn their attention to hatters' shops, and give the
+barbers a rest, they would find that no English hat fits any German
+head. But suppose we were cousins, or brothers even, what kind of
+argument is that on the lips of those who but a short time before were
+explaining, with a good deal of zest and with absolute frankness, how
+they intended to compass our ruin? There is something almost amiable in
+fatuity like this. A touch of the fool softens the brute.
+
+The Germans have a magnificent war-machine which rolls on its way,
+crushing all that it touches. We shall break it if we can. If we fail,
+the German nation is at the beginning, not the end, of its troubles.
+With the making of peace, even an armed peace, the war-machine has
+served its turn; some other instrument of government must then be
+invented. There is no trace of a design for this new instrument in any
+of the German shops. The governors of Alsace-Lorraine offer no
+suggestions. The bald fact is that there is no spot in the world where
+the Germans govern another race and are not hated. They know this, and
+are disquieted; they meet with coldness on all hands, and their remedy
+for the coldness is self-assertion and brag. The Russian statesman was
+right who remarked that modern Germany has been too early admitted into
+the comity of European nations. Her behaviour, in her new international
+relations, is like the behaviour of an uneasy, jealous upstart in an
+old-fashioned quiet drawing-room. She has no genius for equality; her
+manners are a compound of threatening and flattery. When she wishes to
+assert herself, she bullies; when she wishes to endear herself, she
+crawls; and the one device is no more successful than the other.
+
+Might is Right; but the sort of might which enables one nation to govern
+another in time of peace is very unlike the armoured thrust of the
+war-engine. It is a power compounded of sympathy and justice. The
+English (it is admitted by many foreign critics) have studied justice
+and desired justice. They have inquired into and protected rights that
+were unfamiliar, and even grotesque, to their own ideas, because they
+believed them to be rights. In the matter of sympathy their reputation
+does not stand so high; they are chill in manner, and dislike all
+effusive demonstrations of feeling. Yet those who come to know them know
+that they are not unimaginative; they have a genius for equality; and
+they do try to put themselves in the other fellow's place, to see how
+the position looks from that side. What has happened in India may
+perhaps be taken to prove, among many other things, that the inhabitants
+of India begin to know that England has done her best, and does feel a
+disinterested solicitude for the peoples under her charge. She has long
+been a mother of nations, and is not frightened by the problems of
+adolescence.
+
+The Germans have as yet shown no sign of skill in governing other
+peoples. Might is Right; and it is quite conceivable that they may
+acquire colonies by violence. If they want to keep them they will have
+to shut their own professors' books, and study the intimate history of
+the British Empire. We are old hands at the business; we have lost more
+colonies than ever they owned, and we begin to think that we have learnt
+the secret of success. At any rate, our experience has done much for us,
+and has helped us to avoid failure. Yet the German colonial party stare
+at us with bovine malevolence. In all the library of German theorizing
+you will look in vain for any explanation of the fact that the Boers
+are, in the main, loyal to the British Empire. If German political
+thinkers could understand that political situation, which seems to
+English minds so simple, there might yet be hope for them. But they
+regard it all as a piece of black magic, and refuse to reason about it.
+How should a herd of cattle be driven without goads? Witchcraft,
+witchcraft!
+
+Their world-wide experience it is, perhaps, which has made the English
+quick to appreciate the virtues of other peoples. I have never known an
+Englishman who travelled in Russia without falling in love with the
+Russian people. I have never heard a German speak of the Russian people
+without contempt and dislike. Indeed the Germans are so unable to see
+any charm in that profound and humane people that they believe that the
+English liking for them must be an insincere pretence, put forward for
+wicked or selfish reasons. What would they say if they saw a sight that
+is common in Indian towns, a British soldier and a Gurkha arm in arm,
+rolling down the street in cheerful brotherhood? And how is it that it
+has never occurred to any of them that this sort of brotherhood has its
+value in Empire-building? The new German political doctrine has bidden
+farewell to Christianity, but there are some political advantages in
+Christianity which should not be overlooked. It teaches human beings to
+think of one another and to care for one another. It is an antidote to
+the worst and most poisonous kind of political stupidity.
+
+Another thing that the Germans will have to learn for the welfare of
+their much-talked Empire is the value of the lone man. The architects
+and builders of the British Empire were all lone men. Might is Right;
+but when a young Englishman is set down at an outpost of Empire to
+govern a warlike tribe, he has to do a good deal of hard thinking on the
+problem of political power and its foundations. He has to trust to
+himself, to form his own conclusions, and to choose his own line of
+action. He has to try to find out what is in the mind of others. A young
+German, inured to skilled slavery, does not shine in such a position.
+Man for man, in all that asks for initiative and self-dependence,
+Englishmen are the better men, and some Germans know it. There is an old
+jest that if you settle an Englishman and a German together in a new
+country, at the end of a year you will find the Englishman governor, and
+the German his head clerk. A German must know the rules before he can
+get to work.
+
+More than three hundred years ago a book was written in England which is
+in some ways a very exact counterpart to General von Bernhardi's
+notorious treatise. It is called _Tamburlaine_, and, unlike its
+successor, is full of poetry and beauty. Our own colonization began with
+a great deal of violent work, and much wrong done to others. We suffered
+for our misdeeds, and we learned our lesson, in part at least. Why, it
+may be asked, should not the Germans begin in the same manner, and by
+degrees adapt themselves to the new task? Perhaps they may, but if they
+do, they cannot claim the Elizabethans for their model. Of all men on
+earth the German is least like the undisciplined, exuberant Elizabethan
+adventurer. He is reluctant to go anywhere without a copy of the rules,
+a guarantee of support, and a regular pension. His outlook is as prosaic
+as General von Bernhardi's or General von der Golt's own, and that is
+saying a great deal. In all the German political treatises there is an
+immeasurable dreariness. They lay down rules for life, and if they be
+asked what makes such a life worth living they are without any hint of
+an answer. Their world is a workhouse, tyrannically ordered, and full of
+pusillanimous jealousies.
+
+It is not impious to be hopeful. A Germanized world would be a
+nightmare. We have never attempted or desired to govern them, and we
+must not think that God will so far forget them as to permit them to
+attempt to govern us. Now they hate us, but they do not know for how
+many years the cheerful brutality of their political talk has shocked
+and disgusted us. I remember meeting, in one of the French Mediterranean
+dependencies, with a Prussian nobleman, a well-bred and pleasant man,
+who was fond of expounding the Prussian creed. He was said to be a
+political agent of sorts, but he certainly learned nothing in
+conversation. He talked all the time, and propounded the most monstrous
+paradoxes with an air of mathematical precision. Now it was the
+character of Sir Edward Grey, a cunning Machiavel, whose only aim was to
+set Europe by the ears and make neighbours fall out. A friend who was
+with me, an American, laughed aloud at this, and protested, without
+producing the smallest effect. The stream of talk went on. The error of
+the Germans, we were told, was always that they are too humane; their
+dislike of cruelty amounts to a weakness in them. They let France escape
+with a paltry fine, next time France must be beaten to the dust. Always
+with a pleasant outward courtesy, he passed on to England. England was
+decadent and powerless, her rule must pass to the Germans. 'But we shall
+treat England rather less severely than France,' said this bland apostle
+of Prussian culture, 'for we wish to make it possible for ourselves to
+remain in friendly relations with other English-speaking peoples.' And
+so on--the whole of the Bernhardi doctrine, explained in quiet fashion
+by a man whose very debility of mind made his talk the more impressive,
+for he was simply parroting what he had often heard. No one criticized
+his proposals, nor did we dislike him. It all seemed too mad; a rather
+clumsy jest. His world of ideas did not touch our world at any point, so
+that real talk between us was impossible. He came to see us several
+times, and always gave the same kind of mesmerized recital of Germany's
+policy. The grossness of the whole thing was in curious contrast with
+the polite and quiet voice with which he uttered his insolences. When I
+remember his talk I find it easy to believe that the German Emperor and
+the German Chancellor have also talked in such a manner that they have
+never had the smallest opportunity of learning what Englishmen think and
+mean.
+
+While the German doctrine was the plaything merely of hysterical and
+supersensitive persons, like Carlyle and Nietzsche, it mattered little
+to the world of politics. An excitable man, of vivid imagination and
+invalid constitution, like Carlyle, feels a natural predilection for the
+cult of the healthy brute. Carlyle's English style is itself a kind of
+epilepsy. Nietzsche was so nervously sensitive that everyday life was an
+anguish to him, and broke his strength. Both were poets, as Marlowe was
+a poet, and both sang the song of Power. The brutes of the swamp and the
+field, who gathered round them and listened, found nothing new or
+unfamiliar in the message of the poets. 'This', they said, 'is what we
+have always known, but we did not know that it is poetry. Now that great
+poets teach it, we need no longer be ashamed of it.' So they went away
+resolved to be twice the brutes that they were before, and they named
+themselves Culture-brutes.
+
+It is difficult to see how the world, or any considerable part of it,
+can belong to Germany, till she changes her mind. If she can do that,
+she might make a good ruler, for she has solid virtues and good
+instincts. It is her intellect that has gone wrong. Bishop Butler was
+one day found pondering the problem whether, a whole nation can go mad.
+If he had lived to-day what would he have said about it? Would he have
+admitted that that strangest of grim fancies is realized?
+
+It would be vain for Germany to take the world; she could not keep it;
+nor, though she can make a vast number of people miserable for a long
+time, could she ever hope to make all the inhabitants of the world
+miserable for all time. She has a giant's power, and does not think it
+infamous to use it like a giant. She can make a winter hideous, but she
+cannot prohibit the return of spring, or annul the cleansing power of
+water. Sanity is not only better than insanity; it is much stronger, and
+Might is Right.
+
+Meantime, it is a delight and a consolation to Englishmen that England
+is herself again. She has a cause that it is good to fight for, whether
+it succeed or fail. The hope that uplifts her is the hope of a better
+world, which our children shall see. She has wonderful friends. From
+what self-governing nations in the world can Germany hear such messages
+as came to England from the Dominions oversea? 'When England is at war,
+Canada is at war.' 'To the last man and the last shilling, Australia
+will support the cause of the Empire.' These are simple words, and
+sufficient; having said them, Canada and Australia said no more. In the
+company of such friends, and for the creed that she holds, England might
+be proud to die; but surely her time is not yet.
+
+ Our faith is ours, and comes not on a tide;
+ And whether Earth's great offspring by decree
+ Must rot if they abjure rapacity,
+ Not argument, but effort shall decide.
+ They number many heads in that hard flock,
+ Trim swordsmen they push forth, yet try thy steel;
+ Thou, fighting for poor human kind, shalt feel
+ The strength of Roland in thy wrist to hew
+ A chasm sheer into the barrier rock,
+ And bring the army of the faithful through.
+
+
+
+
+THE WAR OF IDEAS
+
+_An Address to the Royal Colonial Institute, December 12, 1916_
+
+
+I hold, as I daresay you do, that we are at a crisis of our history
+where there is not much room for talk. The time when this struggle might
+have been averted or won by talk is long past. During the hundred years
+before the war we have not talked much, or listened much, to the
+Germans. For fifty of those years at least the head of waters that has
+now been let loose in a devastating flood over Europe was steadily
+accumulating; but we paid little attention to it. People sometimes speak
+of the negotiations of the twelve days before the war as if the whole
+secret and cause of the war could be found there; but it is not so.
+Statesmen, it is true, are the keepers of the lock-gates, but those
+keepers can only delay, they cannot prevent an inundation that has great
+natural causes. The world has in it evil enough, and darkness enough.
+But it is not so bad and so dark that a slip in diplomacy, a careless
+word, or an impolite gesture, can instantaneously, as if by magic,
+involve twenty million men in a struggle to the death. It is only
+clever, conceited men, proud of their neat little minds, who think that
+because they cannot fathom the causes of the war, it might easily have
+been prevented. I confess I find it difficult to conceive of the war in
+terms of simple right and wrong. We must respect the tides, and their
+huge unintelligible force teaches us to respect them.
+
+It is not a war of race. For all our differences with the Germans, any
+cool and impartial mind must admit that we have many points of kinship
+with them. During the years before the war our naval officers in the
+Mediterranean found, I believe, that it was easier to associate on terms
+of social friendship with the Austrians than with the officers of any
+other foreign navy. We have a passionate admiration for France, and a
+real devotion to her, but that is a love affair, not a family tie. We
+begin to be experienced in love affairs, for Ireland steadily refuses to
+be treated on any other footing. In any case, we are much closer to the
+Germans than they are to the Bulgarians or the Turks. Of these three we
+like the Turks the best, because they are chivalrous and generous
+enemies, which the Germans are not.
+
+It is a war of ideas. We are fighting an armed doctrine. Yet Burke's use
+of those words to describe the military power of Revolutionary France
+should warn us against fallacious attempts to simplify the issue. When
+ideas become motives and are filtered into practice, they lose their
+clearness of outline and are often hard to recognize. They leaven the
+lump, but the lump is still human clay, with its passions and
+prejudices, its pride and its hate. I remember seeing in a provincial
+paper, in the early days of the war, two adjacent columns, both dealing
+with the war. The first was headed 'A Holy War' and set forth the great
+principles of nationality, respect for treaties, and protection of the
+weak, which in our opinion are the main motives of the Allies in this
+war. The second was headed 'The War on Commerce; Tips to capture German
+trade', and set forth those other principles and motives which, in the
+opinion of the Germans, brought England into this war.
+
+I am not going to defend England against the charge that she entered
+this war on a cold calculation of mercantile profit. Every one here
+knows that the charge is utterly untrue. Those who believe the charge
+could not be shaken in their belief except by being educated all over
+again, and introduced to some knowledge of human nature. It is enough to
+remark that this charge is a commonplace between belligerent nations.
+They all like to believe that their adversaries entertain only base
+motives, while they themselves act only on the loftiest ideal
+promptings. If the charge means only that every nation at war is bound
+to think of its own interests, to conserve its own strength, and to
+seize on all material gains that are within its reach, the charge is
+true and harmless. When two angry women quarrel in a back street, they
+commonly accuse each other of being amorous. They might just as well
+accuse each other of being human. The charge is true and insignificant.
+So also with nations; they all cherish themselves and seek to preserve
+their means of livelihood.
+
+If this were their sole concern, there would be few wars; certainly this
+war, which is desolating and impoverishing Europe, would be impossible.
+No one, surely, can look at the war and say that nations are moved only
+by their material interests. It would be more plausible to say that they
+are too little moved by those interests. Bacon, in his essay _Of Death_,
+remarks that the fear of death does not much affect mankind. 'There is
+no passion in the mind of man so weak, but it mates and masters the
+fear of death; and therefore death is no such terrible enemy when a man
+hath so many attendants about him that can win the combat of him.
+Revenge triumphs over death; love slights it; honour aspireth to it;
+grief flieth to it, fear pre-occupateth it; nay, we read, after Otho the
+Emperor had slain himself, pity (which is the tenderest of affections)
+provoked many to die out of mere compassion to their sovereign, and as
+the truest sort of followers.' If this is true of the fear of death, how
+much truer it is of the love of material gain. Any whim, or point of
+pride, or fixed idea, or old habit, is enough to make a man or a nation
+forgo the hope of profit and fight for a creed.
+
+The German creed is by this time well known. Before the war we took
+little notice of it. We sometimes saw it stated in print, but it seemed
+to us too monstrous and inhuman to be the creed of a whole people. We
+were wrong; it was the creed of a whole people. By the mesmerism of
+State education, by the discipline of universal military service, by the
+pride of the German people in their past victories, and by the fears
+natural to a nation that finds enemies on all its fronts, an absolute
+belief in the State, in war as the highest activity of the State, and in
+the right of the State to enslave all its subjects, body and soul, to
+its purposes, had become the creed of all those diverse peoples that are
+united under the Prussian Monarchy. Most of them are not naturally
+warlike peoples. They have been lured, and frightened, and drilled, and
+bribed into war, but it is true to say that, on the whole, they enjoy
+fighting less than we do. One of the truest remarks ever made on the war
+was that famous remark of a British private soldier, who was telling
+how his company took a trench from the enemy. Fearing that his account
+of the affair might sound boastful, he added, 'You see, Sir, they're not
+a military people, like we are.' Only the word was wrong, the meaning
+was right. They are, as every one knows, an enormously military people,
+and, if they want to fight at all, they have to be a military people,
+for the vast majority of them are not a warlike people. A first-class
+army could never have been fashioned in Germany out of volunteer
+civilians, like our army on the Somme. That army has a little shaken the
+faith of the Germans in their creed. Again I must quote one of our
+soldiers: 'I don't say', he remarked, 'that our average can run rings
+round their best; what I say is that our average is better than their
+average, and our best is better than their best.' The Germans already
+are uneasy about their creed and their system, but there is no escape
+for them; they have sacrificed everything to it; they have impoverished
+the mind and drilled the imagination of every German citizen, so that
+Germany appears before the world with the body of a giant and the mind
+of a dwarf; they have sacrificed themselves in millions that their creed
+may prevail, and with their creed they must stand or fall. The State,
+organized as absolute power, responsible to no one, with no duties to
+its neighbour, and with only nominal duties to a strictly subordinate
+God, has challenged the soul of man in its dearest possessions. We
+cannot predict the course of military operations; but if we were not
+sure of the ultimate issue of this great struggle, we should have no
+sufficient motive for continuing to breathe. The State has challenged
+the soul of man before now, and has always been defeated. A miserable
+remnant of men and women, tied to stakes or starved in dungeons, have
+before now shattered what seemed an omnipotent tyranny, because they
+stood for the soul and were not prompted by vanity or self-regard. They
+had great allies--
+
+ 'Their friends were exultations, agonies,
+ And love, and man's unconquerable mind.'
+
+If we are defeated we shall be defeated not by German strength but by
+our own weakness. The worst enemy of the martyr is doubt and the divided
+mind, which suggests the question, 'Is it, after all, worth while?' We
+must know what we have believed. What do we stand for in this war? It is
+only the immovable conviction that we stand for something ultimate and
+essential that can help us and carry us through. No war of this kind and
+on this scale is good enough to fight unless it is good enough to fail
+in. 'The calculation of profit', said Burke,'in all such wars is false.
+On balancing the account of such wars, ten thousand hogs-heads of sugar
+are purchased at ten thousand times their price. The blood of man should
+never be shed but to redeem the blood of man. It is well shed for our
+family, for our friends, for our God, for our country, for our kind. The
+rest is vanity; the rest is crime.'
+
+The question I have asked is a difficult question to answer, or, rather,
+the answer is not easy to formulate briefly and clearly. Most of the men
+at the front know quite well what they are fighting for; they know that
+it is for their country, but that it is also for their kind--for certain
+ideals of humanity. We at home know that we are at war for liberty and
+humanity. But these words are invoked by different nations in different
+senses; the Germans, or at least most of them, have as much liberty as
+they desire, and believe that the highest good of humanity is to be
+found in the prevalence of their own ideas and of their own type of
+government and society. No abstract demonstration can help us. Liberty
+is a highly comparative notion; no one asks for it complete. Humanity is
+a highly variable notion; it is interpreted in different senses by
+different societies. What we are confronted by is two types of
+character, two sets of aims, two ideals for society. There can be no
+harm in trying to understand both.
+
+The Germans can never be understood by those who neglect their history.
+They are a solid, brave, and earnest people, who, till quite recent
+times, have been denied their share in the government of Europe. In the
+sixteenth century they were deeply stirred by questions of religion, and
+were rent asunder by the Reformation. Compromise proved futile; the
+small German states were ranked on this side or on that at the will of
+their rulers and princes; men of the same race were ranged in mortal
+opposition on the question of religious belief, and there was no
+solution but war. For thirty years in the seventeenth century the war
+raged. It was conducted with a fierceness and inhumanity that even the
+present war has not equalled. The civilian population suffered
+hideously. Whole provinces were desolated and whole states were bereaved
+of their men. When, from mere exhaustion, the war came to an end,
+Germany lay prostrate, and the chief gains of the war fell to the rising
+monarchy of France, which had intervened in the middle of the struggle.
+By the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 Alsace and Lorraine went to France,
+and the rule of the great monarch, Louis XIV, had nothing to fear from
+the German peoples. The ambitions of Germany, for long after this, were
+mainly cosmopolitan and intellectual. But political ambitions, though
+they seemed almost dead, were revived by the hardy state of Prussia, and
+the rest of Germany's history, down to our own time, is the history of
+the welding of the Germanic peoples into a single state by Prussian
+monarchs and statesmen.
+
+This history explains many things. If a people has a corporate memory,
+if it can learn from its own sufferings, Germany has reason enough to
+cherish with a passionate devotion her late achieved unity. And German
+brutality, which is not the less brutality because Germans regard it as
+quite natural and right, has its origin in German history. The Prussian
+is a Spartan, a natural brute, but brutal to himself as well as to
+others, capable of extremes of self-denial and self-discipline. From the
+Prussians the softer and more emotional German peoples of the South
+received the gift of national unity, and they repaid the debt by
+extravagant admiration for Prussian prowess and hardihood, which had
+been so serviceable to their cause. The Southern Germans, the Bavarians
+especially, have developed a sort of sentimentalism of brutality,
+expressed in the hysterical Hymn of Hate (which hails from Munich),
+expressed also in those monstrous excesses and cruelties, surpassing
+anything that mere insensibility can produce, which have given the
+Bavarian troops their foul reputation in the present war.
+
+The last half century of German history must also be remembered. Three
+assaults on neighbouring states were rewarded by a great increase of
+territory and of strength. From Denmark, in 1864, Prussia took
+Schleswig-Holstein. The defeat of Austria in 1866 brought Hanover and
+Bavaria under the Prussian leadership; Alsace and Lorraine were regained
+from France in 1870. The Prussian mind, which is not remarkable for
+subtlety, found a justification in these three wars for its favourite
+doctrine of frightfulness. That doctrine, put briefly, is that people
+can always be frightened into submission, and that it is cheaper to
+frighten them than to fight them to the bitter end. Denmark was a small
+nation, and moreover was left utterly unsupported by the European powers
+who had guaranteed her integrity. Bavaria was frightened, and will be
+frightened again when her hot fit gives way to her cold fit. France was
+divided and half-hearted under a tinsel emperor. It is Germany's
+misfortune that on these three special cases she based a general
+doctrine of war. A very little knowledge of human nature--a knowledge so
+alien to her that she calls it psychology and assigns it to
+specialists--would have taught her that, for the most part, human beings
+when they are fighting for their homes and their faith cannot be
+frightened, and must be killed or conciliated. The practice of
+frightfulness has not worked very well in this war. It has steeled the
+heart of Germany's enemies. It has produced in her victims a temper of
+hate that will outlive this generation, and will make the small peoples
+whom she has kicked and trampled on impossible subjects of the German
+Empire. Worst of all it has suggested to onlookers that the people who
+have so plenary a belief in frightfulness are not themselves strangers
+to fear. There is an old English proverb, hackneyed and stale three
+hundred years ago, but now freshened again by disuse, that the goodwife
+would never have looked for her daughter in the oven unless she had been
+there herself.
+
+How shall I describe the English temper, which the Germans, high and
+low, learned and ignorant, have so profoundly mistaken? You can get no
+description of it from the Englishman pure and simple; he has no theory
+of himself, and it bores him to hear himself described. Yet it is this
+temper which has given England her great place in the world and which
+has cemented the British Empire. It is to be found not in England alone,
+but wherever there is a strain of English blood or an acceptance of
+English institutions. You can find it in Australia, in Canada, in
+America; it infects Scotland, and impresses Wales. It is everywhere in
+our trenches to-day. It is not clannish, or even national, it is
+essentially the lonely temper of a man independent to the verge of
+melancholy. An admirable French writer of to-day has said that the best
+handbook and guide to the English temper is Defoe's romance of _Robinson
+Crusoe_. Crusoe is practical, but is conscious of the over-shadowing
+presence of the things that are greater than man. He makes his own
+clothing, teaches his goats to dance, and wrestles in thought with the
+problems suggested by his Bible. Another example of the same temper may
+be seen in Bunyan's _Pilgrim's Progress_, and yet another in
+Wordsworth's _Prelude_. There is no danger that English thought will
+ever underestimate the value and meaning of the individual soul. The
+greatest English literature, it might almost be said, from Shakespeare's
+_Hamlet_ to Browning's _The Ring and the Book_, is concerned with no
+other subject. The age-long satire against the English is that in
+England every man claims the right to go to heaven his own way. English
+institutions, instead of subduing men to a single pattern, are devised
+chiefly with the object of saving the rights of the subject and the
+liberty of the individual. 'Every man in his humour' is an English
+proverb, and might almost be a statement of English constitutional
+doctrine. But this extreme individualism is the right of all, and does
+not favour self-exaltation. The English temper has an almost morbid
+dislike of all that is showy or dramatic in expression. I remember how a
+Winchester boy, when he was reproached with the fact that Winchester has
+produced hardly any great men, replied, 'No, indeed, I should think not.
+We would pretty soon have knocked that out of them.' And the epigrams of
+the English temper usually take the form of understatement. 'Give
+Dayrolles a chair' were the last dying words of Lord Chesterfield,
+spoken of the friend who had come to see him. When the French troops go
+over the parapet to make an advance, their battle cry shouts the praises
+of their Country. The British troops prefer to celebrate the advance in
+a more trivial fashion, 'This way to the early door, sixpence extra.'
+
+I might go on interminably with this dissertation, but I have said
+enough for my purpose. The history of England has had much to do with
+moulding the English temper. We have been protected from direct
+exposure to the storms that have swept the Continent. Our wars on land
+have been adventures undertaken by expeditionary forces. At sea, while
+the power of England was growing, we have been explorers, pirates,
+buccaneers. Now that we are involved in a great European war on land,
+our methods have been changed. The artillery and infantry of a modern
+army cannot act effectively on their own impulse. We hold the sea, and
+the pirates' work for the present has passed into other hands. But our
+spirit and temper is the same as of old. It has found a new world in the
+air. War in the air, under the conditions of to-day, demands all the old
+gallantry and initiative. The airman depends on his own brain and nerve;
+he cannot fall back on orders from his superiors. Our airmen of to-day
+are the true inheritors of Drake; they have the same inspired
+recklessness, the same coolness, and the same chivalry to a vanquished
+enemy.
+
+I am a very bad example of the English temper; for the English temper
+grumbles at all this, to the great relief of our enemies, who believe
+that what a man admits against his own nation must be true. Our
+pessimists, by indulging their natural vein, serve us, without reward,
+quite as well as Germany is served by her wireless press. They deceive
+the enemy.
+
+Modern Germany has organized and regimented her people like an ant-hill
+or a beehive. The people themselves, including many who belong to the
+upper class, are often simple villagers in temper, full of kindness and
+anger, much subject to envy and jealousy, not magnanimous, docile and
+obedient to a fault. If they claimed, as individuals, to represent the
+highest reach of European civilization, the claim would be merely
+absurd. So they shift their ground, and pretend that society is greater
+than man, and that by their painstaking organization their society has
+been raised to the pinnacle of human greatness. They make this claim so
+insistently, and in such obvious good faith, that some few weak tempers
+and foolish minds in England have been impressed by it. These
+panic-stricken counsellors advise us, without delay, to reform our
+institutions and organize them upon the German model. Only thus, they
+tell us, can we hold our own against so huge a power. But if we were to
+take their advice, we should have nothing of our own left to hold. It is
+reasonable and good to co-operate and organize in order to attain an
+agreed object, but German organization goes far beyond this. The German
+nation is a carefully built, smooth-running machine, with powerful
+engines. It has only one fault--that any fool can drive it; and seeing
+that the governing class in Germany is obstinate and unimaginative,
+there is no lack of drivers to pilot it to disaster. The best ability of
+Germany is seen in her military organization. Napoleon is her worshipped
+model, and, like many admirers of Napoleon, she thinks only of his great
+campaigns; she forgets that he died in St. Helena, and that his schemes
+for the reorganization of Europe failed.
+
+I know that many people in England are not daunted but depressed by the
+military successes of the enemy. Our soldiers in the field are not
+depressed. But we who are kept at home suffer from the miasma of the
+back-parlour. We read the headlines of newspapers--a form of literature
+that is exciting enough, but does not merit the praise given to
+Sophocles, who saw life steadily and saw it whole. We keep our ears to
+the telephone, and we forget that the great causes which are always at
+work, and which will shape the issues of this war, are not recorded upon
+the telephone. There are things truer and more important than the latest
+dispatches. Here is one of them. The organization of the second-rate can
+never produce anything first-rate. We do not understand a people who,
+when it comes to the last push of man against man, throw up their hands
+and utter the pathetic cry of 'Kamerad'. To surrender is a weakness that
+no one who has not been under modern artillery fire has any right to
+condemn; to profess a sudden affection for the advancing enemy is not
+weakness but baseness. Or rather, it would be baseness in a voluntary
+soldier; in the Germans it means only that the war is not their own war;
+that they are fighting as slaves, not as free men. The idea that we
+could ever live under the rule of these people is merely comic. To do
+them justice, they do not now entertain the idea, though they have
+dallied with it in the past.
+
+No harm can be done, I think, by preaching to the English people the
+necessity for organization and discipline. We shall still be ourselves,
+and there is no danger that we shall overdo discipline or make
+organization a thing to be worshipped for its own sake. The danger is
+all the other way. We have learnt much from the war, and the work that
+we shall have to do when it ends is almost more important than the terms
+of peace, or concessions made this way and that. If the treacherous
+assault of the Germans on the liberties and peace of Europe is rewarded
+by any solid gain to the German Empire, then history may forgive them,
+but this people of the British Empire will not forgive them. Nothing
+will be as it was before; and our cause, which will not be lost in the
+war, will still have to be won in the so-called peace. I know that some
+say, 'Let us have war when we are at war, and peace when we are at
+peace'. It sounds plausible and magnanimous, but it is Utopian. You must
+reckon with your own people. They know that when we last had peace, the
+sunshine of that peace was used by the Germans to hatch the spawn of
+malice and treason. If the Germans are defeated in the war, we shall, I
+suppose, forgive them, for the very English reason that it is a bore not
+to forgive your enemies. But if they escape without decisive defeat in
+battle, their harder trial is yet to come.
+
+In some ways we are stronger than we have been in all our long history.
+We have found ourselves, and we have found our friends. Our dead have
+taught the children of to-day more and better than any living teachers
+can teach them. No one in this country will ever forget how the people
+of the Dominions, at the first note of war, sprang to arms like one man.
+We must not thank or praise them; like the Navy, they regard our thanks
+and praise as something of an impertinence. They are not fighting, they
+say, for us. But that is how we discovered them. They are doing much
+better than fighting for us, they are fighting with us, because, without
+a word of explanation or appeal, their ideas and ours are the same. We
+never have discussed with them, and we never shall discuss, what is
+decent and clean and honourable in human behaviour. A philosopher who
+is interested in this question can find plenty of intellectual exercise
+by discussing it with the Germans, Where an Englishman, a Canadian, and
+an Australian are met, there is no material for such a debate.
+
+It would be extravagant to suppose that a discovery like this can leave
+our future relations untouched. We now know that we are profoundly
+united in a union much stronger and deeper than any mechanism can
+produce. I know how difficult a problem it is to hit on the best device
+for giving political expression to this union between States separated
+from one another by the whole world's diameter, differing in their
+circumstances, their needs, and their outlook. I do not dare to
+prescribe; but I should like to make a few remarks, and to call
+attention to a few points which are perhaps more present to the mind of
+the ordinary citizen than they are in the discussions of constitutional
+experts.
+
+We must arrange for co-operation and mutual support. If the arrangement
+is complicated and lengthy, we must not wait for it; we must meet and
+discuss our common affairs. Ministers from the Dominions have already
+sat with the British Cabinet. We can never go back on that; it is a
+landmark in our history. Our Ministers must travel; if their supporters
+are impatient of their absence on the affairs of the Empire, they must
+find some less parochial set of supporters. We have begun in the right
+way; the right way is not to pass laws determining what you are to do;
+but to do what is needful, and do it at once,--do a lot of things, and
+regularize your successes by later legislation. Now is the time, while
+the Empire is white-hot. Our first need is not lawyers, but men who,
+feeling friendly, know how to behave as friends do. They will not be
+impeached if they go beyond the letter of the law. One act of faith is
+worth a hundred arguments. This is a family affair; the habits of an
+affectionate and united family are the only good model.
+
+As for the Crown Colonies and India, the Dominions must share our
+burden. It is objected, both here and in India, that life in the
+Dominions is a very inadequate education for the sympathetic handling of
+alien races and customs. So is life in many parts of this island. The
+fact is that the process of learning to govern these alien peoples is
+the best education in the world. The Indian Civil Service is a great
+College, and it governs India. I can speak to this point, for I have
+lived there and seen it at work. If India were really governed by the
+ideas of the young novices who go out there fresh from their
+examinations, she would be a distressful country. But the novice is
+taken in hand at once by the older members of the service; he works
+under the eye of the Collector and the Assistant Collector; they
+shoulder him and instruct him as tame elephants shoulder and instruct
+the wild; they are kind to him, and he lives in their company while his
+prejudices and follies peel off him; so that within a few years he
+becomes a tolerant, wise, and devoted civil servant, who speaks the
+language of the College and is proud to belong to it. The success of the
+Government of India is not to be credited to the classes from which the
+Civil Service is recruited, but to the discipline of the Service itself,
+a Service so high in tradition and so free from corruption that
+advancement in it is to be gained only by intelligence and sympathy.
+What I am saying is that I can imagine no finer raw material for the
+political discipline of the Indian Civil Service than some of the
+generous and clean-run spirits who have come from the Dominions to help
+in this war. They could be introduced to a share of our responsibilities
+without impeding or retarding the movement to give to selected natives
+of India a larger share in the government of their country.
+
+But the war is not over, so I return to the main issue--the conflict
+between the English idea and the German idea of world government. It is
+not an accident, as Baron von Hügel remarks in his book on _The German
+Soul_, that the chief colonizing nation of the world should be a nation
+without a national army. We have depended enormously in the past on the
+initiative and virtue of the individual adventurer; if our adventurers
+were to fail us, which is not likely, or if the State were to supersede
+them, and attempt to do their work, which is not conceivable, our
+political power and influence would vanish with them. The world might
+perhaps be well ordered, but there would be no freedom, and no fun. The
+beauty of the adventurer is that he is practically invincible. He does
+not wait for orders. Under the most perfect police system that Germany
+could devise, he would be up and at it again. We are not so numerous as
+the Germans, but there are enough and to spare of us to make German
+government impossible in any place where we pitch our tents. We are
+practised hands at upsetting governments. Our political system is a
+training school for rebels. This is what makes our very existence an
+offence to the moral instincts of the German people. They are quite
+right to want to kill us; the only way to abolish fun and freedom is to
+abolish life. But I must not be unjust to them; their forethought
+provides for everything, and no doubt they would prescribe authorized
+forms of fun for half an hour a week, and would gather together their
+subjects in public assembly, under municipal regulations, to perform
+approved exercises in freedom.
+
+Mankind lives by ideas; and if an irreconcilable difference in ideas
+makes a good war, then this is a good war. The contrast between the two
+ideas is profound and far-reaching. My business lies in a University.
+For a good many years before the war certain selected German students,
+who had had a University education in their own country, came as Rhodes
+scholars to Oxford. The intention of Mr. Rhodes was benevolent; he
+thought that if German students were to reside for four years at Oxford
+and to associate there, at an impressionable time of life, with young
+Englishmen, understanding and fellowship would be encouraged between the
+two peoples. But the German government took care to defeat Mr. Rhodes's
+intention. Instead of sending a small number of students for the full
+period, as Mr. Rhodes had provided, Germany asked and (by whose mistake
+I do not know) obtained leave to send a larger number for a shorter
+stay. The students selected were intended for the political and
+diplomatic service, and were older than the usual run of Oxford
+freshmen. Their behaviour had a certain ambassadorial flavour about it.
+They did not mix much in the many undergraduate societies which flourish
+in a college, but met together in clubs of their own to drink patriotic
+toasts. They were nothing if not superior. I remember a conversation I
+had with one of them who came to consult me. He wished, he said, to do
+some definite piece of research work in English literature. I asked him
+what problems or questions in English literature most interested him,
+and he replied that he would do anything that I advised. We had a talk
+of some length, wholly at cross-purposes. At last I tried to make my
+point of view clear by reminding him that research means finding the
+answer to a question, and that if his reading of English literature,
+which had been fairly extensive, had suggested no questions to his mind,
+he was not in the happiest possible position to begin research. This
+touched his national pride, and he gave me something not unlike a
+lecture. In Germany, he said, the professor tells you what you are to
+do; he gives you a subject for investigation, he names the books you are
+to read, and advises you on what you are to write; you follow his
+advice, and produce a thesis, which gains you the degree of Doctor of
+Letters. I have seen a good many of these theses, and I am sure this
+account is correct. With very rare exceptions they are as dead as
+mutton, and much less nourishing. The upshot of our conversation was
+that he thought me an incompetent professor, and I thought him an
+unprofitable student.
+
+There are many people in England to-day who praise the thoroughness of
+the Germans, and their devotion to systematic thought. Has any one ever
+taken the trouble to trace the development of the thesis habit, and its
+influence on their national life? They theorize everything, and they
+believe in their theories. They have solemn theories of the English
+character, of the French character, of the nature of war, of the history
+of the world. No breath of scepticism dims their complacency, although
+events steadily prove their theories wrong. They have courage, and when
+they are seeking truth by the process of reasoning, they accept the
+conclusions attained by the process, however monstrous these conclusions
+may be. They not only accept them, they act upon them, and, as every one
+knows, their behaviour in Belgium was dictated to them by their
+philosophy.
+
+Thought of this kind is the enemy of the human race. It intoxicates
+sluggish minds, to whom thought is not natural. It suppresses all the
+gentler instincts of the heart and supplies a basis of orthodoxy for all
+the cruelty and treachery in the world. I do not know, none of us knows,
+when or how this war will end. But I know that it is worth fighting to
+the end, whatever it may cost to all and each of us. We may have peace
+with the Germans, the peace of exhaustion or the peace that is only a
+breathing space in a long struggle. We can never have peace with the
+German idea. It was not the idea of the older German thinkers--of Kant,
+or of Goethe, who were good Europeans. Kant said that there is nothing
+good in the world except the good will. The modern German doctrine is
+that there is nothing good in the world except what tends to the power
+and glory of the State. The inventor of this doctrine, it may be
+remembered, was the Devil, who offered to the Son of Man the glory of
+all the kingdoms of the world, if only He would fall down and worship
+him. The Germans, exposed to a like temptation, have accepted the offer
+and have fulfilled the condition. They can have no assurance that faith
+will be kept with them. On the other hand, we can have no assurance that
+they will suffer any signal or dramatic reverse. Human history does not
+usually observe the laws of melodrama. But we know that their newly
+purchased doctrine can be fought, in war and in peace, and we know that
+in the end it will not prevail.
+
+
+
+
+THE FAITH OF ENGLAND
+
+_An Address to the Union Society of University College, London, March
+22,1917_
+
+
+When Professor W.P. Ker asked me to address you on this ceremonial
+occasion I felt none of the confidence of the man who knows what he
+wants to say, and is looking for an audience. But Professor Ker is my
+old friend, and this place is the place where I picked up many of those
+fragmentary impressions which I suppose must be called my education. So
+I thought it would be ungrateful to refuse, even though it should prove
+that I have nothing to express save goodwill and the affections of
+memory.
+
+When I matriculated in the University of London and became a student in
+this place, my professors were Professor Goodwin, Professor Church,
+Professor Henrici, Professor Groom Robertson, and Professor Henry
+Morley. I remember all these, though, if they were alive, I do not think
+that any of them would remember me. The indescribable exhilaration,
+which must be familiar to many of you, of leaving school and entering
+college, is in great part the exhilaration of making acquaintance with
+teachers who care much about their subject and little or nothing about
+their pupils. To escape from the eternal personal judgements which make
+a school a place of torment is to walk upon air. The schoolmaster looks
+at you; the college professor looks the way you are looking. The
+statements made by Euclid, that thoughtful Greek, are no longer
+encumbered at college with all those preposterous and irrelevant moral
+considerations which desolate the atmosphere of a school. The question
+now is not whether you have perfectly acquainted yourself with what
+Euclid said, but whether what he said is true. In my earliest days at
+college I heard a complete exposition of the first six books of Euclid,
+given in four lectures, with masterly ease and freedom, by Professor
+Henrici, who did not hesitate to employ methods of demonstration which,
+though they are perfectly legitimate and convincing, were rejected by
+the daintiness of the Greek. Professor Groom Robertson introduced his
+pupils to the mysteries of mental and moral philosophy, and incidentally
+disaffected some of us by what seemed to us his excessive reverence for
+the works of Alexander Bain. Those works were our favourite theme for
+satirical verse, which we did not pain our Professor by publishing.
+Professor Henry Morley lectured hour after hour to successive classes in
+a room half way down the passage, on the left. Even overwork could not
+deaden his enormous vitality; but I hope that his immediate successor
+does not lecture so often. Outside the classrooms I remember the
+passages, which resembled the cellars of an unsuccessful sculptor, the
+library, where I first read _Romeo and Juliet_, and the refectory, where
+we discussed human life in most, if not in all, of its aspects. In the
+neighbourhood of the College there was the classic severity of Gower
+Street, and, for those who preferred the richer variety of romance,
+there was always the Tottenham Court Road. Beyond all, and throughout
+all, there was friendship, and there was freedom. The College was
+founded, I believe, partly in the interests of those who object to
+subscribe to a conclusion before they are permitted to examine the
+grounds for it. It has always been a free place; and if I remember it as
+a place of delight, that is because I found here the delights of
+freedom.
+
+My thoughts in these days are never very long away from the War, so that
+I should feel it difficult to speak of anything else. Yet there are so
+many ways in which it would be unprofitable for me to pretend to speak
+of it, that the difficulty remains. I have no knowledge of military or
+naval strategy. I am not intimately acquainted with Germany or with
+German culture. I could praise our own people, and our own fighting men,
+from a full heart; but that, I think, is not exactly what you want from
+me. So I am reduced to attempting what we have all had to attempt during
+the past two years or more, to try to state, for myself as much as for
+you, the meaning of this War so far as we can perceive it.
+
+It seems to be a decree of fate that this country shall be compelled
+every hundred years to fight for her very life. We live in an island
+that lies across the mouths of the Rhine, and guards the access to all
+the ports of northern Europe. In this island we have had enough safety
+and enough leisure to develop for ourselves a system of constitutional
+and individual liberty which has had an enormous influence on other
+nations. It has been admired and imitated; it has also been hated and
+attacked. To the majority of European statesmen and politicians it has
+been merely unintelligible. Some of them have regarded it with a kind
+of superstitious reverence; for we have been very successful in the
+world at large, and how could so foolish and ineffective a system
+achieve success except by adventitious aid? Others, including all the
+statesmen and political theorists who prepared Germany for this War,
+have refused to admire; the power of England, they have taught, is not
+real power; she has been crafty and lucky; she has kept herself free
+from the entanglements and strifes of the Continent, and has enriched
+herself by filching the property of the combatants. If once she were
+compelled to hold by force what she won by guile, her pretensions would
+collapse, and she would fall back into her natural position as a small
+agricultural island, inhabited by a people whose proudest boast would
+then be that they are poor cousins of the Germans.
+
+It is difficult to discuss this question with German professors and
+politicians: they have such simple minds, and they talk like angry
+children. Their opinions concerning England are not original; their
+views were held with equal fervour and expressed in very similar
+language by Philip of Spain in the sixteenth century, by Louis XIV of
+France in the seventeenth century, and by Napoleon at the close of the
+eighteenth century. 'These all died in faith, not having received the
+promises, but having seen them afar off.' I will ask you to consider the
+attack made upon England by each of these three powerful rulers.
+
+Any one who reads the history of these three great wars will feel a
+sense of illusion, as if he were reading the history of to-day. The
+points of resemblance in all four wars are so many and so great that it
+seems as if the four wars were all one war, repeated every century. The
+cause of the war is always an ambitious ruler who covets supremacy on
+the European Continent. England is always opposed to him--inevitably and
+instinctively. It took the Germans twenty years to prepare their people
+for this War. It took us two days to prepare ours. Our instinct is quick
+and sound; for the resources and wealth of the Continent, if once they
+were controlled by a single autocratic power, would make it impossible
+for England to follow her fortunes upon the sea. But we never stand
+quite alone. The smaller peoples of the Continent, who desire
+self-government, or have achieved it, always give the conqueror trouble,
+and rebel against him or resist him. England always sends help to them,
+the help of an expeditionary force, or, failing that, the help of
+irregular volunteers. Sir Philip Sidney dies at Zutphen; Sir John Moore
+at Corunna. There is always desperate fighting in the Low Countries; and
+the names of Mons, Liège, Namur, and Lille recur again and again.
+England always succeeds in maintaining herself, though not without some
+reverses, on the sea. In the end the power of the master of legions,
+Philip, Louis, Napoleon, and shall we say William, crumbles and melts;
+his ambitions are too costly to endure, his people chafe under his lash,
+and his kingdom falls into insignificance or is transformed by internal
+revolution.
+
+In all these wars there is one other resemblance which it is good to
+remember to-day. The position of England, at one time or another in the
+course of the war, always seems desperate. When Philip of Spain invaded
+England with the greatest navy of the world, he was met on the seas by a
+fleet made up chiefly of volunteers. When Louis overshadowed Europe and
+threatened England, our king was in his pay and had made a secret treaty
+with him; our statesmen, moreover, had destroyed our alliance with the
+maritime powers of Sweden and Holland, we had war with the Dutch, and
+our fleet was beaten by them. During the war against Napoleon we were in
+an even worse plight; the plausible political doctrines of the
+Revolution found many sympathizers in this country; our sailors mutinied
+at the Nore; Ireland was aflame with discontent; and we were involved in
+the Mahratta War in India, not to mention the naval war with America.
+Even after Trafalgar, our European allies failed us, Napoleon disposed
+of Austria and Prussia, and concluded a separate treaty with Russia. It
+was then that Wordsworth wrote--
+
+ ''Tis well! from this day forward we shall know
+ That in ourselves our safety must be sought;
+ That by our own right hands it must be wrought;
+ That we must stand unpropped, or be laid low.
+ O dastard whom such foretaste doth not cheer!
+ We shall exult, if they who rule the land
+ Be men who hold its many blessings dear,
+ Wise, upright, valiant; not a servile band,
+ Who are to judge of dangers which they fear,
+ And honour which they do not understand.'
+
+Always in the same cause, we have suffered worse things than we are
+suffering to-day, and if there is worse to come we hope that we are
+ready. The youngest and best of us, who carry on and go through with
+it, though many of them are dead and many more will not live to see the
+day of victory, have been easily the happiest and most confident among
+us. They have believed that, at a price, they can save decency and
+civilization in Europe, and, if they are wrong, they have known, as we
+know, that the day when decency and civilization are trampled under the
+foot of the brute is a day when it is good to die.
+
+When I speak of the German nation as the brute I am not speaking
+controversially or rhetorically; the whole German nation has given its
+hearty assent to a brutal doctrine of war and politics; no facts need be
+disputed between us: what to us is their shame, to them is their glory.
+This is a grave difference; yet it would be wrong to suppose that we can
+treat it adequately by condemning the whole German nation as a nation of
+confessed criminals. It is the paradox of war that there is always right
+on both sides. When a man is ready and willing to sacrifice his life,
+you cannot deny him the right to choose what he will die for. The most
+beautiful virtues, faith and courage and devotion, grow like weeds upon
+the battle-field. The fighters recognize these virtues in each other,
+and the front lines, for all their mud and slaughter, are breathed on by
+the airs of heaven. Hate and pusillanimity have little there to nourish
+them. To find the meaner passions you must seek further back. Johnson,
+speaking in the _Idler_ of the calamities produced by war, admits that
+he does not know 'whether more is to be dreaded from streets filled with
+soldiers accustomed to plunder, or from garrets filled with scribblers
+accustomed to lie'. Now that our army is the nation in arms, the danger
+from a lawless soldiery has become less, or has vanished; but the other
+danger has increased. Journalists are not the only offenders. It is a
+strange, squalid background for the nobility of the soldier that is made
+by the deceits and boasts of diplomatists and statesmen. In one of the
+prison camps of England, some weeks ago, I saw a Saxon boy who had
+fought bravely for his country. Simplicity and openness and loyalty were
+written on his face. There are hundreds like him, and I would not
+mention him if it were not that that same day I read with a new and
+heightened sense of disgust a speech by the German Chancellor, writhing
+with timidity and dishonesty and uneasy braggadocio. Those who feel this
+contrast as I did may be excused, I think, if they come to the
+conclusion that to talk about war is an accursed trade, and that to
+fight well, whether on the one side or the other, is the only noble
+part.
+
+Yet there is no escape for us; if we are to avoid chaos, if the daily
+life of the world is to be re-established and carried on, there must be
+an understanding between nations, and there is no possible way to come
+to an understanding save by the action and words of representative men
+on the one side and the other. Such representative men there are; there
+is no reason to doubt that they do in the main truly express the
+aspirations and wishes of their people, and on both sides they have
+either explicitly or virtually made offers. The offer of the Allied
+Powers is on record. What does Germany offer? She has refused to make a
+definite statement, but her rulers have talked a great deal, and what
+she intends is not really in doubt; only she is not sure whether she can
+get it, and still clings to the hope that a favourable turn of events
+may relieve her of the duty of making proposals, and put her in a
+position to dictate a settlement. We all know what that settlement would
+be.
+
+The German offer for a solution of the problem of world-government is
+German sentiments, German racial pride, German manners and customs, an
+immense increase of German territory and German influence, and above all
+an acknowledged supremacy for the German race among the nations of the
+world. She thinks she has not stated these aims in so many words; but
+she has. When it was suggested that the future peace of the world might
+be assured by the formation of a League to Enforce Peace, Germany,
+through her official spokesmen, expressed her sympathy with that idea,
+and stated that she would very gladly put herself at the head of such a
+League. I can hardly help loving the Germans when their rustic
+simplicity and rustic cunning lead them all unconsciously into
+self-revelation. The very idea of a League to Enforce Peace implies
+equality among the contracting parties; and Germany does not understand
+equality. 'By all means', she says,'let us sit at a round table, and I
+will sit at the top of it.' Her panacea for human ills is Germanism. She
+has nothing to offer but a purely national sentiment, which some,
+greatly privileged, may share, and the rest must revere and bow to. In
+the Book of Genesis we are told how Joseph was thrown into a pit by his
+elder brothers for talking just like this; but he meant it quite
+innocently, and so do the Germans. They do not intend irreverence to God
+when they call Him the good German God. On the contrary, they choose for
+His praise a word that to them stands for all goodness and all
+greatness. Their worship expresses itself naturally in the tribal ritual
+and the tribal creed. This tribal creed, there can be no doubt, is what
+they offer us for a talisman to ensure the right ordering of the world.
+
+Patriotism and loyalty to hearth and home are passions so strong in
+humanity that a creed like this, when men are under its influence, is
+not easily seen to be absurd. The Saxon boy, whom I saw in his prison
+camp, probably would not quarrel with it. And even in the wider world of
+thought the illusions of nationalism are all-pervading. I once heard
+Professor Henry Sidgwick remark that it is not easy for us to understand
+how the troops of Portugal are stirred to heroic effort when their
+commanders call on them to remember that they are Portuguese. He would
+no doubt have been the first to admit, for he had an alert and sceptical
+mind, that it is only our stupidity which finds anything comic in such
+an appeal. But it is stupidity of this kind which unfits men to deal
+with other races, and it is stupidity of this kind which has been
+exalted by the Germans as a primal duty, and has, indeed, been advanced
+by them as their principal claim to undertake the government of the
+world.
+
+This extreme nationalism, this unwillingness to feel any sympathy for
+other peoples, or to show them any consideration, has stupefied and
+blinded the Germans. One of the heaviest charges that can be brought
+against them is that they have seen no virtue in France, I do not ask
+that they shall interrupt the War to express admiration for their
+enemies: I am speaking of the time before the War. France is the chief
+modern inheritor of that great Roman civilization which found us painted
+savages, and made us into citizens of the world. The French mind, it is
+admitted, and admitted most readily by the most intelligent men, is
+quick and delicate and perceptive, surer and clearer in its operation
+than the average European mind. Yet the Germans, infatuated with a
+belief in their own numbers and their own brute strength, have dared to
+express contempt for the genius of France. A contempt for foreigners is
+common enough among the vulgar and unthinking of all nations, but I do
+not believe that you will find anywhere but in Germany a large number of
+men trained in the learned professions who are so besotted by vanity as
+to deny to France her place in the vanguard of civilization. These louts
+cannot be informed or argued with; they are interested in no one but
+themselves, and naked self-assertion is their only idea of political
+argument. Treitschke, who was for twenty years Professor of History at
+Berlin, and who did perhaps more than any other man to build up the
+modern German creed, has crystallized German politics in a single
+sentence. 'War', he says, 'is politics _par excellence_,' that is to
+say, politics at their purest and highest. Our political doctrine, if it
+must be put in as brief a form, would be better expressed in the
+sentence, 'War is the failure of politics'.
+
+If England were given over to nationalism as Germany is given over,
+then a war between these two Powers, though it would still be a great
+dramatic spectacle, would have as little meaning as a duel between two
+rival gamebirds in a cockpit. We know, and it will some day dawn on the
+Germans, that this War has a deeper meaning than that. We are not
+nationalist; we are too deeply experienced in politics to stumble into
+that trap. We have had a better and longer political education than has
+come to Germany in her short and feverish national life. It is often
+said that the Germans are better educated than we are, and in a sense
+that is true; they are better furnished with schools and colleges and
+the public means of education. The best boy in a school is the boy who
+best minds his book, and even if he dutifully believes all that it tells
+him, that will not lose him the prize. When he leaves school and
+graduates in a wider world, where men must depend on their own judgement
+and their own energy, he is often a little disconcerted to find that
+some of his less bookish fellows easily outgo him in quickness of
+understanding and resource. German education is too elaborate; it
+attempts to do for its pupils much that they had better be left to do
+for themselves. The pupils are docile and obedient, not troubled with
+unruly doubts and questionings, so that the German system of public
+education is a system of public mesmerism, and, now that we see it in
+its effects, may be truly described as a national disease.
+
+I have said that England is not nationalist. If the English believed in
+England as the Germans believe in Germany, there would be nothing for
+it but a duel to the death, the extinction of one people or the other,
+and darkness as the burier of the dead. Peace would be attained by a
+great simplification and impoverishment of the world. But the English do
+not believe in themselves in that mad-bull fashion. They come of mixed
+blood, and have been accustomed for many long centuries to settle their
+differences by compromise and mutual accommodation. They do not inquire
+too curiously into a man's descent if he shares their ideas. They have
+shown again and again that they prefer a tolerant and intelligent
+foreigner to rule over them rather than an obstinate and wrong-headed
+man of native origin. The earliest strong union of the various parts of
+England was achieved by William the Norman, a man of French and
+Scandinavian descent. Our native-born king, Charles the First, was put
+to death by his people; his son, James the Second, was banished, and the
+Dutchman, William the Third, who had proved himself a statesman and
+soldier of genius in his opposition to Louis the Fourteenth, was elected
+to the throne of England. The fierce struggles of the seventeenth
+century, between Royalists and Parliamentarians, between Cavaliers and
+Puritans, were settled at last, not by the destruction of either party,
+but by the stereotyping of the dispute in the milder and more tolerable
+shape of the party system. The only people we have ever shown ourselves
+unwilling to tolerate are the people who will tolerate no one but their
+own kind. We hate all Acts of Uniformity with a deadly hatred. We are
+careful for the rights of minorities. We think life should be made
+possible, and we do not object to its being made happy, for dissenters.
+Voltaire, the acutest French mind of his age, remarked on this when he
+visited England in 1726. 'England', he says, 'is the country of sects.
+"In my father's house are many mansions".... Although the Episcopalians
+and the Presbyterians are the two dominant sects in Great Britain, all
+the others are welcomed there, and live together very fairly, whilst
+most of the preachers hate one another almost as cordially as a
+Jansenist damns a Jesuit. Enter the London Exchange, a place much more
+worthy of respect than most Courts, and you see assembled for the
+benefit of mankind representatives of all nations. There the Jew, the
+Mohammedan, and the Christian deal with each other as if they were of
+the same religion, and call infidels only those who become bankrupt.
+There the Presbyterian trusts the Anabaptist, and the Anabaptist relies
+on the promise of the Quaker. On leaving these free and peaceful
+assemblies, some proceed to the synagogue, others to the tavern.... If
+in England there were only one religion, its despotism would be to be
+dreaded; if there were only two, their followers would cut each other's
+throats; but there are thirty of them, and they live in peace and
+happiness.'
+
+Since we have had so much practice in tolerating one another, and in
+living together even when our ideas on life and the conduct of life seem
+absolutely incompatible, it is no wonder that we approach the treatment
+of international affairs in a temper very unlike the solemn and dogmatic
+ferocity of the German. We do not expect or desire that other peoples
+shall resemble us. The world is wide; and the world-drama is enriched
+by multiplicity and diversity of character. We like bad men, if there is
+salt and spirit in their badness. We even admire a brute, if he is a
+whole-hearted brute. I have often thought that if the Germans had been
+true to their principles and their programme--if, after proclaiming that
+they meant to win by sheer strength and that they recognized no other
+right, they had continued as they began, and had battered and hacked,
+burned and killed, without fear or pity, a certain reluctant admiration
+for them might have been felt in this country. There is no chance of
+that now, since they took to whining about humanity. Yet it is very
+difficult wholly to alienate the sympathies of the English people. It is
+perhaps in some ways a weakness, as it is certainly in other ways a
+strength, that we are fanciers of other peoples. Our soldiers have a
+tendency to make pets of their prisoners, to cherish them as curiosities
+and souvenirs. The fancy becomes a passion when we find a little fellow
+struggling valiantly against odds. I suppose we should be at war with
+Germany to-day, even if the Germans had respected the neutrality of
+Belgium. But the unprovoked assault upon a little people that asked only
+to be let alone united all opinions in this country and brought us in
+with a rush. I believe there is one German, at least (I hope he is
+alive), who understands this. Early in July, 1914, a German student at
+Oxford, who was a friend and pupil of mine, came to say good-bye to me.
+I have since wondered whether he was under orders to join his regiment.
+Anyhow, we talked very freely of many things, and he told me of an
+adventure that had befallen him in an Oxford picture-palace. Portraits
+of notabilities were being thrown on the screen. When a portrait of the
+German Emperor appeared, a youth, sitting just behind my friend, shouted
+out an insulting and scurrilous remark. So my friend stood up and turned
+round and, catching him a cuff on the head, said,'That's my emperor'.
+The house was full of undergraduates, and he expected to be seized and
+thrown into the street. To his great surprise the undergraduates, many
+of whom have now fallen on the fields of France, broke into rounds of
+cheering. 'I should like to think', my friend said, 'that a thing like
+that could possibly happen in a German city, but I am afraid that the
+feeling there would always be against the foreigner. I admire the
+English; they are so just.' I have heard nothing of him since, except a
+rumour that he is with the German army of occupation in Belgium. If so,
+I like to think of him at a regimental mess, suggesting doubts, or, if
+that is an impossible breach of military discipline, keeping silence,
+when the loud-voiced major explains that the sympathy of the English for
+Belgium is all pretence and cant.
+
+Ideal and disinterested motives are always to be reckoned with in human
+nature. What the Germans call 'real politics', that is to say, politics
+which treat disinterested motives as negligible, have led them into a
+morass and have bogged them there. How easy it is to explain that the
+British Empire depends on trade, that we are a nation of traders, that
+all our policy is shaped by trade, that therefore it can only be
+hypocrisy in us to pretend to any of the finer feelings. This is not,
+as you might suppose, the harmless sally of a one-eyed wit; it is the
+carefully reasoned belief of Germany's profoundest political thinkers.
+They do not understand a cavalier, so they confidently assert that there
+is no such thing in nature. That is a bad mistake to make about any
+nation, but perhaps worst when it is made about the English, for the
+cavalier temper in England runs through all classes. You can find it in
+the schoolmaster, the small trader, the clerk, and the labourer, as
+readily as in the officer of dragoons, or the Arctic explorer. The
+Roundheads won the Civil War, and bequeathed to us their political
+achievements. From the Cavaliers we have a more intimate bequest: it is
+from them, not from the Puritans, that the fighting forces of the
+British Empire inherit their outlook on the world, their freedom from
+pedantry, and that gaiety and lightness of courage which makes them
+carry their lives like a feather in the cap.
+
+I am not saying that our qualities, good or bad, commend us very readily
+to strangers. The people of England, on the whole, are respected more
+than they are liked. When I call them fanciers of other nations, I feel
+it only fair to add that some of those other nations express the same
+truth in different language. I have often heard the complaint made that
+Englishmen cannot speak of foreigners without an air of patronage. It is
+impossible to deny this charge, for, in a question of manners, the
+impressions you produce are your manners; and there is no doubt about
+this impression. There is a certain coldness about the upright and
+humane Englishman which repels and intimidates any trivial human being
+who approaches him. Most men would forgo their claim to justice for the
+chance of being liked. They would rather have their heads broken, or
+accept a bribe, than be the objects of a dispassionate judgement,
+however kindly. They feel this so strongly that they experience a dull
+discomfort in any relationship that is not tinctured with passion. As
+there are many such relationships, not to be avoided even by the most
+emotional natures, they escape from them by simulating lively feeling,
+and are sometimes exaggerated and insincere in manner. They issue a very
+large paper currency on a very small gold reserve. This, which is
+commonly known as the Irish Question, is an insoluble problem, for it is
+a clash not of interests but of temperaments. The English, it must in
+fairness be admitted, do as they would be done by. No Englishman pure
+and simple is incommoded by the coldness of strangers. He prefers it,
+for there are many stupid little businesses in the world, which are
+falsified when they are made much of; and even when important facts are
+to be told, he would rather have them told in a dreary manner. He hates
+a fuss.
+
+The Germans, who are a highly emotional and excitable people, have
+concentrated all their energy on a few simple ideas. Their moral outlook
+is as narrow as their geographical outlook is wide. Will their faith
+prevail by its intensity, narrow and false though it be? I cannot prove
+that it will not, but I have a suspicion, which I think has already
+occurred to some of them, that the world is too large and wilful and
+strong to be mastered by them. We have seen what their hatchets and
+explosives can do, and they are nearing the end of their resources. They
+can still repeat some of their old exploits, but they make no headway,
+and time is not their friend.
+
+One service, perhaps, they have done to civilization. There is a growing
+number of people who hold that when this War is over international
+relations must not be permitted to slip back into the unstable condition
+which tempted the Germans to their crime. A good many pacific theorists,
+no doubt, have not the experience and the imagination which would enable
+them to pass a useful judgement, or to make a valuable suggestion, on
+the affairs of nations. The abolition of war would be easily obtained if
+it were generally agreed that war is the worst thing that can befall a
+people. But this is not generally agreed; and, further, it is not true.
+While men are men they cannot be sure that they will never be challenged
+on a point of deep and intimate concern, where they would rather die
+than yield. But something can perhaps be done to discourage gamblers'
+wars, though even here any stockbroker will tell you how difficult it is
+to suppress gambling without injuring the spirit of enterprise. The only
+real check on war is an understanding between nations. For the
+strengthening of such an understanding the Allies have a great
+opportunity, and admirable instruments. I do not think that we shall
+call on Germany to preside at our conferences. But we shall have the
+help of all those qualities of heart and mind which are possessed by
+France, by Russia, by Italy, and by America, who, for all her caution,
+hates cruelty even more than she loves peace. There has never been an
+alliance of greater promise for the government and peace of the world.
+
+What is the contribution of the British Empire, and of England, towards
+this settlement? Many of our domestic problems, as I have said, bear a
+curious resemblance to international problems. We have not solved them
+all. We have had many stumblings and many backslidings. But we have
+shown again and again that we believe in toleration on the widest
+possible basis, and that we are capable of generosity, which is a virtue
+much more commonly shown by private persons than by communities. We
+abolished the slave trade. We granted self-government to South Africa
+just after our war with her. Only a few days ago we gave India her will,
+and allowed her to impose a duty on our manufactures. Ireland could have
+self-government to-morrow if she did not value her feuds more than
+anything else in the world. All these are peoples to whom we have been
+bound by ties of kinship or trusteeship. A wider and greater opportunity
+is on its way to us. We are to see whether we are capable of generosity
+and trust towards peoples who are neither our kin nor our wards. Our
+understanding with France and Russia will call for great goodwill on
+both sides, not so much in the drafting of formal treaties as in
+indulging one another in our national habits. Families who fail to live
+together in unity commonly fail not because they quarrel about large
+interests, but because they do not like each other's little ways. The
+French are not a dull people; and the Russians are not a tedious people
+(what they do they do suddenly, without explanation); so that if we
+fail to take pleasure in them we have ourselves to blame. If we are not
+equal to our opportunities, if we do not learn to feel any affection for
+them, then not all the pacts and congresses in the world can make peace
+secure.
+
+Of Germany it is too early to speak. We have not yet defeated her. If we
+do defeat her, no one who is acquainted with our temper and our record
+believes that we shall impose cruel or vindictive terms. If it were only
+the engineers of this war who were in question, we would destroy them
+gladly as common pests. But the thing is not so easy. A single home is
+in many ways a greater and more appealing thing than a nation; we should
+find ourselves thinking of the miseries of simple and ignorant people
+who have given their all for the country of their birth; and our hearts
+would fail us.
+
+The Germans would certainly despise this address of mine, for I have
+talked only of morality, while they talk and think chiefly of machines.
+Zeppelins are a sad disappointment; but if any address on the War is
+being delivered to-night by a German professor, there can be no doubt
+that it deals with submarines, and treats them as the saviours of the
+Fatherland. Well, I know very little about submarines, but I notice that
+they have not had much success against ships of war. We are so
+easy-going that we expected to carry on our commerce in war very much as
+we did in peace. We have to change all that, and it will cost us not a
+little inconvenience, or even great hardships. But I cannot believe that
+a scheme of privy attacks on the traders of all nations, devised as a
+last resort, in lieu of naval victory, can be successful when it is no
+longer a surprise. And when I read history, I am strengthened in my
+belief that morality is all-important. I do not find that any war
+between great nations was ever won by a machine. The Trojan horse will
+be trotted out against me, but that was a municipal affair. Wars are won
+by the temper of a people. Serbia is not yet defeated. It is a frenzied
+and desperate quest that the Germans undertook when they began to seek
+for some mechanical trick or dodge, some monstrous engine, which should
+enable the less resolved and more excited people to defeat the more
+resolved and less excited. If we are to be defeated, it must be by them,
+not by their bogey-men. We got their measure on the Somme, and we found
+that when their guns failed to protect them, many of them threw up their
+hands. These men will never be our masters until we deserve to be their
+slaves.
+
+So I am glad to be able to end on a note of agreement with the German
+military party. If they defeat us, it will be no more than we deserve.
+Till then, or till they throw up their hands, we shall fight them, and
+God will defend the right.
+
+
+
+
+SOME GAINS OF THE WAR
+
+_An Address to the Royal Colonial Institute, February 13, 1918_
+
+
+Our losses in this War continue to be enormous, and we are not yet near
+to the end. So it may seem absurd to speak of our gains, of gains that
+we have already achieved. But if you will look at the thing in a large
+light, I think you will see that it is not absurd.
+
+I do not speak of gains of territory, and prisoners, and booty. It is
+true that we have taken from the Germans about a million square miles of
+land in Africa, where land is cheap. We have taken more prisoners from
+them than they have taken from us, and we have whole parks of German
+artillery to set over against the battered and broken remnants of
+British field-guns which were exhibited in Berlin--a monument to the
+immortal valour of the little old Army. I am speaking rather of gains
+which cannot be counted as guns are counted, or measured as land is
+measured, but which are none the less real and important.
+
+The Germans have achieved certain great material gains in this War, and
+they are fighting now to hold them. If they fail to hold them, the
+Germany of the war-lords is ruined. She will have to give up all her
+bloated ambitions, to purge and live cleanly, and painfully to
+reconstruct her prosperity on a quieter and sounder basis. She will not
+do this until she is forced to it by defeat. No doubt there are moderate
+and sensible men in Germany, as in other countries; but in Germany they
+are without influence, and can do nothing. War is the national industry
+of Prussia; Prussia has knit together the several states of the larger
+Germany by means of war, and has promised them prosperity and power in
+the future, to be achieved by war. You know the Prussian doctrine of
+war. Every one now knows it. According to that doctrine it is a foolish
+thing for a nation to wait till it is attacked. It should carefully
+calculate its own strength and the strength of its neighbours, and, when
+it is ready, it should attack them, on any pretext, suddenly, without
+warning, and should take from them money and land. When it has gained
+territory in this fashion, it should subject the population of the
+conquered territory to the strictest laws of military service, and so
+supply itself with an instrument for new and bolder aggression. This is
+not only the German doctrine; it is the German practice. In this way and
+no other modern Germany has been built up. It is a huge new State,
+founded on force, cemented by fear, and financed on speculative gains to
+be derived from the great gamble of war. You may have noticed that the
+German people have not been called on, as yet, to pay any considerable
+sum in taxation towards the expenses of this war. Those expenses (that,
+at least, was the original idea) were to be borne wholly by the
+conquered enemy. There are hundreds of thousands of Germans to-day who
+firmly believe that their war-lords will return in triumph from the
+stricken field, bringing with them the spoils of war, and scattering a
+largess of peace and plenty.
+
+To us it seems a marvel that any people should accept such a doctrine,
+and should willingly give their lives and their fortunes to the work of
+carrying it out in practice; but it is not so marvellous as it seems.
+The German peoples are brave and obedient, and so make good soldiers;
+they are easily lured by the hope of profit; they are naturally
+attracted by the spectacular and sentimental side of war; above all,
+they are so curiously stupid that many of them do actually believe that
+they are a divinely chosen race, superior to the other races of the
+world. They are very carefully educated, and their education, which is
+ordered by the State, is part of the military machine. Their thinking is
+done for them by officials. It would require an extraordinary degree of
+courage and independence for a German youth to cut himself loose and
+begin thinking and judging for himself. It must always be remembered,
+moreover, that their recent history seems to justify their creed. I will
+not go back to Frederick the Great, though the history of his wars is
+the Prussian handbook, which teaches all the characteristic Prussian
+methods of treachery and deceit. But consider only the last two German
+wars. How, in the face of these, can it be proved to any German that war
+is not the most profitable of adventures? In 1866 Prussia had war with
+Austria. The war lasted forty days, and Prussia had from five to six
+thousand soldiers killed in action. As a consequence of the war Prussia
+gained much territory, and established her control over the states of
+greater Germany. In 1870 she had war with France. Her total casualties
+in that war were approximately a hundred thousand, just about the same
+as our casualties in Gallipoli. From the war she gained, besides a great
+increase of strength at home, the rich provinces of Alsace and Lorraine,
+with all their mineral wealth, and an indemnity of two hundred million
+pounds, that is to say, four times the actual cost of the war in money.
+How then can it be maintained that war is not good business? If you say
+so to any Prussian, he thinks you are talking like a child.
+
+Not only were these two wars rich in profit for the Germans, but they
+did not lose them much esteem. There was sympathy in this country for
+the union of the German peoples, just as there was sympathy, a few years
+earlier, for the union of the various states of Italy. There was not a
+little admiration for German efficiency and strength. So that Bismarck,
+who was an expert in all the uses of bullying, blackmail, and fraud, was
+accepted as a great European statesman. I have always believed, and I
+still believe, that Germany will have to pay a heavy price for
+Bismarck--all the heavier because the payment has been so long deferred.
+
+The present War, then, is in the direct line of succession to these
+former wars; it was planned by Germany, elaborately and deliberately
+planned, on a calculation of the profits to be derived from operations
+on a large scale.
+
+Well, as I said, we, as a people, do not believe in gambling in human
+misery to attain uncertain speculative gains. We hold that war can be
+justified only by a good cause, not by a lucky event. The German
+doctrine seems to us impious and wicked. Though we have defined our war
+aims in detail, and the Germans have not dared publicly to define
+theirs, our real and sufficient war aim is to break the monstrous and
+inhuman doctrine and practice of the enemy--to make their calculations
+miscarry. And observe, if their calculations miscarry, they have fought
+and suffered for nothing. They entered into this War for profit, and in
+the conduct of the War, though they have made many mistakes, they have
+made none of those generous and magnanimous mistakes which redeem and
+beautify a losing cause.
+
+The essence of our cause, and its greatest strength, is that we are not
+fighting for profit. We are fighting for no privilege except the
+privilege of possessing our souls, of being ourselves--a privilege which
+we claim also for other weaker nations. The inestimable strength of that
+position is that if the odds are against us it does not matter. If you
+see a ruffian torturing a child, and interfere to prevent him, do you
+feel that your attempt was a wrong one because he knocks you down? And
+if you succeed, what material profit is there in saving a child from
+torture? We have sometimes fought in the past for doubtful causes and
+for wrong causes, but this time there is no mistake. Our cause is better
+than we deserve; we embraced it by an act of faith, and it is only by
+continuing in that faith that we shall see it through. The little old
+Army, when they went to France in August 1914, did not ask what profits
+were likely to come their way. They knew that there were none, but they
+were willing to sacrifice themselves to save decency and humanity from
+being trampled in the mud. This was the Army that the Germans called a
+mercenary Army, and its epitaph has been written by a good poet:
+
+ These, in the day when heaven was falling,
+ The hour when earth's foundations fled,
+ Followed their mercenary calling,
+ And took their wages, and are dead.
+
+ Their shoulders held the heavens suspended,
+ They stood, and earth's foundations stay,
+ What God abandoned these defended,
+ And saved the sum of things for pay.
+
+We must follow their example, for we shall never get a better. We must
+not make too much of calculation, especially when it deals with
+incalculable things. Nervous public critics, like Mr. H.G. Wells, are
+always calling out for more cleverness in our methods, for new and
+effective tricks, so that we may win the War. I would never disparage
+cleverness; the more you can get of it, the better; but it is useless
+unless it is in the service of something stronger and greater than
+itself, and that is character. Cleverness can grasp; it is only
+character that can hold. The Duke of Wellington was not a clever man; he
+was a man of simple and honourable mind, with an infinite capacity for
+patience, persistence, and endurance, so that neither unexpected
+reverses abroad nor a flood of idle criticism at home could shake him or
+change him. So he bore a chief part in laying low the last great tyranny
+that desolated Europe.
+
+None of our great wars was won by cleverness; they were all won by
+resolution and perseverance. In all of them we were near to despair and
+did not despair. In all of them we won through to victory in the end.
+
+But in none of them did victory come in the expected shape. The worst of
+making elaborate plans of victory, and programmes of all that is to
+follow victory, is that the mixed event is sure to defeat those plans.
+Not every war finds its decision in a single great battle. Think of our
+war with Spain in the sixteenth century. Spain was then the greatest of
+European Powers. She had larger armies than we could raise; she had
+more than our wealth, and more than our shipping. The newly discovered
+continent of America was an appanage of Spain, and her great galleons
+were wafted lazily to and fro, bringing her all the treasures of the
+western hemisphere. We defeated her by standing out and holding on. We
+fought her in the Low Countries, which she enslaved and oppressed. We
+refused to recognize her exclusive rights in America, and our merchant
+seamen kept the sea undaunted, as they have kept it for the last three
+years. When at last we became an intolerable vexation to Spain, she
+collected a great Armada, or war-fleet, to invade and destroy us; and it
+was shattered, by the winds of heaven and the sailors of England, in
+1588. The defeat of the Armada was the turning-point of the war, but it
+was not the end. It lifted a great shadow of fear from the hearts of the
+people, as a great shadow of fear has already been lifted from their
+hearts in the present War, but during the years that followed we
+suffered many and serious reverses at the hand of Spain, before peace
+and security were reached. So late as 1601, thirteen years after the
+defeat of the Armada, the King of Denmark offered to mediate between
+England and Spain, so that the long and disastrous war might be ended.
+Queen Elizabeth was then old and frail, but this was what she said--and
+if you want to understand why she was almost adored by her people,
+listen to her words: 'I would have the King of Denmark, and all Princes
+Christian and Heathen to know, that England hath no need to crave peace;
+nor myself endured one hour's fear since I attained the crown thereof,
+being guarded with so valiant and faithful subjects.' In the end the
+power and menace of Spain faded away, and when peace was made, in 1604,
+this nation never again, from that day to this, feared the worst that
+Spain could do.
+
+What were our gains from the war with Spain? Freedom to live our lives
+in our own way, unthreatened; freedom to colonize America. The gains of
+a great war are never visible immediately; they are deferred, and
+extended over many years. What did we gain by our war with Napoleon,
+which ended in the victory of Waterloo? For long years after Waterloo
+this country was full of riots and discontents; there were
+rick-burnings, agitations, popular risings, and something very near to
+famine in the land. But all these things, from a distance, are now seen
+to have been the broken water that follows the passage of a great storm.
+The real gains of Waterloo, and still more of Trafalgar, are evident in
+the enormous commercial and industrial development of England during the
+nineteenth century, and in the peaceful foundation of the great
+dominions of Canada, Australia, and South Africa, which was made
+possible only by our unchallenged use of the seas. The men who won those
+two great battles did not live to gather the fruits of their victory;
+but their children did. If we defeat Germany as completely as we hope,
+we shall not be able to point at once to our gains. But it is not a rash
+forecast to say that our children and children's children will live in
+greater security and freedom than we have ever tasted.
+
+A man must have a good and wide imagination if he is to be willing to
+face wounds and death for the sake of his unborn descendants and
+kinsfolk. We cannot count on the popular imagination being equal to the
+task. Fortunately, there is a substitute for imagination which does the
+work as well or better, and that is character. Our people are sound in
+instinct; they understand a fight. They know that a wrestler who
+considers, while he is in the grip of his adversary, whether he would
+not do well to give over, and so put an end to the weariness and the
+strain, is no sort of a wrestler. They have never failed under a strain
+of this kind, and they will not fail now. The people who do the
+half-hearted and timid talking are either young egotists, who are angry
+at being deprived of their personal ease and independence; or elderly
+pensive gentlemen, in public offices and clubs, who are no longer fit
+for action, and, being denied action, fall into melancholy; or feverish
+journalists, who live on the proceeds of excitement, who feel the pulse
+and take the temperature of the War every morning, and then rush into
+the street to announce their fluttering hopes and fears; or cosmopolitan
+philosophers, to whom the change from London to Berlin means nothing but
+a change in diet and a pleasant addition to their opportunities of
+hearing good music; or aliens in heart, to whom the historic fame of
+England, 'dear for her reputation through the world,' is less than
+nothing; or practical jokers, who are calm and confident enough
+themselves, but delight in startling and depressing others. These are
+not the people of England; they are the parasites of the people of
+England. The people of England understand a fight.
+
+That brings me to the first great gain of the War. We have found
+ourselves. Which of us, in the early months of 1914, would have dared
+to predict the splendours of the youth of this Empire--splendours which
+are now a part of our history? We are adepts at self-criticism and
+self-depreciation. We hate the language of emotion. Some of us, if we
+were taken to heaven and asked what we thought of it, would say that it
+is decent, or not so bad. I suppose we are jealous to keep our standard
+high, and to have something to say if a better place should be found.
+But in spite of all this, we do now know, and it is worth knowing, that
+we are not weaker than our fathers. We know that the people who inhabit
+these islands and this commonwealth of nations cannot be pushed on one
+side, or driven under, or denied a great share in the future ordering of
+the world. We know this, and our knowledge of it is the debt that we owe
+to our dead. It is not vanity to admit that we know it; on the contrary,
+it would be vanity to pretend that we do not know it. It is visible to
+other eyes than ours. Some time ago I heard an address given by a friend
+of mine, an Indian Mohammedan of warrior descent, to University students
+of his own faith. He was urging on them the futility of dreams and the
+necessity of self-discipline and self-devotion. 'Why do the people of
+this country', he said, 'count for so much all the world over? It is not
+because of their dreams; it is because thousands of them are lying at
+the bottom of the sea.'
+
+Further, we have not only found ourselves; we have found one another. A
+new kindliness has grown up, during the War, between people divided by
+the barriers of class, or wealth, or circumstance. A statesman of the
+seventeenth century remarks that _It is a Misfortune for a Man not to
+have a Friend in the World, but for that reason he shall have no Enemy_.
+I might invert his maxim and say, _It is a Misfortune for a Man to have
+many Enemies, but for that reason he shall know who are his Friends_. No
+Radical member of Parliament will again, while any of us live, cast
+contempt on 'the carpet Captains of Mayfair'. No idle Tory talker will
+again dare to say that the working men of England care nothing for their
+country. Even the manners of railway travel have improved. I was
+travelling in a third-class compartment of a crowded train the other
+day; we were twenty in the compartment, but it seemed a pity to leave
+any one behind, and we made room for number twenty-one. Nothing but a
+very kindly human feeling could have packed us tight enough for this.
+Yet now is the time that has been chosen by some of these pensive
+gentlemen that I spoke of, and by some of these excitable journalists,
+to threaten us with class-war, and to try to make our flesh creep by
+conjuring up the horrors of revolution. I advise them to take their
+opinions to the third-class compartment and discuss them there. It is a
+good tribunal, for, sooner or later, you will find every one there--even
+officers, when they are travelling in mufti at their own expense. I have
+visited this tribunal very often, and I have always come away from it
+with the same impression, that this people means to win the War. But I
+do not travel much in the North of England, so I asked a friend of mine,
+whose dealings are with the industrial North, what the workpeople of
+Lancashire and Yorkshire think of the War. He said, 'Their view is very
+simple: they mean to win it; and they mean to make as much money out of
+it as ever they can.' Certainly, that is very simple; but before you
+judge them, put yourselves in their place. There are great outcries
+against profiteers, for making exorbitant profits out of the War, and
+against munition workers, for delaying work in order to get higher
+wages. I do not defend either of them; they are unimaginative and
+selfish, and I do not care how severely they are dealt with; but I do
+say that the majority of them are not wicked in intention. A good many
+of the more innocent profiteers are men whose sin is that they take an
+offer of two shillings rather than an offer of eighteenpence for what
+cost them one and a penny. Some of us, in our weaker moments, might be
+betrayed into doing the same. As for the munition workers, I remember
+what Goldsmith, who had known the bitterest poverty, wrote to his
+brother. 'Avarice', he said, 'in the lower orders of mankind is true
+ambition; avarice is the only ladder the poor can use to preferment.
+Preach then, my dear Sir, to your son, not the excellence of human
+nature nor the disrespect of riches, but endeavour to teach him thrift
+and economy. Let his poor wandering uncle's example be placed in his
+eyes. I had learned from books to love virtue before I was taught from
+experience the necessity of being selfish.'
+
+The profiteers and the munition workers are endeavouring, incidentally,
+to better their own position. But make no mistake; the bulk of these
+people would rather die than allow one spire of English grass to be
+trodden under the foot of a foreign trespasser. Their chief sin is that
+they do not fear. They think that there is plenty of time to do a little
+business for themselves on the way to defeat the enemy. I cannot help
+remembering the mutiny at the Nore, which broke out in our fleet during
+the Napoleonic wars. The mutineers struck for more pay and better
+treatment, but they agreed together that if the French fleet should put
+in an appearance during the mutiny, all their claims should be postponed
+for a time, and the French fleet should have their first attention.
+
+Employers and employed do, no doubt, find in some trades to-day that
+their relations are strained and irksome. They would do well to take a
+lesson from the Army, where, with very few exceptions, there is harmony
+and understanding between those who take orders and those who give them.
+It is only in the Army that you can see realized the ideal of ancient
+Rome.
+
+ Then none was for a party,
+ Then all were for the State;
+ Then the great man helped the poor,
+ And the poor man loved the great.
+
+Why is the Army so far superior to most commercial and industrial
+businesses? The secret does not lie in State employment. There is plenty
+of discontent and unrest among the State-employed railway men and
+munition workers. It lies rather in the habit of mutual help and mutual
+trust. If any civilian employer of labour wants to have willing
+workpeople, let him take a hint from the Army. Let him live with his
+workpeople, and share all their dangers and discomforts. Let him take
+thought for their welfare before his own, and teach self-sacrifice by
+example. Let him put the good of the nation before all private
+interests; and those whom he commands will do for him anything that he
+asks.
+
+I cannot believe that the benefits which have come to us from the Army
+will pass away with the passing of the War. Those who have been comrades
+in danger will surely take with them something of the old spirit into
+civil life. And those who have kept clear of the Army in order to carry
+on their own trades and businesses will surely realize that they have
+missed the great opportunity of their lives.
+
+In a wider sense the War has brought us to an understanding of one
+another. This great Commonwealth of independent nations which is called
+the British Empire is scattered over the surface of the habitable globe.
+It embraces people who live ten thousand miles apart, and whose ways of
+life are so different that they might seem to have nothing in common.
+But the War has brought them together, and has done more than half a
+century of peace could do to promote a common understanding. Hundreds of
+thousands of men of our blood who, before the War, had never seen this
+little island, have now made acquaintance with it. Hundreds of thousands
+of the inhabitants of this island to whom the Dominions were strange,
+far places, if, after the War, they should be called on to settle there,
+will not feel that they are leaving home. I can only hope that the
+Canadians and Anzacs think as well of us as we do of them. We do not
+like to praise our friends in their hearing, so I will say no more than
+this: I am told that a new kind of peerage, very haughty and very
+self-important, has arisen in South London. Its members are those
+house-holders who have been privileged to have Anzac soldiers billeted
+on them. It is private ties of this kind, invisible to the
+constitutional lawyer and the political historian, which make the fine
+meshes of the web of Empire.
+
+Because he knew that the strength of the whole texture depends on the
+strength of the fine meshes, Earl Grey, who died last year, will always
+be remembered in our history. Not many men have his opportunity to make
+acquaintance with the domain that is their birthright, for he had
+administered a province of South Africa, and had been Governor-General
+of Canada, He rediscovered the glory of the Empire, as poets rediscover
+the glory of common speech. 'He had breathed its air,' a friend of his
+says, 'fished its rivers, walked in its valleys, stood on its mountains,
+met its people face to face. He had seen it in all the zones of the
+world. He knew what it meant to mankind. Under the British flag,
+wherever he journeyed, he found men of English speech living in an
+atmosphere of liberty and carrying on the dear domestic traditions of
+the British Isles. He saw justice firmly planted there, industry and
+invention hard at work unfettered by tyrants of any kind, domestic life
+prospering in natural conditions, and our old English kindness and
+cheerfulness and broad-minded tolerance keeping things together. But he
+also saw room under that same flag, ample room, for millions and
+millions more of the human race. The Empire wasn't a word to him. It was
+a vast, an almost boundless, home for honest men.'
+
+The War did not dishearten him. When he died, in August, 1917, he said,
+'Here I lie on my death-bed, looking clear into the Promised Land. I'm
+not allowed to enter it, but there it is before my eyes. After the War
+the people of this country will enter it, and those who laughed at me
+for a dreamer will see that I wasn't so wrong after all. But there's
+still work to do for those who didn't laugh, hard work, and with much
+opposition in the way; all the same, it is work right up against the
+goal. My dreams have come true.'
+
+One of the clear gains of the War is to be found in the increased
+activity and alertness of our own people. The motto of to-day is, 'Let
+those now work who never worked before, And those who always worked now
+work the more.' Before the War we had a great national reputation for
+idleness--in this island, at least. I remember a friendly critic from
+Canada who, some five or six years ago, expressed to me, with much
+disquiet, his opinion that there was something very far wrong with the
+old country; that we had gone soft. As for our German critics, they
+expressed the same view in gross and unmistakable fashion. Wit is not a
+native product in Germany, it all has to be imported, so they could not
+satirize us; but their caricatures of the typical Englishman showed us
+what they thought. He was a young weakling with a foolish face, and was
+dressed in cricketing flannels. It would have been worth their while to
+notice what they did not notice, that his muscles and nerves are not
+soft. They learned that later, when the bank-clerks of Manchester broke
+the Prussian Guard into fragments at Contalmaison. This must have been a
+sad surprise, for the Germans had always taught, in their delightful
+authoritative fashion, that the chief industries of the young Englishman
+are lawn-tennis and afternoon tea. They are a fussy people, and they
+find it difficult to understand the calm of the man who, having nothing
+to do, does it. Perhaps they were right, and we were too idle. The
+disease was never so serious as they thought it, and now, thanks to
+them, we are in a fair way to recovery. The idle classes have turned
+their hand to the lathe and the plough. Women are doing a hundred things
+that they never did before, and are doing them well. The elasticity and
+resourcefulness that the War has developed will not be lost or destroyed
+by the coming of peace. Least of all will those qualities be lost if we
+should prove unable, in this War, to impose our own terms on Germany.
+Then the peace that follows will be a long struggle, and in that
+struggle we shall prevail. In the last long peace we were not
+suspicious; we felt friendly enough to the Germans, and we gave them
+every advantage. They despised us for our friendliness and used the
+peace to prepare our downfall. That will never happen again. If we
+cannot tame the cunning animal that has assaulted humanity, at least we
+can and will tether him. Laws will not be necessary; there are millions
+of others besides the seamen of England who will have no dealings with
+an unsubdued and unrepentant Germany. What the Germans are not taught by
+the War they will have to learn in the more tedious and no less costly
+school of peace.
+
+In any case, whether we win through to real peace and real security, or
+whether we are thrown back on an armed peace and the duty of unbroken
+vigilance, we shall be dependent for our future on the children who are
+now learning in the schools or playing in the streets. It is a good
+dependence. The children of to-day are better than the children whom I
+knew when I was a child. I think they have more intelligence and
+sympathy; they certainly have more public spirit. We cannot do too much
+for them. The most that we can do is nothing to what they are going to
+do for us, for their own nation and people. I am not concerned to
+discuss the education problem. Formal education, carried on chiefly by
+means of books, is a very small part of the making of a man or a woman.
+But I am interested to know what the children are thinking. You cannot
+fathom a child's thoughts, but we know who are their best teachers, and
+what lessons have been stamped indelibly on their minds. Their teachers,
+whom they never saw, and whose lessons they will never forget, lie in
+graves in Flanders and France and Gallipoli and Syria and Mesopotamia,
+or unburied at the bottom of the sea. The runner falls, but the torch is
+carried forward. This is what Julian Grenfell, who gave his mind and his
+life to the War, has said in his splendid poem called _Into Battle_:
+
+ And life is colour and warmth and light,
+ And a striving evermore for these;
+ And he is dead who will not fight,
+ And who dies fighting hath increase.
+
+Those who died fighting will have such increase that a whole new
+generation, better even than the old, will be ready, no long time hence,
+to uphold and extend and decorate the Commonwealth of nations which
+their fathers and brothers saved from ruin.
+
+One thing I have never heard discussed, but it is the clearest gain of
+all, and already it may be called a certain gain. After the War the
+English language will have such a position as it has never had before.
+It will be established in world-wide security. Even before the War, it
+may be truly said, our language was in no danger from the competition of
+the German language. The Germans have never had much success in the
+attempt to get their language adopted by other peoples. Not all the
+military laws of Prussia can drive out French from the hearts and homes
+of the people of Alsace. In the ports of the near and far East you will
+hear English spoken--pidgin English, as it is called, that is to say, a
+selection of English words suited for the business of daily life. But
+you may roam the world over, and you will hear no pidgin German. Before
+the War many Germans learned English, while very few English-speaking
+people learned German. In other matters we disagreed, but we both knew
+which way the wind was blowing. It may be said, and said truly, that our
+well-known laziness was one cause of our failing or neglecting to learn
+German. But it was not the only cause; and we are not lazy in tasks
+which we believe to be worth our while. Rather we had an instinctive
+belief that the future does not belong to the German tongue. That belief
+is not likely to be impaired by the War. Armed ruffians can do some
+things, but one thing they cannot do; they cannot endear their language
+to those who have suffered from their violence. The Germans poisoned the
+wells in South-West Africa; in Europe they did all they could to poison
+the wells of mutual trust and mutual understanding among civilized men.
+Do they think that these things will make a good advertisement for the
+explosive guttural sounds and the huddled deformed syntax of the speech
+in which they express their arrogance and their hate? Which of the
+chief European languages will come first, after the War, with the little
+nations? Will Serbia be content to speak German? Will Norway and Denmark
+feel a new affection for the speech of the men who have degraded the old
+humanity of the seas? Neighbourhood, kinship, and the necessities of
+commerce may retain for the German language a certain measure of custom
+in Sweden and Switzerland, and in Holland. But for the most part Germans
+will have to be content to be addressed in their own tongue only by
+those who fear them, or by those who hope to cheat them.
+
+This gain, which I make bold to predict for the English language, is a
+real gain, apart from all patriotic bias. The English language is
+incomparably richer, more fluid, and more vital than the German
+language. Where the German has but one way of saying a thing, we have
+two or three, each with its distinctions and its subtleties of usage.
+Our capital wealth is greater, and so are our powers of borrowing.
+English sprang from the old Teutonic stock, and we can still coin new
+words, such as 'food-hoard' and 'joy-ride', in the German fashion. But
+long centuries ago we added thousands of Romance words, words which came
+into English through the French or Norman-French, and brought with them
+the ideas of Latin civilization and of mediaeval Christianity. Later on,
+when the renewed study of Latin and Greek quickened the intellectual
+life of Europe, we imported thousands of Greek and Latin words direct
+from the ancient world, learned words, many of them, suitable for
+philosophers, or for writers who pride themselves on shooting a little
+above the vulgar apprehension. Yet many of these, too, have found their
+way into daily speech, so that we can say most things in three ways,
+according as we draw on one or another of the three main sources of our
+speech. Thus, you can Begin, or Commence, or Initiate an undertaking,
+with Boldness, or Courage, or Resolution. If you are a Workman, or
+Labourer, or Operative, you can Ask, or Bequest, or Solicit your
+employer to Yield, or Grant, or Concede, an increase in the Earnings, or
+Wages, or Remuneration which fall to the lot of your Fellow, or
+Companion, or Associate. Your employer is perhaps Old, or Veteran, or
+Superannuated, which may Hinder, or Delay, or Retard the success of your
+application. But if you Foretell, or Prophesy, or Predict that the War
+will have an End, or Close, or Termination that shall not only be
+Speedy, or Rapid, or Accelerated, but also Great, or Grand, or
+Magnificent, you may perhaps Stir, or Move, or Actuate him to have Ruth,
+or Pity, or Compassion on your Mate, or Colleague, or Collaborator. The
+English language, then, is a language of great wealth--much greater
+wealth than can be illustrated by any brief example. But wealth is
+nothing unless you can use it. The real strength of English lies in the
+inspired freedom and variety of its syntax. There is no grammar of the
+English speech which is not comic in its stiffness and inadequacy. An
+English grammar does not explain all that we can do with our speech; it
+merely explains what shackles and restraints we must put upon our speech
+if we would bring it within the comprehension of a school-bred
+grammarian. But the speech itself is like the sea, and soon breaks down
+the dykes built by the inland engineer. It was the fashion, in the
+eighteenth century, to speak of the divine Shakespeare. The reach and
+catholicity of his imagination was what earned him that extravagant
+praise; but his syntax has no less title to be called divine. It is not
+cast or wrought, like metal; it leaps like fire, and moves like air. So
+is every one that is born of the spirit. Our speech is our great
+charter. Far better than in the long constitutional process whereby we
+subjected our kings to law, and gave dignity and strength to our
+Commons, the meaning of English freedom is to be seen in the illimitable
+freedom of our English speech.
+
+Our literature is almost as rich as our language. Modern German
+literature begins in the eighteenth century. Modern English literature
+began with Chaucer, in the fourteenth century, and has been full of
+great names and great books ever since. Nothing has been done in German
+literature for which we have not a counterpart, done as well or
+better--except the work of Heine, and Heine was a Jew. His opinion of
+the Prussians was that they are a compost of beer, deceit, and sand.
+French literature and English literature can be compared, throughout
+their long course, sometimes to the great advantage of the French.
+German literature cannot seriously be compared with either.
+
+It may be objected that literature and art are ornamental affairs, which
+count for little in the deadly strife of nations. But that is not so.
+Our language cannot go anywhere without taking our ideas and our creed
+with it, not to mention our institutions and our games. If the Germans
+could understand what Chaucer means when he says of his Knight that
+
+ he lovèd chivalry,
+ Truth and honoùr, freedom and courtesy,
+
+then indeed we might be near to an understanding. I asked a good German
+scholar the other day what is the German word for 'fair play'. He
+replied, as they do in Parliament, that he must ask for notice of that
+question. I fear there is no German word for 'fair play'.
+
+The little countries, the pawns and victims of German policy, understand
+our ideas better. The peoples who have suffered from tyranny and
+oppression look to England for help, and it is a generous weakness in us
+that we sometimes deceive them by our sympathy, for our power is
+limited, and we cannot help them all. But it will not count against us
+at the final reckoning that in most places where humanity has suffered
+cruelty and indignity the name of England has been invoked: not always
+in vain.
+
+And now, for I have kept to the last what I believe to be the greatest
+gain of all, the entry of America into the War assures the triumph of
+our common language. America is peopled by many races; only a minority
+of the inhabitants--an influential and governing minority--are of the
+English stock. But here, again, the language carries it; and the ideas
+that inspire America are ideas which had their origin in the long
+English struggle for freedom. Our sufferings in this War are great, but
+they are not so great that we cannot recognize virtue in a new recruit
+to the cause. No nation, in the whole course of human history, has ever
+made a more splendid decision, or performed a more magnanimous act, than
+America, when she decided to enter this War. She had nothing to gain,
+for, to say the bare truth, she had little to lose. If Germany were to
+dominate the world, America, no doubt, would be ruined; but in all human
+likelihood, Germany's impious attempt would have spent itself and been
+broken long before it reached the coasts of America. America might have
+stood out of the War in the assurance that her own interests were safe,
+and that, when the tempest had passed, the centre of civilization would
+be transferred from a broken and exhausted Europe to a peaceful and
+prosperous America. Some few Americans talked in this strain, and
+favoured a decision in this sense. But it was not for nothing that
+America was founded upon religion. When she saw humanity in anguish, she
+did not pass by on the other side. Her entry into the War has put an
+end, I hope for ever, to the family quarrel, not very profound or
+significant, which for a century and a half has been a jarring note in
+the relations of mother and daughter. And it has put an end to another
+danger. It seemed at one time not unlikely that the English language as
+it is spoken overseas would set up a life of its own, and become
+separated from the language of the old country. A development of this
+kind would be natural enough. The Boers of South Africa speak Dutch, but
+not the Dutch spoken in Holland. The French Canadians speak French, but
+not the French of Molière. Half a century ago, when America was
+exploring and settling her own country, in wild and lone places, her
+pioneers enriched the English speech with all kinds of new and vivid
+phrases. The tendency was then for America to go her own way, and to
+cultivate what is new in language at the expense of what is old. She
+prided herself even on having a spelling of her own, and seemed almost
+willing to break loose from tradition and to coin a new American
+English.
+
+This has not happened; and now, I think, it will not happen. For one
+thing, the American colonists left us when already we had a great
+literature. Chaucer, Shakespeare, and Spenser belong to America no less
+than to us, and America has never forgotten them. The education which
+has been fostered in American schools and colleges keeps the whole
+nation in touch with the past. Some of their best authors write in a
+style that Milton and Burke would understand and approve. There is no
+more beautiful English prose than Nathaniel Hawthorne's. The best
+speeches of Abraham Lincoln, and, we may truly add, of President Wilson,
+are merely classic English. During my own lifetime I am sure I have seen
+the speech usages of the two peoples draw closer together. For one
+thing, we on this side now borrow, and borrow very freely, the more
+picturesque colloquialisms of America. On informal occasions I sometimes
+brighten my own speech with phrases which I think I owe to one of the
+best of living American authors, Mr. George Ade, of Chicago, the author
+of _Fables in Slang_. The press, the telegraph, the telephone, and the
+growing habit of travel bind us closer together every year; and the
+English that we speak, however rich and various it may be, is going to
+remain one and the same English, our common inheritance.
+
+One question, the most important and difficult of all, remains to be
+asked. Will this War, in its course and in its effects, tend to prevent
+or discourage later wars? If the gains that it brings prove to be merely
+partial and national gains, if it exalts one nation by unjustly
+depressing another, and conquers cruelty by equal cruelty, then nothing
+can be more certain than that the peace of the world is farther off than
+ever. When she was near her death, Edith Cavell, patriot and martyr,
+said that patriotism is not enough. Every one who thinks on
+international affairs knows this; almost every one forgets it in time of
+war. What can be done to prevent nations from appealing to the wild
+justice of revenge?
+
+A League of Nations may do good, but I am surprised that any one who has
+imagination and a knowledge of the facts should entertain high hopes of
+it as a full solution. There is a League of Nations to-day which has
+given a verdict against the Central Powers, and that verdict is being
+enforced by the most terrible War in all human history. If the verdict
+had been given before the War began, it may be said, then Germany might
+have accepted it, and refrained. So she might, but what then? She would
+have felt herself wronged; she would have deferred the War, and, in ways
+that she knows so well, would have set about making a party for herself
+among the nations of the League. Who can be confident that she would
+have failed either to divide her judges, or to accumulate such elements
+of strength that she might dare to defy them? A League of Nations would
+work well only if its verdicts were loyally accepted by all the nations
+composing it. To make majority-rule possible you must have a community
+made up of members who are reasonably well informed upon one another's
+affairs, and who are bound together by a tie of loyalty stronger and
+more enduring than their causes of difference. It would be a happy thing
+if the nations of the world made such a community; and the sufferings of
+this War have brought them nearer to desiring it. But those who believe
+that such a community can be formed to-day or to-morrow are too
+sanguine. It must not be forgotten that the very principle of the
+League, if its judgements are to take effect, involves a world-war in
+cases where a strong minority resists those judgements. Every war would
+become a world-war. Perhaps this very fact would prevent wars, but it
+cannot be said that experience favours such a conclusion.
+
+There is no escape for us by way of the Gospels. The Gospel precept to
+turn the other cheek to the aggressor was not addressed to a meeting of
+trustees. Christianity has never shirked war, or even much disliked it.
+Where the whole soul is set on things unseen, wounds and death become of
+less account. And if the Christians have not helped us to avoid war, how
+should the pacifists be of use? Those of them whom I happen to know, or
+to have met, have shown themselves, in the relations of civil life, to
+be irritable, self-willed, combative creatures, where the average
+soldier is calm, unselfish, and placable. There is something incongruous
+and absurd in the pacifist of British descent. He has fighting in his
+blood, and when his creed, or his nervous sensibility to physical
+horrors, denies him the use of fighting, his blood turns sour. He can
+argue, and object, and criticize, but he cannot lead. All that he can
+offer us in effect is eternal quarrels in place of occasional fights.
+
+No one can do anything to prevent war who does not recognize its
+splendour, for it is by its splendour that it keeps its hold on
+humanity, and persists. The wickedest and most selfish war in the world
+is not fought by wicked and selfish soldiers. The spirit of man is
+immense, and for an old memory, a pledged word, a sense of fellowship,
+offers this frail and complicated tissue of flesh and blood, which a pin
+or a grain of sand will disorder, to be the victim of all the atrocities
+that the wit of man can compound out of fire and steel and poison. If
+that spirit is to be changed, or directed into new courses, it must be
+by one who understands it, and approaches it reverently, with bared
+head.
+
+The best hope seems to me to lie in paying chief attention to the
+improvement of war rather than to its abolition; to the decencies of the
+craft; to the style rather than the matter. Style is often more
+important than matter, and this War would not have been so fierce or so
+prolonged if it had not become largely a war on a point of style, a war,
+that is to say, to determine the question how war should be waged. If
+the Germans had behaved humanely and considerately to the civil
+population of Belgium, if they had kept their solemn promise not to use
+poison-gas, if they had refrained from murder at sea, if their valour
+had been accompanied by chivalry, the War might now have been ended,
+perhaps not in their disfavour, for it would not have been felt, as it
+now is felt, that they must be defeated at no matter how great a cost,
+or civilization will perish.
+
+Even as things are, there have been some gains in the manner of
+conducting war, which, when future generations look back on them, will
+be seen to be considerable. It is true that modern science has devised
+new and appalling weapons. The invention of a new weapon in war always
+arouses protest, but it does not usually, in the long run, make war more
+inhuman. There was a great outcry in Europe when the broadsword was
+superseded by the rapier, and a tall man of his hands could be spitted
+like a cat or a rabbit by any dexterous little fellow with a trained
+wrist. There was a wave of indignation, which was a hundred years in
+passing, when musketry first came into use, and a man-at-arms of great
+prowess could be killed from behind a wall by one who would not have
+dared to meet him in open combat. But these changes did not, in effect,
+make war crueller or more deadly. They gave more play to intelligence,
+and abolished the tyranny of the bully, who took the wall of every man
+he met, and made himself a public nuisance. The introduction of
+poison-gas, which is a small thing compared with the invention of
+fire-arms, has given the chemist a place in the ranks of fighting-men.
+And if science has lent its aid to the destruction of life, it has spent
+greater zeal and more prolonged effort on the saving of life. No
+previous war will compare with this in care for the wounded and maimed.
+In all countries, and on all fronts, an army of skilled workers devote
+themselves to this single end. I believe that this quickening of the
+human conscience, for that is what it is, will prove to be the greatest
+gain of the War, and the greatest advance made in restraint of war. If
+the nations come to recognize that their first duty, and their first
+responsibility, is to those who give so much in their service, that
+recognition will of itself do more than can be done by any conclave of
+statesmen to discourage war. It was the monk Telemachus, according to
+the old story, who stopped the gladiatorial games at Rome, and was
+stoned by the people. If war, in process of time, shall be abolished,
+or, failing that, shall be governed by the codes of humanity and
+chivalry, like a decent tournament; then the one sacrificial figure
+which will everywhere be honoured for the change will be the figure not
+of a priest or a politician, but of a hospital nurse.
+
+
+
+
+THE WAR AND THE PRESS
+
+_A paper read to the Essay Society, Eton College, March 14, 1918._
+
+
+When you asked me to read or speak to you, I promised to speak about the
+War. What I have to say is wholly orthodox, but it is none the worse for
+that. Indeed, when I think how entirely the War possesses our thoughts
+and how entirely we are agreed concerning it, I seem to see a new
+meaning in the creeds of the religions. These creeds grew up by general
+consent, and no one who believed them grudged repeating them. In the
+face of an indifferent or hostile world the faithful found themselves
+obliged to define their belief, and to strengthen themselves by an
+unwearying and united profession of faith. It is the enemy who gives
+meaning to a religious creed: without our creed we cannot win. So I am
+willing to remind you of what you know, rather than to try to introduce
+you to novelties.
+
+The strength of the enemy lies in his creed; not in the lands that he
+has ravished from his neighbours. If his creed does not prevail, his
+lands will not help him. Germany has taken lands from Belgium, Serbia,
+Roumania, Russia, and the rest, but unless her digestion is as strong as
+her appetite, she will fail to keep them. If she is to hold them in
+peace, the peoples who inhabit these lands must be either exterminated
+or converted to the German creed. Lands can be annexed by a successful
+campaign; they can be permanently conquered only by the operations of
+peace. The people who survive will be a weakness to the German Empire
+unless they accept what they are offered, a share in the German creed.
+
+That creed has not many natural attractions for the peoples on whom it
+is imposed by force. It is an intensely patriotic creed; it insists on
+racial supremacy, and on unity to be achieved by violence. Pleading and
+persuasion have little part in it except as instruments of deceit. There
+is no use in listening to what the Germans say; they do not believe it
+themselves. What they say is for others; what they do is for themselves.
+While they are at war, language for them has only two uses--to conceal
+their thoughts, and to deceive their enemies.
+
+The creed of Western civilization, for which they feel nothing but
+contempt, and on which they will be broken, is not a simple thing, like
+theirs. The words by which it is commonly expressed--democracy,
+parliamentarism, individual liberty, diversity, free development--are
+puzzling theoretic words, which make no instinctive appeal to the heart.
+Nevertheless, we stand for growth as against order; and for life as
+against death. If Germany wins this war, her system will have to be
+broken or to decay before growth can start again. Must we lose even a
+hundred years in shaking ourselves free from the paralysis of the German
+nightmare?
+
+The Germans have shown themselves strong in their unity, and strong in
+their willingness to make great sacrifices to preserve that unity. No
+one can deny nobility to the sacrifice made by the simple-minded German
+soldier who dies fighting bravely for his people and his creed. His
+narrowness is his strength, and makes unselfishness easier by saving his
+mind from question. 'This one thing you shall do', his country says to
+him, 'fight and die for your country, so that your country and your
+people shall have lordship over other countries and other peoples. You
+are nothing; Germany is everything.'
+
+We who live in this island love our country with at least as deep a
+passion; but a creed so simple as the German creed will never do for us.
+We are patriotic, but our patriotism is often overlaid and confused by a
+wider thought and a wider sympathy than the Germans have ever known.
+Much extravagant praise has lately been given to the German power of
+thinking, which produces the elaborate marvels of German organization.
+But this thinking is slave-thinking, not master-thinking; it spends
+itself wholly on devising complicated means to achieve a very simple
+end. That is what makes the Germans so like the animals. Their wisdom is
+all cunning. I have had German friends, two or three, in the course of
+my life, but none of them ever understood a word that I said if I tried
+to say what I thought. You could talk to them about food, and they
+responded easily. It was all very restful and pleasant, like talking to
+an intelligent dog.
+
+If each of the allied nations were devoted to the creed of nationalism,
+the alliance could not endure. We depend for our strength on what we
+hold in common. The weakness of this wider creed is that it makes no
+such immediate and strong appeal to the natural instincts as is made by
+the mother-country. It demands the habitual exercise of reason and
+imagination. Further, seeing that we are infinitely less tame and less
+docile than the Germans, we depend for our strength on informing and
+convincing our people, and on obtaining agreement among them. Questions
+which in Germany are discussed only in the gloomy Berlin head-quarters
+of the General Staff are discussed here in the newspapers. In the press,
+even under the censorship, we think aloud. It records our differences
+and debates our policy. You could not suppress these differences and
+these debates without damaging our cause. There is no freedom worth
+having which does not, sooner or later, include the freedom to say what
+you think.
+
+No doubt we could, if necessary, carry on for a time without the press;
+and I agree with those newspaper writers who have been saying recently
+that the importance of the press is monstrously exaggerated by some of
+its critics. The working-man, so far as I know him, does not depend for
+his patriotism on the leader-writers of the newspapers. He takes even
+the news with a very large grain of salt. 'So the papers say', he
+remarks; 'it may be true or it may not.' Yet the press has done good
+service, and might do better, in putting the meaning of the War before
+our people and in holding them together. Freedom means that we must love
+our diversity well enough to be willing to unite to protect it. We must
+die for our differences as cheerfully as the Germans die for their
+pattern. Or, if we can sketch a design of our cause, we must be as
+passionate in defence of that large vague design as the Germans are
+passionate in defence of their tight uniformity and their drill. If we
+were to fail to keep together, our cause, I believe, would still
+prevail, but at a cost that we dare not contemplate, by way of anarchy,
+and the dissolution of societies, by long tortures, and tears, and
+martyrdoms. If we refuse to die in the ranks against the German tyranny
+we can keep our faith by dying at the stake. There are those who think
+martyrdom the better way; and certainly that was how Christianity
+prevailed in Europe; you can read the story in Caxton's translation of
+the _Golden Legend_. But these saints and martyrs were making a
+beginning; we are fighting to keep what we have won, and it would be a
+huge failure on our part if we could keep nothing of it, but had to
+begin all over again.
+
+The business of the press, then, at this present crisis, is to keep the
+cause for which we are fighting clearly before us, and this it has done
+well; also, because we do not fight best in blinders, to tell us all
+that can be known of the facts of the situation, and this it has done
+not so well.
+
+The power of the newspapers is that most people read them, and that many
+people read nothing else. Their weakness is that they have to sell or
+cease to be, so that by a natural instinct of self-preservation they
+fall back on the two sure methods whereby you can always capture the
+attention of the public. Any man who is trying to say what he thinks,
+making full allowance for all doubts and differences, runs the risk of
+losing his audience. He can regain their attention by flattering them or
+by frightening them. Flattery and fright, the one following the other
+from day to day, and often from paragraph to paragraph, is a very large
+part of the newspaper reader's diet. If he is a sane and busy man, he is
+not too much impressed by either. He is not mercurial enough for the
+quick changes of an orator's or journalist's fancy, whereby he is called
+on, one day, to dig the German warships like rats out of their harbour,
+and, not many days later, to spend his last shilling on the purchase of
+the last bullet to shoot at the German invader. He knows that this is
+such stuff as dreams are made of. He knows also that the orator or
+journalist, after calling on him for these achievements, goes home to
+dinner. No great harm is done, just as no great harm is done by bad
+novels. But an opportunity is lost; the press and the platform might do
+more than they do to strengthen us and inform us, and help forward our
+cause.
+
+I name the press and the platform together because they are essentially
+the same thing. Journalism is a kind of talk. The press, it is fair to
+say, is ourselves; and every people, it may truly be said, has the press
+that it deserves. But reading is a thing that we do chiefly for
+indulgence and pleasure in our idle time; and the press falls in with
+our mood, and supplies us with what we want in our weaker and lazier
+moments. No responsible man, with an eager and active mind, spends much
+of his time on the newspapers. Those who are excited to action by what
+they read in the papers are mostly content with the mild exercise of
+writing to these same papers to explain that some one else ought to do
+something and to do it at once. Their excitement worries themselves more
+than it hurts others. When the devil, with horns and hooves, appeared to
+Cuvier, the naturalist, and threatened to devour him, Cuvier, who was
+asleep at the time, opened his eyes and looked at the terrible
+apparition. 'Hm,' he said, 'cloven-footed; graminivorous; needn't be
+afraid of you;' and he went to sleep again. A man who says that he has
+not time to read the morning papers carefully is commonly a man who
+counts; he knows what he has to do, and he goes on doing it. So far as I
+have observed, the cadets who are training for command in the army take
+very little interest in the exhortations of the newspapers. They even
+prefer the miserable trickle which is all that is left of football news.
+
+One of the chief problems connected with the press is therefore
+this--how can it be prevented from producing hysteria in the
+feeble-minded? In time of war the censorship no doubt does something to
+prevent this; and I think it might do more. 'Scare-lines', as they are
+called--that is, sensational headings in large capital letters--might be
+reduced by law to modest dimensions. More important, the censorship
+might insist that all who write shall sign their names to their
+articles. Why should journalists alone be relieved of responsibility to
+their country? Is it possible that the Government is afraid of the
+press? There is no need for fear. 'Beware of Aristophanes', says Landor,
+'he can cast your name as a byword to a thousand cities of Asia for a
+thousand years. But all that the press can do by its disfavour is to
+keep your name obscure in a hundred cities of England for a hundred
+days. Signed articles are robbed of their vague impressiveness, and are
+known for what they are--the opinions of one man. I would also recommend
+that a photograph of the author be placed at the head of every article.
+I have been saved from many bad novels by the helpful pictorial
+advertisements of modern publishers.
+
+The real work of the Press, as I said, is to help to hold the people
+together. Nothing else that it can do is of any importance compared with
+this. We are at one in this War as we have never been at one before
+within living memory, as we were not at one against Napoleon or against
+Louis XIV. Our trial is on us; and if we cannot preserve our oneness, we
+fail. What would be left to us I do not know; but I am sure that an
+England which had accepted conditions of peace at Germany's hands would
+not be the England that any of us know. There might still be a few
+Englishmen, but they would have to look about for somewhere to live.
+Serbia would be a good place; it has made no peace-treaty with Germany.
+
+We are profoundly at one; and are divided only by illusions, which the
+press, in times past, has done much to keep alive. One of these
+illusions is the illusion of party. I have never been behind the scenes,
+among the creaking machinery, but my impression, as a spectator, is that
+parties in England are made very much as you pick up sides for a game. I
+have observed that they are all conservative. The affections are
+conservative; every one has a liking for his old habits and his old
+associates. There is something comic in a well-nourished rich man who
+believes that he is a bold reformer and a destructive thinker. For real
+clotted reactionary sentiment I know nothing to match the table-talk of
+any aged parliamentary Radical. When we get a Labour Government, it will
+be patriotic, prejudiced, opposed to all innovation, superstitiously
+reverential of the past, sticky and, probably, tyrannical.
+
+The party illusion has been much weakened by the War, and those who
+still repeat the old catch-words are very near to lunacy. There is a
+deeper and more dangerous illusion which has not been killed--the class
+illusion. We are all very much alike; but we live in water-tight
+compartments called classes, and the inhabitants of each compartment
+tend to believe that they alone are patriotic. This illusion, to be
+just, is not fostered chiefly by the press, which wants to sell its work
+to all classes; but it has strong hold of the Government office. The
+Government does not know the people, except as an actor knows the
+audience; and therefore does not trust the people. It is pathetic to
+hear officials talking timidly of the people--will they endure hardships
+and sacrifices, will they carry through? Yet most of the successes we
+have won in the War have to be credited not so much to the skill of the
+management as to the amazing high courage of the ordinary soldier and
+sailor. Even soldiers are often subject to class illusion. I remember
+listening, in the first month of the War, to a retired colonel, who
+explained, with some heat, that the territorials could never be of any
+use. That illusion has gone. Then it was Kitchener's army--well-meaning
+people, no doubt, but impossible for a European war. Kitchener's army
+made good. Now it is the civil population, who, though they are the
+blood relatives of the soldiers, are distrusted, and believed to be
+likely to fail under a strain. Yet all the time, if you want to hear
+half-hearted, timid, pusillanimous talk, the place where you are most
+likely to hear it is in the public offices. Most of those who talk in
+this way would be brave enough in fight, but they are kept at desks, and
+worried with detailed business, and harassed by speculative dangers, and
+they lose perspective. Soon or late, we are going to win this War; and
+it is the people who are going to win it.
+
+If the press (or perhaps the Government, which controls the press) is
+not afraid of the people, why does it tell them so little about our
+reverses, and the merits of our enemies? For information concerning
+these things we have to depend wholly on conversation with returned
+soldiers. For instance, the horrible stories that we hear of the brutal
+treatment of our prisoners are numerous, and are true, and make a heavy
+bill against Germany, which bill we mean to present. But are they fair
+examples of the average treatment? We cannot tell; the accounts
+published are almost exclusively confined to the worst happenings. Most
+of the officers with whom I have talked who had been in several German
+military prisons said that they had nothing serious to complain of.
+Prison is not a good place, and it is not pleasant to have your
+pea-soup and your coffee, one after the other, in the same tin dipper;
+but they were soldiers, and they agreed that it would be absurd to make
+a grievance of things like that. One private soldier was an even greater
+philosopher. 'No', he said, 'I have nothing to complain of. Of course,
+they do spit at you a good deal.' That man was unconquerable.
+
+In shipping returns and the like we are given averages; why are we told
+nothing at all of the milder experiences of our soldier prisoners? It
+would not make us less resolved to do all that we can to better the lot
+of those who are suffering insult and torture, and to exact full
+retribution from the enemy. And it would bring some hope to those whose
+husbands or children or friends are in German military prisons, and who
+are racked every day by tales of what, in fact, are exceptional
+atrocities.
+
+Or take the question of the conduct of German officers. We know that the
+Prussian military Government, in its approved handbooks, teaches its
+officers the use of brutality and terror as military weapons. The German
+philosophy of war, of which this is a part, is not really a philosophy
+of war; it is a philosophy of victory. For a long time now the Germans
+have been accustomed to victory, and have studied the arts of breaking
+the spirit and torturing the mind of the peoples whom they invade. Their
+philosophy of war will have to be rewritten when the time comes for them
+to accommodate their doctrine to their own defeat. In the meantime they
+teach frightfulness to their officers, and most of their officers prove
+ready pupils. There must be some, one would think, here and there, if
+only a sprinkling, who fall short of the Prussian doctrine, and are
+betrayed by human feeling into what we should recognize as decent and
+honourable conduct. And so there are; only we do not hear of them
+through the press. I should like to tell two stories which come to me
+from personal sources. The first may be called the story of the
+Christmas truce and the German captain. In the lull which fell on the
+fighting at the time of the first Christmas of the War, a British
+officer was disquieted to notice that his men were fraternizing with the
+Germans, who were standing about with them in No-man's land, laughing
+and talking. He went out to them at once, to bring them back to their
+own trenches. When he came up to his men, he met a German captain who
+had arrived on the same errand. The two officers, British and German,
+fell into talk, and while they were standing together, in not unfriendly
+fashion, one of the men took a snapshot photograph of them, copies of
+which were afterwards circulated in the trenches. Then the men were
+recalled to their duty, on the one side and the other, and, after an
+interval of some days, the war began again. A little time after this the
+British officer was in charge of a patrol, and, having lost his way,
+found himself in the German trenches, where he and his men were
+surrounded and captured. As they were being marched off along the
+trenches, they met the German captain, who ordered the men to be taken
+to the rear, and then, addressing the officer without any sign of
+recognition, said in a loud voice, 'You, follow me!' He led him by
+complicated ways along a whole series of trenches and up a sap, at the
+end of which he stopped, saluted, and, pointing with his hand, said
+'Your trenches are there. Good day.'
+
+My second story, the story of the British lieutenant in No-man's land,
+is briefer. I was with a friend of mine, a young officer back from the
+front, wounded, and the conduct of German officers was being discussed.
+He said, 'You can't expect me to be very hard on German officers, for
+one of them saved my life'. He then told how he and a companion crept
+out into No-man's land to bring in some of our wounded who were lying
+there. When they had reached the wounded, and were preparing to bring
+them in, they were discovered by the Germans opposite, who at once
+whipped up a machine-gun and turned it on them. Their lives were not
+worth half a minute's purchase, when suddenly a German officer leapt up
+on to the parapet, and, angrily waving back the machine-gunners, called
+out, in English, 'That's all right. You may take them in.'
+
+These are no doubt exceptional cases; the rule is very different. But a
+good many of such cases are known to soldiers, and I have seen none of
+them in the press. Soldiers are silent by law, and journalists either do
+not hear these things, or, believing that hate is a valuable asset,
+suppress all mention of them. If England could ever be disgraced by a
+mishap, she would be disgraced by having given birth to those
+Englishmen, few and wretched, who, when an enemy behaves generously,
+conceal or deny the fact. And consider the effect of this silence on the
+Germans. There are some German officers, as I said, who are better than
+the German military handbooks, and better than their monstrous chiefs.
+Which of them will pay the smallest attention to what our papers say
+when he finds that they collect only atrocities, and are blind to
+humanity if they see it in an enemy? He will regard our press accounts
+of the German army as the work of malicious cripples; and our perfectly
+true narrative of the unspeakable brutality and filthiness of the German
+army's doings will lose credit with him.
+
+If I had my way, I would staff the newspaper offices, as far as
+possible, with wounded soldiers, and I would give some of the present
+staff a holiday as stretcher-bearers. Then we should hear more of the
+truth.
+
+Is it feared that we should have no heart for the War if once we are
+convinced that among the Germans there are some human beings? Is it
+believed that our people can be heroic on one condition only, that they
+shall be asked to fight no one but orangoutangs? Our airmen fight as
+well as any one, in this world or above it, has ever fought; and we owe
+them a great debt of thanks for maintaining, and, by their example,
+actually teaching the Germans to maintain, a high standard of decency.
+
+This War has shown, what we might have gathered from our history, that
+we fight best up hill. From our history also we may learn that it does
+not relax our sinews to be told that our enemy has some good qualities.
+We should like him better as an enemy if he had more. We know what we
+have believed; and we are not going to fail in resolve or perseverance
+because we find that our task is difficult, and that we have not a
+monopoly of all the virtues.
+
+Most of us will not live to see it, for our recovery from this disease
+will be long and troublesome, but the War will do great things for us.
+It will make a reality of the British Commonwealth, which until now has
+been only an aspiration and a dream. It will lay the sure foundation of
+a League of Nations in the affection and understanding which it has
+promoted among all English-speaking peoples, and in the relations of
+mutual respect and mutual service which it has established between the
+English-speaking peoples and the Latin races. Our united Rolls of Honour
+make the most magnificent list of benefactors that the world has ever
+seen. In the end, the War may perhaps even save the soul of the main
+criminal, awaken him from his bloody dream, and lead him back by degrees
+to the possibility of innocence and goodwill.
+
+
+
+
+SHAKESPEARE AND ENGLAND
+
+_Annual Shakespeare Lecture of the British Academy, delivered July 4,
+1918_
+
+
+There is nothing new and important to be said of Shakespeare. In recent
+years antiquaries have made some additions to our knowledge of the facts
+of his life. These additions are all tantalizing and comparatively
+insignificant. The history of the publication of his works has also
+become clearer and more intelligible, especially by the labours of Mr.
+Pollard; but the whole question of quartos and folios remains thorny and
+difficult, so that no one can reach any definite conclusion in this
+matter without a liberal use of conjecture.
+
+I propose to return to the old catholic doctrine which has been
+illuminated by so many disciples of Shakespeare, and to speak of him as
+our great national poet. He embodies and exemplifies all the virtues,
+and most of the faults, of England. Any one who reads and understands
+him understands England. This method of studying Shakespeare by reading
+him has perhaps gone somewhat out of vogue in favour of more roundabout
+ways of approach, but it is the best method for all that. Shakespeare
+tells us more about himself and his mind than we could learn even from
+those who knew him in his habit as he lived, if they were all alive and
+all talking. To learn what he tells we have only to listen.
+
+I think there is no national poet, of any great nation whatsoever, who
+is so completely representative of his own people as Shakespeare is
+representative of the English. There is certainly no other English poet
+who comes near to Shakespeare in embodying our character and our
+foibles. No one, in this connexion, would venture even to mention
+Spenser or Milton. Chaucer is English, but he lived at a time when
+England was not yet completely English, so that he is only
+half-conscious of his nation. Wordsworth is English, but he was a
+recluse. Browning is English, but he lived apart or abroad, and was a
+tourist of genius. The most English of all our great men of letters,
+next to Shakespeare, is certainly Dr. Johnson, but he was no great poet.
+Shakespeare, it may be suspected, is too poetic to be a perfect
+Englishman; but his works refute that suspicion. He is the Englishman
+endowed, by a fortunate chance, with matchless powers of expression. He
+is not silent or dull; but he understands silent men, and he enters into
+the minds of dull men. Moreover, the Englishman seems duller than he is.
+It is a point of pride with him not to be witty and not to give voice to
+his feelings. The shepherd Corin, who was never in court, has the true
+philosophy. 'He that hath learned no wit by nature nor art may complain
+of good breeding or comes of a very dull kindred.'
+
+Shakespeare knew nothing of the British Empire. He was an islander, and
+his patriotism was centred on
+
+ This precious stone set in the silver sea,
+ Which serves it in the office of a wall,
+ Or as a moat defensive to a house,
+ Against the envy of less happier lands.
+
+When he speaks of Britons and British he always means the Celtic
+peoples of the island. Once only he makes a slip. There is a passage in
+_King Lear_ (IV. vi. 249) where the followers of the King, who in the
+text of the quarto versions are correctly called 'the British party',
+appear in the folio version as 'the English party'. Perhaps the quartos
+contain Shakespeare's own correction of his own inadvertence; but those
+of us, and we are many, who have been blamed by northern patriots for
+the misuse of the word English may claim Shakespeare as a brother in
+misfortune.
+
+Our critics, at home and abroad, accuse us of arrogance. I doubt if we
+can prove them wrong; but they do not always understand the nature of
+English arrogance. It does not commonly take the form of self-assertion.
+Shakespeare's casual allusions to our national characteristics are
+almost all of a kind; they are humorous and depreciatory. Here are some
+of them. Every holiday fool in England, we learn from Trinculo in _The
+Tempest_, would give a piece of silver to see a strange fish, though no
+one will give a doit to relieve a lame beggar. The English are
+quarrelsome, Master Slender testifies, at the game of bear-baiting. They
+are great drinkers, says Iago, 'most potent in potting; your Dane, your
+German, and your swag-bellied Hollander are nothing to your English'.
+They are epicures, says Macbeth. They will eat like wolves and fight
+like devils, says the Constable of France. An English nobleman,
+according to the Lady of Belmont, can speak no language but his own. An
+English tailor, according to the porter of Macbeth's castle, will steal
+cloth where there is hardly any cloth to be stolen, out of a French
+hose. The devil, says the clown in _All's Well_, has an English name; he
+is called the Black Prince.
+
+Nothing has been changed in this vein of humorous banter since
+Shakespeare died. One of the best pieces of Shakespeare criticism ever
+written is contained in four words of the present Poet Laureate's Ode
+for the Tercentenary of Shakespeare, 'London's laughter is thine'. The
+wit of our trenches in this war, especially perhaps among the Cockney
+and South country regiments, is pure Shakespeare. Falstaff would find
+himself at home there, and would recognize a brother in Old Bill.
+
+The best known of Shakespeare's allusions to England are no doubt those
+splendid outbursts of patriotism which occur in _King John_, and
+_Richard II,_ and _Henry V_. And of these the dying speech of John of
+Gaunt, in _Richard II_, is the deepest in feeling. It is a lament upon
+the decay of England, 'this dear, dear land'. Since we began to be a
+nation we have always lamented our decay. I am afraid that the Germans,
+whose self-esteem takes another form, were deceived by this. To the
+right English temper all bragging is a thing of evil omen. That temper
+is well expressed, where perhaps you would least expect to find it, in
+the speech of King Henry V to the French herald:
+
+ To say the sooth,--
+ Though 'tis no wisdom to confess so much
+ Unto an enemy of craft and vantage,--
+ My people are with sickness much enfeebled,
+ My numbers lessened, and those few I have
+ Almost no better than so many French;
+ Who, when they were in health, I tell thee, herald,
+ I thought upon one pair of English legs
+ Did march three Frenchmen. Yet, forgive me, God,
+ That I do brag thus! This your air of France
+ Hath blown that vice in me; I must repent.
+ Go therefore, tell thy master here I am:
+ My ransom is this frail and worthless trunk;
+ My army but a weak and sickly guard;
+ Yet, God before, tell him we will come on,
+ Though France himself and such another neighbour
+ Stand in our way. There's for thy labour, Montjoy.
+ Go bid thy master well advise himself:
+ If we may pass, we will; if we be hindered,
+ We shall your tawny ground with your red blood
+ Discolour; and so, Montjoy, fare you well.
+ The sum of all our answer is but this:
+ We would not seek a battle as we are;
+ Nor, as we are, we say we will not shun it;
+ So tell your master.
+
+That speech might have been written for the war which we are waging
+to-day against a less honourable enemy. But, indeed, Shakespeare is full
+of prophecy. Here is his description of the volunteers who flocked to
+the colours in the early days of the war:
+
+ Rash inconsiderate fiery voluntaries,
+ With ladies' faces and fierce dragons' spleens,
+ Have sold their fortunes at their native homes,
+ Bearing their birthrights proudly on their backs,
+ To make a hazard of new fortunes here.
+ In brief, a braver choice of dauntless spirits
+ Than now the English bottoms have waft o'er
+ Did never float upon the swelling tide.
+
+And here is his sermon on national unity, preached by the Bishop of
+Carlisle:
+
+ O, if you rear this house against this house,
+ It will the woefullest division prove
+ That ever fell upon this cursed earth.
+ Prevent it, resist it, let it not be so,
+ Lest child, child's children, cry against you 'Woe!'
+
+The patriotism of the women is described by the Bastard in _King John_:
+
+ Your own ladies and pale-visag'd maids
+ Like Amazons come tripping after drums:
+ Their thimbles into armed gauntlets change,
+ Their needles to lances, and their gentle hearts
+ To fierce and bloody inclination.
+
+Lastly, Queen Isabella's blessing, spoken over King Henry V and his
+French bride, predicts an enduring friendship between England and
+France:
+
+ As man and wife, being two, are one in love,
+ So be there 'twixt your kingdoms such a spousal,
+ That never may ill office, or fell jealousy,
+ Which troubles oft the bed of blessed marriage,
+ Thrust in between the paction of these kingdoms,
+ To make divorce of their incorporate league;
+ That English may as French, French Englishmen,
+ Receive each other! God speak this Amen!
+
+One of the delights of a literature as rich and as old as ours is that
+at every step we take backwards we find ourselves again. We are
+delivered from that foolish vein of thought, so dear to ignorant
+conceit, which degrades the past in order to exalt the present and the
+future. It is easy to feel ourselves superior to men who no longer
+breathe and walk, and whom we do not trouble to understand. Here is the
+real benefit of scholarship; it reduces men to kinship with their race.
+Science, pressing forward, and beating against the bars which guard the
+secrets of the future, has no such sympathy in its gift.
+
+Anyhow, in Shakespeare's time, England was already old England; which if
+she could ever cease to be, she might be Jerusalem, or Paradise, but
+would not be England at all. What Shakespeare and his fellows of the
+sixteenth century gave her was a new self-consciousness and a new
+self-confidence. They foraged in the past; they recognized themselves in
+their ancestors; they found feudal England, which had existed for many
+hundreds of years, a dumb thing; and when she did not know her own
+meaning, they endowed her purposes with words. They gave her a new
+delight in herself, a new sense of power and exhilaration, which has
+remained with her to this day, surviving all the airy philosophic
+theories of humanity which thought to supersede the old solid national
+temper. The English national temper is better fitted for traffic with
+the world than any mere doctrine can ever be, for it is marked by an
+immense tolerance. And this, too, Shakespeare has expressed. Falstaff is
+perhaps the most tolerant man who was ever made in God's image. But it
+is rather late in the day to introduce Falstaff to an English audience.
+Perhaps you will let me modernize a brief scene from Shakespeare,
+altering nothing essential, to illustrate how completely his spirit is
+the spirit of our troops in Flanders and France.
+
+A small British expeditionary force, bound on an international mission,
+finds itself stranded in an unknown country. The force is composed of
+men very various in rank and profession. Two of them, whom we may call
+a non-commissioned officer and a private, go exploring by themselves,
+and take one of the natives of the place prisoner. This native is an
+ugly low-born creature, of great physical strength and violent criminal
+tendencies, a liar, and ready at any time for theft, rape, and murder.
+He is a child of Nature, a lover of music, slavish in his devotion to
+power and rank, and very easily imposed upon by authority. His captors
+do not fear him, and, which is more, they do not dislike him. They found
+him lying out in a kind of no-man's land, drenched to the skin, so they
+determine to keep him as a souvenir, and to take him home with them.
+They nickname him, in friendly fashion, the monster, and the mooncalf,
+as who should say Fritz, or the Boche. But their first care is to give
+him a drink, and to make him swear allegiance upon the bottle. 'Where
+the devil should he learn our language?' says the non-commissioned
+officer, when the monster speaks. 'I will give him some relief, if it be
+but for that.' The prisoner then offers to kiss the foot of his captor.
+'I shall laugh myself to death', says the private, 'at this puppy-headed
+monster. A most scurvy monster! I could find in my heart to beat him,
+but that the poor monster's in drink.' When the private continues to
+rail at the monster, his officer calls him to order. 'Trinculo, keep a
+good tongue in your head: if you prove a mutineer, the next tree------
+The poor monster's my subject, and he shall not suffer indignity.'
+
+In this scene from _The Tempest_, everything is English except the
+names. The incident has been repeated many times in the last four years.
+'This is Bill,' one private said, introducing a German soldier to his
+company. 'He's my prisoner. I wounded him, and I took him, and where I
+go he goes. Come on, Bill, old man.' The Germans have known many
+failures since they began the War, but one failure is more tragic than
+all the rest. They love to be impressive, to produce a panic of
+apprehension and a thrill of reverence in their enemy; and they have
+completely failed to impress the ordinary British private. He remains
+incurably humorous, and so little moved to passion that his daily
+offices of kindness are hardly interrupted.
+
+Shakespeare's tolerance, which is no greater than the tolerance of the
+common English soldier, may be well seen in his treatment of his
+villains. Is a liar, or a thief, merely a bad man? Shakespeare does not
+much encourage you to think so. Is a murderer a bad man? He would be an
+undiscerning critic who should accept that phrase as a true and adequate
+description of Macbeth. Shakespeare does not dislike liars, thieves, and
+murderers as such, and he does not pretend to dislike them. He has his
+own dislikes. I once asked a friend of mine, long since dead, who
+refused to condemn almost anything, whether there were any vices that he
+could not find it in his heart to tolerate. He replied at once that
+there were two--cruelty, and bilking; which, if the word is not
+academic, I may paraphrase as cheating the helpless, swindling a child
+out of its pennies, or leaving a house by the back door in order to
+avoid paying your cabman his lawful fare. These exclusions from mercy
+Shakespeare would accept; and I think he would add a third. His worst
+villains are all theorists, who cheat and murder by the book of
+arithmetic. They are men of principle, and are ready to expound their
+principle and to defend it in argument. They follow it, without remorse
+or mitigation, wherever it leads them. It is Iago's logic that makes him
+so terrible; his mind is as cold as a snake and as hard as a surgeon's
+knife. The Italian Renaissance did produce some such men; the modern
+German imitation is a grosser and feebler thing, brutality trying to
+emulate the glitter and flourish of refined cruelty.
+
+With his wonderful quickness of intuition and his unsurpassed subtlety
+of expression Shakespeare drew the characters of the Englishmen that he
+saw around him. Why is it that he has given us no full-length portrait,
+carefully drawn, of a hypocrite? It can hardly have been for lack of
+models. Outside England, not only among our enemies, but among our
+friends and allies, it is agreed that hypocrisy is our national vice,
+our ruling passion. There must be some meaning in so widely held an
+opinion; and, on our side, there are damaging admissions by many
+witnesses. The portrait gallery of Charles Dickens is crowded with
+hypocrites. Some of them are greasy and servile, like Mr. Pumblechook or
+Uriah Heep; others rise to poetic heights of daring, like Mr. Chadband
+or Mr. Squeers. But Shakespeare's hypocrites enjoy themselves too much;
+they are artists to the finger-tips. It may be said, no doubt, that
+Shakespeare lived before organized religious dissent had developed a new
+type of character among the weaker brethren. But the Low Church
+Protestant, whom Shakespeare certainly knew, is not very different from
+the evangelical dissenter of later days; and he did not interest
+Shakespeare.
+
+My own impression is that Shakespeare had a free and happy childhood,
+and grew up without much check from his elders. It is the child who sees
+hypocrites. These preposterous grown-up people, who, if they are
+well-mannered, do not seem to enjoy their food, who are fussy about
+meaningless employments, and never give way to natural impulses, must
+surely assume this veil of decorum with intent to deceive. Charles
+Dickens was hard driven in his childhood, and the impressions that were
+then burnt into him governed all his seeing. The creative spirit in him
+transformed his sufferings into delight; but he never outgrew them; and,
+when he died, the eyes of a child were closed upon a scene touched, it
+is true, here and there with rapturous pleasure, rich in oddity, and
+trembling with pathos, but, in the main, as bleak and unsatisfying as
+the wards of a workhouse. The intense emotions of his childhood made the
+usual fervours of adolescence a faint thing in the comparison, and if
+you want to know how lovers think and feel you do not go to Dickens to
+tell you. You go to Shakespeare, who put his childhood behind him, so
+that he almost forgot it, and ran forward to seize life with both hands.
+He sometimes looked back on children, and saw them through the eyes of
+their elders. Dickens saw men and women as they appear to children.
+
+This comparison suggests a certain lack of sympathy or lack of
+understanding in those who are quick to see hypocrisy in others. In
+Dickens lack of sympathy was a fair revenge; moreover, his hypocrites
+amused him so much that he did not wish to understand them. What a loss
+it would have been to the world if he had explained them away! But it is
+difficult, I think, to see a hypocrite in a man whose intimacy you have
+cultivated, whose mind you have entered into, as Shakespeare entered
+into the mind of his creatures. Hypocrisy, in its ordinary forms, is a
+superficial thing--a skin disease, not a cancer. It is not easy, at
+best, to bring the outward and inward relations of the soul into perfect
+harmony; a hypocrite is one who too readily consents to their
+separation. The English, for I am ready now to return to my point, are a
+people of a divided mind, slow to drive anything through on principle,
+very ready to find reason in compromise. They are passionate, and they
+are idealists, but they are also a practical people, and they dare not
+give the rein to a passion or an idea. They know that in this world an
+unmitigated principle simply will not work; that a clean cut will never
+take you through the maze. So they restrain themselves, and listen, and
+seem patient. They are not so patient as they seem; they must be
+hypocrites! A cruder, simpler people like the Germans feel indignation,
+not unmixed perhaps with envy, when they hear the quiet voice and see
+the white lips of the thoroughbred Englishman who is angry. It is not
+manly or honest, they think, to be angry without getting red in the
+face. They certainly feel pride in their own honesty when they give
+explosive vent to their emotions. They have not learned the elements of
+self-distrust. The Englishman is seldom quite content to be himself;
+often his thoughts are troubled by something better. He suffers from the
+divided mind; and earns the reputation of a hypocrite. But the simpler
+nature that indulges itself and believes in itself has an even heavier
+penalty to pay. If, in the name of honesty, you cease to distinguish
+between what you are and what you would wish to be, between how you act
+and how you would like to act, you are in some danger of reeling back
+into the beast. It is true that man is an animal; and before long you
+feel a glow of conscious virtue in proclaiming and illustrating that
+truth. You scorn the hypocrisy of pretending to be better than you are,
+and that very scorn fixes you in what you are. 'He that is unjust, let
+him be unjust still; and he which is filthy, let him be filthy still.'
+That is the epitaph on German honesty. I have drifted away from
+Shakespeare, who knew nothing of the sea of troubles that England would
+one day take arms against, and who could not know that on that day she
+would outgo his most splendid praise and more than vindicate his
+reverence and his affection. But Shakespeare is still so live a mind
+that it is vain to try to expound him by selected texts, or to pin him
+to a mosaic of quotations from his book. Often, if you seek to know what
+he thought on questions which must have exercised his imagination, you
+can gather it only from a hint dropped by accident, and quite
+irrelevant. What were his views on literature, and on the literary
+controversies which have been agitated from his day to our own? He tells
+us very little. He must have heard discussions and arguments on metre,
+on classical precedent, on the ancient and modern drama; but he makes no
+mention of these questions. He does not seem to have attached any
+prophetic importance to poetry. The poets who exalt their craft are of a
+more slender build. Is it conceivable that he would have given his
+support to a literary academy,--a project which began to find advocates
+during his lifetime? I think not. It is true that he is full of good
+sense, and that an academy exists to promulgate good sense. Moreover his
+own free experiments brought him nearer and nearer into conformity with
+classical models. _Othello_ and _Macbeth_ are better constructed plays
+than _Hamlet_. The only one of his plays which, whether by chance or by
+design, observes the so-called unities, of action and time and place, is
+one of his latest plays--_The Tempest_. But he was an Englishman, and
+would have been jealous of his freedom and independence. When the
+grave-digger remarks that it is no great matter if Hamlet do not recover
+his wits in England, because there the men are as mad as he, the satire
+has a sympathetic ring in it. Shakespeare did not wish to see the mad
+English altered. Nor are they likely to alter; our fears and our hopes
+are vain. We entered on the greatest of our wars with an army no bigger,
+so we are told, than the Bulgarian army. Since that time we have
+regimented and organized our people, not without success; and our
+soothsayers are now directing our attention to the danger that after the
+war we shall be kept in uniform and shall become tame creatures, losing
+our independence and our spirit of enterprise. There is nothing that
+soothsayers will not predict when they are gravelled for lack of matter,
+but this is the stupidest of all their efforts. The national character
+is not so flimsy a thing; it has gone through good and evil fortune for
+hundreds of years without turning a hair. You can make a soldier, and a
+good soldier, of a humorist; but you cannot militarize him. He remains a
+free thinker.
+
+New institutions do not flourish in England. The town is a comparatively
+modern innovation; it has never, so to say, caught on. Most schemes of
+town-planning are schemes for pretending that you live in the country.
+This is one of the most persistent of our many hypocrisies. Wherever
+working people inhabit a street of continuous red-brick cottages, the
+names that they give to their homes are one long catalogue of romantic
+lies. The houses have no gardens, and the only prospect that they
+command is the view of over the way. But read their names--The Dingle,
+The Elms, Pine Grove, Windermere, The Nook, The Nest. Even social
+pretence, which is said to be one of our weaknesses, and which may be
+read in such names as Belvoir or Apsley House, is less in evidence than
+the Englishman's passion for the country. He cannot bear to think that
+he lives in a town. He does not much respect the institutions of a town.
+A policeman, before he has been long in the force, has to face the fact
+that he is generally regarded as a comic character. The police are
+Englishmen and good fellows, and they accept a situation which would
+rouse any continental gendarme to heroic indignation. Mayors, Aldermen,
+and Justices of the Peace are comic, and take it not quite so well.
+Beadles were so wholly dedicated to the purposes of comedy that I
+suppose they found their position unendurable and went to earth; at any
+rate it is very difficult to catch one in his official costume.
+
+All this is reflected in Shakespeare. He knew the country, and he knew
+the town; and he has not left it in doubt which was the cherished home
+of his imagination. He preferred the fields to the streets, but the
+Arcadia of his choice is not agricultural or even pastoral; it is rather
+a desert island, or the uninhabited stretches of wild and woodland
+country. Indeed, he has both described it and named it. 'Where will the
+old Duke live?' says Oliver in _As You Like It_. 'They say he is already
+in the forest of Arden,' says Charles the wrestler, 'and a many merry
+men with him; and there they live like the old Robin Hood of England.
+They say many young gentlemen flock to him every day, and fleet the time
+carelessly, as they did in the golden world.' That is Shakespeare's
+Arcadia; and who that has read _As You Like It_ will deny that it
+breathes the air of Paradise?
+
+It is quite plain that the freedom that Shakespeare valued was in fact
+freedom, not any of those ingenious mechanisms to which that name has
+been applied by political theorists. He thought long and profoundly on
+the problems of society; and anarchy has no place among his political
+ideals. It is by all means to be avoided--at a cost. But what harm would
+anarchy do if it meant no more than freedom for all the impulses of the
+enlightened imagination and the tender heart? The ideals of his heart
+were not political; and when he indulges himself, as he did in his
+latest plays, you must look for him in the wilds; whether on the road
+near the shepherd's cottage, or in the cave among the mountains of
+Wales, or on the seashore in the Bermudas. The laws that are imposed
+upon the intricate relations of men in society were a weariness to him;
+and in this he is thoroughly English. The Englishman has always been an
+objector, and he has a right to object, though it may very well be held
+that he is too fond of larding his objection with the plea of
+conscience. But even this has a meaning in our annals; as a mere
+question of right we are very slow to prefer the claim of the organized
+opinions of society to the claim of the individual conscience. We know
+that there is no good in a man who is doing what he does not will to do.
+We are not like our poets or our men of action to be void of
+inspiration. A gift is nothing if there is no benevolence in the giver:
+
+ For to the noble mind
+ Rich gifts wax poor when givers prove unkind.
+
+We ask for the impulse as well as the deed. Even when he is speaking of
+social obligations Shakespeare makes his strongest appeal not to force
+or command, but to the natural piety of the heart:
+
+ If ever you have looked on better days,
+ If ever been where bells have knolled to church,
+ If ever sat at any good man's feast,
+ If ever from your eyelids wiped a tear,
+ And know what 'tis to pity and be pitied,
+ Let gentleness my strong enforcement be:
+ In the which hope I blush, and hide my sword.
+
+So speaks Orlando when the Duke has met his threats with fair words;
+and he adds an apology:
+
+ Pardon me, I pray you;
+ I thought that all things had been savage here,
+ And therefore put I on the countenance
+ Of stern commandment.
+
+The ultimate law between man and man, according to Shakespeare, is the
+law of pity. I suppose that most of us have had our ears so dulled by
+early familiarity with Portia's famous speech, which we probably knew by
+heart long before we were fit to understand it, that the heavenly
+quality of it, equal to almost anything in the New Testament, is
+obscured and lost. There is no remedy but to read it again; to remember
+that it was conceived in passion; and to notice how the meaning is
+raised and perfected as line follows line:
+
+ _Portia_. Then must the Jew be merciful.
+
+ _Shylock_. On what compulsion must I? Tell me that.
+
+ _Portia_. The quality of mercy is not strained.
+ It droppeth as the gentle rain from heaven
+ Upon the place beneath; it is twice bless'd;
+ It blesseth him that gives and him that takes:
+ 'Tis mightiest in the mightiest; it becomes
+ The throned monarch better than his crown.
+ His sceptre shows the force of temporal power,
+ The attribute to awe and majesty,
+ Wherein doth sit the dread and fear of kings;
+ But mercy is above this sceptred sway,
+ It is enthroned in the hearts of kings,
+ It is an attribute to God himself,
+ And earthly power doth then show likest God's
+ When mercy seasons justice. Therefore, Jew,
+ Though justice be thy plea, consider this,
+ That in the course of justice none of us
+ Should see salvation: we do pray for mercy,
+ And that same prayer doth teach us all to render
+ The deeds of mercy.
+
+That speech rises above the strife of nations; it belongs to humanity.
+But an Englishman wrote it; and the author, we may be sure, if he ever
+met with the doctrine that a man who is called on to help his own people
+is in duty bound to set aside the claims of humanity, and to stop his
+ears to the call of mercy, knew that the doctrine is an invention of the
+devil, stupid and angry, as the devil commonly is. There are hundreds of
+thousands of Englishmen who, though they could not have written the
+speech, yet know all that it teaches, and act on the knowledge. It is
+part of the creed of the Navy. We can speak more confidently than we
+could have spoken three or four years ago. We know that not the
+extremest pressure of circumstance could ever bring the people of
+England to forget all the natural pieties, to permit official duties to
+annul private charities, and to join in the frenzied dance of hate and
+lust which leads to the mouth of the pit.
+
+Yet Germany, where all this seems to have happened, was not very long
+ago a country where it was easy to find humanity, and simplicity, and
+kindness. It was a country of quiet industry and content, the home of
+fairy stories, which Shakespeare himself would have loved. The Germans
+of our day have made a religion of war and terror, and have used
+commerce as a means for the treacherous destruction of the independence
+and freedom of others. They were not always like that. In the fifteenth
+century they spread the art of printing through Europe, for the service
+of man, by the method of peaceful penetration. My friend Mr. John
+Sampson recently expressed to me a hope that our air-forces would not
+bomb Mainz, 'for Mainz', he said, 'is a sacred place to the
+bibliographer'. According to a statement published in Cologne in 1499,
+'the highly valuable art of printing was invented first of all in
+Germany at Mainz on the Rhine. And it is a great honour to the German
+nation that such ingenious men are to be found among them....And in the
+year of our Lord 1450 it was a golden year, and they began to print, and
+the first book they printed was the Bible in Latin: it was printed in a
+large character, resembling the types with which the present mass-books
+are printed.' Gutenberg, the printer of this Bible, never mentions his
+own name, and the only personal note we have of his, in the colophon of
+the _Catholicon_, printed in 1460, is a hymn in praise of his city:
+'With the aid of the Most High, who unlooses the tongues of infants and
+oft-times reveals to babes that which is hidden from learned men, this
+admirable book, the _Catholicon_, was finished in the year of the
+incarnation of our Saviour MCCCCLX, in the foster town of Mainz, a town
+of the famous German nation, which God in his clemency, by granting to
+it this high illumination of the mind, has preferred before the other
+nations of the world.'
+
+There is something not quite unlike modern Germany in that; and yet
+these older activities of the Germans make a strange contrast with their
+work to-day. It was in the city of Cologne that Caxton first made
+acquaintance with his craft. Everywhere the Germans spread printing like
+a new religion, adapting it to existing conditions. In Bavaria they used
+the skill of the wood-engravers, and at Augsburg, Ulm, and Nuremberg
+produced the first illustrated printed books. It was two Germans of the
+old school, Conrad Sweynheym and Arnold Pannartz, who carried the art to
+Italy, casting the first type in Roman characters, and printing editions
+of the classics, first in the Benedictine monastery of St. Scholastica
+at Subiaco, and later at Rome. They also cast the first Greek type. It
+was three Germans, Gering, Kranz, and Freyburger, who first printed at
+Paris, in 1470. It was a German who set up the first printing-press in
+Spain, in 1474. The Germans were once the cherishers, as now they are
+the destroyers, of the inheritance of civilization. I do not pretend to
+explain the change. Perhaps it is a tragedy of education. That is a
+dangerous moment in the life of a child when he begins to be uneasily
+aware that he is valued for his simplicity and innocence. Then he
+resolves to break with the past, to put away childish things, to forgo
+affection, and to earn respect by imitating the activities of his
+elders. The strange power of words and the virtues of abstract thought
+begin to fascinate him. He loses touch with the things of sense, and
+ceases to speak as a child. If his first attempts at argument and dogma
+win him praise and esteem, if he proves himself a better fighter than an
+older boy next door, who has often bullied him, and if at the same time
+he comes into money, he is on the road to ruin. His very simplicity is a
+snare to him. 'What a fool I was', he thinks, 'to let myself be put
+upon; I now see that I am a great philosopher and a splendid soldier,
+born to subdue others rather than to agree with them, and entitled to a
+chief share in all the luxuries of the world. It is for me to say what
+is good and true, and if any of these people contradict me I shall knock
+them down.' He suits his behaviour to his new conception of himself, and
+is soon hated by all the neighbours. Then he turns bitter. These people,
+he thinks, are all in a plot against him. They must be blind to goodness
+and beauty, or why do they dislike him! His rage reaches the point of
+madness; he stabs and poisons the villagers, and burns down their
+houses. We are still waiting to see what will become of him.
+
+This outbreak has been long preparing. Seventy years before the War the
+German poet Freiligrath wrote a poem to prove that Germany is Hamlet,
+urged by the spirit of her fathers to claim her inheritance, vacillating
+and lost in thought, but destined, before the Fifth Act ends, to strew
+the stage with the corpses of her enemies. Only a German could have hit
+on the idea that Germany is Hamlet. The English, for whom the play was
+written, know that Hamlet is Hamlet, and that Shakespeare was thinking
+of a young man, not of the pomposities of national ambition. But if
+these clumsy allegories must be imposed upon great poets, Germany need
+not go abroad to seek the likeness of her destiny. Germany is Faust; she
+desired science and power and pleasure, and to get them on a short lease
+she paid the price of her soul.
+
+For the present, at any rate, the best thing the Germans can do with
+Shakespeare is to leave him alone. They have divorced themselves from
+their own great poets, to follow vulgar half-witted political prophets.
+As for Shakespeare, they have studied him assiduously, with the complete
+apparatus of criticism, for a hundred years, and they do not understand
+the plainest words of all his teaching.
+
+In England he has always been understood; and it is only fair, to him
+and to ourselves, to add that he has never been regarded first and
+foremost as a national poet. His humanity is too calm and broad to
+suffer the prejudices and exclusions of international enmities. The
+sovereignty that he holds has been allowed to him by men of all parties.
+The schools of literature have, from the very first, united in his
+praise. Ben Jonson, who knew him and loved him, was a classical scholar,
+and disapproved of some of his romantic escapades, yet no one will ever
+outgo Ben Jonson's praise of Shakespeare.
+
+ Triumph, my Britain, thou hast one to show,
+ To whom all Scenes of Europe homage owe.
+ He was not-of an ago, but for all time!
+
+The sects of religion forget their disputes and recognize the spirit of
+religion in this profane author. He cannot be identified with any
+institution. According to the old saying, he gave up the Church and took
+to religion. Ho gave up the State, and took to humanity. The formularies
+and breviaries to which political and religious philosophers profess
+their allegiance were nothing to him. These formularies are a convenient
+shorthand, to save the trouble of thinking. But Shakespeare always
+thought. Every question that he treats is brought out of the realm of
+abstraction, and exhibited in its relation to daily life and the minds
+and hearts of men. He could never have been satisfied with such a smug
+phrase as 'the greatest happiness of the greatest number'. His mind
+would have been eager for details. In what do the greatest number find
+their happiness? How far is the happiness of one consistent with the
+happiness of another? What difficulties and miscarriages attend the
+business of transmuting the recognized materials for happiness into
+living human joy? Even these questions he would not have been content to
+handle in high philosophic fashion; he would have insisted on instances,
+and would have subscribed to no code that is not carefully built out of
+case-law. He knew that sanity is in the life of the senses; and that if
+there are some philosophers who are not mad it is because they live a
+double life, and have consolations and resources of which their books
+tell you nothing. It is the part of their life which they do not think
+it worth their while to mention that would have interested Shakespeare.
+He loves to reduce things to their elements. 'Is man no more than this?'
+says the old king on the heath, as he gazes on the naked madman.
+'Consider him well. Thou owest the worm no silk, the beast no hide, the
+sheep no wool, the cat no perfume. Ha! here's three of us are
+sophisticated! Thou art the thing itself: unaccommodated man is no more
+but such a poor, bare, forked animal as thou art. Off, off, you
+lendings!' That is how Shakespeare lays the mind of man bare, and strips
+him of his pretences, to try if he be indeed noble. And he finds that
+man, naked and weak, hunted by misfortune, liable to all the sins and
+all the evils that follow frailty, still has faith left to him, and
+charity. King Lear is still every inch a king.
+
+That is not a little discovery, for when his mind came to grips with
+human life Shakespeare did not deal in rhetoric; so that the good he
+finds is real good--''tis in grain; 'twill endure wind and weather'.
+Nothing is easier than to make a party of humanity, and to exalt mankind
+by ignorantly vilifying the rest of the animal creation, which is full
+of strange virtues and abilities. Shakespeare refused that way; he saw
+man weak and wretched, not able to maintain himself except as a
+pensioner on the bounty of the world, curiously ignorant of his nature
+and his destiny, yet endowed with certain gifts in which he can find
+sustenance and rest, brave by instinct, so that courage is not so much
+his virtue as cowardice is his lamentable and exceptional fault, ready
+to forget his pains or to turn them into pleasures by the alchemy of his
+mind, quick to believe, and slow to suspect or distrust, generous and
+tender to others, in so far as his thought and imagination, which are
+the weakest things about him, enable him to bridge the spaces that
+separate man from man, willing to make of life a great thing while he
+has it, and a little thing when he comes to lose it. These are some of
+his gifts; and Shakespeare would not have denied the saying of a thinker
+with whom he has no very strong or natural affinity, that 'the greatest
+of these is charity'.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of England and the War, by Walter Raleigh
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of England and the War, by Walter Raleigh
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: England and the War
+
+Author: Walter Raleigh
+
+Release Date: November 20, 2003 [EBook #10159]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ENGLAND AND THE WAR ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Brett Koonce and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team
+
+
+
+
+
+ENGLAND AND THE WAR
+
+being
+
+SUNDRY ADDRESSES
+
+delivered during the war
+and now first collected
+
+by
+
+WALTER RALEIGH
+
+OXFORD
+
+1918
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+MIGHT IS RIGHT
+ First published as one of the Oxford Pamphlets,
+ October 1914.
+
+THE WAR OF IDEAS
+ An Address to the Royal Colonial Institute,
+ December 12, 1916.
+
+THE FAITH OF ENGLAND
+ An Address to the Union Society of University
+ College, London, March 22, 1917.
+
+SOME GAINS OF THE WAR
+ An Address to the Royal Colonial Institute,
+ February 13, 1918.
+
+THE WAR AND THE PRESS
+ A Paper read to the Essay Society, Eton College,
+ March 14, 1918.
+
+SHAKESPEARE AND ENGLAND
+ The Annual Shakespeare Lecture of the British
+ Academy, delivered July 4, 1918.
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+This book was not planned, but grew out of the troubles of the time.
+When, on one occasion or another, I was invited to lecture, I did not
+find, with Milton's Satan, that the mind is its own place; I could speak
+only of what I was thinking of, and my mind was fixed on the War. I am
+unacquainted with military science, so my treatment of the War was
+limited to an estimate of the characters of the antagonists.
+
+The character of Germany and the Germans is a riddle. I have seen no
+convincing solution of it by any Englishman, and hardly any confident
+attempt at a solution which did not speak the uncontrolled language of
+passion. There is the same difficulty with the lower animals; our
+description of them tends to be a description of nothing but our own
+loves and hates. Who has ever fathomed the mind of a rhinoceros; or has
+remembered, while he faces the beast, that a good rhinoceros is a
+pleasant member of the community in which his life is passed? We see
+only the folded hide, the horn, and the angry little eye. We know that
+he is strong and cunning, and that his desires and instincts are
+inconsistent with our welfare. Yet a rhinoceros is a simpler creature
+than a German, and does not trouble our thought by conforming, on
+occasion, to civilized standards and humane conditions.
+
+It seems unreasonable to lay great stress on racial differences. The
+insuperable barrier that divides England from Germany has grown out of
+circumstance and habit and thought. For many hundreds of years the
+German peoples have stood to arms in their own defence against the
+encroachments of successive empires; and modern Germany learned the
+doctrine of the omnipotence of force by prolonged suffering at the hands
+of the greatest master of that immoral school--the Emperor Napoleon. No
+German can understand the attitude of disinterested patronage which the
+English mind quite naturally assumes when it is brought into contact
+with foreigners. The best example of this superiority of attitude is to
+be seen in the people who are called pacifists. They are a peculiarly
+English type, and they are the most arrogant of all the English. The
+idea that they should ever have to fight for their lives is to them
+supremely absurd. There must be some mistake, they think, which can be
+easily remedied once it is pointed out. Their title to existence is so
+clear to themselves that they are convinced it will be universally
+recognized; it must not be made a matter of international conflict.
+Partly, no doubt, this belief is fostered by lack of imagination. The
+sheltered conditions and leisured life which they enjoy as the parasites
+of a dominant race have produced in them a false sense of security. But
+there is something also of the English strength and obstinacy of
+character in their self-confidence, and if ever Germany were to conquer
+England some of them would spring to their full stature as the heroes of
+an age-long and indomitable resistance. They are not held in much esteem
+to-day among their own people; they are useless for the work in hand;
+and their credit has suffered from the multitude of pretenders who make
+principle a cover for cowardice. But for all that, they are kin to the
+makers of England, and the fact that Germany would never tolerate them
+for an instant is not without its lesson.
+
+We shall never understand the Germans. Some of their traits may possibly
+be explained by their history. Their passionate devotion to the State,
+their amazing vulgarity, their worship of mechanism and mechanical
+efficiency, are explicable in a people who are not strong in individual
+character, who have suffered much to achieve union, and who have
+achieved it by subordinating themselves, soul and body, to a brutal
+taskmaster. But the convulsions of war have thrown up things that are
+deeper than these, primaeval things, which, until recently, civilization
+was believed to have destroyed. The old monstrous gods who gave their
+names to the days of the week are alive again in Germany. The English
+soldier of to-day goes into action with the cold courage of a man who is
+prepared to make the best of a bad job. The German soldier sacrifices
+himself, in a frenzy of religious exaltation, to the War-God. The
+filthiness that the Germans use, their deliberate befouling of all that
+is elegant and gracious and antique, their spitting into the food that
+is to be eaten by their prisoners, their defiling with ordure the sacred
+vessels in the churches--all these things, too numerous and too
+monotonous to describe, are not the instinctive coarsenesses of the
+brute beast; they are a solemn ritual of filth, religiously practised,
+by officers no less than by men. The waves of emotional exaltation which
+from time to time pass over the whole people have the same character,
+the character of savage religion.
+
+If they are alien to civilization when they fight, they are doubly alien
+when they reason. They are glib and fluent in the use of the terms which
+have been devised for the needs of thought and argument, but their use
+of these terms is empty, and exhibits all the intellectual processes
+with the intelligence left out. I know nothing more distressing than the
+attempt to follow any German argument concerning the War. If it were
+merely wrong-headed, cunning, deceitful, there might still be some
+compensation in its cleverness. There is no such compensation. The
+statements made are not false, but empty; the arguments used are not
+bad, but meaningless. It is as if they despised language, and made use
+of it only because they believe that it is an instrument of deceit. But
+a man who has no respect for language cannot possibly use it in such a
+manner as to deceive others, especially if those others are accustomed
+to handle it delicately and powerfully. It ought surely to be easy to
+apologize for a war that commands the whole-hearted support of a nation;
+but no apology worthy of the name has been produced in Germany. The
+pleadings which have been used are servile things, written to order, and
+directed to some particular address, as if the truth were of no
+importance. No one of these appeals has produced any appreciable effect
+on the minds of educated Frenchmen, or Englishmen, or Americans, even
+among those who are eager to hear all that the enemy has to say for
+himself. This is a strange thing; and is perhaps the widest breach of
+all. We are hopelessly separated from the Germans; we have lost the use
+of a common language, and cannot talk with them if we would.
+
+We cannot understand them; is it remotely possible that they will ever
+understand us? Here, too, the difficulties seem insuperable. It is true
+that in the past they have shown themselves willing to study us and to
+imitate us. But unless they change their minds and their habits, it is
+not easy to see how they are to get near enough to us to carry on their
+study. While they remain what they are we do not want them in our
+neighbourhood. We are not fighting to anglicize Germany, or to impose
+ourselves on the Germans; our work is being done, as work is so often
+done in this idle sport-loving country, with a view to a holiday. We
+wish to forget the Germans; and when once we have policed them into
+quiet and decency we shall have earned the right to forget them, at
+least for a time. The time of our respite perhaps will not be long. If
+the Allies defeat them, as the Allies will, it seems as certain as any
+uncertain thing can be that a mania for imitating British and American
+civilization will take possession of Germany. We are not vindictive to a
+beaten enemy, and when the Germans offer themselves as pupils we are not
+likely to be either enthusiastic in our welcome or obstinate in our
+refusal. We shall be bored but concessive. I confess that there are
+some things in the prospect of this imitation which haunt me like a
+nightmare. The British soldier, whom the German knows to be second to
+none, is distinguished for the levity and jocularity of his bearing in
+the face of danger. What will happen when the German soldier attempts to
+imitate that? We shall be delivered from the German peril as when Israel
+came out of Egypt, and the mountains skipped like rams.
+
+The only parts of this book for which I claim any measure of authority
+are the parts which describe the English character. No one of purely
+English descent has ever been known to describe the English character,
+or to attempt to describe it. The English newspapers are full of praises
+of almost any of the allied troops other than the English regiments. I
+have more Scottish and Irish blood in my veins than English; and I think
+I can see the English character truly, from a little distance. If, by
+some fantastic chance, the statesmen of Germany could learn what I tell
+them, it would save their country from a vast loss of life and from many
+hopeless misadventures. The English character is not a removable part of
+the British Empire; it is the foundation of the whole structure, and the
+secret strength of the American Republic. But the statesmen of Germany,
+who fall easy victims to anything foolish in the shape of a theory that
+flatters their vanity, would not believe a word of my essays even if
+they were to read them, so they must learn to know the English character
+in the usual way, as King George the Third learned to know it from
+Englishmen resident in America.
+
+A habit of lying and a belief in the utility of lying are often
+attended by the most unhappy and paralysing effects. The liars become
+unable to recognize the truth when it is presented to them. This is the
+misery which fate has fixed on the German cause. War, the Germans are
+fond of remarking, is war. In almost all wars there is something to be
+said on both sides of the question. To know that one side or the other
+is right may be difficult; but it is always useful to know why your
+enemies are fighting. We know why Germany is fighting; she explained it
+very fully, by her most authoritative voices, on the very eve of the
+struggle, and she has repeated it many times since in moments of
+confidence or inadvertence. But here is the tragedy of Germany: she does
+not know why we are fighting. We have told her often enough, but she
+does not believe it, and treats our statement as an exercise in the
+cunning use of what she calls ethical propaganda. Why ethics, or morals,
+should be good enough to inspire sympathy, but not good enough to
+inspire war, is one of the mysteries of German thought. No German, not
+even any of those few feeble German writers who have fitfully criticized
+the German plan, has any conception of the deep, sincere, unselfish, and
+righteous anger that was aroused in millions of hearts by the cruelties
+of the cowardly assault on Serbia and on Belgium. The late German
+Chancellor became uneasily aware that the crucifixion of Belgium was one
+of the causes which made this war a truceless war, and his offer, which
+no doubt seemed to him perfectly reasonable, was that Germany is willing
+to bargain about Belgium, and to relax her hold, in exchange for solid
+advantages elsewhere. Perhaps he knew that if the Allies were to spend
+five minutes in bargaining about Belgium they would thereby condone the
+German crime and would lose all that they have fought for. But it seems
+more likely that he did not know it. The Allies know it.
+
+There is hope in these clear-cut issues. Of all wars that ever were
+fought this war is least likely to have an indecisive ending. It must be
+settled one way or the other. If the Allied Governments were to make
+peace to-day, there would be no peace; the peoples of the free countries
+would not suffer it. Germany cannot make peace, for she is bound by
+heavy promises to her people, and she cannot deliver the goods. She is
+tied to the stake, and must fight the course. Emaciated, exhausted,
+repeating, as if in a bad dream, the old boastful appeals to military
+glory, she must go on till she drops, and then at last there will be
+peace.
+
+These may themselves seem boastful words; they cannot be proved except
+by the event. There are some few Englishmen, with no stomach for a
+fight, who think that England is in a bad way because she is engaged in
+a war of which the end is not demonstrably certain. If the issues of
+wars were known beforehand, and could be discounted, there would be no
+wars. Good wars are fought by nations who make their choice, and would
+rather die than lose what they are fighting for. Military fortunes are
+notoriously variable, and depend on a hundred accidents. Moral causes
+are constant, and operate all the time. The chief of these moral causes
+is the character of a people. Germany, by her vaunted study of the art
+and science of war, has got herself into a position where no success can
+come to her except by way of the collapse or failure of the
+English-speaking peoples. A study of the moral causes, if she were
+capable of making it, would not encourage her in her old impious belief
+that God will destroy these peoples in order to clear the way for the
+dominion of the Hohenzollerns.
+
+
+
+
+MIGHT IS RIGHT
+
+_First published as one of the Oxford Pamphlets, October 1914_
+
+
+It is now recognized in England that our enemy in this war is not a
+tyrant military caste, but the united people of modern Germany. We have
+to combat an armed doctrine which is virtually the creed of all Germany.
+Saxony and Bavaria, it is true, would never have invented the doctrine;
+but they have accepted it from Prussia, and they believe it. The
+Prussian doctrine has paid the German people handsomely; it has given
+them their place in the world. When it ceases to pay them, and not till
+then, they will reconsider it. They will not think, till they are
+compelled to think. When they find themselves face to face with a
+greater and more enduring strength than their own, they will renounce
+their idol. But they are a brave people, a faithful people, and a stupid
+people, so that they will need rough proofs. They cannot be driven from
+their position by a little paper shot. In their present mood, if they
+hear an appeal to pity, sensibility, and sympathy, they take it for a
+cry of weakness. I am reminded of what I once heard said by a genial and
+humane Irish officer concerning a proposal to treat with the leaders of
+a Zulu rebellion. 'Kill them all,' he said, 'it's the only thing they
+understand.' He meant that the Zulu chiefs would mistake moderation for
+a sign of fear. By the irony of human history this sentence has become
+almost true of the great German people, who built up the structure of
+modern metaphysics. They can be argued with only by those who have the
+will and the power to punish them.
+
+The doctrine that Might is Right, though it is true, is an unprofitable
+doctrine, for it is true only in so broad and simple a sense that no one
+would dream of denying it. If a single nation can conquer, depress, and
+destroy all the other nations of the earth and acquire for itself a sole
+dominion, there may be matter for question whether God approves that
+dominion; what is certain is that He permits it. No earthly governor who
+is conscious of his power will waste time in listening to arguments
+concerning what his power ought to be. His right to wield the sword can
+be challenged only by the sword. An all-powerful governor who feared no
+assault would never trouble himself to assert that Might is Right. He
+would smile and sit still. The doctrine, when it is propounded by weak
+humanity, is never a statement of abstract truth; it is a declaration of
+intention, a threat, a boast, an advertisement. It has no value except
+when there is some one to be frightened. But it is a very dangerous
+doctrine when it becomes the creed of a stupid people, for it flatters
+their self-sufficiency, and distracts their attention from the
+difficult, subtle, frail, and wavering conditions of human power. The
+tragic question for Germany to-day is what she can do, not whether it is
+right for her to do it. The buffaloes, it must be allowed, had a
+perfect right to dominate the prairie of America, till the hunters came.
+They moved in herds, they practised shock-tactics, they were violent,
+and very cunning. There are but few of them now. A nation of men who
+mistake violence for strength, and cunning for wisdom, may conceivably
+suffer the fate of the buffaloes and perish without knowing why.
+
+To the English mind the German political doctrine is so incredibly
+stupid that for many long years, while men in high authority in the
+German Empire, ministers, generals, and professors, expounded that
+doctrine at great length and with perfect clearness, hardly any one
+could be found in England to take it seriously, or to regard it as
+anything but the vapourings of a crazy sect. England knows better now;
+the scream of the guns has awakened her. The German doctrine is to be
+put to the proof. Who dares to say what the result will be? To predict
+certain failure to the German arms is only a kind of boasting. Yet there
+are guarded beliefs which a modest man is free to hold till they are
+seen to be groundless. The Germans have taken Antwerp; they may possibly
+destroy the British fleet, overrun England and France, repel Russia,
+establish themselves as the dictators of Europe--in short, fulfil their
+dreams. What then? At an immense cost of human suffering they will have
+achieved, as it seems to us, a colossal and agonizing failure. Their
+engines of destruction will never serve them to create anything so fair
+as the civilization of France. Their uneasy jealousy and self-assertion
+is a miserable substitute for the old laws of chivalry and regard for
+the weak, which they have renounced and forgotten. The will and high
+permission of all-ruling Heaven may leave them at large for a time, to
+seek evil to others. When they have finished with it, the world will
+have to be remade.
+
+We cannot be sure that the Ruler of the world will forbid this. We
+cannot even be sure that the destroyers, in the peace that their
+destruction will procure for them, may not themselves learn to rebuild.
+The Goths, who destroyed the fabric of the Roman Empire, gave their
+name, in time, to the greatest mediaeval art. Nature, it is well known,
+loves the strong, and gives to them, and to them alone, the chance of
+becoming civilized. Are the German people strong enough to earn that
+chance? That is what we are to see. They have some admirable elements of
+strength, above any other European people. No other European army can be
+marched, in close order, regiment after regiment, up the slope of a
+glacis, under the fire of machine guns, without flinching, to certain
+death. This corporate courage and corporate discipline is so great and
+impressive a thing that it may well contain a promise for the future.
+Moreover, they are, within the circle of their own kin, affectionate and
+dutiful beyond the average of human society. If they succeed in their
+worldly ambitions, it will be a triumph of plain brute morality over all
+the subtler movements of the mind and heart.
+
+On the other hand, it is true to say that history shows no precedent for
+the attainment of world-wide power by a people so politically stupid as
+the German people are to-day. There is no mistake about this; the
+instances of German stupidity are so numerous that they make something
+like a complete history of German international relations. Here is one.
+Any time during the last twenty years it has been matter of common
+knowledge in England that one event, and one only, would make it
+impossible for England to remain a spectator in a European war--that
+event being the violation of the neutrality of Holland or Belgium. There
+was never any secret about this, it was quite well known to many people
+who took no special interest in foreign politics. Germany has maintained
+in this country, for many years, an army of spies and secret agents; yet
+not one of them informed her of this important truth. Perhaps the
+radical difference between the German and the English political systems
+blinded the astute agents. In England nothing really important is a
+secret, and the amount of privileged political information to be gleaned
+in barbers' shops, even when they are patronized by Civil servants, is
+distressingly small. Two hours of sympathetic conversation with an
+ordinary Englishman would have told the German Chancellor more about
+English politics than ever he heard in his life. For some reason or
+other he was unable to make use of this source of intelligence, so that
+he remained in complete ignorance of what every one in England knew and
+said.
+
+Here is another instance. The programme of German ambition has been
+voluminously published for the benefit of the world. France was first to
+be crushed; then Russia; then, by means of the indemnities procured from
+these conquests, after some years of recuperation and effort, the naval
+power of England was to be challenged and destroyed. This programme was
+set forth by high authorities, and was generally accepted; there was no
+criticism, and no demur. The crime against the civilization of the world
+foreshadowed in the horrible words 'France is to be crushed' is before a
+high tribunal; it would be idle to condemn it here. What happened is
+this. The French and Russian part of the programme was put into action
+last July. England, who had been told that her turn was not yet, that
+Germany would be ready for her in a matter of five or ten years, very
+naturally refused to wait her turn. She crowded up on to the scaffold,
+which even now is in peril of breaking down under the weight of its
+victims, and of burying the executioner in its ruins. But because
+England would not wait her turn, she is overwhelmed with accusations of
+treachery and inhumanity by a sincerely indignant Germany. Could
+stupidity, the stupidity of the wise men of Gotham, be more fantastic or
+more monstrous?
+
+German stupidity was even more monstrous. A part of the accusation
+against England is that she has raised her hand against the nation
+nearest to her in blood. The alleged close kinship of England and
+Germany is based on bad history and doubtful theory. The English are a
+mixed race, with enormous infusions of Celtic and Roman blood. The Roman
+sculpture gallery at Naples is full of English faces. If the German
+agents would turn their attention to hatters' shops, and give the
+barbers a rest, they would find that no English hat fits any German
+head. But suppose we were cousins, or brothers even, what kind of
+argument is that on the lips of those who but a short time before were
+explaining, with a good deal of zest and with absolute frankness, how
+they intended to compass our ruin? There is something almost amiable in
+fatuity like this. A touch of the fool softens the brute.
+
+The Germans have a magnificent war-machine which rolls on its way,
+crushing all that it touches. We shall break it if we can. If we fail,
+the German nation is at the beginning, not the end, of its troubles.
+With the making of peace, even an armed peace, the war-machine has
+served its turn; some other instrument of government must then be
+invented. There is no trace of a design for this new instrument in any
+of the German shops. The governors of Alsace-Lorraine offer no
+suggestions. The bald fact is that there is no spot in the world where
+the Germans govern another race and are not hated. They know this, and
+are disquieted; they meet with coldness on all hands, and their remedy
+for the coldness is self-assertion and brag. The Russian statesman was
+right who remarked that modern Germany has been too early admitted into
+the comity of European nations. Her behaviour, in her new international
+relations, is like the behaviour of an uneasy, jealous upstart in an
+old-fashioned quiet drawing-room. She has no genius for equality; her
+manners are a compound of threatening and flattery. When she wishes to
+assert herself, she bullies; when she wishes to endear herself, she
+crawls; and the one device is no more successful than the other.
+
+Might is Right; but the sort of might which enables one nation to govern
+another in time of peace is very unlike the armoured thrust of the
+war-engine. It is a power compounded of sympathy and justice. The
+English (it is admitted by many foreign critics) have studied justice
+and desired justice. They have inquired into and protected rights that
+were unfamiliar, and even grotesque, to their own ideas, because they
+believed them to be rights. In the matter of sympathy their reputation
+does not stand so high; they are chill in manner, and dislike all
+effusive demonstrations of feeling. Yet those who come to know them know
+that they are not unimaginative; they have a genius for equality; and
+they do try to put themselves in the other fellow's place, to see how
+the position looks from that side. What has happened in India may
+perhaps be taken to prove, among many other things, that the inhabitants
+of India begin to know that England has done her best, and does feel a
+disinterested solicitude for the peoples under her charge. She has long
+been a mother of nations, and is not frightened by the problems of
+adolescence.
+
+The Germans have as yet shown no sign of skill in governing other
+peoples. Might is Right; and it is quite conceivable that they may
+acquire colonies by violence. If they want to keep them they will have
+to shut their own professors' books, and study the intimate history of
+the British Empire. We are old hands at the business; we have lost more
+colonies than ever they owned, and we begin to think that we have learnt
+the secret of success. At any rate, our experience has done much for us,
+and has helped us to avoid failure. Yet the German colonial party stare
+at us with bovine malevolence. In all the library of German theorizing
+you will look in vain for any explanation of the fact that the Boers
+are, in the main, loyal to the British Empire. If German political
+thinkers could understand that political situation, which seems to
+English minds so simple, there might yet be hope for them. But they
+regard it all as a piece of black magic, and refuse to reason about it.
+How should a herd of cattle be driven without goads? Witchcraft,
+witchcraft!
+
+Their world-wide experience it is, perhaps, which has made the English
+quick to appreciate the virtues of other peoples. I have never known an
+Englishman who travelled in Russia without falling in love with the
+Russian people. I have never heard a German speak of the Russian people
+without contempt and dislike. Indeed the Germans are so unable to see
+any charm in that profound and humane people that they believe that the
+English liking for them must be an insincere pretence, put forward for
+wicked or selfish reasons. What would they say if they saw a sight that
+is common in Indian towns, a British soldier and a Gurkha arm in arm,
+rolling down the street in cheerful brotherhood? And how is it that it
+has never occurred to any of them that this sort of brotherhood has its
+value in Empire-building? The new German political doctrine has bidden
+farewell to Christianity, but there are some political advantages in
+Christianity which should not be overlooked. It teaches human beings to
+think of one another and to care for one another. It is an antidote to
+the worst and most poisonous kind of political stupidity.
+
+Another thing that the Germans will have to learn for the welfare of
+their much-talked Empire is the value of the lone man. The architects
+and builders of the British Empire were all lone men. Might is Right;
+but when a young Englishman is set down at an outpost of Empire to
+govern a warlike tribe, he has to do a good deal of hard thinking on the
+problem of political power and its foundations. He has to trust to
+himself, to form his own conclusions, and to choose his own line of
+action. He has to try to find out what is in the mind of others. A young
+German, inured to skilled slavery, does not shine in such a position.
+Man for man, in all that asks for initiative and self-dependence,
+Englishmen are the better men, and some Germans know it. There is an old
+jest that if you settle an Englishman and a German together in a new
+country, at the end of a year you will find the Englishman governor, and
+the German his head clerk. A German must know the rules before he can
+get to work.
+
+More than three hundred years ago a book was written in England which is
+in some ways a very exact counterpart to General von Bernhardi's
+notorious treatise. It is called _Tamburlaine_, and, unlike its
+successor, is full of poetry and beauty. Our own colonization began with
+a great deal of violent work, and much wrong done to others. We suffered
+for our misdeeds, and we learned our lesson, in part at least. Why, it
+may be asked, should not the Germans begin in the same manner, and by
+degrees adapt themselves to the new task? Perhaps they may, but if they
+do, they cannot claim the Elizabethans for their model. Of all men on
+earth the German is least like the undisciplined, exuberant Elizabethan
+adventurer. He is reluctant to go anywhere without a copy of the rules,
+a guarantee of support, and a regular pension. His outlook is as prosaic
+as General von Bernhardi's or General von der Golt's own, and that is
+saying a great deal. In all the German political treatises there is an
+immeasurable dreariness. They lay down rules for life, and if they be
+asked what makes such a life worth living they are without any hint of
+an answer. Their world is a workhouse, tyrannically ordered, and full of
+pusillanimous jealousies.
+
+It is not impious to be hopeful. A Germanized world would be a
+nightmare. We have never attempted or desired to govern them, and we
+must not think that God will so far forget them as to permit them to
+attempt to govern us. Now they hate us, but they do not know for how
+many years the cheerful brutality of their political talk has shocked
+and disgusted us. I remember meeting, in one of the French Mediterranean
+dependencies, with a Prussian nobleman, a well-bred and pleasant man,
+who was fond of expounding the Prussian creed. He was said to be a
+political agent of sorts, but he certainly learned nothing in
+conversation. He talked all the time, and propounded the most monstrous
+paradoxes with an air of mathematical precision. Now it was the
+character of Sir Edward Grey, a cunning Machiavel, whose only aim was to
+set Europe by the ears and make neighbours fall out. A friend who was
+with me, an American, laughed aloud at this, and protested, without
+producing the smallest effect. The stream of talk went on. The error of
+the Germans, we were told, was always that they are too humane; their
+dislike of cruelty amounts to a weakness in them. They let France escape
+with a paltry fine, next time France must be beaten to the dust. Always
+with a pleasant outward courtesy, he passed on to England. England was
+decadent and powerless, her rule must pass to the Germans. 'But we shall
+treat England rather less severely than France,' said this bland apostle
+of Prussian culture, 'for we wish to make it possible for ourselves to
+remain in friendly relations with other English-speaking peoples.' And
+so on--the whole of the Bernhardi doctrine, explained in quiet fashion
+by a man whose very debility of mind made his talk the more impressive,
+for he was simply parroting what he had often heard. No one criticized
+his proposals, nor did we dislike him. It all seemed too mad; a rather
+clumsy jest. His world of ideas did not touch our world at any point, so
+that real talk between us was impossible. He came to see us several
+times, and always gave the same kind of mesmerized recital of Germany's
+policy. The grossness of the whole thing was in curious contrast with
+the polite and quiet voice with which he uttered his insolences. When I
+remember his talk I find it easy to believe that the German Emperor and
+the German Chancellor have also talked in such a manner that they have
+never had the smallest opportunity of learning what Englishmen think and
+mean.
+
+While the German doctrine was the plaything merely of hysterical and
+supersensitive persons, like Carlyle and Nietzsche, it mattered little
+to the world of politics. An excitable man, of vivid imagination and
+invalid constitution, like Carlyle, feels a natural predilection for the
+cult of the healthy brute. Carlyle's English style is itself a kind of
+epilepsy. Nietzsche was so nervously sensitive that everyday life was an
+anguish to him, and broke his strength. Both were poets, as Marlowe was
+a poet, and both sang the song of Power. The brutes of the swamp and the
+field, who gathered round them and listened, found nothing new or
+unfamiliar in the message of the poets. 'This', they said, 'is what we
+have always known, but we did not know that it is poetry. Now that great
+poets teach it, we need no longer be ashamed of it.' So they went away
+resolved to be twice the brutes that they were before, and they named
+themselves Culture-brutes.
+
+It is difficult to see how the world, or any considerable part of it,
+can belong to Germany, till she changes her mind. If she can do that,
+she might make a good ruler, for she has solid virtues and good
+instincts. It is her intellect that has gone wrong. Bishop Butler was
+one day found pondering the problem whether, a whole nation can go mad.
+If he had lived to-day what would he have said about it? Would he have
+admitted that that strangest of grim fancies is realized?
+
+It would be vain for Germany to take the world; she could not keep it;
+nor, though she can make a vast number of people miserable for a long
+time, could she ever hope to make all the inhabitants of the world
+miserable for all time. She has a giant's power, and does not think it
+infamous to use it like a giant. She can make a winter hideous, but she
+cannot prohibit the return of spring, or annul the cleansing power of
+water. Sanity is not only better than insanity; it is much stronger, and
+Might is Right.
+
+Meantime, it is a delight and a consolation to Englishmen that England
+is herself again. She has a cause that it is good to fight for, whether
+it succeed or fail. The hope that uplifts her is the hope of a better
+world, which our children shall see. She has wonderful friends. From
+what self-governing nations in the world can Germany hear such messages
+as came to England from the Dominions oversea? 'When England is at war,
+Canada is at war.' 'To the last man and the last shilling, Australia
+will support the cause of the Empire.' These are simple words, and
+sufficient; having said them, Canada and Australia said no more. In the
+company of such friends, and for the creed that she holds, England might
+be proud to die; but surely her time is not yet.
+
+ Our faith is ours, and comes not on a tide;
+ And whether Earth's great offspring by decree
+ Must rot if they abjure rapacity,
+ Not argument, but effort shall decide.
+ They number many heads in that hard flock,
+ Trim swordsmen they push forth, yet try thy steel;
+ Thou, fighting for poor human kind, shalt feel
+ The strength of Roland in thy wrist to hew
+ A chasm sheer into the barrier rock,
+ And bring the army of the faithful through.
+
+
+
+
+THE WAR OF IDEAS
+
+_An Address to the Royal Colonial Institute, December 12, 1916_
+
+
+I hold, as I daresay you do, that we are at a crisis of our history
+where there is not much room for talk. The time when this struggle might
+have been averted or won by talk is long past. During the hundred years
+before the war we have not talked much, or listened much, to the
+Germans. For fifty of those years at least the head of waters that has
+now been let loose in a devastating flood over Europe was steadily
+accumulating; but we paid little attention to it. People sometimes speak
+of the negotiations of the twelve days before the war as if the whole
+secret and cause of the war could be found there; but it is not so.
+Statesmen, it is true, are the keepers of the lock-gates, but those
+keepers can only delay, they cannot prevent an inundation that has great
+natural causes. The world has in it evil enough, and darkness enough.
+But it is not so bad and so dark that a slip in diplomacy, a careless
+word, or an impolite gesture, can instantaneously, as if by magic,
+involve twenty million men in a struggle to the death. It is only
+clever, conceited men, proud of their neat little minds, who think that
+because they cannot fathom the causes of the war, it might easily have
+been prevented. I confess I find it difficult to conceive of the war in
+terms of simple right and wrong. We must respect the tides, and their
+huge unintelligible force teaches us to respect them.
+
+It is not a war of race. For all our differences with the Germans, any
+cool and impartial mind must admit that we have many points of kinship
+with them. During the years before the war our naval officers in the
+Mediterranean found, I believe, that it was easier to associate on terms
+of social friendship with the Austrians than with the officers of any
+other foreign navy. We have a passionate admiration for France, and a
+real devotion to her, but that is a love affair, not a family tie. We
+begin to be experienced in love affairs, for Ireland steadily refuses to
+be treated on any other footing. In any case, we are much closer to the
+Germans than they are to the Bulgarians or the Turks. Of these three we
+like the Turks the best, because they are chivalrous and generous
+enemies, which the Germans are not.
+
+It is a war of ideas. We are fighting an armed doctrine. Yet Burke's use
+of those words to describe the military power of Revolutionary France
+should warn us against fallacious attempts to simplify the issue. When
+ideas become motives and are filtered into practice, they lose their
+clearness of outline and are often hard to recognize. They leaven the
+lump, but the lump is still human clay, with its passions and
+prejudices, its pride and its hate. I remember seeing in a provincial
+paper, in the early days of the war, two adjacent columns, both dealing
+with the war. The first was headed 'A Holy War' and set forth the great
+principles of nationality, respect for treaties, and protection of the
+weak, which in our opinion are the main motives of the Allies in this
+war. The second was headed 'The War on Commerce; Tips to capture German
+trade', and set forth those other principles and motives which, in the
+opinion of the Germans, brought England into this war.
+
+I am not going to defend England against the charge that she entered
+this war on a cold calculation of mercantile profit. Every one here
+knows that the charge is utterly untrue. Those who believe the charge
+could not be shaken in their belief except by being educated all over
+again, and introduced to some knowledge of human nature. It is enough to
+remark that this charge is a commonplace between belligerent nations.
+They all like to believe that their adversaries entertain only base
+motives, while they themselves act only on the loftiest ideal
+promptings. If the charge means only that every nation at war is bound
+to think of its own interests, to conserve its own strength, and to
+seize on all material gains that are within its reach, the charge is
+true and harmless. When two angry women quarrel in a back street, they
+commonly accuse each other of being amorous. They might just as well
+accuse each other of being human. The charge is true and insignificant.
+So also with nations; they all cherish themselves and seek to preserve
+their means of livelihood.
+
+If this were their sole concern, there would be few wars; certainly this
+war, which is desolating and impoverishing Europe, would be impossible.
+No one, surely, can look at the war and say that nations are moved only
+by their material interests. It would be more plausible to say that they
+are too little moved by those interests. Bacon, in his essay _Of Death_,
+remarks that the fear of death does not much affect mankind. 'There is
+no passion in the mind of man so weak, but it mates and masters the
+fear of death; and therefore death is no such terrible enemy when a man
+hath so many attendants about him that can win the combat of him.
+Revenge triumphs over death; love slights it; honour aspireth to it;
+grief flieth to it, fear pre-occupateth it; nay, we read, after Otho the
+Emperor had slain himself, pity (which is the tenderest of affections)
+provoked many to die out of mere compassion to their sovereign, and as
+the truest sort of followers.' If this is true of the fear of death, how
+much truer it is of the love of material gain. Any whim, or point of
+pride, or fixed idea, or old habit, is enough to make a man or a nation
+forgo the hope of profit and fight for a creed.
+
+The German creed is by this time well known. Before the war we took
+little notice of it. We sometimes saw it stated in print, but it seemed
+to us too monstrous and inhuman to be the creed of a whole people. We
+were wrong; it was the creed of a whole people. By the mesmerism of
+State education, by the discipline of universal military service, by the
+pride of the German people in their past victories, and by the fears
+natural to a nation that finds enemies on all its fronts, an absolute
+belief in the State, in war as the highest activity of the State, and in
+the right of the State to enslave all its subjects, body and soul, to
+its purposes, had become the creed of all those diverse peoples that are
+united under the Prussian Monarchy. Most of them are not naturally
+warlike peoples. They have been lured, and frightened, and drilled, and
+bribed into war, but it is true to say that, on the whole, they enjoy
+fighting less than we do. One of the truest remarks ever made on the war
+was that famous remark of a British private soldier, who was telling
+how his company took a trench from the enemy. Fearing that his account
+of the affair might sound boastful, he added, 'You see, Sir, they're not
+a military people, like we are.' Only the word was wrong, the meaning
+was right. They are, as every one knows, an enormously military people,
+and, if they want to fight at all, they have to be a military people,
+for the vast majority of them are not a warlike people. A first-class
+army could never have been fashioned in Germany out of volunteer
+civilians, like our army on the Somme. That army has a little shaken the
+faith of the Germans in their creed. Again I must quote one of our
+soldiers: 'I don't say', he remarked, 'that our average can run rings
+round their best; what I say is that our average is better than their
+average, and our best is better than their best.' The Germans already
+are uneasy about their creed and their system, but there is no escape
+for them; they have sacrificed everything to it; they have impoverished
+the mind and drilled the imagination of every German citizen, so that
+Germany appears before the world with the body of a giant and the mind
+of a dwarf; they have sacrificed themselves in millions that their creed
+may prevail, and with their creed they must stand or fall. The State,
+organized as absolute power, responsible to no one, with no duties to
+its neighbour, and with only nominal duties to a strictly subordinate
+God, has challenged the soul of man in its dearest possessions. We
+cannot predict the course of military operations; but if we were not
+sure of the ultimate issue of this great struggle, we should have no
+sufficient motive for continuing to breathe. The State has challenged
+the soul of man before now, and has always been defeated. A miserable
+remnant of men and women, tied to stakes or starved in dungeons, have
+before now shattered what seemed an omnipotent tyranny, because they
+stood for the soul and were not prompted by vanity or self-regard. They
+had great allies--
+
+ 'Their friends were exultations, agonies,
+ And love, and man's unconquerable mind.'
+
+If we are defeated we shall be defeated not by German strength but by
+our own weakness. The worst enemy of the martyr is doubt and the divided
+mind, which suggests the question, 'Is it, after all, worth while?' We
+must know what we have believed. What do we stand for in this war? It is
+only the immovable conviction that we stand for something ultimate and
+essential that can help us and carry us through. No war of this kind and
+on this scale is good enough to fight unless it is good enough to fail
+in. 'The calculation of profit', said Burke,'in all such wars is false.
+On balancing the account of such wars, ten thousand hogs-heads of sugar
+are purchased at ten thousand times their price. The blood of man should
+never be shed but to redeem the blood of man. It is well shed for our
+family, for our friends, for our God, for our country, for our kind. The
+rest is vanity; the rest is crime.'
+
+The question I have asked is a difficult question to answer, or, rather,
+the answer is not easy to formulate briefly and clearly. Most of the men
+at the front know quite well what they are fighting for; they know that
+it is for their country, but that it is also for their kind--for certain
+ideals of humanity. We at home know that we are at war for liberty and
+humanity. But these words are invoked by different nations in different
+senses; the Germans, or at least most of them, have as much liberty as
+they desire, and believe that the highest good of humanity is to be
+found in the prevalence of their own ideas and of their own type of
+government and society. No abstract demonstration can help us. Liberty
+is a highly comparative notion; no one asks for it complete. Humanity is
+a highly variable notion; it is interpreted in different senses by
+different societies. What we are confronted by is two types of
+character, two sets of aims, two ideals for society. There can be no
+harm in trying to understand both.
+
+The Germans can never be understood by those who neglect their history.
+They are a solid, brave, and earnest people, who, till quite recent
+times, have been denied their share in the government of Europe. In the
+sixteenth century they were deeply stirred by questions of religion, and
+were rent asunder by the Reformation. Compromise proved futile; the
+small German states were ranked on this side or on that at the will of
+their rulers and princes; men of the same race were ranged in mortal
+opposition on the question of religious belief, and there was no
+solution but war. For thirty years in the seventeenth century the war
+raged. It was conducted with a fierceness and inhumanity that even the
+present war has not equalled. The civilian population suffered
+hideously. Whole provinces were desolated and whole states were bereaved
+of their men. When, from mere exhaustion, the war came to an end,
+Germany lay prostrate, and the chief gains of the war fell to the rising
+monarchy of France, which had intervened in the middle of the struggle.
+By the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 Alsace and Lorraine went to France,
+and the rule of the great monarch, Louis XIV, had nothing to fear from
+the German peoples. The ambitions of Germany, for long after this, were
+mainly cosmopolitan and intellectual. But political ambitions, though
+they seemed almost dead, were revived by the hardy state of Prussia, and
+the rest of Germany's history, down to our own time, is the history of
+the welding of the Germanic peoples into a single state by Prussian
+monarchs and statesmen.
+
+This history explains many things. If a people has a corporate memory,
+if it can learn from its own sufferings, Germany has reason enough to
+cherish with a passionate devotion her late achieved unity. And German
+brutality, which is not the less brutality because Germans regard it as
+quite natural and right, has its origin in German history. The Prussian
+is a Spartan, a natural brute, but brutal to himself as well as to
+others, capable of extremes of self-denial and self-discipline. From the
+Prussians the softer and more emotional German peoples of the South
+received the gift of national unity, and they repaid the debt by
+extravagant admiration for Prussian prowess and hardihood, which had
+been so serviceable to their cause. The Southern Germans, the Bavarians
+especially, have developed a sort of sentimentalism of brutality,
+expressed in the hysterical Hymn of Hate (which hails from Munich),
+expressed also in those monstrous excesses and cruelties, surpassing
+anything that mere insensibility can produce, which have given the
+Bavarian troops their foul reputation in the present war.
+
+The last half century of German history must also be remembered. Three
+assaults on neighbouring states were rewarded by a great increase of
+territory and of strength. From Denmark, in 1864, Prussia took
+Schleswig-Holstein. The defeat of Austria in 1866 brought Hanover and
+Bavaria under the Prussian leadership; Alsace and Lorraine were regained
+from France in 1870. The Prussian mind, which is not remarkable for
+subtlety, found a justification in these three wars for its favourite
+doctrine of frightfulness. That doctrine, put briefly, is that people
+can always be frightened into submission, and that it is cheaper to
+frighten them than to fight them to the bitter end. Denmark was a small
+nation, and moreover was left utterly unsupported by the European powers
+who had guaranteed her integrity. Bavaria was frightened, and will be
+frightened again when her hot fit gives way to her cold fit. France was
+divided and half-hearted under a tinsel emperor. It is Germany's
+misfortune that on these three special cases she based a general
+doctrine of war. A very little knowledge of human nature--a knowledge so
+alien to her that she calls it psychology and assigns it to
+specialists--would have taught her that, for the most part, human beings
+when they are fighting for their homes and their faith cannot be
+frightened, and must be killed or conciliated. The practice of
+frightfulness has not worked very well in this war. It has steeled the
+heart of Germany's enemies. It has produced in her victims a temper of
+hate that will outlive this generation, and will make the small peoples
+whom she has kicked and trampled on impossible subjects of the German
+Empire. Worst of all it has suggested to onlookers that the people who
+have so plenary a belief in frightfulness are not themselves strangers
+to fear. There is an old English proverb, hackneyed and stale three
+hundred years ago, but now freshened again by disuse, that the goodwife
+would never have looked for her daughter in the oven unless she had been
+there herself.
+
+How shall I describe the English temper, which the Germans, high and
+low, learned and ignorant, have so profoundly mistaken? You can get no
+description of it from the Englishman pure and simple; he has no theory
+of himself, and it bores him to hear himself described. Yet it is this
+temper which has given England her great place in the world and which
+has cemented the British Empire. It is to be found not in England alone,
+but wherever there is a strain of English blood or an acceptance of
+English institutions. You can find it in Australia, in Canada, in
+America; it infects Scotland, and impresses Wales. It is everywhere in
+our trenches to-day. It is not clannish, or even national, it is
+essentially the lonely temper of a man independent to the verge of
+melancholy. An admirable French writer of to-day has said that the best
+handbook and guide to the English temper is Defoe's romance of _Robinson
+Crusoe_. Crusoe is practical, but is conscious of the over-shadowing
+presence of the things that are greater than man. He makes his own
+clothing, teaches his goats to dance, and wrestles in thought with the
+problems suggested by his Bible. Another example of the same temper may
+be seen in Bunyan's _Pilgrim's Progress_, and yet another in
+Wordsworth's _Prelude_. There is no danger that English thought will
+ever underestimate the value and meaning of the individual soul. The
+greatest English literature, it might almost be said, from Shakespeare's
+_Hamlet_ to Browning's _The Ring and the Book_, is concerned with no
+other subject. The age-long satire against the English is that in
+England every man claims the right to go to heaven his own way. English
+institutions, instead of subduing men to a single pattern, are devised
+chiefly with the object of saving the rights of the subject and the
+liberty of the individual. 'Every man in his humour' is an English
+proverb, and might almost be a statement of English constitutional
+doctrine. But this extreme individualism is the right of all, and does
+not favour self-exaltation. The English temper has an almost morbid
+dislike of all that is showy or dramatic in expression. I remember how a
+Winchester boy, when he was reproached with the fact that Winchester has
+produced hardly any great men, replied, 'No, indeed, I should think not.
+We would pretty soon have knocked that out of them.' And the epigrams of
+the English temper usually take the form of understatement. 'Give
+Dayrolles a chair' were the last dying words of Lord Chesterfield,
+spoken of the friend who had come to see him. When the French troops go
+over the parapet to make an advance, their battle cry shouts the praises
+of their Country. The British troops prefer to celebrate the advance in
+a more trivial fashion, 'This way to the early door, sixpence extra.'
+
+I might go on interminably with this dissertation, but I have said
+enough for my purpose. The history of England has had much to do with
+moulding the English temper. We have been protected from direct
+exposure to the storms that have swept the Continent. Our wars on land
+have been adventures undertaken by expeditionary forces. At sea, while
+the power of England was growing, we have been explorers, pirates,
+buccaneers. Now that we are involved in a great European war on land,
+our methods have been changed. The artillery and infantry of a modern
+army cannot act effectively on their own impulse. We hold the sea, and
+the pirates' work for the present has passed into other hands. But our
+spirit and temper is the same as of old. It has found a new world in the
+air. War in the air, under the conditions of to-day, demands all the old
+gallantry and initiative. The airman depends on his own brain and nerve;
+he cannot fall back on orders from his superiors. Our airmen of to-day
+are the true inheritors of Drake; they have the same inspired
+recklessness, the same coolness, and the same chivalry to a vanquished
+enemy.
+
+I am a very bad example of the English temper; for the English temper
+grumbles at all this, to the great relief of our enemies, who believe
+that what a man admits against his own nation must be true. Our
+pessimists, by indulging their natural vein, serve us, without reward,
+quite as well as Germany is served by her wireless press. They deceive
+the enemy.
+
+Modern Germany has organized and regimented her people like an ant-hill
+or a beehive. The people themselves, including many who belong to the
+upper class, are often simple villagers in temper, full of kindness and
+anger, much subject to envy and jealousy, not magnanimous, docile and
+obedient to a fault. If they claimed, as individuals, to represent the
+highest reach of European civilization, the claim would be merely
+absurd. So they shift their ground, and pretend that society is greater
+than man, and that by their painstaking organization their society has
+been raised to the pinnacle of human greatness. They make this claim so
+insistently, and in such obvious good faith, that some few weak tempers
+and foolish minds in England have been impressed by it. These
+panic-stricken counsellors advise us, without delay, to reform our
+institutions and organize them upon the German model. Only thus, they
+tell us, can we hold our own against so huge a power. But if we were to
+take their advice, we should have nothing of our own left to hold. It is
+reasonable and good to co-operate and organize in order to attain an
+agreed object, but German organization goes far beyond this. The German
+nation is a carefully built, smooth-running machine, with powerful
+engines. It has only one fault--that any fool can drive it; and seeing
+that the governing class in Germany is obstinate and unimaginative,
+there is no lack of drivers to pilot it to disaster. The best ability of
+Germany is seen in her military organization. Napoleon is her worshipped
+model, and, like many admirers of Napoleon, she thinks only of his great
+campaigns; she forgets that he died in St. Helena, and that his schemes
+for the reorganization of Europe failed.
+
+I know that many people in England are not daunted but depressed by the
+military successes of the enemy. Our soldiers in the field are not
+depressed. But we who are kept at home suffer from the miasma of the
+back-parlour. We read the headlines of newspapers--a form of literature
+that is exciting enough, but does not merit the praise given to
+Sophocles, who saw life steadily and saw it whole. We keep our ears to
+the telephone, and we forget that the great causes which are always at
+work, and which will shape the issues of this war, are not recorded upon
+the telephone. There are things truer and more important than the latest
+dispatches. Here is one of them. The organization of the second-rate can
+never produce anything first-rate. We do not understand a people who,
+when it comes to the last push of man against man, throw up their hands
+and utter the pathetic cry of 'Kamerad'. To surrender is a weakness that
+no one who has not been under modern artillery fire has any right to
+condemn; to profess a sudden affection for the advancing enemy is not
+weakness but baseness. Or rather, it would be baseness in a voluntary
+soldier; in the Germans it means only that the war is not their own war;
+that they are fighting as slaves, not as free men. The idea that we
+could ever live under the rule of these people is merely comic. To do
+them justice, they do not now entertain the idea, though they have
+dallied with it in the past.
+
+No harm can be done, I think, by preaching to the English people the
+necessity for organization and discipline. We shall still be ourselves,
+and there is no danger that we shall overdo discipline or make
+organization a thing to be worshipped for its own sake. The danger is
+all the other way. We have learnt much from the war, and the work that
+we shall have to do when it ends is almost more important than the terms
+of peace, or concessions made this way and that. If the treacherous
+assault of the Germans on the liberties and peace of Europe is rewarded
+by any solid gain to the German Empire, then history may forgive them,
+but this people of the British Empire will not forgive them. Nothing
+will be as it was before; and our cause, which will not be lost in the
+war, will still have to be won in the so-called peace. I know that some
+say, 'Let us have war when we are at war, and peace when we are at
+peace'. It sounds plausible and magnanimous, but it is Utopian. You must
+reckon with your own people. They know that when we last had peace, the
+sunshine of that peace was used by the Germans to hatch the spawn of
+malice and treason. If the Germans are defeated in the war, we shall, I
+suppose, forgive them, for the very English reason that it is a bore not
+to forgive your enemies. But if they escape without decisive defeat in
+battle, their harder trial is yet to come.
+
+In some ways we are stronger than we have been in all our long history.
+We have found ourselves, and we have found our friends. Our dead have
+taught the children of to-day more and better than any living teachers
+can teach them. No one in this country will ever forget how the people
+of the Dominions, at the first note of war, sprang to arms like one man.
+We must not thank or praise them; like the Navy, they regard our thanks
+and praise as something of an impertinence. They are not fighting, they
+say, for us. But that is how we discovered them. They are doing much
+better than fighting for us, they are fighting with us, because, without
+a word of explanation or appeal, their ideas and ours are the same. We
+never have discussed with them, and we never shall discuss, what is
+decent and clean and honourable in human behaviour. A philosopher who
+is interested in this question can find plenty of intellectual exercise
+by discussing it with the Germans, Where an Englishman, a Canadian, and
+an Australian are met, there is no material for such a debate.
+
+It would be extravagant to suppose that a discovery like this can leave
+our future relations untouched. We now know that we are profoundly
+united in a union much stronger and deeper than any mechanism can
+produce. I know how difficult a problem it is to hit on the best device
+for giving political expression to this union between States separated
+from one another by the whole world's diameter, differing in their
+circumstances, their needs, and their outlook. I do not dare to
+prescribe; but I should like to make a few remarks, and to call
+attention to a few points which are perhaps more present to the mind of
+the ordinary citizen than they are in the discussions of constitutional
+experts.
+
+We must arrange for co-operation and mutual support. If the arrangement
+is complicated and lengthy, we must not wait for it; we must meet and
+discuss our common affairs. Ministers from the Dominions have already
+sat with the British Cabinet. We can never go back on that; it is a
+landmark in our history. Our Ministers must travel; if their supporters
+are impatient of their absence on the affairs of the Empire, they must
+find some less parochial set of supporters. We have begun in the right
+way; the right way is not to pass laws determining what you are to do;
+but to do what is needful, and do it at once,--do a lot of things, and
+regularize your successes by later legislation. Now is the time, while
+the Empire is white-hot. Our first need is not lawyers, but men who,
+feeling friendly, know how to behave as friends do. They will not be
+impeached if they go beyond the letter of the law. One act of faith is
+worth a hundred arguments. This is a family affair; the habits of an
+affectionate and united family are the only good model.
+
+As for the Crown Colonies and India, the Dominions must share our
+burden. It is objected, both here and in India, that life in the
+Dominions is a very inadequate education for the sympathetic handling of
+alien races and customs. So is life in many parts of this island. The
+fact is that the process of learning to govern these alien peoples is
+the best education in the world. The Indian Civil Service is a great
+College, and it governs India. I can speak to this point, for I have
+lived there and seen it at work. If India were really governed by the
+ideas of the young novices who go out there fresh from their
+examinations, she would be a distressful country. But the novice is
+taken in hand at once by the older members of the service; he works
+under the eye of the Collector and the Assistant Collector; they
+shoulder him and instruct him as tame elephants shoulder and instruct
+the wild; they are kind to him, and he lives in their company while his
+prejudices and follies peel off him; so that within a few years he
+becomes a tolerant, wise, and devoted civil servant, who speaks the
+language of the College and is proud to belong to it. The success of the
+Government of India is not to be credited to the classes from which the
+Civil Service is recruited, but to the discipline of the Service itself,
+a Service so high in tradition and so free from corruption that
+advancement in it is to be gained only by intelligence and sympathy.
+What I am saying is that I can imagine no finer raw material for the
+political discipline of the Indian Civil Service than some of the
+generous and clean-run spirits who have come from the Dominions to help
+in this war. They could be introduced to a share of our responsibilities
+without impeding or retarding the movement to give to selected natives
+of India a larger share in the government of their country.
+
+But the war is not over, so I return to the main issue--the conflict
+between the English idea and the German idea of world government. It is
+not an accident, as Baron von Huegel remarks in his book on _The German
+Soul_, that the chief colonizing nation of the world should be a nation
+without a national army. We have depended enormously in the past on the
+initiative and virtue of the individual adventurer; if our adventurers
+were to fail us, which is not likely, or if the State were to supersede
+them, and attempt to do their work, which is not conceivable, our
+political power and influence would vanish with them. The world might
+perhaps be well ordered, but there would be no freedom, and no fun. The
+beauty of the adventurer is that he is practically invincible. He does
+not wait for orders. Under the most perfect police system that Germany
+could devise, he would be up and at it again. We are not so numerous as
+the Germans, but there are enough and to spare of us to make German
+government impossible in any place where we pitch our tents. We are
+practised hands at upsetting governments. Our political system is a
+training school for rebels. This is what makes our very existence an
+offence to the moral instincts of the German people. They are quite
+right to want to kill us; the only way to abolish fun and freedom is to
+abolish life. But I must not be unjust to them; their forethought
+provides for everything, and no doubt they would prescribe authorized
+forms of fun for half an hour a week, and would gather together their
+subjects in public assembly, under municipal regulations, to perform
+approved exercises in freedom.
+
+Mankind lives by ideas; and if an irreconcilable difference in ideas
+makes a good war, then this is a good war. The contrast between the two
+ideas is profound and far-reaching. My business lies in a University.
+For a good many years before the war certain selected German students,
+who had had a University education in their own country, came as Rhodes
+scholars to Oxford. The intention of Mr. Rhodes was benevolent; he
+thought that if German students were to reside for four years at Oxford
+and to associate there, at an impressionable time of life, with young
+Englishmen, understanding and fellowship would be encouraged between the
+two peoples. But the German government took care to defeat Mr. Rhodes's
+intention. Instead of sending a small number of students for the full
+period, as Mr. Rhodes had provided, Germany asked and (by whose mistake
+I do not know) obtained leave to send a larger number for a shorter
+stay. The students selected were intended for the political and
+diplomatic service, and were older than the usual run of Oxford
+freshmen. Their behaviour had a certain ambassadorial flavour about it.
+They did not mix much in the many undergraduate societies which flourish
+in a college, but met together in clubs of their own to drink patriotic
+toasts. They were nothing if not superior. I remember a conversation I
+had with one of them who came to consult me. He wished, he said, to do
+some definite piece of research work in English literature. I asked him
+what problems or questions in English literature most interested him,
+and he replied that he would do anything that I advised. We had a talk
+of some length, wholly at cross-purposes. At last I tried to make my
+point of view clear by reminding him that research means finding the
+answer to a question, and that if his reading of English literature,
+which had been fairly extensive, had suggested no questions to his mind,
+he was not in the happiest possible position to begin research. This
+touched his national pride, and he gave me something not unlike a
+lecture. In Germany, he said, the professor tells you what you are to
+do; he gives you a subject for investigation, he names the books you are
+to read, and advises you on what you are to write; you follow his
+advice, and produce a thesis, which gains you the degree of Doctor of
+Letters. I have seen a good many of these theses, and I am sure this
+account is correct. With very rare exceptions they are as dead as
+mutton, and much less nourishing. The upshot of our conversation was
+that he thought me an incompetent professor, and I thought him an
+unprofitable student.
+
+There are many people in England to-day who praise the thoroughness of
+the Germans, and their devotion to systematic thought. Has any one ever
+taken the trouble to trace the development of the thesis habit, and its
+influence on their national life? They theorize everything, and they
+believe in their theories. They have solemn theories of the English
+character, of the French character, of the nature of war, of the history
+of the world. No breath of scepticism dims their complacency, although
+events steadily prove their theories wrong. They have courage, and when
+they are seeking truth by the process of reasoning, they accept the
+conclusions attained by the process, however monstrous these conclusions
+may be. They not only accept them, they act upon them, and, as every one
+knows, their behaviour in Belgium was dictated to them by their
+philosophy.
+
+Thought of this kind is the enemy of the human race. It intoxicates
+sluggish minds, to whom thought is not natural. It suppresses all the
+gentler instincts of the heart and supplies a basis of orthodoxy for all
+the cruelty and treachery in the world. I do not know, none of us knows,
+when or how this war will end. But I know that it is worth fighting to
+the end, whatever it may cost to all and each of us. We may have peace
+with the Germans, the peace of exhaustion or the peace that is only a
+breathing space in a long struggle. We can never have peace with the
+German idea. It was not the idea of the older German thinkers--of Kant,
+or of Goethe, who were good Europeans. Kant said that there is nothing
+good in the world except the good will. The modern German doctrine is
+that there is nothing good in the world except what tends to the power
+and glory of the State. The inventor of this doctrine, it may be
+remembered, was the Devil, who offered to the Son of Man the glory of
+all the kingdoms of the world, if only He would fall down and worship
+him. The Germans, exposed to a like temptation, have accepted the offer
+and have fulfilled the condition. They can have no assurance that faith
+will be kept with them. On the other hand, we can have no assurance that
+they will suffer any signal or dramatic reverse. Human history does not
+usually observe the laws of melodrama. But we know that their newly
+purchased doctrine can be fought, in war and in peace, and we know that
+in the end it will not prevail.
+
+
+
+
+THE FAITH OF ENGLAND
+
+_An Address to the Union Society of University College, London, March
+22,1917_
+
+
+When Professor W.P. Ker asked me to address you on this ceremonial
+occasion I felt none of the confidence of the man who knows what he
+wants to say, and is looking for an audience. But Professor Ker is my
+old friend, and this place is the place where I picked up many of those
+fragmentary impressions which I suppose must be called my education. So
+I thought it would be ungrateful to refuse, even though it should prove
+that I have nothing to express save goodwill and the affections of
+memory.
+
+When I matriculated in the University of London and became a student in
+this place, my professors were Professor Goodwin, Professor Church,
+Professor Henrici, Professor Groom Robertson, and Professor Henry
+Morley. I remember all these, though, if they were alive, I do not think
+that any of them would remember me. The indescribable exhilaration,
+which must be familiar to many of you, of leaving school and entering
+college, is in great part the exhilaration of making acquaintance with
+teachers who care much about their subject and little or nothing about
+their pupils. To escape from the eternal personal judgements which make
+a school a place of torment is to walk upon air. The schoolmaster looks
+at you; the college professor looks the way you are looking. The
+statements made by Euclid, that thoughtful Greek, are no longer
+encumbered at college with all those preposterous and irrelevant moral
+considerations which desolate the atmosphere of a school. The question
+now is not whether you have perfectly acquainted yourself with what
+Euclid said, but whether what he said is true. In my earliest days at
+college I heard a complete exposition of the first six books of Euclid,
+given in four lectures, with masterly ease and freedom, by Professor
+Henrici, who did not hesitate to employ methods of demonstration which,
+though they are perfectly legitimate and convincing, were rejected by
+the daintiness of the Greek. Professor Groom Robertson introduced his
+pupils to the mysteries of mental and moral philosophy, and incidentally
+disaffected some of us by what seemed to us his excessive reverence for
+the works of Alexander Bain. Those works were our favourite theme for
+satirical verse, which we did not pain our Professor by publishing.
+Professor Henry Morley lectured hour after hour to successive classes in
+a room half way down the passage, on the left. Even overwork could not
+deaden his enormous vitality; but I hope that his immediate successor
+does not lecture so often. Outside the classrooms I remember the
+passages, which resembled the cellars of an unsuccessful sculptor, the
+library, where I first read _Romeo and Juliet_, and the refectory, where
+we discussed human life in most, if not in all, of its aspects. In the
+neighbourhood of the College there was the classic severity of Gower
+Street, and, for those who preferred the richer variety of romance,
+there was always the Tottenham Court Road. Beyond all, and throughout
+all, there was friendship, and there was freedom. The College was
+founded, I believe, partly in the interests of those who object to
+subscribe to a conclusion before they are permitted to examine the
+grounds for it. It has always been a free place; and if I remember it as
+a place of delight, that is because I found here the delights of
+freedom.
+
+My thoughts in these days are never very long away from the War, so that
+I should feel it difficult to speak of anything else. Yet there are so
+many ways in which it would be unprofitable for me to pretend to speak
+of it, that the difficulty remains. I have no knowledge of military or
+naval strategy. I am not intimately acquainted with Germany or with
+German culture. I could praise our own people, and our own fighting men,
+from a full heart; but that, I think, is not exactly what you want from
+me. So I am reduced to attempting what we have all had to attempt during
+the past two years or more, to try to state, for myself as much as for
+you, the meaning of this War so far as we can perceive it.
+
+It seems to be a decree of fate that this country shall be compelled
+every hundred years to fight for her very life. We live in an island
+that lies across the mouths of the Rhine, and guards the access to all
+the ports of northern Europe. In this island we have had enough safety
+and enough leisure to develop for ourselves a system of constitutional
+and individual liberty which has had an enormous influence on other
+nations. It has been admired and imitated; it has also been hated and
+attacked. To the majority of European statesmen and politicians it has
+been merely unintelligible. Some of them have regarded it with a kind
+of superstitious reverence; for we have been very successful in the
+world at large, and how could so foolish and ineffective a system
+achieve success except by adventitious aid? Others, including all the
+statesmen and political theorists who prepared Germany for this War,
+have refused to admire; the power of England, they have taught, is not
+real power; she has been crafty and lucky; she has kept herself free
+from the entanglements and strifes of the Continent, and has enriched
+herself by filching the property of the combatants. If once she were
+compelled to hold by force what she won by guile, her pretensions would
+collapse, and she would fall back into her natural position as a small
+agricultural island, inhabited by a people whose proudest boast would
+then be that they are poor cousins of the Germans.
+
+It is difficult to discuss this question with German professors and
+politicians: they have such simple minds, and they talk like angry
+children. Their opinions concerning England are not original; their
+views were held with equal fervour and expressed in very similar
+language by Philip of Spain in the sixteenth century, by Louis XIV of
+France in the seventeenth century, and by Napoleon at the close of the
+eighteenth century. 'These all died in faith, not having received the
+promises, but having seen them afar off.' I will ask you to consider the
+attack made upon England by each of these three powerful rulers.
+
+Any one who reads the history of these three great wars will feel a
+sense of illusion, as if he were reading the history of to-day. The
+points of resemblance in all four wars are so many and so great that it
+seems as if the four wars were all one war, repeated every century. The
+cause of the war is always an ambitious ruler who covets supremacy on
+the European Continent. England is always opposed to him--inevitably and
+instinctively. It took the Germans twenty years to prepare their people
+for this War. It took us two days to prepare ours. Our instinct is quick
+and sound; for the resources and wealth of the Continent, if once they
+were controlled by a single autocratic power, would make it impossible
+for England to follow her fortunes upon the sea. But we never stand
+quite alone. The smaller peoples of the Continent, who desire
+self-government, or have achieved it, always give the conqueror trouble,
+and rebel against him or resist him. England always sends help to them,
+the help of an expeditionary force, or, failing that, the help of
+irregular volunteers. Sir Philip Sidney dies at Zutphen; Sir John Moore
+at Corunna. There is always desperate fighting in the Low Countries; and
+the names of Mons, Liege, Namur, and Lille recur again and again.
+England always succeeds in maintaining herself, though not without some
+reverses, on the sea. In the end the power of the master of legions,
+Philip, Louis, Napoleon, and shall we say William, crumbles and melts;
+his ambitions are too costly to endure, his people chafe under his lash,
+and his kingdom falls into insignificance or is transformed by internal
+revolution.
+
+In all these wars there is one other resemblance which it is good to
+remember to-day. The position of England, at one time or another in the
+course of the war, always seems desperate. When Philip of Spain invaded
+England with the greatest navy of the world, he was met on the seas by a
+fleet made up chiefly of volunteers. When Louis overshadowed Europe and
+threatened England, our king was in his pay and had made a secret treaty
+with him; our statesmen, moreover, had destroyed our alliance with the
+maritime powers of Sweden and Holland, we had war with the Dutch, and
+our fleet was beaten by them. During the war against Napoleon we were in
+an even worse plight; the plausible political doctrines of the
+Revolution found many sympathizers in this country; our sailors mutinied
+at the Nore; Ireland was aflame with discontent; and we were involved in
+the Mahratta War in India, not to mention the naval war with America.
+Even after Trafalgar, our European allies failed us, Napoleon disposed
+of Austria and Prussia, and concluded a separate treaty with Russia. It
+was then that Wordsworth wrote--
+
+ ''Tis well! from this day forward we shall know
+ That in ourselves our safety must be sought;
+ That by our own right hands it must be wrought;
+ That we must stand unpropped, or be laid low.
+ O dastard whom such foretaste doth not cheer!
+ We shall exult, if they who rule the land
+ Be men who hold its many blessings dear,
+ Wise, upright, valiant; not a servile band,
+ Who are to judge of dangers which they fear,
+ And honour which they do not understand.'
+
+Always in the same cause, we have suffered worse things than we are
+suffering to-day, and if there is worse to come we hope that we are
+ready. The youngest and best of us, who carry on and go through with
+it, though many of them are dead and many more will not live to see the
+day of victory, have been easily the happiest and most confident among
+us. They have believed that, at a price, they can save decency and
+civilization in Europe, and, if they are wrong, they have known, as we
+know, that the day when decency and civilization are trampled under the
+foot of the brute is a day when it is good to die.
+
+When I speak of the German nation as the brute I am not speaking
+controversially or rhetorically; the whole German nation has given its
+hearty assent to a brutal doctrine of war and politics; no facts need be
+disputed between us: what to us is their shame, to them is their glory.
+This is a grave difference; yet it would be wrong to suppose that we can
+treat it adequately by condemning the whole German nation as a nation of
+confessed criminals. It is the paradox of war that there is always right
+on both sides. When a man is ready and willing to sacrifice his life,
+you cannot deny him the right to choose what he will die for. The most
+beautiful virtues, faith and courage and devotion, grow like weeds upon
+the battle-field. The fighters recognize these virtues in each other,
+and the front lines, for all their mud and slaughter, are breathed on by
+the airs of heaven. Hate and pusillanimity have little there to nourish
+them. To find the meaner passions you must seek further back. Johnson,
+speaking in the _Idler_ of the calamities produced by war, admits that
+he does not know 'whether more is to be dreaded from streets filled with
+soldiers accustomed to plunder, or from garrets filled with scribblers
+accustomed to lie'. Now that our army is the nation in arms, the danger
+from a lawless soldiery has become less, or has vanished; but the other
+danger has increased. Journalists are not the only offenders. It is a
+strange, squalid background for the nobility of the soldier that is made
+by the deceits and boasts of diplomatists and statesmen. In one of the
+prison camps of England, some weeks ago, I saw a Saxon boy who had
+fought bravely for his country. Simplicity and openness and loyalty were
+written on his face. There are hundreds like him, and I would not
+mention him if it were not that that same day I read with a new and
+heightened sense of disgust a speech by the German Chancellor, writhing
+with timidity and dishonesty and uneasy braggadocio. Those who feel this
+contrast as I did may be excused, I think, if they come to the
+conclusion that to talk about war is an accursed trade, and that to
+fight well, whether on the one side or the other, is the only noble
+part.
+
+Yet there is no escape for us; if we are to avoid chaos, if the daily
+life of the world is to be re-established and carried on, there must be
+an understanding between nations, and there is no possible way to come
+to an understanding save by the action and words of representative men
+on the one side and the other. Such representative men there are; there
+is no reason to doubt that they do in the main truly express the
+aspirations and wishes of their people, and on both sides they have
+either explicitly or virtually made offers. The offer of the Allied
+Powers is on record. What does Germany offer? She has refused to make a
+definite statement, but her rulers have talked a great deal, and what
+she intends is not really in doubt; only she is not sure whether she can
+get it, and still clings to the hope that a favourable turn of events
+may relieve her of the duty of making proposals, and put her in a
+position to dictate a settlement. We all know what that settlement would
+be.
+
+The German offer for a solution of the problem of world-government is
+German sentiments, German racial pride, German manners and customs, an
+immense increase of German territory and German influence, and above all
+an acknowledged supremacy for the German race among the nations of the
+world. She thinks she has not stated these aims in so many words; but
+she has. When it was suggested that the future peace of the world might
+be assured by the formation of a League to Enforce Peace, Germany,
+through her official spokesmen, expressed her sympathy with that idea,
+and stated that she would very gladly put herself at the head of such a
+League. I can hardly help loving the Germans when their rustic
+simplicity and rustic cunning lead them all unconsciously into
+self-revelation. The very idea of a League to Enforce Peace implies
+equality among the contracting parties; and Germany does not understand
+equality. 'By all means', she says,'let us sit at a round table, and I
+will sit at the top of it.' Her panacea for human ills is Germanism. She
+has nothing to offer but a purely national sentiment, which some,
+greatly privileged, may share, and the rest must revere and bow to. In
+the Book of Genesis we are told how Joseph was thrown into a pit by his
+elder brothers for talking just like this; but he meant it quite
+innocently, and so do the Germans. They do not intend irreverence to God
+when they call Him the good German God. On the contrary, they choose for
+His praise a word that to them stands for all goodness and all
+greatness. Their worship expresses itself naturally in the tribal ritual
+and the tribal creed. This tribal creed, there can be no doubt, is what
+they offer us for a talisman to ensure the right ordering of the world.
+
+Patriotism and loyalty to hearth and home are passions so strong in
+humanity that a creed like this, when men are under its influence, is
+not easily seen to be absurd. The Saxon boy, whom I saw in his prison
+camp, probably would not quarrel with it. And even in the wider world of
+thought the illusions of nationalism are all-pervading. I once heard
+Professor Henry Sidgwick remark that it is not easy for us to understand
+how the troops of Portugal are stirred to heroic effort when their
+commanders call on them to remember that they are Portuguese. He would
+no doubt have been the first to admit, for he had an alert and sceptical
+mind, that it is only our stupidity which finds anything comic in such
+an appeal. But it is stupidity of this kind which unfits men to deal
+with other races, and it is stupidity of this kind which has been
+exalted by the Germans as a primal duty, and has, indeed, been advanced
+by them as their principal claim to undertake the government of the
+world.
+
+This extreme nationalism, this unwillingness to feel any sympathy for
+other peoples, or to show them any consideration, has stupefied and
+blinded the Germans. One of the heaviest charges that can be brought
+against them is that they have seen no virtue in France, I do not ask
+that they shall interrupt the War to express admiration for their
+enemies: I am speaking of the time before the War. France is the chief
+modern inheritor of that great Roman civilization which found us painted
+savages, and made us into citizens of the world. The French mind, it is
+admitted, and admitted most readily by the most intelligent men, is
+quick and delicate and perceptive, surer and clearer in its operation
+than the average European mind. Yet the Germans, infatuated with a
+belief in their own numbers and their own brute strength, have dared to
+express contempt for the genius of France. A contempt for foreigners is
+common enough among the vulgar and unthinking of all nations, but I do
+not believe that you will find anywhere but in Germany a large number of
+men trained in the learned professions who are so besotted by vanity as
+to deny to France her place in the vanguard of civilization. These louts
+cannot be informed or argued with; they are interested in no one but
+themselves, and naked self-assertion is their only idea of political
+argument. Treitschke, who was for twenty years Professor of History at
+Berlin, and who did perhaps more than any other man to build up the
+modern German creed, has crystallized German politics in a single
+sentence. 'War', he says, 'is politics _par excellence_,' that is to
+say, politics at their purest and highest. Our political doctrine, if it
+must be put in as brief a form, would be better expressed in the
+sentence, 'War is the failure of politics'.
+
+If England were given over to nationalism as Germany is given over,
+then a war between these two Powers, though it would still be a great
+dramatic spectacle, would have as little meaning as a duel between two
+rival gamebirds in a cockpit. We know, and it will some day dawn on the
+Germans, that this War has a deeper meaning than that. We are not
+nationalist; we are too deeply experienced in politics to stumble into
+that trap. We have had a better and longer political education than has
+come to Germany in her short and feverish national life. It is often
+said that the Germans are better educated than we are, and in a sense
+that is true; they are better furnished with schools and colleges and
+the public means of education. The best boy in a school is the boy who
+best minds his book, and even if he dutifully believes all that it tells
+him, that will not lose him the prize. When he leaves school and
+graduates in a wider world, where men must depend on their own judgement
+and their own energy, he is often a little disconcerted to find that
+some of his less bookish fellows easily outgo him in quickness of
+understanding and resource. German education is too elaborate; it
+attempts to do for its pupils much that they had better be left to do
+for themselves. The pupils are docile and obedient, not troubled with
+unruly doubts and questionings, so that the German system of public
+education is a system of public mesmerism, and, now that we see it in
+its effects, may be truly described as a national disease.
+
+I have said that England is not nationalist. If the English believed in
+England as the Germans believe in Germany, there would be nothing for
+it but a duel to the death, the extinction of one people or the other,
+and darkness as the burier of the dead. Peace would be attained by a
+great simplification and impoverishment of the world. But the English do
+not believe in themselves in that mad-bull fashion. They come of mixed
+blood, and have been accustomed for many long centuries to settle their
+differences by compromise and mutual accommodation. They do not inquire
+too curiously into a man's descent if he shares their ideas. They have
+shown again and again that they prefer a tolerant and intelligent
+foreigner to rule over them rather than an obstinate and wrong-headed
+man of native origin. The earliest strong union of the various parts of
+England was achieved by William the Norman, a man of French and
+Scandinavian descent. Our native-born king, Charles the First, was put
+to death by his people; his son, James the Second, was banished, and the
+Dutchman, William the Third, who had proved himself a statesman and
+soldier of genius in his opposition to Louis the Fourteenth, was elected
+to the throne of England. The fierce struggles of the seventeenth
+century, between Royalists and Parliamentarians, between Cavaliers and
+Puritans, were settled at last, not by the destruction of either party,
+but by the stereotyping of the dispute in the milder and more tolerable
+shape of the party system. The only people we have ever shown ourselves
+unwilling to tolerate are the people who will tolerate no one but their
+own kind. We hate all Acts of Uniformity with a deadly hatred. We are
+careful for the rights of minorities. We think life should be made
+possible, and we do not object to its being made happy, for dissenters.
+Voltaire, the acutest French mind of his age, remarked on this when he
+visited England in 1726. 'England', he says, 'is the country of sects.
+"In my father's house are many mansions".... Although the Episcopalians
+and the Presbyterians are the two dominant sects in Great Britain, all
+the others are welcomed there, and live together very fairly, whilst
+most of the preachers hate one another almost as cordially as a
+Jansenist damns a Jesuit. Enter the London Exchange, a place much more
+worthy of respect than most Courts, and you see assembled for the
+benefit of mankind representatives of all nations. There the Jew, the
+Mohammedan, and the Christian deal with each other as if they were of
+the same religion, and call infidels only those who become bankrupt.
+There the Presbyterian trusts the Anabaptist, and the Anabaptist relies
+on the promise of the Quaker. On leaving these free and peaceful
+assemblies, some proceed to the synagogue, others to the tavern.... If
+in England there were only one religion, its despotism would be to be
+dreaded; if there were only two, their followers would cut each other's
+throats; but there are thirty of them, and they live in peace and
+happiness.'
+
+Since we have had so much practice in tolerating one another, and in
+living together even when our ideas on life and the conduct of life seem
+absolutely incompatible, it is no wonder that we approach the treatment
+of international affairs in a temper very unlike the solemn and dogmatic
+ferocity of the German. We do not expect or desire that other peoples
+shall resemble us. The world is wide; and the world-drama is enriched
+by multiplicity and diversity of character. We like bad men, if there is
+salt and spirit in their badness. We even admire a brute, if he is a
+whole-hearted brute. I have often thought that if the Germans had been
+true to their principles and their programme--if, after proclaiming that
+they meant to win by sheer strength and that they recognized no other
+right, they had continued as they began, and had battered and hacked,
+burned and killed, without fear or pity, a certain reluctant admiration
+for them might have been felt in this country. There is no chance of
+that now, since they took to whining about humanity. Yet it is very
+difficult wholly to alienate the sympathies of the English people. It is
+perhaps in some ways a weakness, as it is certainly in other ways a
+strength, that we are fanciers of other peoples. Our soldiers have a
+tendency to make pets of their prisoners, to cherish them as curiosities
+and souvenirs. The fancy becomes a passion when we find a little fellow
+struggling valiantly against odds. I suppose we should be at war with
+Germany to-day, even if the Germans had respected the neutrality of
+Belgium. But the unprovoked assault upon a little people that asked only
+to be let alone united all opinions in this country and brought us in
+with a rush. I believe there is one German, at least (I hope he is
+alive), who understands this. Early in July, 1914, a German student at
+Oxford, who was a friend and pupil of mine, came to say good-bye to me.
+I have since wondered whether he was under orders to join his regiment.
+Anyhow, we talked very freely of many things, and he told me of an
+adventure that had befallen him in an Oxford picture-palace. Portraits
+of notabilities were being thrown on the screen. When a portrait of the
+German Emperor appeared, a youth, sitting just behind my friend, shouted
+out an insulting and scurrilous remark. So my friend stood up and turned
+round and, catching him a cuff on the head, said,'That's my emperor'.
+The house was full of undergraduates, and he expected to be seized and
+thrown into the street. To his great surprise the undergraduates, many
+of whom have now fallen on the fields of France, broke into rounds of
+cheering. 'I should like to think', my friend said, 'that a thing like
+that could possibly happen in a German city, but I am afraid that the
+feeling there would always be against the foreigner. I admire the
+English; they are so just.' I have heard nothing of him since, except a
+rumour that he is with the German army of occupation in Belgium. If so,
+I like to think of him at a regimental mess, suggesting doubts, or, if
+that is an impossible breach of military discipline, keeping silence,
+when the loud-voiced major explains that the sympathy of the English for
+Belgium is all pretence and cant.
+
+Ideal and disinterested motives are always to be reckoned with in human
+nature. What the Germans call 'real politics', that is to say, politics
+which treat disinterested motives as negligible, have led them into a
+morass and have bogged them there. How easy it is to explain that the
+British Empire depends on trade, that we are a nation of traders, that
+all our policy is shaped by trade, that therefore it can only be
+hypocrisy in us to pretend to any of the finer feelings. This is not,
+as you might suppose, the harmless sally of a one-eyed wit; it is the
+carefully reasoned belief of Germany's profoundest political thinkers.
+They do not understand a cavalier, so they confidently assert that there
+is no such thing in nature. That is a bad mistake to make about any
+nation, but perhaps worst when it is made about the English, for the
+cavalier temper in England runs through all classes. You can find it in
+the schoolmaster, the small trader, the clerk, and the labourer, as
+readily as in the officer of dragoons, or the Arctic explorer. The
+Roundheads won the Civil War, and bequeathed to us their political
+achievements. From the Cavaliers we have a more intimate bequest: it is
+from them, not from the Puritans, that the fighting forces of the
+British Empire inherit their outlook on the world, their freedom from
+pedantry, and that gaiety and lightness of courage which makes them
+carry their lives like a feather in the cap.
+
+I am not saying that our qualities, good or bad, commend us very readily
+to strangers. The people of England, on the whole, are respected more
+than they are liked. When I call them fanciers of other nations, I feel
+it only fair to add that some of those other nations express the same
+truth in different language. I have often heard the complaint made that
+Englishmen cannot speak of foreigners without an air of patronage. It is
+impossible to deny this charge, for, in a question of manners, the
+impressions you produce are your manners; and there is no doubt about
+this impression. There is a certain coldness about the upright and
+humane Englishman which repels and intimidates any trivial human being
+who approaches him. Most men would forgo their claim to justice for the
+chance of being liked. They would rather have their heads broken, or
+accept a bribe, than be the objects of a dispassionate judgement,
+however kindly. They feel this so strongly that they experience a dull
+discomfort in any relationship that is not tinctured with passion. As
+there are many such relationships, not to be avoided even by the most
+emotional natures, they escape from them by simulating lively feeling,
+and are sometimes exaggerated and insincere in manner. They issue a very
+large paper currency on a very small gold reserve. This, which is
+commonly known as the Irish Question, is an insoluble problem, for it is
+a clash not of interests but of temperaments. The English, it must in
+fairness be admitted, do as they would be done by. No Englishman pure
+and simple is incommoded by the coldness of strangers. He prefers it,
+for there are many stupid little businesses in the world, which are
+falsified when they are made much of; and even when important facts are
+to be told, he would rather have them told in a dreary manner. He hates
+a fuss.
+
+The Germans, who are a highly emotional and excitable people, have
+concentrated all their energy on a few simple ideas. Their moral outlook
+is as narrow as their geographical outlook is wide. Will their faith
+prevail by its intensity, narrow and false though it be? I cannot prove
+that it will not, but I have a suspicion, which I think has already
+occurred to some of them, that the world is too large and wilful and
+strong to be mastered by them. We have seen what their hatchets and
+explosives can do, and they are nearing the end of their resources. They
+can still repeat some of their old exploits, but they make no headway,
+and time is not their friend.
+
+One service, perhaps, they have done to civilization. There is a growing
+number of people who hold that when this War is over international
+relations must not be permitted to slip back into the unstable condition
+which tempted the Germans to their crime. A good many pacific theorists,
+no doubt, have not the experience and the imagination which would enable
+them to pass a useful judgement, or to make a valuable suggestion, on
+the affairs of nations. The abolition of war would be easily obtained if
+it were generally agreed that war is the worst thing that can befall a
+people. But this is not generally agreed; and, further, it is not true.
+While men are men they cannot be sure that they will never be challenged
+on a point of deep and intimate concern, where they would rather die
+than yield. But something can perhaps be done to discourage gamblers'
+wars, though even here any stockbroker will tell you how difficult it is
+to suppress gambling without injuring the spirit of enterprise. The only
+real check on war is an understanding between nations. For the
+strengthening of such an understanding the Allies have a great
+opportunity, and admirable instruments. I do not think that we shall
+call on Germany to preside at our conferences. But we shall have the
+help of all those qualities of heart and mind which are possessed by
+France, by Russia, by Italy, and by America, who, for all her caution,
+hates cruelty even more than she loves peace. There has never been an
+alliance of greater promise for the government and peace of the world.
+
+What is the contribution of the British Empire, and of England, towards
+this settlement? Many of our domestic problems, as I have said, bear a
+curious resemblance to international problems. We have not solved them
+all. We have had many stumblings and many backslidings. But we have
+shown again and again that we believe in toleration on the widest
+possible basis, and that we are capable of generosity, which is a virtue
+much more commonly shown by private persons than by communities. We
+abolished the slave trade. We granted self-government to South Africa
+just after our war with her. Only a few days ago we gave India her will,
+and allowed her to impose a duty on our manufactures. Ireland could have
+self-government to-morrow if she did not value her feuds more than
+anything else in the world. All these are peoples to whom we have been
+bound by ties of kinship or trusteeship. A wider and greater opportunity
+is on its way to us. We are to see whether we are capable of generosity
+and trust towards peoples who are neither our kin nor our wards. Our
+understanding with France and Russia will call for great goodwill on
+both sides, not so much in the drafting of formal treaties as in
+indulging one another in our national habits. Families who fail to live
+together in unity commonly fail not because they quarrel about large
+interests, but because they do not like each other's little ways. The
+French are not a dull people; and the Russians are not a tedious people
+(what they do they do suddenly, without explanation); so that if we
+fail to take pleasure in them we have ourselves to blame. If we are not
+equal to our opportunities, if we do not learn to feel any affection for
+them, then not all the pacts and congresses in the world can make peace
+secure.
+
+Of Germany it is too early to speak. We have not yet defeated her. If we
+do defeat her, no one who is acquainted with our temper and our record
+believes that we shall impose cruel or vindictive terms. If it were only
+the engineers of this war who were in question, we would destroy them
+gladly as common pests. But the thing is not so easy. A single home is
+in many ways a greater and more appealing thing than a nation; we should
+find ourselves thinking of the miseries of simple and ignorant people
+who have given their all for the country of their birth; and our hearts
+would fail us.
+
+The Germans would certainly despise this address of mine, for I have
+talked only of morality, while they talk and think chiefly of machines.
+Zeppelins are a sad disappointment; but if any address on the War is
+being delivered to-night by a German professor, there can be no doubt
+that it deals with submarines, and treats them as the saviours of the
+Fatherland. Well, I know very little about submarines, but I notice that
+they have not had much success against ships of war. We are so
+easy-going that we expected to carry on our commerce in war very much as
+we did in peace. We have to change all that, and it will cost us not a
+little inconvenience, or even great hardships. But I cannot believe that
+a scheme of privy attacks on the traders of all nations, devised as a
+last resort, in lieu of naval victory, can be successful when it is no
+longer a surprise. And when I read history, I am strengthened in my
+belief that morality is all-important. I do not find that any war
+between great nations was ever won by a machine. The Trojan horse will
+be trotted out against me, but that was a municipal affair. Wars are won
+by the temper of a people. Serbia is not yet defeated. It is a frenzied
+and desperate quest that the Germans undertook when they began to seek
+for some mechanical trick or dodge, some monstrous engine, which should
+enable the less resolved and more excited people to defeat the more
+resolved and less excited. If we are to be defeated, it must be by them,
+not by their bogey-men. We got their measure on the Somme, and we found
+that when their guns failed to protect them, many of them threw up their
+hands. These men will never be our masters until we deserve to be their
+slaves.
+
+So I am glad to be able to end on a note of agreement with the German
+military party. If they defeat us, it will be no more than we deserve.
+Till then, or till they throw up their hands, we shall fight them, and
+God will defend the right.
+
+
+
+
+SOME GAINS OF THE WAR
+
+_An Address to the Royal Colonial Institute, February 13, 1918_
+
+
+Our losses in this War continue to be enormous, and we are not yet near
+to the end. So it may seem absurd to speak of our gains, of gains that
+we have already achieved. But if you will look at the thing in a large
+light, I think you will see that it is not absurd.
+
+I do not speak of gains of territory, and prisoners, and booty. It is
+true that we have taken from the Germans about a million square miles of
+land in Africa, where land is cheap. We have taken more prisoners from
+them than they have taken from us, and we have whole parks of German
+artillery to set over against the battered and broken remnants of
+British field-guns which were exhibited in Berlin--a monument to the
+immortal valour of the little old Army. I am speaking rather of gains
+which cannot be counted as guns are counted, or measured as land is
+measured, but which are none the less real and important.
+
+The Germans have achieved certain great material gains in this War, and
+they are fighting now to hold them. If they fail to hold them, the
+Germany of the war-lords is ruined. She will have to give up all her
+bloated ambitions, to purge and live cleanly, and painfully to
+reconstruct her prosperity on a quieter and sounder basis. She will not
+do this until she is forced to it by defeat. No doubt there are moderate
+and sensible men in Germany, as in other countries; but in Germany they
+are without influence, and can do nothing. War is the national industry
+of Prussia; Prussia has knit together the several states of the larger
+Germany by means of war, and has promised them prosperity and power in
+the future, to be achieved by war. You know the Prussian doctrine of
+war. Every one now knows it. According to that doctrine it is a foolish
+thing for a nation to wait till it is attacked. It should carefully
+calculate its own strength and the strength of its neighbours, and, when
+it is ready, it should attack them, on any pretext, suddenly, without
+warning, and should take from them money and land. When it has gained
+territory in this fashion, it should subject the population of the
+conquered territory to the strictest laws of military service, and so
+supply itself with an instrument for new and bolder aggression. This is
+not only the German doctrine; it is the German practice. In this way and
+no other modern Germany has been built up. It is a huge new State,
+founded on force, cemented by fear, and financed on speculative gains to
+be derived from the great gamble of war. You may have noticed that the
+German people have not been called on, as yet, to pay any considerable
+sum in taxation towards the expenses of this war. Those expenses (that,
+at least, was the original idea) were to be borne wholly by the
+conquered enemy. There are hundreds of thousands of Germans to-day who
+firmly believe that their war-lords will return in triumph from the
+stricken field, bringing with them the spoils of war, and scattering a
+largess of peace and plenty.
+
+To us it seems a marvel that any people should accept such a doctrine,
+and should willingly give their lives and their fortunes to the work of
+carrying it out in practice; but it is not so marvellous as it seems.
+The German peoples are brave and obedient, and so make good soldiers;
+they are easily lured by the hope of profit; they are naturally
+attracted by the spectacular and sentimental side of war; above all,
+they are so curiously stupid that many of them do actually believe that
+they are a divinely chosen race, superior to the other races of the
+world. They are very carefully educated, and their education, which is
+ordered by the State, is part of the military machine. Their thinking is
+done for them by officials. It would require an extraordinary degree of
+courage and independence for a German youth to cut himself loose and
+begin thinking and judging for himself. It must always be remembered,
+moreover, that their recent history seems to justify their creed. I will
+not go back to Frederick the Great, though the history of his wars is
+the Prussian handbook, which teaches all the characteristic Prussian
+methods of treachery and deceit. But consider only the last two German
+wars. How, in the face of these, can it be proved to any German that war
+is not the most profitable of adventures? In 1866 Prussia had war with
+Austria. The war lasted forty days, and Prussia had from five to six
+thousand soldiers killed in action. As a consequence of the war Prussia
+gained much territory, and established her control over the states of
+greater Germany. In 1870 she had war with France. Her total casualties
+in that war were approximately a hundred thousand, just about the same
+as our casualties in Gallipoli. From the war she gained, besides a great
+increase of strength at home, the rich provinces of Alsace and Lorraine,
+with all their mineral wealth, and an indemnity of two hundred million
+pounds, that is to say, four times the actual cost of the war in money.
+How then can it be maintained that war is not good business? If you say
+so to any Prussian, he thinks you are talking like a child.
+
+Not only were these two wars rich in profit for the Germans, but they
+did not lose them much esteem. There was sympathy in this country for
+the union of the German peoples, just as there was sympathy, a few years
+earlier, for the union of the various states of Italy. There was not a
+little admiration for German efficiency and strength. So that Bismarck,
+who was an expert in all the uses of bullying, blackmail, and fraud, was
+accepted as a great European statesman. I have always believed, and I
+still believe, that Germany will have to pay a heavy price for
+Bismarck--all the heavier because the payment has been so long deferred.
+
+The present War, then, is in the direct line of succession to these
+former wars; it was planned by Germany, elaborately and deliberately
+planned, on a calculation of the profits to be derived from operations
+on a large scale.
+
+Well, as I said, we, as a people, do not believe in gambling in human
+misery to attain uncertain speculative gains. We hold that war can be
+justified only by a good cause, not by a lucky event. The German
+doctrine seems to us impious and wicked. Though we have defined our war
+aims in detail, and the Germans have not dared publicly to define
+theirs, our real and sufficient war aim is to break the monstrous and
+inhuman doctrine and practice of the enemy--to make their calculations
+miscarry. And observe, if their calculations miscarry, they have fought
+and suffered for nothing. They entered into this War for profit, and in
+the conduct of the War, though they have made many mistakes, they have
+made none of those generous and magnanimous mistakes which redeem and
+beautify a losing cause.
+
+The essence of our cause, and its greatest strength, is that we are not
+fighting for profit. We are fighting for no privilege except the
+privilege of possessing our souls, of being ourselves--a privilege which
+we claim also for other weaker nations. The inestimable strength of that
+position is that if the odds are against us it does not matter. If you
+see a ruffian torturing a child, and interfere to prevent him, do you
+feel that your attempt was a wrong one because he knocks you down? And
+if you succeed, what material profit is there in saving a child from
+torture? We have sometimes fought in the past for doubtful causes and
+for wrong causes, but this time there is no mistake. Our cause is better
+than we deserve; we embraced it by an act of faith, and it is only by
+continuing in that faith that we shall see it through. The little old
+Army, when they went to France in August 1914, did not ask what profits
+were likely to come their way. They knew that there were none, but they
+were willing to sacrifice themselves to save decency and humanity from
+being trampled in the mud. This was the Army that the Germans called a
+mercenary Army, and its epitaph has been written by a good poet:
+
+ These, in the day when heaven was falling,
+ The hour when earth's foundations fled,
+ Followed their mercenary calling,
+ And took their wages, and are dead.
+
+ Their shoulders held the heavens suspended,
+ They stood, and earth's foundations stay,
+ What God abandoned these defended,
+ And saved the sum of things for pay.
+
+We must follow their example, for we shall never get a better. We must
+not make too much of calculation, especially when it deals with
+incalculable things. Nervous public critics, like Mr. H.G. Wells, are
+always calling out for more cleverness in our methods, for new and
+effective tricks, so that we may win the War. I would never disparage
+cleverness; the more you can get of it, the better; but it is useless
+unless it is in the service of something stronger and greater than
+itself, and that is character. Cleverness can grasp; it is only
+character that can hold. The Duke of Wellington was not a clever man; he
+was a man of simple and honourable mind, with an infinite capacity for
+patience, persistence, and endurance, so that neither unexpected
+reverses abroad nor a flood of idle criticism at home could shake him or
+change him. So he bore a chief part in laying low the last great tyranny
+that desolated Europe.
+
+None of our great wars was won by cleverness; they were all won by
+resolution and perseverance. In all of them we were near to despair and
+did not despair. In all of them we won through to victory in the end.
+
+But in none of them did victory come in the expected shape. The worst of
+making elaborate plans of victory, and programmes of all that is to
+follow victory, is that the mixed event is sure to defeat those plans.
+Not every war finds its decision in a single great battle. Think of our
+war with Spain in the sixteenth century. Spain was then the greatest of
+European Powers. She had larger armies than we could raise; she had
+more than our wealth, and more than our shipping. The newly discovered
+continent of America was an appanage of Spain, and her great galleons
+were wafted lazily to and fro, bringing her all the treasures of the
+western hemisphere. We defeated her by standing out and holding on. We
+fought her in the Low Countries, which she enslaved and oppressed. We
+refused to recognize her exclusive rights in America, and our merchant
+seamen kept the sea undaunted, as they have kept it for the last three
+years. When at last we became an intolerable vexation to Spain, she
+collected a great Armada, or war-fleet, to invade and destroy us; and it
+was shattered, by the winds of heaven and the sailors of England, in
+1588. The defeat of the Armada was the turning-point of the war, but it
+was not the end. It lifted a great shadow of fear from the hearts of the
+people, as a great shadow of fear has already been lifted from their
+hearts in the present War, but during the years that followed we
+suffered many and serious reverses at the hand of Spain, before peace
+and security were reached. So late as 1601, thirteen years after the
+defeat of the Armada, the King of Denmark offered to mediate between
+England and Spain, so that the long and disastrous war might be ended.
+Queen Elizabeth was then old and frail, but this was what she said--and
+if you want to understand why she was almost adored by her people,
+listen to her words: 'I would have the King of Denmark, and all Princes
+Christian and Heathen to know, that England hath no need to crave peace;
+nor myself endured one hour's fear since I attained the crown thereof,
+being guarded with so valiant and faithful subjects.' In the end the
+power and menace of Spain faded away, and when peace was made, in 1604,
+this nation never again, from that day to this, feared the worst that
+Spain could do.
+
+What were our gains from the war with Spain? Freedom to live our lives
+in our own way, unthreatened; freedom to colonize America. The gains of
+a great war are never visible immediately; they are deferred, and
+extended over many years. What did we gain by our war with Napoleon,
+which ended in the victory of Waterloo? For long years after Waterloo
+this country was full of riots and discontents; there were
+rick-burnings, agitations, popular risings, and something very near to
+famine in the land. But all these things, from a distance, are now seen
+to have been the broken water that follows the passage of a great storm.
+The real gains of Waterloo, and still more of Trafalgar, are evident in
+the enormous commercial and industrial development of England during the
+nineteenth century, and in the peaceful foundation of the great
+dominions of Canada, Australia, and South Africa, which was made
+possible only by our unchallenged use of the seas. The men who won those
+two great battles did not live to gather the fruits of their victory;
+but their children did. If we defeat Germany as completely as we hope,
+we shall not be able to point at once to our gains. But it is not a rash
+forecast to say that our children and children's children will live in
+greater security and freedom than we have ever tasted.
+
+A man must have a good and wide imagination if he is to be willing to
+face wounds and death for the sake of his unborn descendants and
+kinsfolk. We cannot count on the popular imagination being equal to the
+task. Fortunately, there is a substitute for imagination which does the
+work as well or better, and that is character. Our people are sound in
+instinct; they understand a fight. They know that a wrestler who
+considers, while he is in the grip of his adversary, whether he would
+not do well to give over, and so put an end to the weariness and the
+strain, is no sort of a wrestler. They have never failed under a strain
+of this kind, and they will not fail now. The people who do the
+half-hearted and timid talking are either young egotists, who are angry
+at being deprived of their personal ease and independence; or elderly
+pensive gentlemen, in public offices and clubs, who are no longer fit
+for action, and, being denied action, fall into melancholy; or feverish
+journalists, who live on the proceeds of excitement, who feel the pulse
+and take the temperature of the War every morning, and then rush into
+the street to announce their fluttering hopes and fears; or cosmopolitan
+philosophers, to whom the change from London to Berlin means nothing but
+a change in diet and a pleasant addition to their opportunities of
+hearing good music; or aliens in heart, to whom the historic fame of
+England, 'dear for her reputation through the world,' is less than
+nothing; or practical jokers, who are calm and confident enough
+themselves, but delight in startling and depressing others. These are
+not the people of England; they are the parasites of the people of
+England. The people of England understand a fight.
+
+That brings me to the first great gain of the War. We have found
+ourselves. Which of us, in the early months of 1914, would have dared
+to predict the splendours of the youth of this Empire--splendours which
+are now a part of our history? We are adepts at self-criticism and
+self-depreciation. We hate the language of emotion. Some of us, if we
+were taken to heaven and asked what we thought of it, would say that it
+is decent, or not so bad. I suppose we are jealous to keep our standard
+high, and to have something to say if a better place should be found.
+But in spite of all this, we do now know, and it is worth knowing, that
+we are not weaker than our fathers. We know that the people who inhabit
+these islands and this commonwealth of nations cannot be pushed on one
+side, or driven under, or denied a great share in the future ordering of
+the world. We know this, and our knowledge of it is the debt that we owe
+to our dead. It is not vanity to admit that we know it; on the contrary,
+it would be vanity to pretend that we do not know it. It is visible to
+other eyes than ours. Some time ago I heard an address given by a friend
+of mine, an Indian Mohammedan of warrior descent, to University students
+of his own faith. He was urging on them the futility of dreams and the
+necessity of self-discipline and self-devotion. 'Why do the people of
+this country', he said, 'count for so much all the world over? It is not
+because of their dreams; it is because thousands of them are lying at
+the bottom of the sea.'
+
+Further, we have not only found ourselves; we have found one another. A
+new kindliness has grown up, during the War, between people divided by
+the barriers of class, or wealth, or circumstance. A statesman of the
+seventeenth century remarks that _It is a Misfortune for a Man not to
+have a Friend in the World, but for that reason he shall have no Enemy_.
+I might invert his maxim and say, _It is a Misfortune for a Man to have
+many Enemies, but for that reason he shall know who are his Friends_. No
+Radical member of Parliament will again, while any of us live, cast
+contempt on 'the carpet Captains of Mayfair'. No idle Tory talker will
+again dare to say that the working men of England care nothing for their
+country. Even the manners of railway travel have improved. I was
+travelling in a third-class compartment of a crowded train the other
+day; we were twenty in the compartment, but it seemed a pity to leave
+any one behind, and we made room for number twenty-one. Nothing but a
+very kindly human feeling could have packed us tight enough for this.
+Yet now is the time that has been chosen by some of these pensive
+gentlemen that I spoke of, and by some of these excitable journalists,
+to threaten us with class-war, and to try to make our flesh creep by
+conjuring up the horrors of revolution. I advise them to take their
+opinions to the third-class compartment and discuss them there. It is a
+good tribunal, for, sooner or later, you will find every one there--even
+officers, when they are travelling in mufti at their own expense. I have
+visited this tribunal very often, and I have always come away from it
+with the same impression, that this people means to win the War. But I
+do not travel much in the North of England, so I asked a friend of mine,
+whose dealings are with the industrial North, what the workpeople of
+Lancashire and Yorkshire think of the War. He said, 'Their view is very
+simple: they mean to win it; and they mean to make as much money out of
+it as ever they can.' Certainly, that is very simple; but before you
+judge them, put yourselves in their place. There are great outcries
+against profiteers, for making exorbitant profits out of the War, and
+against munition workers, for delaying work in order to get higher
+wages. I do not defend either of them; they are unimaginative and
+selfish, and I do not care how severely they are dealt with; but I do
+say that the majority of them are not wicked in intention. A good many
+of the more innocent profiteers are men whose sin is that they take an
+offer of two shillings rather than an offer of eighteenpence for what
+cost them one and a penny. Some of us, in our weaker moments, might be
+betrayed into doing the same. As for the munition workers, I remember
+what Goldsmith, who had known the bitterest poverty, wrote to his
+brother. 'Avarice', he said, 'in the lower orders of mankind is true
+ambition; avarice is the only ladder the poor can use to preferment.
+Preach then, my dear Sir, to your son, not the excellence of human
+nature nor the disrespect of riches, but endeavour to teach him thrift
+and economy. Let his poor wandering uncle's example be placed in his
+eyes. I had learned from books to love virtue before I was taught from
+experience the necessity of being selfish.'
+
+The profiteers and the munition workers are endeavouring, incidentally,
+to better their own position. But make no mistake; the bulk of these
+people would rather die than allow one spire of English grass to be
+trodden under the foot of a foreign trespasser. Their chief sin is that
+they do not fear. They think that there is plenty of time to do a little
+business for themselves on the way to defeat the enemy. I cannot help
+remembering the mutiny at the Nore, which broke out in our fleet during
+the Napoleonic wars. The mutineers struck for more pay and better
+treatment, but they agreed together that if the French fleet should put
+in an appearance during the mutiny, all their claims should be postponed
+for a time, and the French fleet should have their first attention.
+
+Employers and employed do, no doubt, find in some trades to-day that
+their relations are strained and irksome. They would do well to take a
+lesson from the Army, where, with very few exceptions, there is harmony
+and understanding between those who take orders and those who give them.
+It is only in the Army that you can see realized the ideal of ancient
+Rome.
+
+ Then none was for a party,
+ Then all were for the State;
+ Then the great man helped the poor,
+ And the poor man loved the great.
+
+Why is the Army so far superior to most commercial and industrial
+businesses? The secret does not lie in State employment. There is plenty
+of discontent and unrest among the State-employed railway men and
+munition workers. It lies rather in the habit of mutual help and mutual
+trust. If any civilian employer of labour wants to have willing
+workpeople, let him take a hint from the Army. Let him live with his
+workpeople, and share all their dangers and discomforts. Let him take
+thought for their welfare before his own, and teach self-sacrifice by
+example. Let him put the good of the nation before all private
+interests; and those whom he commands will do for him anything that he
+asks.
+
+I cannot believe that the benefits which have come to us from the Army
+will pass away with the passing of the War. Those who have been comrades
+in danger will surely take with them something of the old spirit into
+civil life. And those who have kept clear of the Army in order to carry
+on their own trades and businesses will surely realize that they have
+missed the great opportunity of their lives.
+
+In a wider sense the War has brought us to an understanding of one
+another. This great Commonwealth of independent nations which is called
+the British Empire is scattered over the surface of the habitable globe.
+It embraces people who live ten thousand miles apart, and whose ways of
+life are so different that they might seem to have nothing in common.
+But the War has brought them together, and has done more than half a
+century of peace could do to promote a common understanding. Hundreds of
+thousands of men of our blood who, before the War, had never seen this
+little island, have now made acquaintance with it. Hundreds of thousands
+of the inhabitants of this island to whom the Dominions were strange,
+far places, if, after the War, they should be called on to settle there,
+will not feel that they are leaving home. I can only hope that the
+Canadians and Anzacs think as well of us as we do of them. We do not
+like to praise our friends in their hearing, so I will say no more than
+this: I am told that a new kind of peerage, very haughty and very
+self-important, has arisen in South London. Its members are those
+house-holders who have been privileged to have Anzac soldiers billeted
+on them. It is private ties of this kind, invisible to the
+constitutional lawyer and the political historian, which make the fine
+meshes of the web of Empire.
+
+Because he knew that the strength of the whole texture depends on the
+strength of the fine meshes, Earl Grey, who died last year, will always
+be remembered in our history. Not many men have his opportunity to make
+acquaintance with the domain that is their birthright, for he had
+administered a province of South Africa, and had been Governor-General
+of Canada, He rediscovered the glory of the Empire, as poets rediscover
+the glory of common speech. 'He had breathed its air,' a friend of his
+says, 'fished its rivers, walked in its valleys, stood on its mountains,
+met its people face to face. He had seen it in all the zones of the
+world. He knew what it meant to mankind. Under the British flag,
+wherever he journeyed, he found men of English speech living in an
+atmosphere of liberty and carrying on the dear domestic traditions of
+the British Isles. He saw justice firmly planted there, industry and
+invention hard at work unfettered by tyrants of any kind, domestic life
+prospering in natural conditions, and our old English kindness and
+cheerfulness and broad-minded tolerance keeping things together. But he
+also saw room under that same flag, ample room, for millions and
+millions more of the human race. The Empire wasn't a word to him. It was
+a vast, an almost boundless, home for honest men.'
+
+The War did not dishearten him. When he died, in August, 1917, he said,
+'Here I lie on my death-bed, looking clear into the Promised Land. I'm
+not allowed to enter it, but there it is before my eyes. After the War
+the people of this country will enter it, and those who laughed at me
+for a dreamer will see that I wasn't so wrong after all. But there's
+still work to do for those who didn't laugh, hard work, and with much
+opposition in the way; all the same, it is work right up against the
+goal. My dreams have come true.'
+
+One of the clear gains of the War is to be found in the increased
+activity and alertness of our own people. The motto of to-day is, 'Let
+those now work who never worked before, And those who always worked now
+work the more.' Before the War we had a great national reputation for
+idleness--in this island, at least. I remember a friendly critic from
+Canada who, some five or six years ago, expressed to me, with much
+disquiet, his opinion that there was something very far wrong with the
+old country; that we had gone soft. As for our German critics, they
+expressed the same view in gross and unmistakable fashion. Wit is not a
+native product in Germany, it all has to be imported, so they could not
+satirize us; but their caricatures of the typical Englishman showed us
+what they thought. He was a young weakling with a foolish face, and was
+dressed in cricketing flannels. It would have been worth their while to
+notice what they did not notice, that his muscles and nerves are not
+soft. They learned that later, when the bank-clerks of Manchester broke
+the Prussian Guard into fragments at Contalmaison. This must have been a
+sad surprise, for the Germans had always taught, in their delightful
+authoritative fashion, that the chief industries of the young Englishman
+are lawn-tennis and afternoon tea. They are a fussy people, and they
+find it difficult to understand the calm of the man who, having nothing
+to do, does it. Perhaps they were right, and we were too idle. The
+disease was never so serious as they thought it, and now, thanks to
+them, we are in a fair way to recovery. The idle classes have turned
+their hand to the lathe and the plough. Women are doing a hundred things
+that they never did before, and are doing them well. The elasticity and
+resourcefulness that the War has developed will not be lost or destroyed
+by the coming of peace. Least of all will those qualities be lost if we
+should prove unable, in this War, to impose our own terms on Germany.
+Then the peace that follows will be a long struggle, and in that
+struggle we shall prevail. In the last long peace we were not
+suspicious; we felt friendly enough to the Germans, and we gave them
+every advantage. They despised us for our friendliness and used the
+peace to prepare our downfall. That will never happen again. If we
+cannot tame the cunning animal that has assaulted humanity, at least we
+can and will tether him. Laws will not be necessary; there are millions
+of others besides the seamen of England who will have no dealings with
+an unsubdued and unrepentant Germany. What the Germans are not taught by
+the War they will have to learn in the more tedious and no less costly
+school of peace.
+
+In any case, whether we win through to real peace and real security, or
+whether we are thrown back on an armed peace and the duty of unbroken
+vigilance, we shall be dependent for our future on the children who are
+now learning in the schools or playing in the streets. It is a good
+dependence. The children of to-day are better than the children whom I
+knew when I was a child. I think they have more intelligence and
+sympathy; they certainly have more public spirit. We cannot do too much
+for them. The most that we can do is nothing to what they are going to
+do for us, for their own nation and people. I am not concerned to
+discuss the education problem. Formal education, carried on chiefly by
+means of books, is a very small part of the making of a man or a woman.
+But I am interested to know what the children are thinking. You cannot
+fathom a child's thoughts, but we know who are their best teachers, and
+what lessons have been stamped indelibly on their minds. Their teachers,
+whom they never saw, and whose lessons they will never forget, lie in
+graves in Flanders and France and Gallipoli and Syria and Mesopotamia,
+or unburied at the bottom of the sea. The runner falls, but the torch is
+carried forward. This is what Julian Grenfell, who gave his mind and his
+life to the War, has said in his splendid poem called _Into Battle_:
+
+ And life is colour and warmth and light,
+ And a striving evermore for these;
+ And he is dead who will not fight,
+ And who dies fighting hath increase.
+
+Those who died fighting will have such increase that a whole new
+generation, better even than the old, will be ready, no long time hence,
+to uphold and extend and decorate the Commonwealth of nations which
+their fathers and brothers saved from ruin.
+
+One thing I have never heard discussed, but it is the clearest gain of
+all, and already it may be called a certain gain. After the War the
+English language will have such a position as it has never had before.
+It will be established in world-wide security. Even before the War, it
+may be truly said, our language was in no danger from the competition of
+the German language. The Germans have never had much success in the
+attempt to get their language adopted by other peoples. Not all the
+military laws of Prussia can drive out French from the hearts and homes
+of the people of Alsace. In the ports of the near and far East you will
+hear English spoken--pidgin English, as it is called, that is to say, a
+selection of English words suited for the business of daily life. But
+you may roam the world over, and you will hear no pidgin German. Before
+the War many Germans learned English, while very few English-speaking
+people learned German. In other matters we disagreed, but we both knew
+which way the wind was blowing. It may be said, and said truly, that our
+well-known laziness was one cause of our failing or neglecting to learn
+German. But it was not the only cause; and we are not lazy in tasks
+which we believe to be worth our while. Rather we had an instinctive
+belief that the future does not belong to the German tongue. That belief
+is not likely to be impaired by the War. Armed ruffians can do some
+things, but one thing they cannot do; they cannot endear their language
+to those who have suffered from their violence. The Germans poisoned the
+wells in South-West Africa; in Europe they did all they could to poison
+the wells of mutual trust and mutual understanding among civilized men.
+Do they think that these things will make a good advertisement for the
+explosive guttural sounds and the huddled deformed syntax of the speech
+in which they express their arrogance and their hate? Which of the
+chief European languages will come first, after the War, with the little
+nations? Will Serbia be content to speak German? Will Norway and Denmark
+feel a new affection for the speech of the men who have degraded the old
+humanity of the seas? Neighbourhood, kinship, and the necessities of
+commerce may retain for the German language a certain measure of custom
+in Sweden and Switzerland, and in Holland. But for the most part Germans
+will have to be content to be addressed in their own tongue only by
+those who fear them, or by those who hope to cheat them.
+
+This gain, which I make bold to predict for the English language, is a
+real gain, apart from all patriotic bias. The English language is
+incomparably richer, more fluid, and more vital than the German
+language. Where the German has but one way of saying a thing, we have
+two or three, each with its distinctions and its subtleties of usage.
+Our capital wealth is greater, and so are our powers of borrowing.
+English sprang from the old Teutonic stock, and we can still coin new
+words, such as 'food-hoard' and 'joy-ride', in the German fashion. But
+long centuries ago we added thousands of Romance words, words which came
+into English through the French or Norman-French, and brought with them
+the ideas of Latin civilization and of mediaeval Christianity. Later on,
+when the renewed study of Latin and Greek quickened the intellectual
+life of Europe, we imported thousands of Greek and Latin words direct
+from the ancient world, learned words, many of them, suitable for
+philosophers, or for writers who pride themselves on shooting a little
+above the vulgar apprehension. Yet many of these, too, have found their
+way into daily speech, so that we can say most things in three ways,
+according as we draw on one or another of the three main sources of our
+speech. Thus, you can Begin, or Commence, or Initiate an undertaking,
+with Boldness, or Courage, or Resolution. If you are a Workman, or
+Labourer, or Operative, you can Ask, or Bequest, or Solicit your
+employer to Yield, or Grant, or Concede, an increase in the Earnings, or
+Wages, or Remuneration which fall to the lot of your Fellow, or
+Companion, or Associate. Your employer is perhaps Old, or Veteran, or
+Superannuated, which may Hinder, or Delay, or Retard the success of your
+application. But if you Foretell, or Prophesy, or Predict that the War
+will have an End, or Close, or Termination that shall not only be
+Speedy, or Rapid, or Accelerated, but also Great, or Grand, or
+Magnificent, you may perhaps Stir, or Move, or Actuate him to have Ruth,
+or Pity, or Compassion on your Mate, or Colleague, or Collaborator. The
+English language, then, is a language of great wealth--much greater
+wealth than can be illustrated by any brief example. But wealth is
+nothing unless you can use it. The real strength of English lies in the
+inspired freedom and variety of its syntax. There is no grammar of the
+English speech which is not comic in its stiffness and inadequacy. An
+English grammar does not explain all that we can do with our speech; it
+merely explains what shackles and restraints we must put upon our speech
+if we would bring it within the comprehension of a school-bred
+grammarian. But the speech itself is like the sea, and soon breaks down
+the dykes built by the inland engineer. It was the fashion, in the
+eighteenth century, to speak of the divine Shakespeare. The reach and
+catholicity of his imagination was what earned him that extravagant
+praise; but his syntax has no less title to be called divine. It is not
+cast or wrought, like metal; it leaps like fire, and moves like air. So
+is every one that is born of the spirit. Our speech is our great
+charter. Far better than in the long constitutional process whereby we
+subjected our kings to law, and gave dignity and strength to our
+Commons, the meaning of English freedom is to be seen in the illimitable
+freedom of our English speech.
+
+Our literature is almost as rich as our language. Modern German
+literature begins in the eighteenth century. Modern English literature
+began with Chaucer, in the fourteenth century, and has been full of
+great names and great books ever since. Nothing has been done in German
+literature for which we have not a counterpart, done as well or
+better--except the work of Heine, and Heine was a Jew. His opinion of
+the Prussians was that they are a compost of beer, deceit, and sand.
+French literature and English literature can be compared, throughout
+their long course, sometimes to the great advantage of the French.
+German literature cannot seriously be compared with either.
+
+It may be objected that literature and art are ornamental affairs, which
+count for little in the deadly strife of nations. But that is not so.
+Our language cannot go anywhere without taking our ideas and our creed
+with it, not to mention our institutions and our games. If the Germans
+could understand what Chaucer means when he says of his Knight that
+
+ he loved chivalry,
+ Truth and honour, freedom and courtesy,
+
+then indeed we might be near to an understanding. I asked a good German
+scholar the other day what is the German word for 'fair play'. He
+replied, as they do in Parliament, that he must ask for notice of that
+question. I fear there is no German word for 'fair play'.
+
+The little countries, the pawns and victims of German policy, understand
+our ideas better. The peoples who have suffered from tyranny and
+oppression look to England for help, and it is a generous weakness in us
+that we sometimes deceive them by our sympathy, for our power is
+limited, and we cannot help them all. But it will not count against us
+at the final reckoning that in most places where humanity has suffered
+cruelty and indignity the name of England has been invoked: not always
+in vain.
+
+And now, for I have kept to the last what I believe to be the greatest
+gain of all, the entry of America into the War assures the triumph of
+our common language. America is peopled by many races; only a minority
+of the inhabitants--an influential and governing minority--are of the
+English stock. But here, again, the language carries it; and the ideas
+that inspire America are ideas which had their origin in the long
+English struggle for freedom. Our sufferings in this War are great, but
+they are not so great that we cannot recognize virtue in a new recruit
+to the cause. No nation, in the whole course of human history, has ever
+made a more splendid decision, or performed a more magnanimous act, than
+America, when she decided to enter this War. She had nothing to gain,
+for, to say the bare truth, she had little to lose. If Germany were to
+dominate the world, America, no doubt, would be ruined; but in all human
+likelihood, Germany's impious attempt would have spent itself and been
+broken long before it reached the coasts of America. America might have
+stood out of the War in the assurance that her own interests were safe,
+and that, when the tempest had passed, the centre of civilization would
+be transferred from a broken and exhausted Europe to a peaceful and
+prosperous America. Some few Americans talked in this strain, and
+favoured a decision in this sense. But it was not for nothing that
+America was founded upon religion. When she saw humanity in anguish, she
+did not pass by on the other side. Her entry into the War has put an
+end, I hope for ever, to the family quarrel, not very profound or
+significant, which for a century and a half has been a jarring note in
+the relations of mother and daughter. And it has put an end to another
+danger. It seemed at one time not unlikely that the English language as
+it is spoken overseas would set up a life of its own, and become
+separated from the language of the old country. A development of this
+kind would be natural enough. The Boers of South Africa speak Dutch, but
+not the Dutch spoken in Holland. The French Canadians speak French, but
+not the French of Moliere. Half a century ago, when America was
+exploring and settling her own country, in wild and lone places, her
+pioneers enriched the English speech with all kinds of new and vivid
+phrases. The tendency was then for America to go her own way, and to
+cultivate what is new in language at the expense of what is old. She
+prided herself even on having a spelling of her own, and seemed almost
+willing to break loose from tradition and to coin a new American
+English.
+
+This has not happened; and now, I think, it will not happen. For one
+thing, the American colonists left us when already we had a great
+literature. Chaucer, Shakespeare, and Spenser belong to America no less
+than to us, and America has never forgotten them. The education which
+has been fostered in American schools and colleges keeps the whole
+nation in touch with the past. Some of their best authors write in a
+style that Milton and Burke would understand and approve. There is no
+more beautiful English prose than Nathaniel Hawthorne's. The best
+speeches of Abraham Lincoln, and, we may truly add, of President Wilson,
+are merely classic English. During my own lifetime I am sure I have seen
+the speech usages of the two peoples draw closer together. For one
+thing, we on this side now borrow, and borrow very freely, the more
+picturesque colloquialisms of America. On informal occasions I sometimes
+brighten my own speech with phrases which I think I owe to one of the
+best of living American authors, Mr. George Ade, of Chicago, the author
+of _Fables in Slang_. The press, the telegraph, the telephone, and the
+growing habit of travel bind us closer together every year; and the
+English that we speak, however rich and various it may be, is going to
+remain one and the same English, our common inheritance.
+
+One question, the most important and difficult of all, remains to be
+asked. Will this War, in its course and in its effects, tend to prevent
+or discourage later wars? If the gains that it brings prove to be merely
+partial and national gains, if it exalts one nation by unjustly
+depressing another, and conquers cruelty by equal cruelty, then nothing
+can be more certain than that the peace of the world is farther off than
+ever. When she was near her death, Edith Cavell, patriot and martyr,
+said that patriotism is not enough. Every one who thinks on
+international affairs knows this; almost every one forgets it in time of
+war. What can be done to prevent nations from appealing to the wild
+justice of revenge?
+
+A League of Nations may do good, but I am surprised that any one who has
+imagination and a knowledge of the facts should entertain high hopes of
+it as a full solution. There is a League of Nations to-day which has
+given a verdict against the Central Powers, and that verdict is being
+enforced by the most terrible War in all human history. If the verdict
+had been given before the War began, it may be said, then Germany might
+have accepted it, and refrained. So she might, but what then? She would
+have felt herself wronged; she would have deferred the War, and, in ways
+that she knows so well, would have set about making a party for herself
+among the nations of the League. Who can be confident that she would
+have failed either to divide her judges, or to accumulate such elements
+of strength that she might dare to defy them? A League of Nations would
+work well only if its verdicts were loyally accepted by all the nations
+composing it. To make majority-rule possible you must have a community
+made up of members who are reasonably well informed upon one another's
+affairs, and who are bound together by a tie of loyalty stronger and
+more enduring than their causes of difference. It would be a happy thing
+if the nations of the world made such a community; and the sufferings of
+this War have brought them nearer to desiring it. But those who believe
+that such a community can be formed to-day or to-morrow are too
+sanguine. It must not be forgotten that the very principle of the
+League, if its judgements are to take effect, involves a world-war in
+cases where a strong minority resists those judgements. Every war would
+become a world-war. Perhaps this very fact would prevent wars, but it
+cannot be said that experience favours such a conclusion.
+
+There is no escape for us by way of the Gospels. The Gospel precept to
+turn the other cheek to the aggressor was not addressed to a meeting of
+trustees. Christianity has never shirked war, or even much disliked it.
+Where the whole soul is set on things unseen, wounds and death become of
+less account. And if the Christians have not helped us to avoid war, how
+should the pacifists be of use? Those of them whom I happen to know, or
+to have met, have shown themselves, in the relations of civil life, to
+be irritable, self-willed, combative creatures, where the average
+soldier is calm, unselfish, and placable. There is something incongruous
+and absurd in the pacifist of British descent. He has fighting in his
+blood, and when his creed, or his nervous sensibility to physical
+horrors, denies him the use of fighting, his blood turns sour. He can
+argue, and object, and criticize, but he cannot lead. All that he can
+offer us in effect is eternal quarrels in place of occasional fights.
+
+No one can do anything to prevent war who does not recognize its
+splendour, for it is by its splendour that it keeps its hold on
+humanity, and persists. The wickedest and most selfish war in the world
+is not fought by wicked and selfish soldiers. The spirit of man is
+immense, and for an old memory, a pledged word, a sense of fellowship,
+offers this frail and complicated tissue of flesh and blood, which a pin
+or a grain of sand will disorder, to be the victim of all the atrocities
+that the wit of man can compound out of fire and steel and poison. If
+that spirit is to be changed, or directed into new courses, it must be
+by one who understands it, and approaches it reverently, with bared
+head.
+
+The best hope seems to me to lie in paying chief attention to the
+improvement of war rather than to its abolition; to the decencies of the
+craft; to the style rather than the matter. Style is often more
+important than matter, and this War would not have been so fierce or so
+prolonged if it had not become largely a war on a point of style, a war,
+that is to say, to determine the question how war should be waged. If
+the Germans had behaved humanely and considerately to the civil
+population of Belgium, if they had kept their solemn promise not to use
+poison-gas, if they had refrained from murder at sea, if their valour
+had been accompanied by chivalry, the War might now have been ended,
+perhaps not in their disfavour, for it would not have been felt, as it
+now is felt, that they must be defeated at no matter how great a cost,
+or civilization will perish.
+
+Even as things are, there have been some gains in the manner of
+conducting war, which, when future generations look back on them, will
+be seen to be considerable. It is true that modern science has devised
+new and appalling weapons. The invention of a new weapon in war always
+arouses protest, but it does not usually, in the long run, make war more
+inhuman. There was a great outcry in Europe when the broadsword was
+superseded by the rapier, and a tall man of his hands could be spitted
+like a cat or a rabbit by any dexterous little fellow with a trained
+wrist. There was a wave of indignation, which was a hundred years in
+passing, when musketry first came into use, and a man-at-arms of great
+prowess could be killed from behind a wall by one who would not have
+dared to meet him in open combat. But these changes did not, in effect,
+make war crueller or more deadly. They gave more play to intelligence,
+and abolished the tyranny of the bully, who took the wall of every man
+he met, and made himself a public nuisance. The introduction of
+poison-gas, which is a small thing compared with the invention of
+fire-arms, has given the chemist a place in the ranks of fighting-men.
+And if science has lent its aid to the destruction of life, it has spent
+greater zeal and more prolonged effort on the saving of life. No
+previous war will compare with this in care for the wounded and maimed.
+In all countries, and on all fronts, an army of skilled workers devote
+themselves to this single end. I believe that this quickening of the
+human conscience, for that is what it is, will prove to be the greatest
+gain of the War, and the greatest advance made in restraint of war. If
+the nations come to recognize that their first duty, and their first
+responsibility, is to those who give so much in their service, that
+recognition will of itself do more than can be done by any conclave of
+statesmen to discourage war. It was the monk Telemachus, according to
+the old story, who stopped the gladiatorial games at Rome, and was
+stoned by the people. If war, in process of time, shall be abolished,
+or, failing that, shall be governed by the codes of humanity and
+chivalry, like a decent tournament; then the one sacrificial figure
+which will everywhere be honoured for the change will be the figure not
+of a priest or a politician, but of a hospital nurse.
+
+
+
+
+THE WAR AND THE PRESS
+
+_A paper read to the Essay Society, Eton College, March 14, 1918._
+
+
+When you asked me to read or speak to you, I promised to speak about the
+War. What I have to say is wholly orthodox, but it is none the worse for
+that. Indeed, when I think how entirely the War possesses our thoughts
+and how entirely we are agreed concerning it, I seem to see a new
+meaning in the creeds of the religions. These creeds grew up by general
+consent, and no one who believed them grudged repeating them. In the
+face of an indifferent or hostile world the faithful found themselves
+obliged to define their belief, and to strengthen themselves by an
+unwearying and united profession of faith. It is the enemy who gives
+meaning to a religious creed: without our creed we cannot win. So I am
+willing to remind you of what you know, rather than to try to introduce
+you to novelties.
+
+The strength of the enemy lies in his creed; not in the lands that he
+has ravished from his neighbours. If his creed does not prevail, his
+lands will not help him. Germany has taken lands from Belgium, Serbia,
+Roumania, Russia, and the rest, but unless her digestion is as strong as
+her appetite, she will fail to keep them. If she is to hold them in
+peace, the peoples who inhabit these lands must be either exterminated
+or converted to the German creed. Lands can be annexed by a successful
+campaign; they can be permanently conquered only by the operations of
+peace. The people who survive will be a weakness to the German Empire
+unless they accept what they are offered, a share in the German creed.
+
+That creed has not many natural attractions for the peoples on whom it
+is imposed by force. It is an intensely patriotic creed; it insists on
+racial supremacy, and on unity to be achieved by violence. Pleading and
+persuasion have little part in it except as instruments of deceit. There
+is no use in listening to what the Germans say; they do not believe it
+themselves. What they say is for others; what they do is for themselves.
+While they are at war, language for them has only two uses--to conceal
+their thoughts, and to deceive their enemies.
+
+The creed of Western civilization, for which they feel nothing but
+contempt, and on which they will be broken, is not a simple thing, like
+theirs. The words by which it is commonly expressed--democracy,
+parliamentarism, individual liberty, diversity, free development--are
+puzzling theoretic words, which make no instinctive appeal to the heart.
+Nevertheless, we stand for growth as against order; and for life as
+against death. If Germany wins this war, her system will have to be
+broken or to decay before growth can start again. Must we lose even a
+hundred years in shaking ourselves free from the paralysis of the German
+nightmare?
+
+The Germans have shown themselves strong in their unity, and strong in
+their willingness to make great sacrifices to preserve that unity. No
+one can deny nobility to the sacrifice made by the simple-minded German
+soldier who dies fighting bravely for his people and his creed. His
+narrowness is his strength, and makes unselfishness easier by saving his
+mind from question. 'This one thing you shall do', his country says to
+him, 'fight and die for your country, so that your country and your
+people shall have lordship over other countries and other peoples. You
+are nothing; Germany is everything.'
+
+We who live in this island love our country with at least as deep a
+passion; but a creed so simple as the German creed will never do for us.
+We are patriotic, but our patriotism is often overlaid and confused by a
+wider thought and a wider sympathy than the Germans have ever known.
+Much extravagant praise has lately been given to the German power of
+thinking, which produces the elaborate marvels of German organization.
+But this thinking is slave-thinking, not master-thinking; it spends
+itself wholly on devising complicated means to achieve a very simple
+end. That is what makes the Germans so like the animals. Their wisdom is
+all cunning. I have had German friends, two or three, in the course of
+my life, but none of them ever understood a word that I said if I tried
+to say what I thought. You could talk to them about food, and they
+responded easily. It was all very restful and pleasant, like talking to
+an intelligent dog.
+
+If each of the allied nations were devoted to the creed of nationalism,
+the alliance could not endure. We depend for our strength on what we
+hold in common. The weakness of this wider creed is that it makes no
+such immediate and strong appeal to the natural instincts as is made by
+the mother-country. It demands the habitual exercise of reason and
+imagination. Further, seeing that we are infinitely less tame and less
+docile than the Germans, we depend for our strength on informing and
+convincing our people, and on obtaining agreement among them. Questions
+which in Germany are discussed only in the gloomy Berlin head-quarters
+of the General Staff are discussed here in the newspapers. In the press,
+even under the censorship, we think aloud. It records our differences
+and debates our policy. You could not suppress these differences and
+these debates without damaging our cause. There is no freedom worth
+having which does not, sooner or later, include the freedom to say what
+you think.
+
+No doubt we could, if necessary, carry on for a time without the press;
+and I agree with those newspaper writers who have been saying recently
+that the importance of the press is monstrously exaggerated by some of
+its critics. The working-man, so far as I know him, does not depend for
+his patriotism on the leader-writers of the newspapers. He takes even
+the news with a very large grain of salt. 'So the papers say', he
+remarks; 'it may be true or it may not.' Yet the press has done good
+service, and might do better, in putting the meaning of the War before
+our people and in holding them together. Freedom means that we must love
+our diversity well enough to be willing to unite to protect it. We must
+die for our differences as cheerfully as the Germans die for their
+pattern. Or, if we can sketch a design of our cause, we must be as
+passionate in defence of that large vague design as the Germans are
+passionate in defence of their tight uniformity and their drill. If we
+were to fail to keep together, our cause, I believe, would still
+prevail, but at a cost that we dare not contemplate, by way of anarchy,
+and the dissolution of societies, by long tortures, and tears, and
+martyrdoms. If we refuse to die in the ranks against the German tyranny
+we can keep our faith by dying at the stake. There are those who think
+martyrdom the better way; and certainly that was how Christianity
+prevailed in Europe; you can read the story in Caxton's translation of
+the _Golden Legend_. But these saints and martyrs were making a
+beginning; we are fighting to keep what we have won, and it would be a
+huge failure on our part if we could keep nothing of it, but had to
+begin all over again.
+
+The business of the press, then, at this present crisis, is to keep the
+cause for which we are fighting clearly before us, and this it has done
+well; also, because we do not fight best in blinders, to tell us all
+that can be known of the facts of the situation, and this it has done
+not so well.
+
+The power of the newspapers is that most people read them, and that many
+people read nothing else. Their weakness is that they have to sell or
+cease to be, so that by a natural instinct of self-preservation they
+fall back on the two sure methods whereby you can always capture the
+attention of the public. Any man who is trying to say what he thinks,
+making full allowance for all doubts and differences, runs the risk of
+losing his audience. He can regain their attention by flattering them or
+by frightening them. Flattery and fright, the one following the other
+from day to day, and often from paragraph to paragraph, is a very large
+part of the newspaper reader's diet. If he is a sane and busy man, he is
+not too much impressed by either. He is not mercurial enough for the
+quick changes of an orator's or journalist's fancy, whereby he is called
+on, one day, to dig the German warships like rats out of their harbour,
+and, not many days later, to spend his last shilling on the purchase of
+the last bullet to shoot at the German invader. He knows that this is
+such stuff as dreams are made of. He knows also that the orator or
+journalist, after calling on him for these achievements, goes home to
+dinner. No great harm is done, just as no great harm is done by bad
+novels. But an opportunity is lost; the press and the platform might do
+more than they do to strengthen us and inform us, and help forward our
+cause.
+
+I name the press and the platform together because they are essentially
+the same thing. Journalism is a kind of talk. The press, it is fair to
+say, is ourselves; and every people, it may truly be said, has the press
+that it deserves. But reading is a thing that we do chiefly for
+indulgence and pleasure in our idle time; and the press falls in with
+our mood, and supplies us with what we want in our weaker and lazier
+moments. No responsible man, with an eager and active mind, spends much
+of his time on the newspapers. Those who are excited to action by what
+they read in the papers are mostly content with the mild exercise of
+writing to these same papers to explain that some one else ought to do
+something and to do it at once. Their excitement worries themselves more
+than it hurts others. When the devil, with horns and hooves, appeared to
+Cuvier, the naturalist, and threatened to devour him, Cuvier, who was
+asleep at the time, opened his eyes and looked at the terrible
+apparition. 'Hm,' he said, 'cloven-footed; graminivorous; needn't be
+afraid of you;' and he went to sleep again. A man who says that he has
+not time to read the morning papers carefully is commonly a man who
+counts; he knows what he has to do, and he goes on doing it. So far as I
+have observed, the cadets who are training for command in the army take
+very little interest in the exhortations of the newspapers. They even
+prefer the miserable trickle which is all that is left of football news.
+
+One of the chief problems connected with the press is therefore
+this--how can it be prevented from producing hysteria in the
+feeble-minded? In time of war the censorship no doubt does something to
+prevent this; and I think it might do more. 'Scare-lines', as they are
+called--that is, sensational headings in large capital letters--might be
+reduced by law to modest dimensions. More important, the censorship
+might insist that all who write shall sign their names to their
+articles. Why should journalists alone be relieved of responsibility to
+their country? Is it possible that the Government is afraid of the
+press? There is no need for fear. 'Beware of Aristophanes', says Landor,
+'he can cast your name as a byword to a thousand cities of Asia for a
+thousand years. But all that the press can do by its disfavour is to
+keep your name obscure in a hundred cities of England for a hundred
+days. Signed articles are robbed of their vague impressiveness, and are
+known for what they are--the opinions of one man. I would also recommend
+that a photograph of the author be placed at the head of every article.
+I have been saved from many bad novels by the helpful pictorial
+advertisements of modern publishers.
+
+The real work of the Press, as I said, is to help to hold the people
+together. Nothing else that it can do is of any importance compared with
+this. We are at one in this War as we have never been at one before
+within living memory, as we were not at one against Napoleon or against
+Louis XIV. Our trial is on us; and if we cannot preserve our oneness, we
+fail. What would be left to us I do not know; but I am sure that an
+England which had accepted conditions of peace at Germany's hands would
+not be the England that any of us know. There might still be a few
+Englishmen, but they would have to look about for somewhere to live.
+Serbia would be a good place; it has made no peace-treaty with Germany.
+
+We are profoundly at one; and are divided only by illusions, which the
+press, in times past, has done much to keep alive. One of these
+illusions is the illusion of party. I have never been behind the scenes,
+among the creaking machinery, but my impression, as a spectator, is that
+parties in England are made very much as you pick up sides for a game. I
+have observed that they are all conservative. The affections are
+conservative; every one has a liking for his old habits and his old
+associates. There is something comic in a well-nourished rich man who
+believes that he is a bold reformer and a destructive thinker. For real
+clotted reactionary sentiment I know nothing to match the table-talk of
+any aged parliamentary Radical. When we get a Labour Government, it will
+be patriotic, prejudiced, opposed to all innovation, superstitiously
+reverential of the past, sticky and, probably, tyrannical.
+
+The party illusion has been much weakened by the War, and those who
+still repeat the old catch-words are very near to lunacy. There is a
+deeper and more dangerous illusion which has not been killed--the class
+illusion. We are all very much alike; but we live in water-tight
+compartments called classes, and the inhabitants of each compartment
+tend to believe that they alone are patriotic. This illusion, to be
+just, is not fostered chiefly by the press, which wants to sell its work
+to all classes; but it has strong hold of the Government office. The
+Government does not know the people, except as an actor knows the
+audience; and therefore does not trust the people. It is pathetic to
+hear officials talking timidly of the people--will they endure hardships
+and sacrifices, will they carry through? Yet most of the successes we
+have won in the War have to be credited not so much to the skill of the
+management as to the amazing high courage of the ordinary soldier and
+sailor. Even soldiers are often subject to class illusion. I remember
+listening, in the first month of the War, to a retired colonel, who
+explained, with some heat, that the territorials could never be of any
+use. That illusion has gone. Then it was Kitchener's army--well-meaning
+people, no doubt, but impossible for a European war. Kitchener's army
+made good. Now it is the civil population, who, though they are the
+blood relatives of the soldiers, are distrusted, and believed to be
+likely to fail under a strain. Yet all the time, if you want to hear
+half-hearted, timid, pusillanimous talk, the place where you are most
+likely to hear it is in the public offices. Most of those who talk in
+this way would be brave enough in fight, but they are kept at desks, and
+worried with detailed business, and harassed by speculative dangers, and
+they lose perspective. Soon or late, we are going to win this War; and
+it is the people who are going to win it.
+
+If the press (or perhaps the Government, which controls the press) is
+not afraid of the people, why does it tell them so little about our
+reverses, and the merits of our enemies? For information concerning
+these things we have to depend wholly on conversation with returned
+soldiers. For instance, the horrible stories that we hear of the brutal
+treatment of our prisoners are numerous, and are true, and make a heavy
+bill against Germany, which bill we mean to present. But are they fair
+examples of the average treatment? We cannot tell; the accounts
+published are almost exclusively confined to the worst happenings. Most
+of the officers with whom I have talked who had been in several German
+military prisons said that they had nothing serious to complain of.
+Prison is not a good place, and it is not pleasant to have your
+pea-soup and your coffee, one after the other, in the same tin dipper;
+but they were soldiers, and they agreed that it would be absurd to make
+a grievance of things like that. One private soldier was an even greater
+philosopher. 'No', he said, 'I have nothing to complain of. Of course,
+they do spit at you a good deal.' That man was unconquerable.
+
+In shipping returns and the like we are given averages; why are we told
+nothing at all of the milder experiences of our soldier prisoners? It
+would not make us less resolved to do all that we can to better the lot
+of those who are suffering insult and torture, and to exact full
+retribution from the enemy. And it would bring some hope to those whose
+husbands or children or friends are in German military prisons, and who
+are racked every day by tales of what, in fact, are exceptional
+atrocities.
+
+Or take the question of the conduct of German officers. We know that the
+Prussian military Government, in its approved handbooks, teaches its
+officers the use of brutality and terror as military weapons. The German
+philosophy of war, of which this is a part, is not really a philosophy
+of war; it is a philosophy of victory. For a long time now the Germans
+have been accustomed to victory, and have studied the arts of breaking
+the spirit and torturing the mind of the peoples whom they invade. Their
+philosophy of war will have to be rewritten when the time comes for them
+to accommodate their doctrine to their own defeat. In the meantime they
+teach frightfulness to their officers, and most of their officers prove
+ready pupils. There must be some, one would think, here and there, if
+only a sprinkling, who fall short of the Prussian doctrine, and are
+betrayed by human feeling into what we should recognize as decent and
+honourable conduct. And so there are; only we do not hear of them
+through the press. I should like to tell two stories which come to me
+from personal sources. The first may be called the story of the
+Christmas truce and the German captain. In the lull which fell on the
+fighting at the time of the first Christmas of the War, a British
+officer was disquieted to notice that his men were fraternizing with the
+Germans, who were standing about with them in No-man's land, laughing
+and talking. He went out to them at once, to bring them back to their
+own trenches. When he came up to his men, he met a German captain who
+had arrived on the same errand. The two officers, British and German,
+fell into talk, and while they were standing together, in not unfriendly
+fashion, one of the men took a snapshot photograph of them, copies of
+which were afterwards circulated in the trenches. Then the men were
+recalled to their duty, on the one side and the other, and, after an
+interval of some days, the war began again. A little time after this the
+British officer was in charge of a patrol, and, having lost his way,
+found himself in the German trenches, where he and his men were
+surrounded and captured. As they were being marched off along the
+trenches, they met the German captain, who ordered the men to be taken
+to the rear, and then, addressing the officer without any sign of
+recognition, said in a loud voice, 'You, follow me!' He led him by
+complicated ways along a whole series of trenches and up a sap, at the
+end of which he stopped, saluted, and, pointing with his hand, said
+'Your trenches are there. Good day.'
+
+My second story, the story of the British lieutenant in No-man's land,
+is briefer. I was with a friend of mine, a young officer back from the
+front, wounded, and the conduct of German officers was being discussed.
+He said, 'You can't expect me to be very hard on German officers, for
+one of them saved my life'. He then told how he and a companion crept
+out into No-man's land to bring in some of our wounded who were lying
+there. When they had reached the wounded, and were preparing to bring
+them in, they were discovered by the Germans opposite, who at once
+whipped up a machine-gun and turned it on them. Their lives were not
+worth half a minute's purchase, when suddenly a German officer leapt up
+on to the parapet, and, angrily waving back the machine-gunners, called
+out, in English, 'That's all right. You may take them in.'
+
+These are no doubt exceptional cases; the rule is very different. But a
+good many of such cases are known to soldiers, and I have seen none of
+them in the press. Soldiers are silent by law, and journalists either do
+not hear these things, or, believing that hate is a valuable asset,
+suppress all mention of them. If England could ever be disgraced by a
+mishap, she would be disgraced by having given birth to those
+Englishmen, few and wretched, who, when an enemy behaves generously,
+conceal or deny the fact. And consider the effect of this silence on the
+Germans. There are some German officers, as I said, who are better than
+the German military handbooks, and better than their monstrous chiefs.
+Which of them will pay the smallest attention to what our papers say
+when he finds that they collect only atrocities, and are blind to
+humanity if they see it in an enemy? He will regard our press accounts
+of the German army as the work of malicious cripples; and our perfectly
+true narrative of the unspeakable brutality and filthiness of the German
+army's doings will lose credit with him.
+
+If I had my way, I would staff the newspaper offices, as far as
+possible, with wounded soldiers, and I would give some of the present
+staff a holiday as stretcher-bearers. Then we should hear more of the
+truth.
+
+Is it feared that we should have no heart for the War if once we are
+convinced that among the Germans there are some human beings? Is it
+believed that our people can be heroic on one condition only, that they
+shall be asked to fight no one but orangoutangs? Our airmen fight as
+well as any one, in this world or above it, has ever fought; and we owe
+them a great debt of thanks for maintaining, and, by their example,
+actually teaching the Germans to maintain, a high standard of decency.
+
+This War has shown, what we might have gathered from our history, that
+we fight best up hill. From our history also we may learn that it does
+not relax our sinews to be told that our enemy has some good qualities.
+We should like him better as an enemy if he had more. We know what we
+have believed; and we are not going to fail in resolve or perseverance
+because we find that our task is difficult, and that we have not a
+monopoly of all the virtues.
+
+Most of us will not live to see it, for our recovery from this disease
+will be long and troublesome, but the War will do great things for us.
+It will make a reality of the British Commonwealth, which until now has
+been only an aspiration and a dream. It will lay the sure foundation of
+a League of Nations in the affection and understanding which it has
+promoted among all English-speaking peoples, and in the relations of
+mutual respect and mutual service which it has established between the
+English-speaking peoples and the Latin races. Our united Rolls of Honour
+make the most magnificent list of benefactors that the world has ever
+seen. In the end, the War may perhaps even save the soul of the main
+criminal, awaken him from his bloody dream, and lead him back by degrees
+to the possibility of innocence and goodwill.
+
+
+
+
+SHAKESPEARE AND ENGLAND
+
+_Annual Shakespeare Lecture of the British Academy, delivered July 4,
+1918_
+
+
+There is nothing new and important to be said of Shakespeare. In recent
+years antiquaries have made some additions to our knowledge of the facts
+of his life. These additions are all tantalizing and comparatively
+insignificant. The history of the publication of his works has also
+become clearer and more intelligible, especially by the labours of Mr.
+Pollard; but the whole question of quartos and folios remains thorny and
+difficult, so that no one can reach any definite conclusion in this
+matter without a liberal use of conjecture.
+
+I propose to return to the old catholic doctrine which has been
+illuminated by so many disciples of Shakespeare, and to speak of him as
+our great national poet. He embodies and exemplifies all the virtues,
+and most of the faults, of England. Any one who reads and understands
+him understands England. This method of studying Shakespeare by reading
+him has perhaps gone somewhat out of vogue in favour of more roundabout
+ways of approach, but it is the best method for all that. Shakespeare
+tells us more about himself and his mind than we could learn even from
+those who knew him in his habit as he lived, if they were all alive and
+all talking. To learn what he tells we have only to listen.
+
+I think there is no national poet, of any great nation whatsoever, who
+is so completely representative of his own people as Shakespeare is
+representative of the English. There is certainly no other English poet
+who comes near to Shakespeare in embodying our character and our
+foibles. No one, in this connexion, would venture even to mention
+Spenser or Milton. Chaucer is English, but he lived at a time when
+England was not yet completely English, so that he is only
+half-conscious of his nation. Wordsworth is English, but he was a
+recluse. Browning is English, but he lived apart or abroad, and was a
+tourist of genius. The most English of all our great men of letters,
+next to Shakespeare, is certainly Dr. Johnson, but he was no great poet.
+Shakespeare, it may be suspected, is too poetic to be a perfect
+Englishman; but his works refute that suspicion. He is the Englishman
+endowed, by a fortunate chance, with matchless powers of expression. He
+is not silent or dull; but he understands silent men, and he enters into
+the minds of dull men. Moreover, the Englishman seems duller than he is.
+It is a point of pride with him not to be witty and not to give voice to
+his feelings. The shepherd Corin, who was never in court, has the true
+philosophy. 'He that hath learned no wit by nature nor art may complain
+of good breeding or comes of a very dull kindred.'
+
+Shakespeare knew nothing of the British Empire. He was an islander, and
+his patriotism was centred on
+
+ This precious stone set in the silver sea,
+ Which serves it in the office of a wall,
+ Or as a moat defensive to a house,
+ Against the envy of less happier lands.
+
+When he speaks of Britons and British he always means the Celtic
+peoples of the island. Once only he makes a slip. There is a passage in
+_King Lear_ (IV. vi. 249) where the followers of the King, who in the
+text of the quarto versions are correctly called 'the British party',
+appear in the folio version as 'the English party'. Perhaps the quartos
+contain Shakespeare's own correction of his own inadvertence; but those
+of us, and we are many, who have been blamed by northern patriots for
+the misuse of the word English may claim Shakespeare as a brother in
+misfortune.
+
+Our critics, at home and abroad, accuse us of arrogance. I doubt if we
+can prove them wrong; but they do not always understand the nature of
+English arrogance. It does not commonly take the form of self-assertion.
+Shakespeare's casual allusions to our national characteristics are
+almost all of a kind; they are humorous and depreciatory. Here are some
+of them. Every holiday fool in England, we learn from Trinculo in _The
+Tempest_, would give a piece of silver to see a strange fish, though no
+one will give a doit to relieve a lame beggar. The English are
+quarrelsome, Master Slender testifies, at the game of bear-baiting. They
+are great drinkers, says Iago, 'most potent in potting; your Dane, your
+German, and your swag-bellied Hollander are nothing to your English'.
+They are epicures, says Macbeth. They will eat like wolves and fight
+like devils, says the Constable of France. An English nobleman,
+according to the Lady of Belmont, can speak no language but his own. An
+English tailor, according to the porter of Macbeth's castle, will steal
+cloth where there is hardly any cloth to be stolen, out of a French
+hose. The devil, says the clown in _All's Well_, has an English name; he
+is called the Black Prince.
+
+Nothing has been changed in this vein of humorous banter since
+Shakespeare died. One of the best pieces of Shakespeare criticism ever
+written is contained in four words of the present Poet Laureate's Ode
+for the Tercentenary of Shakespeare, 'London's laughter is thine'. The
+wit of our trenches in this war, especially perhaps among the Cockney
+and South country regiments, is pure Shakespeare. Falstaff would find
+himself at home there, and would recognize a brother in Old Bill.
+
+The best known of Shakespeare's allusions to England are no doubt those
+splendid outbursts of patriotism which occur in _King John_, and
+_Richard II,_ and _Henry V_. And of these the dying speech of John of
+Gaunt, in _Richard II_, is the deepest in feeling. It is a lament upon
+the decay of England, 'this dear, dear land'. Since we began to be a
+nation we have always lamented our decay. I am afraid that the Germans,
+whose self-esteem takes another form, were deceived by this. To the
+right English temper all bragging is a thing of evil omen. That temper
+is well expressed, where perhaps you would least expect to find it, in
+the speech of King Henry V to the French herald:
+
+ To say the sooth,--
+ Though 'tis no wisdom to confess so much
+ Unto an enemy of craft and vantage,--
+ My people are with sickness much enfeebled,
+ My numbers lessened, and those few I have
+ Almost no better than so many French;
+ Who, when they were in health, I tell thee, herald,
+ I thought upon one pair of English legs
+ Did march three Frenchmen. Yet, forgive me, God,
+ That I do brag thus! This your air of France
+ Hath blown that vice in me; I must repent.
+ Go therefore, tell thy master here I am:
+ My ransom is this frail and worthless trunk;
+ My army but a weak and sickly guard;
+ Yet, God before, tell him we will come on,
+ Though France himself and such another neighbour
+ Stand in our way. There's for thy labour, Montjoy.
+ Go bid thy master well advise himself:
+ If we may pass, we will; if we be hindered,
+ We shall your tawny ground with your red blood
+ Discolour; and so, Montjoy, fare you well.
+ The sum of all our answer is but this:
+ We would not seek a battle as we are;
+ Nor, as we are, we say we will not shun it;
+ So tell your master.
+
+That speech might have been written for the war which we are waging
+to-day against a less honourable enemy. But, indeed, Shakespeare is full
+of prophecy. Here is his description of the volunteers who flocked to
+the colours in the early days of the war:
+
+ Rash inconsiderate fiery voluntaries,
+ With ladies' faces and fierce dragons' spleens,
+ Have sold their fortunes at their native homes,
+ Bearing their birthrights proudly on their backs,
+ To make a hazard of new fortunes here.
+ In brief, a braver choice of dauntless spirits
+ Than now the English bottoms have waft o'er
+ Did never float upon the swelling tide.
+
+And here is his sermon on national unity, preached by the Bishop of
+Carlisle:
+
+ O, if you rear this house against this house,
+ It will the woefullest division prove
+ That ever fell upon this cursed earth.
+ Prevent it, resist it, let it not be so,
+ Lest child, child's children, cry against you 'Woe!'
+
+The patriotism of the women is described by the Bastard in _King John_:
+
+ Your own ladies and pale-visag'd maids
+ Like Amazons come tripping after drums:
+ Their thimbles into armed gauntlets change,
+ Their needles to lances, and their gentle hearts
+ To fierce and bloody inclination.
+
+Lastly, Queen Isabella's blessing, spoken over King Henry V and his
+French bride, predicts an enduring friendship between England and
+France:
+
+ As man and wife, being two, are one in love,
+ So be there 'twixt your kingdoms such a spousal,
+ That never may ill office, or fell jealousy,
+ Which troubles oft the bed of blessed marriage,
+ Thrust in between the paction of these kingdoms,
+ To make divorce of their incorporate league;
+ That English may as French, French Englishmen,
+ Receive each other! God speak this Amen!
+
+One of the delights of a literature as rich and as old as ours is that
+at every step we take backwards we find ourselves again. We are
+delivered from that foolish vein of thought, so dear to ignorant
+conceit, which degrades the past in order to exalt the present and the
+future. It is easy to feel ourselves superior to men who no longer
+breathe and walk, and whom we do not trouble to understand. Here is the
+real benefit of scholarship; it reduces men to kinship with their race.
+Science, pressing forward, and beating against the bars which guard the
+secrets of the future, has no such sympathy in its gift.
+
+Anyhow, in Shakespeare's time, England was already old England; which if
+she could ever cease to be, she might be Jerusalem, or Paradise, but
+would not be England at all. What Shakespeare and his fellows of the
+sixteenth century gave her was a new self-consciousness and a new
+self-confidence. They foraged in the past; they recognized themselves in
+their ancestors; they found feudal England, which had existed for many
+hundreds of years, a dumb thing; and when she did not know her own
+meaning, they endowed her purposes with words. They gave her a new
+delight in herself, a new sense of power and exhilaration, which has
+remained with her to this day, surviving all the airy philosophic
+theories of humanity which thought to supersede the old solid national
+temper. The English national temper is better fitted for traffic with
+the world than any mere doctrine can ever be, for it is marked by an
+immense tolerance. And this, too, Shakespeare has expressed. Falstaff is
+perhaps the most tolerant man who was ever made in God's image. But it
+is rather late in the day to introduce Falstaff to an English audience.
+Perhaps you will let me modernize a brief scene from Shakespeare,
+altering nothing essential, to illustrate how completely his spirit is
+the spirit of our troops in Flanders and France.
+
+A small British expeditionary force, bound on an international mission,
+finds itself stranded in an unknown country. The force is composed of
+men very various in rank and profession. Two of them, whom we may call
+a non-commissioned officer and a private, go exploring by themselves,
+and take one of the natives of the place prisoner. This native is an
+ugly low-born creature, of great physical strength and violent criminal
+tendencies, a liar, and ready at any time for theft, rape, and murder.
+He is a child of Nature, a lover of music, slavish in his devotion to
+power and rank, and very easily imposed upon by authority. His captors
+do not fear him, and, which is more, they do not dislike him. They found
+him lying out in a kind of no-man's land, drenched to the skin, so they
+determine to keep him as a souvenir, and to take him home with them.
+They nickname him, in friendly fashion, the monster, and the mooncalf,
+as who should say Fritz, or the Boche. But their first care is to give
+him a drink, and to make him swear allegiance upon the bottle. 'Where
+the devil should he learn our language?' says the non-commissioned
+officer, when the monster speaks. 'I will give him some relief, if it be
+but for that.' The prisoner then offers to kiss the foot of his captor.
+'I shall laugh myself to death', says the private, 'at this puppy-headed
+monster. A most scurvy monster! I could find in my heart to beat him,
+but that the poor monster's in drink.' When the private continues to
+rail at the monster, his officer calls him to order. 'Trinculo, keep a
+good tongue in your head: if you prove a mutineer, the next tree------
+The poor monster's my subject, and he shall not suffer indignity.'
+
+In this scene from _The Tempest_, everything is English except the
+names. The incident has been repeated many times in the last four years.
+'This is Bill,' one private said, introducing a German soldier to his
+company. 'He's my prisoner. I wounded him, and I took him, and where I
+go he goes. Come on, Bill, old man.' The Germans have known many
+failures since they began the War, but one failure is more tragic than
+all the rest. They love to be impressive, to produce a panic of
+apprehension and a thrill of reverence in their enemy; and they have
+completely failed to impress the ordinary British private. He remains
+incurably humorous, and so little moved to passion that his daily
+offices of kindness are hardly interrupted.
+
+Shakespeare's tolerance, which is no greater than the tolerance of the
+common English soldier, may be well seen in his treatment of his
+villains. Is a liar, or a thief, merely a bad man? Shakespeare does not
+much encourage you to think so. Is a murderer a bad man? He would be an
+undiscerning critic who should accept that phrase as a true and adequate
+description of Macbeth. Shakespeare does not dislike liars, thieves, and
+murderers as such, and he does not pretend to dislike them. He has his
+own dislikes. I once asked a friend of mine, long since dead, who
+refused to condemn almost anything, whether there were any vices that he
+could not find it in his heart to tolerate. He replied at once that
+there were two--cruelty, and bilking; which, if the word is not
+academic, I may paraphrase as cheating the helpless, swindling a child
+out of its pennies, or leaving a house by the back door in order to
+avoid paying your cabman his lawful fare. These exclusions from mercy
+Shakespeare would accept; and I think he would add a third. His worst
+villains are all theorists, who cheat and murder by the book of
+arithmetic. They are men of principle, and are ready to expound their
+principle and to defend it in argument. They follow it, without remorse
+or mitigation, wherever it leads them. It is Iago's logic that makes him
+so terrible; his mind is as cold as a snake and as hard as a surgeon's
+knife. The Italian Renaissance did produce some such men; the modern
+German imitation is a grosser and feebler thing, brutality trying to
+emulate the glitter and flourish of refined cruelty.
+
+With his wonderful quickness of intuition and his unsurpassed subtlety
+of expression Shakespeare drew the characters of the Englishmen that he
+saw around him. Why is it that he has given us no full-length portrait,
+carefully drawn, of a hypocrite? It can hardly have been for lack of
+models. Outside England, not only among our enemies, but among our
+friends and allies, it is agreed that hypocrisy is our national vice,
+our ruling passion. There must be some meaning in so widely held an
+opinion; and, on our side, there are damaging admissions by many
+witnesses. The portrait gallery of Charles Dickens is crowded with
+hypocrites. Some of them are greasy and servile, like Mr. Pumblechook or
+Uriah Heep; others rise to poetic heights of daring, like Mr. Chadband
+or Mr. Squeers. But Shakespeare's hypocrites enjoy themselves too much;
+they are artists to the finger-tips. It may be said, no doubt, that
+Shakespeare lived before organized religious dissent had developed a new
+type of character among the weaker brethren. But the Low Church
+Protestant, whom Shakespeare certainly knew, is not very different from
+the evangelical dissenter of later days; and he did not interest
+Shakespeare.
+
+My own impression is that Shakespeare had a free and happy childhood,
+and grew up without much check from his elders. It is the child who sees
+hypocrites. These preposterous grown-up people, who, if they are
+well-mannered, do not seem to enjoy their food, who are fussy about
+meaningless employments, and never give way to natural impulses, must
+surely assume this veil of decorum with intent to deceive. Charles
+Dickens was hard driven in his childhood, and the impressions that were
+then burnt into him governed all his seeing. The creative spirit in him
+transformed his sufferings into delight; but he never outgrew them; and,
+when he died, the eyes of a child were closed upon a scene touched, it
+is true, here and there with rapturous pleasure, rich in oddity, and
+trembling with pathos, but, in the main, as bleak and unsatisfying as
+the wards of a workhouse. The intense emotions of his childhood made the
+usual fervours of adolescence a faint thing in the comparison, and if
+you want to know how lovers think and feel you do not go to Dickens to
+tell you. You go to Shakespeare, who put his childhood behind him, so
+that he almost forgot it, and ran forward to seize life with both hands.
+He sometimes looked back on children, and saw them through the eyes of
+their elders. Dickens saw men and women as they appear to children.
+
+This comparison suggests a certain lack of sympathy or lack of
+understanding in those who are quick to see hypocrisy in others. In
+Dickens lack of sympathy was a fair revenge; moreover, his hypocrites
+amused him so much that he did not wish to understand them. What a loss
+it would have been to the world if he had explained them away! But it is
+difficult, I think, to see a hypocrite in a man whose intimacy you have
+cultivated, whose mind you have entered into, as Shakespeare entered
+into the mind of his creatures. Hypocrisy, in its ordinary forms, is a
+superficial thing--a skin disease, not a cancer. It is not easy, at
+best, to bring the outward and inward relations of the soul into perfect
+harmony; a hypocrite is one who too readily consents to their
+separation. The English, for I am ready now to return to my point, are a
+people of a divided mind, slow to drive anything through on principle,
+very ready to find reason in compromise. They are passionate, and they
+are idealists, but they are also a practical people, and they dare not
+give the rein to a passion or an idea. They know that in this world an
+unmitigated principle simply will not work; that a clean cut will never
+take you through the maze. So they restrain themselves, and listen, and
+seem patient. They are not so patient as they seem; they must be
+hypocrites! A cruder, simpler people like the Germans feel indignation,
+not unmixed perhaps with envy, when they hear the quiet voice and see
+the white lips of the thoroughbred Englishman who is angry. It is not
+manly or honest, they think, to be angry without getting red in the
+face. They certainly feel pride in their own honesty when they give
+explosive vent to their emotions. They have not learned the elements of
+self-distrust. The Englishman is seldom quite content to be himself;
+often his thoughts are troubled by something better. He suffers from the
+divided mind; and earns the reputation of a hypocrite. But the simpler
+nature that indulges itself and believes in itself has an even heavier
+penalty to pay. If, in the name of honesty, you cease to distinguish
+between what you are and what you would wish to be, between how you act
+and how you would like to act, you are in some danger of reeling back
+into the beast. It is true that man is an animal; and before long you
+feel a glow of conscious virtue in proclaiming and illustrating that
+truth. You scorn the hypocrisy of pretending to be better than you are,
+and that very scorn fixes you in what you are. 'He that is unjust, let
+him be unjust still; and he which is filthy, let him be filthy still.'
+That is the epitaph on German honesty. I have drifted away from
+Shakespeare, who knew nothing of the sea of troubles that England would
+one day take arms against, and who could not know that on that day she
+would outgo his most splendid praise and more than vindicate his
+reverence and his affection. But Shakespeare is still so live a mind
+that it is vain to try to expound him by selected texts, or to pin him
+to a mosaic of quotations from his book. Often, if you seek to know what
+he thought on questions which must have exercised his imagination, you
+can gather it only from a hint dropped by accident, and quite
+irrelevant. What were his views on literature, and on the literary
+controversies which have been agitated from his day to our own? He tells
+us very little. He must have heard discussions and arguments on metre,
+on classical precedent, on the ancient and modern drama; but he makes no
+mention of these questions. He does not seem to have attached any
+prophetic importance to poetry. The poets who exalt their craft are of a
+more slender build. Is it conceivable that he would have given his
+support to a literary academy,--a project which began to find advocates
+during his lifetime? I think not. It is true that he is full of good
+sense, and that an academy exists to promulgate good sense. Moreover his
+own free experiments brought him nearer and nearer into conformity with
+classical models. _Othello_ and _Macbeth_ are better constructed plays
+than _Hamlet_. The only one of his plays which, whether by chance or by
+design, observes the so-called unities, of action and time and place, is
+one of his latest plays--_The Tempest_. But he was an Englishman, and
+would have been jealous of his freedom and independence. When the
+grave-digger remarks that it is no great matter if Hamlet do not recover
+his wits in England, because there the men are as mad as he, the satire
+has a sympathetic ring in it. Shakespeare did not wish to see the mad
+English altered. Nor are they likely to alter; our fears and our hopes
+are vain. We entered on the greatest of our wars with an army no bigger,
+so we are told, than the Bulgarian army. Since that time we have
+regimented and organized our people, not without success; and our
+soothsayers are now directing our attention to the danger that after the
+war we shall be kept in uniform and shall become tame creatures, losing
+our independence and our spirit of enterprise. There is nothing that
+soothsayers will not predict when they are gravelled for lack of matter,
+but this is the stupidest of all their efforts. The national character
+is not so flimsy a thing; it has gone through good and evil fortune for
+hundreds of years without turning a hair. You can make a soldier, and a
+good soldier, of a humorist; but you cannot militarize him. He remains a
+free thinker.
+
+New institutions do not flourish in England. The town is a comparatively
+modern innovation; it has never, so to say, caught on. Most schemes of
+town-planning are schemes for pretending that you live in the country.
+This is one of the most persistent of our many hypocrisies. Wherever
+working people inhabit a street of continuous red-brick cottages, the
+names that they give to their homes are one long catalogue of romantic
+lies. The houses have no gardens, and the only prospect that they
+command is the view of over the way. But read their names--The Dingle,
+The Elms, Pine Grove, Windermere, The Nook, The Nest. Even social
+pretence, which is said to be one of our weaknesses, and which may be
+read in such names as Belvoir or Apsley House, is less in evidence than
+the Englishman's passion for the country. He cannot bear to think that
+he lives in a town. He does not much respect the institutions of a town.
+A policeman, before he has been long in the force, has to face the fact
+that he is generally regarded as a comic character. The police are
+Englishmen and good fellows, and they accept a situation which would
+rouse any continental gendarme to heroic indignation. Mayors, Aldermen,
+and Justices of the Peace are comic, and take it not quite so well.
+Beadles were so wholly dedicated to the purposes of comedy that I
+suppose they found their position unendurable and went to earth; at any
+rate it is very difficult to catch one in his official costume.
+
+All this is reflected in Shakespeare. He knew the country, and he knew
+the town; and he has not left it in doubt which was the cherished home
+of his imagination. He preferred the fields to the streets, but the
+Arcadia of his choice is not agricultural or even pastoral; it is rather
+a desert island, or the uninhabited stretches of wild and woodland
+country. Indeed, he has both described it and named it. 'Where will the
+old Duke live?' says Oliver in _As You Like It_. 'They say he is already
+in the forest of Arden,' says Charles the wrestler, 'and a many merry
+men with him; and there they live like the old Robin Hood of England.
+They say many young gentlemen flock to him every day, and fleet the time
+carelessly, as they did in the golden world.' That is Shakespeare's
+Arcadia; and who that has read _As You Like It_ will deny that it
+breathes the air of Paradise?
+
+It is quite plain that the freedom that Shakespeare valued was in fact
+freedom, not any of those ingenious mechanisms to which that name has
+been applied by political theorists. He thought long and profoundly on
+the problems of society; and anarchy has no place among his political
+ideals. It is by all means to be avoided--at a cost. But what harm would
+anarchy do if it meant no more than freedom for all the impulses of the
+enlightened imagination and the tender heart? The ideals of his heart
+were not political; and when he indulges himself, as he did in his
+latest plays, you must look for him in the wilds; whether on the road
+near the shepherd's cottage, or in the cave among the mountains of
+Wales, or on the seashore in the Bermudas. The laws that are imposed
+upon the intricate relations of men in society were a weariness to him;
+and in this he is thoroughly English. The Englishman has always been an
+objector, and he has a right to object, though it may very well be held
+that he is too fond of larding his objection with the plea of
+conscience. But even this has a meaning in our annals; as a mere
+question of right we are very slow to prefer the claim of the organized
+opinions of society to the claim of the individual conscience. We know
+that there is no good in a man who is doing what he does not will to do.
+We are not like our poets or our men of action to be void of
+inspiration. A gift is nothing if there is no benevolence in the giver:
+
+ For to the noble mind
+ Rich gifts wax poor when givers prove unkind.
+
+We ask for the impulse as well as the deed. Even when he is speaking of
+social obligations Shakespeare makes his strongest appeal not to force
+or command, but to the natural piety of the heart:
+
+ If ever you have looked on better days,
+ If ever been where bells have knolled to church,
+ If ever sat at any good man's feast,
+ If ever from your eyelids wiped a tear,
+ And know what 'tis to pity and be pitied,
+ Let gentleness my strong enforcement be:
+ In the which hope I blush, and hide my sword.
+
+So speaks Orlando when the Duke has met his threats with fair words;
+and he adds an apology:
+
+ Pardon me, I pray you;
+ I thought that all things had been savage here,
+ And therefore put I on the countenance
+ Of stern commandment.
+
+The ultimate law between man and man, according to Shakespeare, is the
+law of pity. I suppose that most of us have had our ears so dulled by
+early familiarity with Portia's famous speech, which we probably knew by
+heart long before we were fit to understand it, that the heavenly
+quality of it, equal to almost anything in the New Testament, is
+obscured and lost. There is no remedy but to read it again; to remember
+that it was conceived in passion; and to notice how the meaning is
+raised and perfected as line follows line:
+
+ _Portia_. Then must the Jew be merciful.
+
+ _Shylock_. On what compulsion must I? Tell me that.
+
+ _Portia_. The quality of mercy is not strained.
+ It droppeth as the gentle rain from heaven
+ Upon the place beneath; it is twice bless'd;
+ It blesseth him that gives and him that takes:
+ 'Tis mightiest in the mightiest; it becomes
+ The throned monarch better than his crown.
+ His sceptre shows the force of temporal power,
+ The attribute to awe and majesty,
+ Wherein doth sit the dread and fear of kings;
+ But mercy is above this sceptred sway,
+ It is enthroned in the hearts of kings,
+ It is an attribute to God himself,
+ And earthly power doth then show likest God's
+ When mercy seasons justice. Therefore, Jew,
+ Though justice be thy plea, consider this,
+ That in the course of justice none of us
+ Should see salvation: we do pray for mercy,
+ And that same prayer doth teach us all to render
+ The deeds of mercy.
+
+That speech rises above the strife of nations; it belongs to humanity.
+But an Englishman wrote it; and the author, we may be sure, if he ever
+met with the doctrine that a man who is called on to help his own people
+is in duty bound to set aside the claims of humanity, and to stop his
+ears to the call of mercy, knew that the doctrine is an invention of the
+devil, stupid and angry, as the devil commonly is. There are hundreds of
+thousands of Englishmen who, though they could not have written the
+speech, yet know all that it teaches, and act on the knowledge. It is
+part of the creed of the Navy. We can speak more confidently than we
+could have spoken three or four years ago. We know that not the
+extremest pressure of circumstance could ever bring the people of
+England to forget all the natural pieties, to permit official duties to
+annul private charities, and to join in the frenzied dance of hate and
+lust which leads to the mouth of the pit.
+
+Yet Germany, where all this seems to have happened, was not very long
+ago a country where it was easy to find humanity, and simplicity, and
+kindness. It was a country of quiet industry and content, the home of
+fairy stories, which Shakespeare himself would have loved. The Germans
+of our day have made a religion of war and terror, and have used
+commerce as a means for the treacherous destruction of the independence
+and freedom of others. They were not always like that. In the fifteenth
+century they spread the art of printing through Europe, for the service
+of man, by the method of peaceful penetration. My friend Mr. John
+Sampson recently expressed to me a hope that our air-forces would not
+bomb Mainz, 'for Mainz', he said, 'is a sacred place to the
+bibliographer'. According to a statement published in Cologne in 1499,
+'the highly valuable art of printing was invented first of all in
+Germany at Mainz on the Rhine. And it is a great honour to the German
+nation that such ingenious men are to be found among them....And in the
+year of our Lord 1450 it was a golden year, and they began to print, and
+the first book they printed was the Bible in Latin: it was printed in a
+large character, resembling the types with which the present mass-books
+are printed.' Gutenberg, the printer of this Bible, never mentions his
+own name, and the only personal note we have of his, in the colophon of
+the _Catholicon_, printed in 1460, is a hymn in praise of his city:
+'With the aid of the Most High, who unlooses the tongues of infants and
+oft-times reveals to babes that which is hidden from learned men, this
+admirable book, the _Catholicon_, was finished in the year of the
+incarnation of our Saviour MCCCCLX, in the foster town of Mainz, a town
+of the famous German nation, which God in his clemency, by granting to
+it this high illumination of the mind, has preferred before the other
+nations of the world.'
+
+There is something not quite unlike modern Germany in that; and yet
+these older activities of the Germans make a strange contrast with their
+work to-day. It was in the city of Cologne that Caxton first made
+acquaintance with his craft. Everywhere the Germans spread printing like
+a new religion, adapting it to existing conditions. In Bavaria they used
+the skill of the wood-engravers, and at Augsburg, Ulm, and Nuremberg
+produced the first illustrated printed books. It was two Germans of the
+old school, Conrad Sweynheym and Arnold Pannartz, who carried the art to
+Italy, casting the first type in Roman characters, and printing editions
+of the classics, first in the Benedictine monastery of St. Scholastica
+at Subiaco, and later at Rome. They also cast the first Greek type. It
+was three Germans, Gering, Kranz, and Freyburger, who first printed at
+Paris, in 1470. It was a German who set up the first printing-press in
+Spain, in 1474. The Germans were once the cherishers, as now they are
+the destroyers, of the inheritance of civilization. I do not pretend to
+explain the change. Perhaps it is a tragedy of education. That is a
+dangerous moment in the life of a child when he begins to be uneasily
+aware that he is valued for his simplicity and innocence. Then he
+resolves to break with the past, to put away childish things, to forgo
+affection, and to earn respect by imitating the activities of his
+elders. The strange power of words and the virtues of abstract thought
+begin to fascinate him. He loses touch with the things of sense, and
+ceases to speak as a child. If his first attempts at argument and dogma
+win him praise and esteem, if he proves himself a better fighter than an
+older boy next door, who has often bullied him, and if at the same time
+he comes into money, he is on the road to ruin. His very simplicity is a
+snare to him. 'What a fool I was', he thinks, 'to let myself be put
+upon; I now see that I am a great philosopher and a splendid soldier,
+born to subdue others rather than to agree with them, and entitled to a
+chief share in all the luxuries of the world. It is for me to say what
+is good and true, and if any of these people contradict me I shall knock
+them down.' He suits his behaviour to his new conception of himself, and
+is soon hated by all the neighbours. Then he turns bitter. These people,
+he thinks, are all in a plot against him. They must be blind to goodness
+and beauty, or why do they dislike him! His rage reaches the point of
+madness; he stabs and poisons the villagers, and burns down their
+houses. We are still waiting to see what will become of him.
+
+This outbreak has been long preparing. Seventy years before the War the
+German poet Freiligrath wrote a poem to prove that Germany is Hamlet,
+urged by the spirit of her fathers to claim her inheritance, vacillating
+and lost in thought, but destined, before the Fifth Act ends, to strew
+the stage with the corpses of her enemies. Only a German could have hit
+on the idea that Germany is Hamlet. The English, for whom the play was
+written, know that Hamlet is Hamlet, and that Shakespeare was thinking
+of a young man, not of the pomposities of national ambition. But if
+these clumsy allegories must be imposed upon great poets, Germany need
+not go abroad to seek the likeness of her destiny. Germany is Faust; she
+desired science and power and pleasure, and to get them on a short lease
+she paid the price of her soul.
+
+For the present, at any rate, the best thing the Germans can do with
+Shakespeare is to leave him alone. They have divorced themselves from
+their own great poets, to follow vulgar half-witted political prophets.
+As for Shakespeare, they have studied him assiduously, with the complete
+apparatus of criticism, for a hundred years, and they do not understand
+the plainest words of all his teaching.
+
+In England he has always been understood; and it is only fair, to him
+and to ourselves, to add that he has never been regarded first and
+foremost as a national poet. His humanity is too calm and broad to
+suffer the prejudices and exclusions of international enmities. The
+sovereignty that he holds has been allowed to him by men of all parties.
+The schools of literature have, from the very first, united in his
+praise. Ben Jonson, who knew him and loved him, was a classical scholar,
+and disapproved of some of his romantic escapades, yet no one will ever
+outgo Ben Jonson's praise of Shakespeare.
+
+ Triumph, my Britain, thou hast one to show,
+ To whom all Scenes of Europe homage owe.
+ He was not-of an ago, but for all time!
+
+The sects of religion forget their disputes and recognize the spirit of
+religion in this profane author. He cannot be identified with any
+institution. According to the old saying, he gave up the Church and took
+to religion. Ho gave up the State, and took to humanity. The formularies
+and breviaries to which political and religious philosophers profess
+their allegiance were nothing to him. These formularies are a convenient
+shorthand, to save the trouble of thinking. But Shakespeare always
+thought. Every question that he treats is brought out of the realm of
+abstraction, and exhibited in its relation to daily life and the minds
+and hearts of men. He could never have been satisfied with such a smug
+phrase as 'the greatest happiness of the greatest number'. His mind
+would have been eager for details. In what do the greatest number find
+their happiness? How far is the happiness of one consistent with the
+happiness of another? What difficulties and miscarriages attend the
+business of transmuting the recognized materials for happiness into
+living human joy? Even these questions he would not have been content to
+handle in high philosophic fashion; he would have insisted on instances,
+and would have subscribed to no code that is not carefully built out of
+case-law. He knew that sanity is in the life of the senses; and that if
+there are some philosophers who are not mad it is because they live a
+double life, and have consolations and resources of which their books
+tell you nothing. It is the part of their life which they do not think
+it worth their while to mention that would have interested Shakespeare.
+He loves to reduce things to their elements. 'Is man no more than this?'
+says the old king on the heath, as he gazes on the naked madman.
+'Consider him well. Thou owest the worm no silk, the beast no hide, the
+sheep no wool, the cat no perfume. Ha! here's three of us are
+sophisticated! Thou art the thing itself: unaccommodated man is no more
+but such a poor, bare, forked animal as thou art. Off, off, you
+lendings!' That is how Shakespeare lays the mind of man bare, and strips
+him of his pretences, to try if he be indeed noble. And he finds that
+man, naked and weak, hunted by misfortune, liable to all the sins and
+all the evils that follow frailty, still has faith left to him, and
+charity. King Lear is still every inch a king.
+
+That is not a little discovery, for when his mind came to grips with
+human life Shakespeare did not deal in rhetoric; so that the good he
+finds is real good--''tis in grain; 'twill endure wind and weather'.
+Nothing is easier than to make a party of humanity, and to exalt mankind
+by ignorantly vilifying the rest of the animal creation, which is full
+of strange virtues and abilities. Shakespeare refused that way; he saw
+man weak and wretched, not able to maintain himself except as a
+pensioner on the bounty of the world, curiously ignorant of his nature
+and his destiny, yet endowed with certain gifts in which he can find
+sustenance and rest, brave by instinct, so that courage is not so much
+his virtue as cowardice is his lamentable and exceptional fault, ready
+to forget his pains or to turn them into pleasures by the alchemy of his
+mind, quick to believe, and slow to suspect or distrust, generous and
+tender to others, in so far as his thought and imagination, which are
+the weakest things about him, enable him to bridge the spaces that
+separate man from man, willing to make of life a great thing while he
+has it, and a little thing when he comes to lose it. These are some of
+his gifts; and Shakespeare would not have denied the saying of a thinker
+with whom he has no very strong or natural affinity, that 'the greatest
+of these is charity'.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of England and the War, by Walter Raleigh
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